04 December 2023
Sicherung, Aktivierung, Verbannung
Was verbindet die Bürgergeldreform mit der neuen migrationspolitischen Härte der Ampelregierung? Inwiefern ziehen die Kindergrundsicherung, das Selbstbestimmungsgesetz und die Neuregelung der Einwanderung von Fachkräften an einem Strang? Die vielfachen Gesetzesvorhaben der Bundesregierung erscheinen auf den ersten Blick unübersichtlich, unzusammenhängend, wenig weitreichend oder völlig überzogen. In der von multiplen Krisen geschüttelten Legislaturperiode seit 2021 leitete die Regierung unter anderem Reformen der Sozial- und Familiengesetzgebung (Bürgergeld, Kindergrundsicherung), Migrationspolitik (Fachkräfteeinwanderungs-, Staatsangehörigkeits- und Rückführungsverbesserungsgesetz) und der Geschlechterpolitik (Selbstbestimmungsgesetz) ein. In diesem Artikel diskutiere ich die oft getrennt voneinander betrachteten Reformen gemeinsam. Continue reading >>
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01 December 2023
Prämie auf die Macht
Die CDU-Fraktion im Berliner Abgeordnetenhaus möchte, dass die Berliner Regierung eine Volksbefragung zur (Teil-)Bebauung des Tempelhofer Feldes initiiert. Sie soll dazu dienen, entgegen dem Volksentscheid von 2014, in dem sich die BerlinerInnen mehrheitlich für ein Bauverbot ausgesprochen hatten, nunmehr doch eine Bebauung durchzuführen. Für Regierungen ist die Versuchung, nach solchen Volksbefragungen zu greifen, offenbar sehr groß. Sie versuchen es immer wieder. Dennoch: Solche Volksbefragungen sind aus verfassungspolitischen und verfassungsrechtlichen Gründen abzulehnen. Continue reading >>Das völkerrechtliche Streikrecht vor dem IGH
Lässt sich aus dem Übereinkommen über die Vereinigungsfreiheit und den Schutz des Vereinigungsrechts der Internationalen Arbeitsorganisation (IAO) ein Streikrecht ableiten? Diese Frage hat die IAO am 10. November 2023 an den IGH gerichtet. Wie der IGH die Frage beurteilt, hat über das Arbeitsvölkerrecht hinaus grundlegende Bedeutung für das Recht der internationalen Organisationen, die internationale Streitbeilegung und nicht zuletzt auch für die verfassungsrechtliche Interpretation der Koalitionsfreiheit (Art. 9 Abs. 3 GG) und des Streikrechts in Deutschland und weltweit. Continue reading >>
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Im staatsorganisationsrechtlichen Reallabor
Nicht nur auf Bundesebene gibt es Streit ums Geld. Im Vorfeld der Haushaltsberatungen in Thüringen werden nun Gedankenspiele laut, die Verabschiedung des Haushalts mit der Vertrauensfrage zu verknüpfen, um eine Mehrheitsentscheidung zu erzwingen. Spätestens wenn CDU, FDP und AfD gegen die Stimmen der Minderheitsregierung einen Gegenhaushalt durchsetzen, würde sich Ministerpräsident Ramelow wohl genötigt sehen, die Vertrauensfrage zu stellen. Was passiert dann? Continue reading >>
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A Borderline Case
On 28 November 2023, Finland decided to close all its land border crossing stations to Russia due to the latter's apparent instrumentalization of migrants. That a foreign power, which conducts war elsewhere in Europe, directly engages in unfriendly acts against the EU’s (as well as NATO’s) eastern flank highlights the issues of national security involved. The situation is part of a broader European dilemma but presents certain idiosyncracies. How is an EU Member State such as Finland, respectful of the rule of law, to respond to such unfriendly acts which intrumentalize the vulnerable position of asylum seekers whose rights must, in principle, be observed at all times? This brief post addresses some of the legal issues involved in the currently unfolding situation. Continue reading >>
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30 November 2023
Vertrauen ist gut, verfassungsrechtliche Kodifizierung ist besser
In seinem Artikel „In schlechter Verfassung“ in der ZEIT vom 16. November 2023 äußert der ehemalige Bundesverfassungsgerichtspräsident Andreas Voßkuhle seine Skepsis gegenüber Vorschlägen, die im Bundesverfassungsgerichtsgesetz (BVerfGG) geregelte Unabhängigkeit und Funktionsfähigkeit des Bundesverfassungsgerichts (BVerfG) im Grundgesetz (GG) zu verankern. Für Voßkuhle erscheint die Situation in Deutschland im Vergleich zu Ländern wie Ungarn, Polen, den USA oder Israel, in denen Verfassungsgerichte attackiert und entmachtet werden, „noch einigermaßen gefestigt“. Doch dieser Anschein könnte sich schneller als gedacht als trügerisch erweisen. Die fehlende verfassungstextliche Konkretisierung von Struktur, Arbeitsweise und Zusammensetzung des höchsten deutschen Gerichts bietet auch hierzulande ein Einfallstor für politische Angriffe und Kaperungsversuche. Continue reading >>Rechtsbruch im Klimaschutz
Heute hat der 11. Senat des OVG Berlin-Brandenburg die Bundesregierung dazu verurteilt, ein Sofortprogramm für den Klimaschutz gem. § 8 Abs. 2 S. 1, S. 2 i.V.m. § 8 Abs. 1 Bundes-Klimaschutzgesetz (KSG) zu erlassen. Wieder braucht es ein Gericht, damit gesetzlich vorgeschriebene Klimaschutzmaßnahmen auch ergriffen werden. Und dies, obwohl eine Klage auf Erlass des Programms im Gesetz eigentlich gar nicht vorgesehen ist. Das Urteil schafft damit einen ebenso wichtigen wie überfälligen justiziablen Mechanismus für eine effektive Nachsteuerung bei Zielverfehlungen im Klimaschutz. Auch wenn im Lichte der anstehenden KSG-Novelle unklar ist, ob das Urteil tatsächliche Wirkungen entfalten wird, setzt es ein wichtiges Signal für mehr Rechtsdurchsetzung im Klimaschutzrecht. Continue reading >>Einseitig besetzte Gerichte
In Polen ist die am 15. Oktober gewählte neue Parlamentsmehrheit nicht nur mit einem von der PiS ins Amt gebrachten Staatspräsidenten konfrontiert, der ihr das Leben schwer machen kann, sondern auch mit einem Verfassungsgericht, das inzwischen von lauter unter der Ägide der PiS gewählten Richtern besetzt ist. Die Schwierigkeiten rechtsstaatlicher Bewältigung der Rechtsstaatswidrigkeiten, die sich seit 2010 in der polnischen Justiz und speziell auch beim polnischen Verfassungsgerichtshof aufgetürmt haben, lenken den Blick auf ein zugrundeliegendes Kernproblem, das nicht nur in Polen zu besichtigen ist, und auch sonst nicht nur in Staaten, die von wirklich demokratischen und rechtsstaatlichen Verhältnissen noch oder wieder weit entfernt sind: Das Problem politisch einseitig besetzter Verfassungsgerichte. Continue reading >>28 November 2023
‘Steadfast and Unreserved’
On 24 November 2023, the Barcelona City Council passed a resolution, suspending diplomatic ties with Israel, until a permanent ceasefire is established. While this may not reflect the stance of the Spanish government, it has nevertheless condemned ‘the indiscriminate killing of innocent civilians’. As more EU States (such as Belgium, France, and Ireland) have raised their concerns regarding Israel’s continuous military operations in Gaza, Germany has remained steadfast in its ‘unwavering’ and ‘unreserved’ support for Israel. To the extent that Israel has failed to comply with international humanitarian law (IHL), Germany’s position might amount to a breach of its obligation under common Article 1 (CA1) of the 1949 Geneva Conventions (GC) to ‘ensure respect’ for IHL. While this obligation is incumbent on all States parties to the GC, this post focuses on Germany due to its particularly affirmative position with respect to Israel’s conduct. Continue reading >>Machado vs. the Goliath Chavista
On October 27, María Corina Machado, was declared the winner of the presidential primary elections organized by the National Commission, a civil society association. With more than 92% of the votes, she has become the new face of the Venezuelan opposition. Despite having popular support, her ability to run for the presidency in 2024 is in doubt. Since June 2023, the political ban she was once subject to in 2015 has been extended for fifteen years, which the Venezuelan Supreme Tribunal of Justice (STJ) confirmed on October 30 following an electoral administrative appeal by the pro-government parliamentarian Brito Rodríguez. This blog details why Machado’s disqualification violates Venezuela’s constitution and should be seen as Maduro’s latest attempt to obstruct the holding of free and fair elections in 2024. Continue reading >>
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Dutch Rule of Law Alert
It is never a good sign when Viktor Orbán celebrates the election results of another country. Last Wednesday was one of those days. For the first time in the history of Dutch politics, a far-right party became by far the biggest party in the Dutch parliament. It is bad news in many respects, and even more, because the Dutch constitutional system knows a lack of formal rule of law safeguards. In contrast to countries such as Italy or Germany, the Dutch constitutional system is not prepared for a democratic move to the anti-liberal far right. Continue reading >>Prize and Premiership
Since the beginning of November, Italy has been discussing a constitutional reform that aims to radically change the Italian governmental system. The bill provides that the Prime Minister (more correctly: the President of the Council of Ministers) is elected by universal suffrage in a popular vote concurrent with the Chamber of Deputies and Senate elections. This move is often referred to in journalism as ‘Premiership’ (Premierato). n this post, I would like to focus less on the characteristics of the alleged ‘Premiership’ and more on the attempt to incorporate detailed electoral rules into the constitution. First, a brief history of the ‘majority prize’ will help the reader to better understand the context in which this reform was born. This will be followed by a critique of the proposal to enshrine the ‘majority prize’ in the constitution. I argue that, as currently drafted, the reform bill risks leading to an unconstitutional constitutional amendment. Continue reading >>27 November 2023
Sprachrohr für zwei Seiten
Der Trend geht zu parlamentarischen Polizeibeauftragten. Nachdem bereits acht Bundesländer derartige Stellen geschaffen haben, legen die Ampel-Fraktionen nun den Gesetzesentwurf für eine:n Polizeibeauftragte:n beim Deutschen Bundestag vor. Vor dem Hintergrund, dass Deutschland seit Jahrzehnten massive institutionelle Defizite bei der unabhängigen und menschenrechtskonformen Aufarbeitung von polizeilichem Fehlverhalten hat, ist die Initiative überfällig. In seiner derzeitigen Ausgestaltung wird der:die Polizeibeauftragte des Bundestags diese Erwartungen nur begrenzt erfüllen können. Continue reading >>
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Constitutionalizing the right to abortion is not political opportunism
Recently, Baptiste Charvin wrote on this blog that the right to abortion has become the subject of political instrumentalization in France. In his view, it illustrates a general phenomenon of 'constitutional desacralization' and underlines the division the French people are experiencing, 'despite being governed by a Constitution that enshrines a set of values that should be shared by all.' I argue that the French parliamentary debate on the right to abortion is anything but a phenomenon of recent political opportunism. Instead, it reflects – for once – a majority opinion, not the division of French society. Continue reading >>
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26 November 2023
Change for the Sake of Change
On 19 November 2023, Argentinian citizens voted in a run-off election between Sergio Massa, the current Minister of Economy, and Javier Milei, the libertarian candidate, to elect the president of the Republic for the next four years. With a difference of 11%, Milei, an anarcho-libertarian and anti-caste populist, won over the populist alternative of the Peronist apparatus. The result of the elections means that 40 years after the restoration of democracy, the extreme right has come back into power in Argentina. In this blog, we offer an explanation of Milei's electoral win and map how Argentina's constitutional institutions might help reign in some of his more radical proposals. Continue reading >>24 November 2023
Verfassungswidrige Sprachverbote
In Hessen haben sich CDU und SPD für ihre Koalitionsverhandlungen auf ein Eckpunktepapier geeinigt, in dem sie auch ankündigen festzuschreiben, „dass in staatlichen und öffentlich-rechtlichen Institutionen (wie Schulen, Universitäten, Rundfunk) auf das Gendern mit Sonderzeichen verzichtet wird und eine Orientierung am Rat der deutschen Sprache erfolgt“. Gemeint ist damit ein Verbot geschlechtergerechter Sprache nicht nur für Schulen, sondern auch für grundrechtsberechtigte (und ‑verpflichtete) Körperschaften und Anstalten des öffentlichen Rechts. Ein solches Verbot wäre offensichtlich verfassungswidrig – doch seine Ankündigung bringt politischen Profit. Continue reading >>23 November 2023
The Individual Application Mechanism is on the Verge of Collapse, and so is Turkish Constitutionalism
Turkey is plunged into yet another profound judicial crisis as the Turkish Constitutional Court (TCC) and the Turkish Court of Cassation (Yargıtay) lock horns over the fate of an imprisoned opposition politician. While two earlier posts published on Verfassungsblog have already meticulously dissected this unfolding judicial drama (here and here), we aim to invigorate the debate with a fresh vantage point. In this piece, we will narrow the focus to one key actor: the TCC. More particularly, we will delve into the implications this evolving judicial crisis holds for the future of the TCC's individual application mechanism. Continue reading >>
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An Unholy Relic in the Greek Constitution? On the Peculiar Obsolescence of Article 3 para. 3
On a constant basis, church-state relations are a prominent topic in the Greek news. Currently, the new leader of the main opposition party repeatedly emphasizes that he strives to advance “church-state separation.” As far as the desiderata for constitutional reform are concerned, relevant discussions usually centre on Article 3 para. 1 of the Greek Constitution (cited as “Article 3,” but usually referring particularly to Article 3 para. 1), which defines the Orthodox Church as “the prevailing religion in Greece”. Often, yet to a lesser extent, debates focus on Article 16 para. 2, which lists “the development of [...] religious consciousness” as one of the goals of school education. Still rarer, the debates cite Article 105 dealing with the monastic communities of Mount Athos. Surprisingly, Article 3 para. 3 of the Greek Constitution is barely ever brought up in the debates. Yet, precisely this paragraph could – rather uncontroversially – be labelled as utterly peculiar and, above that, obsolete. Continue reading >>Systemwechsel im Wehrdienstrecht
Am 17. November 2023 hat der Bundestag ein Gesetz „zur Beschleunigung der Entfernung von verfassungsfeindlichen Soldatinnen und Soldaten aus der Bundeswehr“ beschlossen. Dieses Gesetz setzt zusammen mit dem gleichgelagerten Gesetzesbeschluss zur Beschleunigung von Disziplinarverfahren in der Bundesverwaltung das Koalitionsversprechen der Ampel um, Verfassungsfeinde schneller als bisher aus dem Öffentlichen Dienst und damit auch aus der Bundeswehr zu entlassen, nämlich durch Verwaltungsakt statt durch Disziplinarklage. Formal ist dieser Systemwechsel vom Richtervorbehalt zur Dienstherrenentlassung im Soldatenrecht verfassungsrechtlich unbedenklich. Continue reading >>
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Ein Zeugnis mit bitterer Note
Mit Urteil vom 22.11.2023 hat das Bundesverfassungsgericht entschieden: Vermerke im Abiturzeugnis darüber, dass die Rechtschreibleistungen von Schüler*innen aufgrund einer Legasthenie nicht bewertet wurden, sind weitestgehend zulässig. Die Entscheidung enthält eine Vielzahl beachtenswerter Aussagen über den Begriff der Behinderung, die Bedeutung der Schulbildung im Allgemeinen und der Rechtschreibung im Besonderen und Zeugnistransparenz als Mittel zur Durchsetzung von Chancengleichheit, die nicht alle im Folgenden vollständig beleuchtet werden können. Ich möchte aber aufzeigen, wo der vom Bundesverfassungsgericht entwickelte Maßstab für die „Zeugniswahrheit“ dem Interesse, Ungleichheiten auszugleichen, zuwider läuft. Continue reading >>22 November 2023
Deregulating Legal Gender in the Shadow of Social Ascription
On 23 August 2023, the German government published a bill on Gender Self-Determination (hereinafter also referred to as SBGG-E). The bill is currently under debate before the German parliament (Bundestag) and is subject to heated socio-political debate. Its primary objective consists of deregulating the conditions for altering and deleting the gender entry provided by the German Civil Status Act. Aside from a strong commitment to deregulating legal gender (Section 1 SBGG-E), the bill sets boundaries and conditions for gender recognition. While some appear self-explanatory, others are infused by what I will hereinafter refer to as the ‘logic of social ascription’. Continue reading >>21 November 2023
Limited Success
On 11.11 Australia and Tuvalu concluded a treaty on establishing the ‘Falepili Union,’ which deals with three pressing matters (art.1): climate change adaptation, collective security, and a new human mobility pathway. Hailed as ‘groundbreaking’, and ‘the most significant Pacific agreement in history,’ the Treaty certainly constitutes a profound step forward in building climate-resilient international relations, especially with its contributions to international migration law and international law on statehood. However, it also falls short in several instances, especially in fully respecting Tuvaluan equality in relation to Australia. Continue reading >>
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Why are illiberal monuments legally possible? Some insights from Bosnia and Herzegovina
After unveiling a monument to the genocide denier Peter Handke a few years ago, local authorities in Banja Luka – the largest city of Bosnia’s Serb-dominated Republika Srpska entity – are now building a massive monument to the soldiers of the Bosnian Serb Army (VRS) who died in the war of 1992–95. The memorial site in Banja Luka is not the first dedicated to the VRS. On the contrary, it follows the example of other towns and municipalities in the Serb-dominated areas. Together, they form an illiberal politics of remembrance developed by Bosnia, and especially Republika Srpska, since the end of the war in the 1990s. This memory politics is marked by the denial of war atrocities and the glorification of war criminals. The ongoing construction of the monument in Banja Luka shows that, almost thirty years after the conflict, there is a need to establish a new and comprehensive legal framework for memorialization in Bosnia. In essence, memorialization should be aligned with human rights and enable the development of a democratic culture. To achieve this twofold goal, constitutional and legislative reforms are needed. Continue reading >>
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20 November 2023
Supreme Judgecraft
In R (on the application of AAA (Syria) and others) the UK Supreme Court held that the Secretary of State’s policy to remove protection seekers to Rwanda was unlawful. Rwanda is not, at present, a safe third country. There are, the Supreme Court found, “substantial grounds for believing that there is a real risk that asylum claims will not be determined properly, and that asylum seekers will in consequence be at risk of being returned directly or indirectly to their country of origin.” Should this occur “refugees will face a real risk of ill-treatment in circumstances where they should not have been returned at all.” We argue that the Supreme Court’s legal reasoning and evidential assessment are both impeccable, applying legal principles that are well-embedded in international and domestic law to very clear evidence. However, the UK government’s responses are deeply troubling, from the perspectives of refugee protection, international legality, and the rule of law in the UK. Continue reading >>
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19 November 2023
Undermining the Energy Transition
Australia is confronted with three multi-billion dollar investment treaty claims from a mining company. The basis for two of the claims is a judgment from the Queensland Land Court, in which the court recommended that no mining lease and environmental authority should be granted to a subsidiary of the claimant for its coal mine. The investment treaty arbitration serves as another illustration of how the international investment protection system poses a threat to an urgent and just energy transition. In this blog post, I explain the background of the investment treaty claim, the decision of the Queensland Land Court, and argue that the Court’s decision is an important precedent for the connection between coal, climate change, and human rights. Continue reading >>
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Magical Thinking and Obsessive Desires
Two days before the UK Supreme Court declared the government’s Rwanda policy unlawful, PM Rishi Sunak rid himself of his Home Secretary, Suella Braverman. The sacking, the ruling, and the aftermath demonstrate both a key division in the Conservative Party and illustrate the choice it faces on the kind of politics it will promote after the next election: socially liberal technocratic nationalism (the Sunak option) or illiberal ‘culture war’ nationalism (the Braverman faction). The Supreme Court’s judgment raises the stakes in this conflict because its grounds for ruling the Rwanda Plan unlawful appear to provide ammunition for the radical illiberal wing of the Conservative Party. Continue reading >>
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17 November 2023
Defeat in the Supreme Court
On 15 November 2023, the UK Supreme Court (UKSC) unanimously declared the government’s policy of removing some asylum seekers to Rwanda to process their claims unlawful. Like the Court of Appeal, it found substantial grounds for believing that asylum seekers would face a real risk of ill-treatment because of insufficient guarantees against refoulement. This post explores the origin and significance of the UKSC judgment and the legal and policy implications of the UK government’s immediate response to it. Continue reading >>
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Der alte Wunsch nach einfachen Lösungen
Die Unionsfraktion des Bundestages hat am 7. November ein Positionspapier mit dem Titel „Menschenunwürdige Zustände in der Prostitution beenden – Sexkauf bestrafen“ verabschiedet, in welchem sie vorschlägt, in Deutschland das sog. Nordische Modell einzuführen und den Kauf sexueller Dienstleistungen prinzipiell zu kriminalisieren. Derartige politische Forderungen häufen sich auf nationaler und europäischer Ebene. Doch die von der Union behaupteten Zahlen zu Umfang und Struktur der Prostitution in Deutschland sind spekulativ und die Forderungen hypokritisch. Sie blenden relevante Facetten und Akteure aus und ignorieren verfassungsrechtliche wie dogmatische Probleme. Continue reading >>16 November 2023
Is France Desacralizing its Constitution?
From 2002 to the present day, hundreds of constitutional bills have been proposed by delegates in Parliament, with forty of them being introduced within a year following the renewal of the Assemblée Nationale after the 2022 legislative elections. Each bill contains unique and far-reaching provisions. The proposals illustrate a shift within secondary constituent power, which no longer perceives the Constitution as a sacred text, the supreme standard of the French legal order, but as a wish list, and as an object of political communication subject to trivial media considerations. Continue reading >>
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Mikropolitik des Rechtsrucks
„Wir müssen endlich im großen Stil abschieben“. Diese Aussage, wirkmächtig platziert auf dem Spiegel-Cover vom 21. Oktober 2023, stammt nicht von einem oder einer derjenigen Politiker:innen, von denen es unmittelbar zu erwarten gewesen wäre. Obwohl Forderungen nach Abschiebungen im „großen Stil“ eigentlich eine klare politische Heimat am rechten Rand haben, stammt sie von einem Sozialdemokraten, Olaf Scholz. Für viele Beobachter:innen aus den Rechts- und Sozialwissenschaften kommt dieses Spiegel-Cover dennoch nicht überraschend, sondern fügt sich nahtlos ein in die Chronologie des Rechtsrucks der deutschen Politik und Gesellschaft. Continue reading >>Paving the Way to Autocracy?
On November 3, 2023, the Italian Council of Ministers approved a Bill to amend the Constitution, encapsulating what Giorgia Meloni’s Cabinet advertises as a measure to enhance executive stability and streamline policy implementation for medium to long-term objectives. The real goal appears to be cementing the Prime Minister’s grip on power after general elections, as evidenced by the intention to enshrine the majority bonus in the Constitution. Yet, from a constitutional law perspective, the majority bonus raises a fundamental issue related to how the Italian Constitutional Court interprets the eternity clause in the Constitution. Continue reading >>
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15 November 2023
Between Recalibration and Distortion
In its current form, the project to change the form of government that the Italian government headed by Ms Giorgia Meloni is preparing to present to the Senate seems difficult to accept. The project claims to address the issue of unstable and short-term cabinets in Italy (65 in 75 years, one every 12 months from 1948 through 1994 when a new electoral law was applied; still one every 21 months thereafter). Unfortunately, it is both poorly drafted and contains contradictions that make it not only impracticable but of dubious functionality with respect to the very objectives it proposes to achieve. However, as it has been decades since the problem the draft says it wants to tackle has been acknowledged, I shall assume its proponents' good intentions and suugest how the text could be improved. Below I briefly describe the project, trace its distant and recent origins, indicate what it is lacking and how it should be changed. Continue reading >>Biden, Bletchley, and the emerging international law of AI
Everyone talks about AI at the moment. Biden issues an Executive Order while the EU hammers out its AI Act, and world and tech leaders meet in the UK to discuss AI. The significance of Biden’s Executive Order can therefore only be understood when taking a step back and considering the growing global AI regulatory landscape. In this blogpost, I argue that an international law of AI is slowly starting to emerge, pushing countries to adopt their own position on this technology in the international regulatory arena, before others do so for them. Biden’s Executive Order should hence be read with exactly this purpose in mind. Continue reading >>
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Downhill All The Way
On November 8th, the 3rd Criminal Chamber of Turkey's Court of Cassation, the nation's apex court for civil and criminal matters, defied the Constitutional Court (the TCC) and explicitly accused it of engaging in “judicial activism.” The judicial feud between the two high courts stemmed from the individual application of Can Atalay, an opposition MP from the Workers Party of Turkey (TİP), challenging his ongoing imprisonment despite obtaining parliamentary immunity in the May 2023 elections. Indeed, the 3rd Chamber's wholly ungrounded defiance is a failure of the constitutional order, illustrating how the Constitution no longer serves its core function of authoritatively channeling, restraining, and organizing state power. However, the Atalay controversy is neither unprecedented nor a true turning point in Turkey's ailing democracy—it is just another symptom of a deepening dysfunction. Continue reading >>
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14 November 2023
A Frozen Constitution in a Sunburnt Country
Australia’s Constitution remains frozen, with the loss of a referendum on 14 October 2023. Only eight out of forty-five national referendums to amend the Constitution have succeeded, with no successful change since 1977. The 2023 referendum would have recognised Indigenous Australians in the national Constitution and provided a means, described as a ‘Voice’, for them to make representations to Parliament and the Executive Government on matters relating to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. In this post, I will seek to give an overview of the reasons for the failure of the referendum, including the ‘No’ arguments, factors that contributed to the ‘No’ vote, and the demographics of the voting outcome. Continue reading >>The Rule of Arbitrariness as the New Constitutional Order in Turkey
Nearly two weeks after the 100th-anniversary celebrations of the Republic, Turkey's constitutional order faced one of the most significant judicial crises in its history when the Court of Cassation, the highest court of ordinary jurisdiction, and the Turkish Constitutional Court (TCC) clashed over the fate of imprisoned opposition politician Can Atalay. How should we interpret this constitutional crisis? Is it the death of constitutionalism in Turkey? Is it an attempt to test the boundaries of legitimacy before establishing the rules of a new constitutional order? Continue reading >>Offshoring Asylum the Italian Way
On 6 November 2023, the Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and the Prime Minister of Albania Edi Rama announced the signing of the Agreement for Strengthening of Collaboration in the Field of Migration. The agreement proposes a relocation of asylum seekers who are rescued at sea by Italian vessels to two centres that would be built in Albania and could host up to 3’000 people. This is part of a broader trend whereby European governments seek to move asylum procedures outside of their territory. At the same time, the agreement contains some innovations compared to previous proposals. Indeed, this move has been hailed as a “model and example for other collaboration agreements of this kind” by the Italian Prime Minister. This article contends that this is unlikely to be the case: the legality and feasibility of offshoring asylum procedures remain dubious at best. Continue reading >>#MPIL100 – Beginn einer Spurensuche
Das Max-Planck-Institut für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrecht (MPIL) kann 2024 auf eine 100-jährige Geschichte zurückblicken. Grund genug, die historische Entwicklung des Instituts und seinen Beitrag in Wissenschaft und Praxis zu erinnern und zu reflektieren. Continue reading >>
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Im Wettlauf mit der Zeit
Die Ampel hat sich in ihrem Koalitionsvertrag bis 2025 eine umfassende Reform des Sicherheitsrechts vorgenommen. Wie so oft in dieser Legislatur kam ihr dabei jedoch etwas in die Quere – diesmal das Bundesverfassungsgericht. Karlsruhe erklärte im Herbst 2022 bestimmte Informationsübermittlungsvorschriften des Bundesverfassungsschutzgesetzes für verfassungswidrig – und setzte dem Gesetzgeber enge Fristen zur Reparatur bis Ende 2023. Nicht viel Zeit, um einen Kernbereich des Sicherheitsrechts neu zu justieren und zugleich in einem hoch volatilen politischen Umfeld angemessene Regelungen zu finden. Inzwischen liegt ein Gesetzentwurf vor, der allerdings an mehreren Stellen mit den Vorgaben aus Karlsruhe offensichtlich nicht zu vereinbaren ist. Continue reading >>
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13 November 2023
Looking at Berlin, Ending up on Capitol Hill
On 3 November 2023, the Italian Council of Ministers approved a constitutional reform bill to introduce the direct election of the Prime Minister in Italy. The reform would grant the Prime Minister significantly broader powers than those currently outlined in the Constitution. The proposal is now set to be evaluated by the Italian Parliament, and possibly submitted to a popular referendum if it is not approved by two-thirds of the members of both chambers. While it claims to ensure the continuity of governments – a known weak point of the Italian political system - it undermines the very foundation of parliamentary representation: the party system. Breathing the spirit of plebiscitary populism, this misguided reform, while seemingly looking towards Berlin for inspiration, risks in a worst-case scenario creating an atmosphere reminiscent of Capitol Hill on a fateful day a few years ago. Continue reading >>A Primer on the UK Online Safety Act
The Online Safety Act (OSA) has now become law, marking a significant milestone in platform regulation in the United Kingdom. The OSA introduces fresh obligations for technology firms to address illegal online content and activities, covering child sexual exploitation, fraud, and terrorism, adding the UK to the array of jurisdictions that have recently introduced new online safety and platform accountability regulations. However, the OSA is notably short on specifics. In this post, we dissect key aspects of the OSA structure and draw comparisons with similar legislation, including the EU Digital Services Act (DSA). Continue reading >>
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A Second Term for “the World’s coolest Dictator”?
On October 26, Nayib Bukele, current President of the Republic of El Salvador, officially registered his candidacy for the presidency. This is in clear violation of El Salvador’s Constitution which prohibits the renewed, consecutive candidacy of a sitting president. In the "Western" media, Bukele has mostly made the news for establishing "mega-prisons" and conducting mass arrests under his watch. In this blogpost, I highlight the political moves that Bukele has made to legitimize his rule and methods, including his repeated extension of El Salvador’s state of emergency and his capture of the Constitutional Chamber. Together with his renewed candidacy, his rule has destroyed El Salvador’s adherence to its own constitutional framework. Continue reading >>
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11 November 2023
Antisemitismus – eine Gefahr
Seit dem Terrorangriff der Hamas am 7. Oktober 2023 auf die israelische Zivilbevölkerung haben auch die antisemitischen Vorfälle in Deutschland enorm zugenommen. Der Bundesverband der Recherche- und Informationsstellen Antisemitismus e.V. (RIAS) geht in seinem Monitoring-Bericht für den Zeitraum vom 07.10.23 bis zum 15.10.23 von einem Anstieg von 240 % im Vergleich zum Vorjahreszeitraum aus – eine akute Bedrohungslage für Jüdinnen:Juden in Deutschland. Im Rahmen des Beitrags wird aufgezeigt, dass unter hohen Voraussetzungen auch (drohende) antisemitische Handlungen und Äußerungen Einschränkungen von Versammlungen durch Auflagen, Auflösungen oder gar Verbote rechtfertigen können. Dabei wird die grundsätzliche Notwendigkeit einer antisemitismuskritischen Gefahrenprognose ins Zentrum gestellt. Continue reading >>10 November 2023
Voting To Annex?
On December 3, Venezuelans will vote in a referendum on the annexation of Esequibo to the territory of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. This blog post argues that the referendum has implications for both domestic constitutional law and international law. Since the referendum cannot have any practical effect under international law, it also violates the voters’ constitutional right to participate freely in public affairs. By prioritizing solely the interests of Venezuela over the sovereignty of Guyana, the referendum might be contrary to the principles of peaceful dispute settlement and the prohibition of force, as stipulated in the United Nations Charter. It could also challenge the established legal doctrine of state consent and infringe upon the principle of prioritizing international obligations over national law. Continue reading >>
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Verlockung der Macht
Ein Ministerium mit den „eigenen Leuten“ zu besetzen, ist eine Verlockung für jede Regierungspartei. Am Beispiel Thüringen lässt sich derzeit das breite Arsenal der sauberen und der unsauberen Praktiken nachvollziehen, die Beamtenapparate mit dem parteieigenen Öl gefügig zu machen. Während das beamtenrechtliche Korsett um die politischen Beamten an den Spitzen der Ministerien locker sitzt, ist das Einschleusen von (partei-)politisch rekrutiertem Personal in den ministerialen Beamtenapparat auf unteren Ebenen viel bedenklicher, spielt er sich doch unter dem Radar des medialen Interesses ab. Continue reading >>Europe and the Global Race to Regulate AI
The EU wants to set the global rule book for AI. This blog explains the complex “risk hierarchy” that pervades the proposed AI Act, currently in the final stages of trilogue negotiation. This contrasts with the US focus on “national security risks”. We point out shortcomings of the EU approach requiring comprehensive risk assessments (ex ante), at the level of technology development. Using economic analysis, we distinguish exogenous and endogenous sources of potential AI harm arising from input data. We are sceptical that legislators can anticipate the future of a general purpose technology, such as AI. We propose that from the perspective of encouraging ongoing innovation, (ex post) liability rules can provide the right incentives to improve data quality and AI safety. Continue reading >>
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09 November 2023
It’s Called Saving Lives
Es sind keine guten Zeiten für die Grund- und Menschenrechte. In atemberaubendem Tempo werden grundlegende Rechte von Flüchtlingen geschliffen und in Frage gestellt. Die geplante Reform des Gemeinsamen Europäischen Asylsystems und die EU-Krisenverordnung sollen den Flüchtlingsschutz weitgehend aushebeln und die Ampel will vor allem abschrecken und abschieben, egal wie realistisch das Ziel und wie hoch der rechtsstaatliche Kollateralschaden ist. Nun hat das Bundeskabinett einen Gesetzentwurf vorgelegt, der Fluchthilfe stärker kriminalisieren soll. Continue reading >>We Don’t Need No Education?
Artificial Intelligence doesn't know what's 'true'. Especially, generative AI models like chatbots veer from the truth, i.e. “hallucinate”, quite regularly. Chatbots simply invent information at least 3 percent of the time and sometimes as high as 27 percent. Given the (future) use of such systems in nearly all domains, we might want such systems to follow more stringent rules of accuracy. And those truth-related rules are not the only rules for AI systems that warrant societal scrutiny. How those systems are trained will be crucial. In this blog post, we argue that a new perspective is key to tackle this challenge: “Hybrid Speech Governance”. Continue reading >>
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How the War in Gaza May Upend Israel’s Constitutional Limbo
The war in Gaza serves, this blog post argues, as the final nail in the coffin of Netanyahu's judicial overhaul. The Israeli political climate, relentless opposition and the political fallout after Hamas' surprise attack on Israel and the current war thwarted the judicial overhaul. However, populism is far from overcome. Therefore, the current failed judicial overhaul remains a warning sign for the democracy-seeking public in Israel and should raise demand for constitutional entrenchment of the democratic values of the Israeli state. As the judicial overhaul of 2023 has shown us – democracy is not safe if it hangs by the thread of a simple majority in parliament. Continue reading >>
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08 November 2023