18 April 2020

Europa als Haftungsunion – Europa scheitert an deutschen „Juristen“

Die aktuelle Diskussion um Coronabonds basiert auf der falschen Vorstellung, dass nationale Regierungen ihre Ausgaben durch den Verkauf von Anleihen an „die Märkte“ finanzieren. Während emotional „Solidarität“ eingefordert wird, haben EZB und EU die Weichen schon gestellt, damit sich eine Eurokrise mit Austeritätspolitik nicht wiederholt. Dies wird allerdings mittelfristig nicht ausreichen. Der Euro wird scheitern, wenn die Deutschen nicht einsehen, dass ihre „Juristen“ das Problem völlig verkennen – es geht nicht um Haftung. Continue reading >>
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Singapore’s Legislative Approach to the COVID-19 Public Health ‘Emergency’

Up till late March 2020, Singapore’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic was the envy of many nations. Its strategy of early testing, rapid contact tracing, and isolating cases and close contacts was praised for its effectiveness. Indeed, for some time, Singapore seemed to be successfully ‘flattening the curve’. And to top it off, the Singapore government managed to contain the spread of the disease while keeping workplaces, businesses, and schools open. This all, however, changed when a sudden spike in cases occurred in the latter half of March. Continue reading >>
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Testing the Limits of EU Health Emergency Power

Due to their inherent cross-border spillovers, many of the national responses to COVID-19 raise major concerns under EU law. Yet only a few of them have been timidly denounced by the EU Commission as the Guardian of the Treaty. How long will this last? Continue reading >>
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Luxembourg’s Unworkable Test to Protect the Rule of Law in the EU

A key rule of law case illustrating the conversation taking place between national judges and the Court of Justice about the how-to of rule of law protection is the CJEU’s LM ruling dealing with the implementation of the European Arrest Warrant. In it the CJEU developed a test to balance mutual trust and individual rights, particularly the right to a fair trial. The Rechtbank Amsterdam and the Karlsruhe Oberlandesgericht applied Luxembourg’s LM test with respect to Polish suspects in a series of recent (interlocutory) rulings. This national case-law is interesting both for its immediate outcome (suspension of surrenders) and its implicit message to Luxembourg: “Sorry, we tried, but your test is unworkable.” Continue reading >>
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17 April 2020

COVID, Crisis and Change in Global Governance

Crises facilitate change: they remove obstacles which, in normal times, favour the status quo. Crises often strengthen existing trends which may have been slowed down by institutional inertia or political resistance. An event of the magnitude of the COVID-19 crisis is likely to have serious consequences in domestic as well as international politics. What will it mean for global governance? Which tendencies is it going to reinforce, which ones will it weaken? Six conjectures. Continue reading >>
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Pandemie und Strafvollzug

Ein Ausbruch des Coronavirus hätte im Gefängnis schwerwiegende Folgen, weshalb unter anderem der Kontakt nach außen stark beschränkt wurde. Auch wenn all diese Einschränkungen dem Schutz der Gefangenen dienen, wirken sich diese für die Gefangenen und ihre Familien teilweise gravierend aus. Insbesondere ihre Rechte aus Art. 6 GG und das Recht auf Resozialisierung sind stark betroffen. Continue reading >>
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Legitimacy in the Time of Coronavirus

In this post, I want to focus on two issues of the many emergent themes in the constitutional politics of pandemic management: expertise and political accountability and the classic tension between legality and legitimacy in EU governance; and particularly what Max Weber, arguably the greatest theorists of political legitimacy, can teach us about these issues in the context of responses to the coronavirus pandemic. Continue reading >>

Right Restriction or Restricting Rights? The UK Acts to Address COVID-19

The UK initially downplayed concerns arising from the spread of COVID-19: Prime Minister Boris Johnson suggesting Britain should ‘take it on the chin’, pursued a policy which introduced no significant measures beyond encouraging hand-washing for 20 seconds. This changed, abruptly, on 12 March. On the same day schools and businesses were shut in Ireland and France, and three days after Italy was locked down, Prime Minister Boris Johnson announced a move to the delay phase and advised, though did not direct, over-70s to stay home, and travellers to avoid cruises. People should ‘avoid pubs and restaurants’, but they would not be closed. Large gatherings, such as the Cheltenham Festival, would not be prevented from going ahead. On 19 March following the rapid spread of the virus, the government announced that there was ‘zero prospect’ of a lockdown in London which would place limits on peoples’ movement. Four days later, on 23 March, the capital entered lockdown along with the rest of the country. ‘Zero prospect’ had lasted less than four days. Continue reading >>

Corona­resistenz der Versammlungs­freiheit?

Endlich. Erstmals zu Corona-Zeiten hat das Bundesverfassungsgericht zugunsten der Versammlungsfreiheit entschieden. Erstmals hat es, seit durch die Ausgangsbeschränkungen „der massivste kollektive Grundrechtseingrifff in der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik“ ins Werk gesetzt wurde, ein Grundrecht gegenüber einer damit verbundenen Maßnahme zur Geltung gebracht. Continue reading >>
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Pandemic and Executive Powers in Colombia: A Problem and a Modest Proposal

The way in which the events surrounding the pandemic in Colombia have unfolded, and the measures taken so far by the executive branch have led us, once again, to think about presidential powers: their scope, extent and limits. The first question we ask ourselves is: what kind of powers does the executive branch exercise when it orders measures such as national mandatory self-confinement? Perhaps in the midst of uncertainty and fear it seems natural to us that mayors, governors and ultimately the President have decided to confine us to our homes under threat of a fine if we don’t follow the precise guidelines of the various decrees and administrative acts. But such power and restriction of our freedom is a matter of concern that we must examine closely. We must also pay attention to the institutional mechanisms that are being deployed to deal with the crisis. In the current situation, not only does the what in the decision matter (i.e., mandatory self-confinement measures), but also the who and the how (i.e., whether the decisions are adopted by mayors, governors or the President – and, in the latter case, if the President does it through exceptional or ordinary powers). Continue reading >>
16 April 2020

Von Theorie und Praxis

Viel ist hier bereits zu lesen gewesen, zu den grundsätzlichen Fragen, welche die gegenwärtige Corona-Gesetzgebungs- und -Verordnungspraxis aufwirft. Den fundierten theoretischen Erwägungen der Kolleg*innen sind aber auch Beobachtungen aus der Praxis zu den mittelbaren Auswirkungen der gegenwärtigen Situation zur Seite zu stellen: Für das Asyl- und Flüchtlingsrecht stellt die derzeitige Situation eine ganz eigene Herausforderung dar. Continue reading >>
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Is the Constitution Law for the Court Only?

According to Chancellor Kurz, this is not the time for juridical sophistry (juristische Spitzfindigkeiten). At the end of the day, it would be left to the Constitutional Court to decide on the legality of the COVID-19 measures which, when it will hand down a decision, will have been already revoked. These remarks betray a certain outlook on the authority of constitutional law. Putting the matter starkly, it suggests that the constitution is law for the Constitutional Court only. Continue reading >>
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COVID-19 and Disposable Migrant Workers

Picture this: The world is battling a pandemic, with many countries in lockdown and borders closed. You arrive at a regional airport in northern Romania and wait for hours in the parking lot to board a charter flight. You might end up in Baden-Baden, Berlin or Düsseldorf—it’s hard to know, since no one is telling you what the final destination is. Physical distancing seems not to apply. You are jammed together with 2000 other people waiting to be placed as seasonal workers in the fields of Germany. Asparagus needs to be picked and the new crop need to be planted so the Germans can enjoy uninterrupted production of the spring vegetable through 2020 and 2021. Continue reading >>

The COVID-19 Emergency in Finland: Best Practice and Problems

Finland has a modern Constitution with an ambitious catalogue of fundamental rights. Has this framework, including the constitutional regulation of emergency powers, been able to cope with the COVID-19 crisis? Are there lessons to learn from Finland? Continue reading >>

Mexico: Emergency Powers and COVID-19

As of April 5th, the Federal Health Ministry reported 2,143 confirmed cases of COVID-19 in Mexico. International experience suggests that the country is at the cusp of confronting the full effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. This post provides a description of the constitutional and statutory regulation of emergency powers and a brief commentary on the government’s actions thus far. It starts by offering an account of the constitutional provision of emergency powers, noting from the outset a disinclination to the prospect or desirability of their application. Then, it describes the emergency powers to confront a health crisis contained in statutory form. Finally, it evaluates the government’s response to the pandemic. Continue reading >>
15 April 2020

Die Auflösung des „Flügels“ in der AfD – Gewinn für die freiheitlich-demokratische Grundordnung?

Für die Verantwortlichen segensreich überschattet von der COVID-19-Pandemie, ereignete sich in der AfD ein in der deutschen Parteiengeschichte bisher wohl einmaliger Vorgang: Eine politische Partei löst nach einer Stellungnahme des Verfassungsschutzes ihre Flügelorganisation offiziell auf. Dies ist nicht nur aus parteienorganisationsrechtlicher Sicht bemerkenswert, sondern macht vor allem die problematische Rolle des Verfassungsschutzes im politischen Prozess deutlich. Continue reading >>

Data crossing borders

The cross-border sharing of personal data to combat coronavirus raises questions under the EU General Data Protection Regulation 2016/679 (the GDPR) - two of which will be dealt with here. The first question is whether EU data protection law is flexible enough to allow the international sharing of personal data to fight the pandemic. Secondly, data protection law has traditionally been shaped by pivotal events in history (think of the effect that the reaction to the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 had on data protection law), and one can ask what implications the crisis will have on the future development of data transfer regulation. Continue reading >>
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Versammlungs­freiheit – auch in Krisenzeiten!

Die Bundesländer haben in den letzten Wochen durch ihre Verordnungen zur Eindämmung der Corona-Pandemie auch weitreichende Beschränkungen der Versammlungsfreiheit (Art. 8 GG) erlassen. Die Versammlungsfreiheit ist als kollektive Meinungsfreiheit für die Demokratie essentiell, wie das Bundesverfassungsgericht seit Jahrzehnten immer wieder unterstreicht. Gerade in Krisenzeiten, in denen Regierungen, Verwaltungen und Sicherheitsbehörden weitreichende Möglichkeiten zu Grundrechtseingriffen haben, ist die Versammlungsfreiheit ein wichtiges demokratisches Korrektiv. Die derzeitigen Krisenregelungen und ihre praktische Anwendung durch Versammlungsbehörden und Polizei werden der Bedeutung der Versammlungsfreiheit für die Demokratie nicht gerecht. Continue reading >>

Infringement Procedures in the Time of COVID-19

In the last weeks, members of the European Parliament and observers in the legal and academic community have, explicitly or implicitly, criticised the European Commission and the Court of Justice for their handling of ongoing infringement procedures. Put simply, the two institutions have been criticised for moving the existing cases forward, despite the fact that certain countries (first Italy, then followed by almost all other Member States) are in lockdown and, consequently, their administrations are unable to effectively respond. Continue reading >>
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The Constitutionalized State of Emergency

The late Giovanni Sartori once said that we lacked a general theory of dictatorship. It is very likely that we are also short of a theory of emergency. As the current pandemic has come to show us, not only we still have difficulties to include emergency into our conception of constitutional law; we seem to differ on what emergency means and necessitates and on what should be its place in the functioning of the democratic State. Continue reading >>
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How to protect the Vulnerable?

In the Corona crisis, balancing between containment measures and the protection of fundamental rights becomes even more pressing with respect to vulnerable groups, especially in view of proposals aiming at restricting curfews to high-risk populations. Over-emphasizing their need for protection bears the risk of disregarding their rights and autonomy and one-sidedly imposing paternalistic measures in order to urge a solution and alleviate economic consequences. Continue reading >>
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Emergency Powers in Nepal: An Ordinary Response?

Compared to many other countries, the known impact of COVID-19 on public health in Nepal has thus far been small. At the time of writing (4 April), only nine COVID-19 infections have been identified. However, as in many low-income developing countries, Nepal is particularly vulnerable to the spread of the virus. The country’s healthcare system is weak and, even at the best of times, hospitals suffer from chronic shortages of oxygen cylinders and ventilators—essential tools to fight the disease. Test kits are limited and the capacity to test samples in large quantities quickly is severely lacking. Moreover, while the existence of the virus within the community is known, the extent of its spread remains hidden The mass migration of workers back to their villages in pre-emption of the looming nation-wide lockdown potentially carried the virus throughout the entire country. Continue reading >>
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Fighting COVID-19 – Legal Powers, Risks and the Rule of Law: Turkey

In order to ensure a quick and flexible response in fighting against COVID- 19, Turkish presidency and administration preferred to introduce the measures against the pandemic in the form of circulars instead of declaring a state of emergency. This choice is being criticised for opening the way for arbitrariness and undermining the principle of legality. Continue reading >>
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14 April 2020

Don’t Call a Spade a Shovel

Such concerns are, not only but to a large extent, fueled by the apparent indeterminacy of the terms employed to regulate fake news. This is true for Hungary, but also for France, Russia and several Asian countries, which have already passed fake news legislation. Uncertainties concerning the definition may have discouraged other states from passing similar laws, out of legitimate worries over freedom of expression. In fact, however, many scholars and institutions actually agree on the characteristics of the phenomenon. Continue reading >>
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Abstract panic: On fake news, fear and freedom in Southeast Asia

In Southeast Asia, which is the world’s most dynamic laboratory of fake news legislation, the corona crisis has put previously created laws to practice and sparked additional legislative activity. The professed goal is to prevent public panic. Recent enforcement actions, however, demonstrate the complete irrelevance of any panic indicators. A falsehood’s panic potential is simply assumed. In short, an abstract panic threat is fought with very concrete measures: Arrests and criminal prosecutions. Cases from across Southeast Asia prove the trend, whereas two decisions in Singapore deserve particular attention. Continue reading >>
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Not a Safe Place?

In an unprecedented move, the Italian government has declared Italy’s ports “unsafe” due to the COVID-19-pandemic. It did so by issuing an executive decree late Tuesday last week, seemingly in response to the rescue of 150 shipwrecked by the Sea-Eye’s Alan Kurdi. This is not the first time that the Italian government has used decrees to close its borders for sea-rescue ships. However, given the extraordinary circumstances of this case in the midst of the on-going Corona-crisis and the novel argument made by the Italian government, the decision warrants closer examination. Continue reading >>
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The Coronavirus Crisis-Law in Greece: A (Constitutional) Matter of Life and Death

Each time a crisis emerges, the law is entitled to seize the exceptional moment and contain it, within the limits of democracy and the rule of law. Legal normality, as a vague standard, is usually redefined by the legislator and the courts and rapidly adjusted to reality. The constitutional value of public interest comes into conflict with civil liberties and scholars begin to question the law. The saga of the (Greek) coronavirus crisis-law is, like everywhere, utterly reduced to the proportionality of the exceptional measures of the (Greek) State, but its moral and political implications seem far broader and ambiguous. Continue reading >>
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Fear of Unaccountability vs Fear of a Pandemic: COVID-19 in Hong Kong

When news began to circulate about a novel virus in December 2019, Hong Kong was in the midst of protests that had been going on for months. There were (and continue to be) widespread demands for accountability and democracy, accompanied by a significant degree of public distrust and dissatisfaction towards the Government. Pertinently, the Government had just invoked hugely controversial emergency powers to quell the protests. Hong Kong was also one of the hardest-hit regions during the SARS epidemic 17 years ago, and there was a collective determination not to repeat the tragedy. Continue reading >>
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Versammlungsfreiheit in der Krise

Die fundamentale Bedeutung der Versammlungsfreiheit für den demokratischen Rechtsstaat, auch unter den Bedingungen der Corona-Pandemie, wird von den Verwaltungsgerichten bisher nicht verteidigt. In Zeiten, in denen eine schonende Abwägung zwischen Grundrechten und eine erhöhte Sensibilität für eine schleichende Grundrechtserosion notwendig ist, wird, anstatt der Versammlungsfreiheit zu ihrer Entfaltung zu verhelfen, die Bedrohung des Lebens von Gerichten als so überragend gewertet, dass für Versammlungen aktuell kein verwaltungsgerichtlicher Schutz zu erreichen ist. Dies ist fatal, denn die Versammlungsfreiheit ist kein Schönwetter-Grundrecht, sondern sie ist gerade bei weitreichenden Entscheidungen in Krisenzeiten für die Demokratie unentbehrlich. Continue reading >>
13 April 2020

Staatliche Krisen­reaktionen und die unteilbare Umwelt für den Grundrechts­gebrauch

Sich in einer Pandemielage gegen Beschränkungen zu entscheiden, erscheint grundrechtlich unverdächtig. Doch wäre es das tatsächlich? Im Folgenden werden zwei unterschiedliche Szenarien einer solchen Entscheidung vorgestellt und es wird ein näherer Blick auf die Folgen für den individuellen Grundrechtsgebrauch geworfen. Es zeigen sich Grundrechtsfragen, die im Ergebnis auch für die Beurteilung des beschränkenden Staates aufgeworfen sind. Continue reading >>

Verhältnis­mäßigkeit mit der Holz­hammer­methode

Für viele ist Grundrechtseingriff im Kampf gegen die Corona-Pandemie nachvollziehbar angesichts der Vorstellung von Masseninfektionen in Pflege- oder Rehaeinrichtungen, von zu Triage gezwungenen Ärzt*innen und einem komplett überforderten Gesundheitssystems. Beeindruckt davon zeigen sich offenkundig auch die Gerichte, die einen Eilantrag nach dem anderen ablehnen unter Verweis auf legitime Zielsetzungen, auf die Einschätzungsprärogative staatlicher Akteure und vor allem auf die Folgenabschätzung, die bisher stets zu Ungunsten der Antragsteller*innen ausfiel. Exemplarisch sei hier die Situation in Bayern herausgegriffen. Continue reading >>

Im „Kreuzfeuer“ des Zweiten Senats

Die Entscheidungen des Ersten Senats, mit denen sich das BVerfG zum Garanten der Unionsgrundrechte aufschwang, waren nicht weniger als ein Paukenschlag. Im Schrifttum stieß die Neuausrichtung des Prüfungsmaßstabs der Verfassungsbeschwerde überwiegend auf Wohlwollen. Unbemerkt blieb dabei bislang, dass der Zweite Senat nicht geneigt scheint, dem zu folgen. Vorläufiger Höhepunkt dieser Entwicklung ist der am 8. April 2020 veröffentlichte Beschluss zu Blankettstrafvorschriften im Lebensmittel- und Futtermittelgesetzbuch. Continue reading >>

Fighting the Virus and the Rule of Law – A Country Report on Norway

Governments across Europe are quick to limit personal freedoms in the name of fighting the pandemic. The case of Norway, however, reveals how the process of adopting these measures can compromise democratic discourse and procedure. The main rule of law challenges we have seen here are an overreach of the authorities of their legal powers, a lack of transparency and exclusion of the public from public decision-making and battle over jurisdiction to regulate between the central government and local authorities. In the end, it is not just our health, but the rule of law that is under threat. Continue reading >>
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12 April 2020
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How Political Turmoil is Changing European Constitutional Law: Evidence from the Verfassungsblog

The shockwaves that have rippled through the European political order have exposed the artificial character of the law vs politics distinction, forcing constitutional law scholars to adapt. Contributions to the Verfassungsblog provide evidence for this evolution. Continue reading >>
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Coping with Covid-19 in Portugal: From Constitutional Normality to the State of Emergency

As we write this report, it is unclear how the Covid-19 outbreak will unfold in Portugal. The country reacted quickly to adopt measures aimed at reducing social contact, including the closure of schools and a general ban on non-essential movement. Whether that will prove efficient to avoid the collapse of the national health system and prevent thousands of deaths, only time will tell. In this contribution, we describe and reflect on the action taken by public powers to address the Covid-19 pandemic, considering the situation as of April 9. Continue reading >>
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Indonesia’s Fight against COVID-19: A Battle Over the Meaning of Emergency?

Indonesia is a perfect example of how poorly a country can handle the spread of coronavirus (COVID-19). In February, when Indonesia’s neighbouring countries such as Singapore were occupied with the restriction of the entry of foreigners into their territory after the announcement of the coronavirus outbreak in Wuhan, Indonesia’s government under the Presidency of Joko Widodo (Jokowi) introduced the opposite policy which made it easier for foreign tourists (including those from the mainland China) to travel to Indonesia. The purpose of this particular policy according to Jokowi’s government was to exploit the economic gaps which would arise from foreigners’ fears of travelling to Indonesia’s neighbours including Singapore and Thailand. Continue reading >>
11 April 2020

Fighting Fake News or Fighting Inconvenient Truths?

Last week, the Hungarian Parliament amended the Criminal Code: it created the new crime of “obstructing epidemic prevention” and amended the already existing crime of scaremongering (rémhírterjesztés). The old version did have some shortcomings but the now adopted modification addresses none of the previously existing problems and makes the crime more susceptible to abuse by the authorities. Continue reading >>

Ireland’s Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic

Like many countries around the world, Ireland has enacted emergency legislation to respond to the coronavirus pandemic. The scope of these powers are vast, impacting on almost every aspect of life in Ireland. Notably, no state of emergency has been declared in accordance with Ireland’s constitutional provisions or under Article 15 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). Continue reading >>
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COVID-19: State of Disaster in South Africa

As COVID-19 spread across the world, the first reported case in Africa was not until 27 February 2020 in Nigeria; six days later the South African National Institute of Communicable Diseases (NICD) confirmed the first case in South Africa. Since then, cases have increased steadily and the first death in South Africa was recorded on 27 March 2020. COVID-19 has shown its potential devastating impact elsewhere, but it is a particular cause for concern in South Africa. Continue reading >>
10 April 2020

Pushing the Boundaries of Legal Normality

The Brazilian Emergency Constitution is still dormant, instead “legislative and executive apparatuses” are used to “enforce measures for protecting public health”. But that does not mean, that emergency powers in Brazil are not yet in reach: While we patiently wait for the Emergency Constitution to wake up from its doctrinal sleep, legislation has already bypassed it and is venturing into uncharted territory. Continue reading >>
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Corona and the Absence of a Real Constitutional Debate in Sweden

Despite the horrors of the Corona disease, and indeed in order to combat it efficiently as a society, Sweden requires a robust and healthy constitutional and democratic debate. Corona is a human disaster and the suffering it spreads has yet to be accounted for. It is also an unprecedented challenge to our political and constitutional institutions and our almost nonexistent public discourse. Continue reading >>
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Cooperative Federalism, Soft Governance and Hard Laws in Australia’s State of Emergency

To date, in Australia, there have been over 5,350 confirmed COVID-19 cases, 26 deaths and over 275,000 tests conducted. The majority of the confirmed cases were acquired overseas. Australia is a Federation with a national government and state and territory governments. This adds complexity to responding to a national crisis. So far, Australia’s response has been characterised by cooperative federalism, at least nominally, primarily through a newly formed National Cabinet. There has been a staged ratcheting up of border controls and executive powers to prevent and control the spread of COVID-19, and a ‘hibernation’ approach to the conduct of business and exercise of fundamental rights. In this post, we discuss the governance model through the National Cabinet, the hard law response at Federal and State and Territory level and the extensive economic interventions. Continue reading >>

Bulgaria: COVID-19 as an Excuse to Solidify Autocracy?

On 23 March 2020, Bulgaria’s Parliament enacted a Law on the Measures and Actions during the State of Emergency Announced by Parliament on 13 March 2020 (hereby referred to as Law on Emergency for brevity). This was the second attempt to enact this piece of legislation after Bulgaria’s President vetoed some of its provisions. This new Law entered into force retroactively on 13 March 2020 when Parliament declared a state of emergency (izvunredno polojenie) in light of COVID-19. The peculiar situation that Parliament can declare a state of emergency, define its scope and provide guidance on the measures which could be taken later, and apply the law retroactively to justify measures and actions taken by the executive in the period before defining these terms is troublesome from a rule of law perspective. Moreover, some of the measures go beyond healthcare concerns and create opportunities for arbitrariness and human rights violations. B Continue reading >>

Covid-19 and Derogations Before the European Court of Human Rights

Many argue that derogations, permitted under many human rights instruments, provide a useful framework for assessing whether any human rights infringements that arise from emergency provisions adopted in response to Covid-19 are justified. Drawing on jurisprudence from the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR or the Court) in relation to Northern Ireland, this post argues that it is likely that the vast majority of cases exploring derogation will be found in a government’s failure. Continue reading >>
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09 April 2020

Protecting Polish Judges from the Ruling Party’s “Star Chamber”

For the third time, the ECJ has intervened in the subjugation of the judiciary in member states. Its injunction against Poland's "disciplinary chamber" is an important step. But unless Ursula von der Leyen's Commission starts facing up reality, winning legal battles will not prevent losing another member state, after Hungary, to autocracy. Continue reading >>

The Need for Clear Competences in Times of Crisis

All Italian institutions established at different levels of government have been at the forefront in the health emergency to fight the spread of the coronavirus disease (see Diletta Tega and Michele Massa). Yet, they had to take action in the absence of a consistent legal framework establishing a clear division of competences and chain of command in the management of the emergency. The resulting legal uncertainties have been delaying the timely adoption and effective implementation of the containment measures which led to the national lockdown. Continue reading >>
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From One State of Emergency to Another – Emergency Powers in France

2 years and less than 5 months after the end of the two-year state of emergency triggered on the wake of the 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris, a brand new “state of health emergency” was activated in France on the 23rd March to cope with a new attack led, this time, by a small and invisible enemy, Covid-19. The so-called “state of health emergency” currently constitutes the legal framework and basis of the measures in force to cope with the epidemic, including nationwide lockdown. What is this new regime? Is it a threat to individual freedoms? What are its limits and guarantees? Was it legally necessary? Continue reading >>
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Underreaction in a Time of Emergency: America as a Nearly Failed State

Not surprisingly, those of us who write about emergencies have been far more concerned about overreaction than underreaction and we have been far more concerned about politically caused emergencies rather than natural disasters. History is littered with the cautionary tales of overreaction to politically caused emergencies. But the dangers of state failure evident in underreaction are underestimated. Continue reading >>
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Expert*innen in der Krise

Die verfassungsrechtswissenschaftliche Begleitung der Corona-Krise als Metathema über zahlreichen Posts zu einzelnen Rechtsfragen ist ein wichtiges Thema für diesen Blog. Ich möchte hiermit zur Herangehensweise medial wie nie gefragter Expert*innen – täglich muss ja eine Vielzahl von Sondersendungen bestückt werden – drei kritische Beobachtungen anbringen. Continue reading >>
08 April 2020

Corona in Karlsruhe II

Die 3. Kammer des Ersten Senats des Bundesverfassungsgerichts hat kürzlich einen Antrag auf Erlass einer einstweiligen Anordnung gegen die bayerischen Maßnahmen zur Bekämpfung der Corona-Epidemie abgelehnt. Ist damit gesagt, dass all diese ungeheuer grundrechtsbeeinträchtigenden Maßnahmen vom Bundesverfassungsgericht als verfassungsgemäß betrachtet würden? Continue reading >>