30 January 2017
Legal Disintegration? The Ruling of the Danish Supreme Court in AJOS
On December 6, 2016, the Supreme Court of Denmark (SCDK) ruled in the Ajos case. The ruling will be read, remembered and taught as an example of defiance of clear guidelines from the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) by the highest court in Denmark. EU law is an exterior phenomenon but part and parcel of Danish law. It follows that switching it off, as in Ajos, necessarily entails applying one law by breaking another. That is not a viable path for any legal system taking supranational obligations seriously. Continue reading >>
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Stable Majorities in Italy: an Interview with FRANCESCO CLEMENTI
Last week, the Italian Constitutional Court has declared the electoral law reform constitutional in most respects. Francesco Clementi explains why it will still be extremely difficult to form stable majorities in both chambers of Parliament. Continue reading >>
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President Trump and the Foreign Emoluments Clause
The election of Donald Trump to the American presidency has, among other things, brought newfound attention to one of the sleepier provisions of the U.S. Constitution. The foreign emoluments clause provides that “no person holding any office of profit or trust under [the United States], shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state.” Within 72 hours of his inauguration, the nonprofit government ethics group CREW has filed a constitutional complaint against President Trump in federal court. The President shot back the same day, calling the suit meritless. Does CREW have a case? Continue reading >>28 January 2017
The Taricco Decision: A Last Attempt to Avoid a Clash between EU Law and the Italian Constitution
Is Italy obliged by EU law to pursue criminal acts longer than provided by Italian law? This question might cause a fundamental clash between the Italian Constitutional Court and the European Court of Justice. Unlike the CJEU, the Italian Constitutional Court interprets a retroactive suspension of the limitation period as a matter of principle of legality, and thereby as a matter of a core principle of Italian constitutional law. By referring the case to the CJEU, the Italian Constitutional Court gives the European Court a chance to revisit its jurisdiction while avoiding the identity language of the German Constitutional Court - good news for cooperative constitutionalism in Europe. Continue reading >>The Final Trick? Separation of Powers, Checks and Balances, and the Recomposition of the Turkish State
The Turkish parliament has recently passed constitutional amendments that will, pending the public referendum in spring 2017, set aside decades of parliamentary system tradition. Presumably aimed to repair the dysfunctions of the current regime and to respond to the need of a “stronger Turkey”, the proposed draft does not only eradicate the principle of separation of powers but rebuilds the state according to the interests of ruling groups, without much consideration being paid to the overall integrity of the system and long term implications. Continue reading >>
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27 January 2017
The Turkish Constitutional Court under the Amended Turkish Constitution
In March 2016, the Turkish Constitutional Court (TCC) ruled that the rights of the Turkish journalists Can Dündar and Erdem Gül had been violated, leading to their release from prison after three months. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan responded by criticizing the TCC sharply, questioning its existence and legitimacy. This had not been the first time over the last years, that the Court had been attacked. The constitutional amendments, that will be put to referendum in April 2017, seemed to be a golden opportunity to change the composition and cut back the broad competences of the TCC. Did the AKP-led Parliamentary Constitutional Committee seize this opportunity? Continue reading >>
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26 January 2017
Money Makes the Court Go Round: The Russian Constitutional Court’s Yukos Judgment
On 19 December 2017 the Russian Constitutional Court (RCC) ruled that payment of just satisfaction in the Yukos case was contrary to the Russian Constitution. It is the first time the apex court of a Council of Europe member state concluded that it should not pay just satisfaction. This blog post provides the background of the case, sums up the reasoning of the RCC and assesses the implications of its judgment of 19 December 2017. Continue reading >>25 January 2017
Same-sex marriage before the courts and before the people: the story of a tumultuous year for LGBT rights in Romania
This article will briefly recount a particularly agitated year for LGBT rights in Romania, marked by a highly contentious campaign to amend the constitutional definition of marriage through a referendum, as well as the first referral to the Court of Justice of the European Union by the Constitutional Court, in a freedom of movement case involving a married mixed nationality same-sex couple. Continue reading >>
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Sailing uncharted waters – for how long? On transitional post-Brexit trade arrangements
Given the short timeframe for negotiating an exit agreement, the UK and the EU-27 may not be able to agree on new terms for their future trade relations before the UK’s formal exit from the EU takes effect. Consequently, many experts are pushing for a transitional arrangement. Continue reading >>24 January 2017
Brexit in the Supreme Court: An Opportunity Missed?
For all that this case has been written-up in the media as a ‘defeat’ for the government, this was a case in which the Supreme Court passed up a significant opportunity to compensate for the UK’s newly imbalanced constitutional framework. Continue reading >>The Supreme Court in Miller – some early comments
The UK Supreme Court’s decision in the Miller appeal was probably greeted with a sigh of relief in 10 Downing Street. Sure, the Government will now need to seek parliamentary approval for triggering Article 50 TEU and starting the formal process of withdrawing from the EU, but the much greater political danger of having to also seek the consent of the devolved parliaments of Scotland, Northern Ireland, and Wales, has not materialised. What follows are a few brief comments on the Supreme Court’s reasoning and an assessment of its implications for the future. Continue reading >>
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Europarecht, Prärogative und Devolution: Der UK Supreme Court entscheidet über den Brexit
In seinem heutigen Urteil zum Brexit hat der britische Supreme Court entschieden, dass die britische Regierung nur nach gesetzlicher Ermächtigung den Austritt aus der EU erklären darf. Die Mehrheit des Gerichts sieht das Unionsrecht als eigene Rechtsquelle an, die nur das Parlament trocken legen kann. Dass es das nun tun wird, steht außer Frage. Continue reading >>
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21 January 2017
Nach der Entscheidung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts im NPD-Verbotsverfahren – Kein Geld mehr für Verfassungsfeinde!?
Neben dem Parteiverbot könnte in Art. 21 Abs. 2 GG, quasi als milderes Mittel, ein zweiter Fall geregelt werden. Für diesen wäre nicht erforderlich, dass eine als verfassungsfeindlich erkannte Partei eine reale Chance zur Verwirklichung ihrer Ziele hat. Im Übrigen entsprächen die Kriterien des zweiten Falls denen des Parteiverbots. Seine rechtliche Folge wäre eine Streichung oder Kürzung der staatlichen Teilfinanzierung. Continue reading >>19 January 2017
The Incompatibility of the Definition of Torture in Greece with International Law
In Greek criminal law, torture is defined primarily as the “planned” (μεθοδευμένη) infliction by a state official on a person of severe physical, and other similar forms of, pain. Under the established Greek case law and doctrine in order for the infliction of pain to be considered as “planned” it must be repeated and have a certain duration. This definition raises serious issues of compatibility with international human rights law. Continue reading >>Is there Hope for the Right to Hope?
The European Court of Human Rights has overturned its former position that convicts sentenced to life in prison enjoy a "right to hope" to be eventually released. Arguably, in this case we have an instance of interpretation of evolution which lowers rather than heightens human rights protection. In the current climate when there is a growing political appetite to curtail human rights, a Court interpretation towards change in this direction without good reasons may create a dangerous precedent for further reduction of basic human rights guarantees. Continue reading >>
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Der Demokratie zumutbar? Zum NPD-Verbotsurteil des BVerfG
Das heutige Urteil zum Verbotsantrag des Bundesrats gegen die NPD kann als Verantwortungszuweisung für die Auseinandersetzung mit parteipolitischem Extremismus verstanden werden. Das Parteiverbot stellt in der jetzigen Situation keine wirksame Waffe des Staates im Kampf gegen rechtsextreme Parteien dar. Damit rückt der freie gesellschaftliche Diskurs in den Vordergrund, für den der Staat, auch das betont das BVerfG, die Rahmenbedingungen zu schaffen hat. Continue reading >>16 January 2017
Social Bots: Wegbereiter der Maschinokratie
Der Einsatz von Social Bots ist den Parteien von Verfassungs wegen untersagt. Den Staat trifft eine Schutzpflicht zur Gewährleistung eines fairen Parteienwettbewerbs, der nicht durch den Einsatz von Social Bots manipuliert wird. Continue reading >>15 January 2017
Warum Vertrauen in die Neutralität der Justiz ein schützenswertes Verfassungsgut ist
Gibt es Allgemeininteressen mit Verfassungsrang, die es rechtfertigen, Richterinnen das Tragen eines Hidschab zu untersagen? Anders als Aqilah Sandhu glaubt, lautet die Antwort Ja. Wer nicht bereit ist, auf auffallende Symbole gruppenbezogener Identität zu verzichten, kann nicht ein Richteramt beanspruchen. Dies gilt auch, wenn Anwärter ernsthaft und glaubwürdig versichern, ihre Zugehörigkeiten bei konkreten Entscheidungen ausblenden zu können. Zu der verantwortungsvollen Richterrolle gehören nicht nur die fachliche Ausbildung und die Fähigkeit zur Selbstbeobachtung, sondern auch Verständnis für die Funktionsbedingungen, die für das System Justiz von zentraler Bedeutung sind. Continue reading >>13 January 2017
How to Kill an Idea: An American’s Observations on the NPD Party-Ban Proceedings
Next Tuesday, the German Federal Constitutional Court will announce its decision on the federal states’ application seeking to ban the National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD). In times of a far-right surge all over Europe, the procedure offers ample opportunity to reflect on a constitutional democracy's right to take repressive measures against odious ideas. Continue reading >>The Ljubljana Initiative for Re-Launching the European Integration
It is a sign of unconventional times when earnest people wish you a less exciting year 2017 compared to the one that has just, luckily, passed. Starting a new year, a less exciting one then, is an opportunity for reckoning about the past and for charting the plans for the future. For those who care about the project of European integration, these are no easy moments. By looking back we are reminded about the chain of crises that has been strangling the Union. By looking forward we cannot help ourselves but to wring hands at what is yet to follow. It is high time that this self-destructive European (indeed Western) narrative and, unfortunately, praxis were put to a halt. It is high time to present a positive alternative to the present status quo and to the populist decay. It is high time to re-launch the process of European integration. Continue reading >>
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12 January 2017
Der Burkini als Technological Fix
Während in ersten öffentlichen Bädern in Deutschland und der Schweiz Burkinis verboten worden sind, befand der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte am 10. Januar 2017, dass der Burkini ein Mittel sein kann, die Teilnahme muslimischer Kinder am koedukativen Schwimmunterricht zu ermöglichen. Der schonende Interessenausgleich, der so erreicht werden konnte, war nur durch diesen Schwimmanzug, der den Charakter eines technischen Konfliktlösungsmittels annimmt, denkbar. Solche technological fixes, die praktische Konkordanz zulassen, stehen auch in anderen Fällen zur Verfügung. Continue reading >>Constitutional Review as an Indispensable Element of the Rule of Law? Poland as the Divided State between Political and Legal Constitutionalism
The power of constitutional courts appears to be a political matter which depends on the political majority and public support notwithstanding their desirability in certain political contexts, in particular in countries with relatively young democratic traditions and authoritarian pasts. This might not be the best news for modern constitutionalism but one we need to be aware of, in particular in times of the recent re-rise of populist movements, illiberal disenchantment, and anti-establishment rhetoric – not only in Poland. Continue reading >>11 January 2017
Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal under PiS control descends into legal chaos
Immediately after the governing Law and Justice party in Poland established its control over the Constitutional Tribunal, the court has plunged into a whole number of legal imbroglios undermining its authority and calling into question the legality of its verdicts. The new President's nomination is contested even by a supposed ally, and the remaining "old" judges seem to have adopted a strategy of passive resistance. This is probably what Law and Justice wanted to achieve: it is much easier to govern without a strong constitutional court. Continue reading >>10 January 2017
The Hungarian Constitutional Court and Constitutional Identity
Ever since the 2010 parliamentary elections Hungary has set off on the journey to became an ‘illiberal’ member state of the EU, which does not comply with the shared values of rule of law and democracy, the ‘basic structure’ of Europe. The new government of Viktor Orbán from the very beginning has justified the non-compliance by referring to national sovereignty, and lately to the country’s constitutional identity guaranteed in Article 4 (2) TEU. This constitutional battle started with the invalid anti-migrant referendum, was followed by the failed constitutional amendment, and concluded in early December last year by a decision of the Constitutional Court, in which the packed body in a binding constitutional interpretation rubber-stamped the constitutional identity defense of the Orbán government. Continue reading >>
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09 January 2017
Der „Anschein der Neutralität“ als schützenswertes Verfassungsgut?
Seit dem (noch nicht rechtskräftigen) Augsburger Richterspruch vom Juni 2016 haben Kopftuchverbote wieder Konjunktur. In dem von mir angestrengten Verfahren vor dem Verwaltungsgericht Augsburg ging und geht es zwar nicht um das Amt des Berufsrichters, sondern um unzumutbare Beschränkungen bereits in meiner Referendarausbildung. Unabhängig von der fehlenden rechtlichen Grundlage, erachte ich ein Kopftuchverbot in der Justizausbildung als einschneidende Verletzung multipler Grundrechte, insbesondere der Ausbildungsfreiheit und der Chancengleichheit, aber auch der Glaubensfreiheit. Dennoch hat das Urteil über die Landesgrenzen hinweg erneut einen Gesetzgebungsaktionismus ausgelöst, diesmal für alle möglichen Bereiche in der Justiz. Continue reading >>06 January 2017
Poland and the European Commission, Part II: Hearing the Siren Song of the Rule of Law
As Poland has careened away from the rule of law, the European Commission has struggled to work out its response. Given Europe’s multiple crises at the moment, the internal affairs of a rogue government or two may seem less critical to Europe’s well being than crises that affect multiple states at the same time, like the refugee crisis, the Euro-crisis or the fallout from Brexit. But the proliferation of governments inside the EU that no longer share basic European values undermines the reason for existence of the EU in the first place. Continue reading >>
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04 January 2017
Is Article 50 Reversible? On Politics Beyond Legal Doctrine
Can the United Kingdom, once it has declared its withdrawal from the EU, revoke this decision later on? This question is at the core of the ongoing case before the UK Supreme Court on Art. 50 TEU. I argue that revocability fits neatly in the letter and spirit of article 50 because of formal and substantive reasons. I further content that the Supreme Court decision may create a bifurcation in which interpretation of a key TEU provision may become purely an issue of domestic law. However, I further content that actors' political decisions have progressively framed a situation in which revocability does not seem politically possible. Continue reading >>03 January 2017
Living under the unconstitutional capture and hoping for the constitutional recapture
After the unconstitutional capture of the Constitutional Tribunal in Poland, ordinary courts will have to step in to provide constitutional review. Polish judges are faced with the most fundamental challenge since 1989. Are they ready to be constitutional judges in times of constitutional emergency? Continue reading >>
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Poland and the European Commission, Part I: A Dialogue of the Deaf?
On 21 December 2016, the European Commission adopted an additional Recommendation regarding the rule of law in Poland. Rather than starting the Article 7 sanctioning process, the Commission merely reiterated its old demands, added some new concerns and again held out the threat of Article 7 while apparently moving no closer to actually starting a sanctioning process. It is not that the Commission was unaware of what was happening in Poland. In December, the Commission stood by and watched the Polish government capture the Constitutional Tribunal. The new Recommendation indicates that the Commission simply chose not to act to head off the final stages of the Tribunal’s demise. Continue reading >>30 December 2016
Turkey’s draft constitutional amendments: harking back to 1876?
In the last month of 2016, Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the fourth biggest party, the National Movement Party (MHP) unveiled a controversial new draft constitution which aims at a total system change. Initially, the most striking changes include the strengthening of the presidency with several new powers and no accountability to the judiciary. Furthermore, the way is cleared for Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to rule the country until 2029, and who knows – maybe even longer. Continue reading >>Toward Hominid and Other Humanoid Rights: Are We Witnessing a Legal Revolution?
On 3 November 2016, an Argentinian judge granted habeas corpus relief to Cecilia, a person held captive in a small cage. Nothing out of the ordinary – except for the fact that Cecilia is not a battered woman or abused girl, but a chimpanzee kept at Mendoza zoo. This 1 % genetic difference turns this into a landmark judgment of potentially revolutionary proportions. For the first time in legal history, a court explicitly declared an animal other than human a legal person who possesses inherent fundamental rights. This judgment marks a radical breach with the deeply entrenched legal tradition of categorizing animals as rightless things (the person’s antithesis), and demonstrates that the previously impenetrable legal wall between humans and animals can be surmounted. The question seems no longer if, but when. Continue reading >>23 December 2016
Do(n’t) think twice, it’s all right: der EuGH beerdigt die Vorratsdatenspeicherung
2016 – das Jahr der zuvor lange aufgeschobenen Entscheidungen? Die Schwedische Akademie zeichnet den seit gefühlten Ewigkeiten als Kandidaten gehandelten Bob Dylan endlich mit dem Literaturnobelpreis aus. Angela Merkel erklärt, dass sie noch einmal kandidiert. Und der EuGH beerdigt kurz vor Weihnachten im zweiten Anlauf die Vorratsdatenspeicherung. Anders als der Preis für Dylan und die Kandidatur von Merkel überraschte die EuGH-Entscheidung jedoch viele. Continue reading >>22 December 2016
From Greenland to Svalbard: Scotland’s quest for a differentiated Brexit
On 20 December 2016, the Scottish Government released its blueprint on how Scotland can remain in the European Single Market post-Brexit. From the governing SNP’s point of view, the paper can be seen as a compromise given that it does not advocate Scottish independence. Instead, it proposes that the best outcome for the UK as a whole is to remain in the European Economic Agreement following the ‘Norway model’. It recognises, however, that in the current political constellation this seems unlikely. So, it argues for the continued membership of Scotland in the European Single Market. Continue reading >>
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Wer ist Flüchtling? Zum Hin und Her der Entscheidungspraxis zu Asylsuchenden aus Syrien
Syrische Flüchtlinge sind die größte Gruppe von Asylsuchenden in Deutschland und erhalten hier Schutz – aber nicht unbedingt einen einheitlichen Status. Das erstaunt zunächst nicht, da Asylanträge individuell zu prüfen sind. Die Frage der Statusgewährung hängt jedoch nicht nur von der persönlichen Situation der Betroffenen ab, sondern maßgeblich von der rechtlichen Wertung, die daraus gezogen wird. Dabei wirft die verfassungsrechtlich nicht weiter spannende Entscheidung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts vom 14. November 2016 (2 BvR 31/14) ein Schlaglicht auf die bemerkenswerten Schlenker der Entscheidungspraxis zu syrischen Flüchtlingen. Continue reading >>21 December 2016
A Game of Values: Particular National Identities Awaken in Europe
The EU’s legitimacy is thin and this weakness is reflected in its impotence in the face of the drift towards authoritarianism in Central and Eastern Europe. It remains to be seen whether such an authoritarian turn as the Hungarian can happen in old democracies and if their institutions are strong enough to limit the effects of global processes which are shaping the national identities of societies and the impact of Member States on the shared EU framework. Continue reading >>Nur fragmentarischer Schutz: Asyl wegen sexueller Orientierung und Geschlechtsidentität
In vielen Staaten werden Menschen nach wie vor wegen ihrer sexuellen Orientierung oder Geschlechtsidentität verfolgt. In Deutschland haben sie Anspruch darauf, als Flüchtlinge anerkannt zu werden – so sehen es die Qualifikationsrichtlinie und das deutsche Asylrecht ausdrücklich vor. Dennoch ist die Situation von wegen ihrer sexuellen Orientierung oder Geschlechtsidentität verfolgten„SOGI-Flüchtlingen“ auch in Deutschland nicht rosig. Im Asylverfahren stehen sie vor besonderen Herausforderungen, während des Asylverfahrens werden ihre Rechte nicht immer gewährleistet, und der Zugang zum Schutz ist ohnehin schwer. Continue reading >>19 December 2016
Constitutional Capture in Poland 2016 and Beyond: What is Next?
2016 will go down in history as fundamental in the institutional history of Polish Constitutionalism. It began with an unprecedented attack on the Constitutional Tribunal, rule of law, checks and balances and judicial independence. It ends with full-blown constitutional crisis. The dramatic events in the Sejm and on the streets only corroborate that Poland is on the slippery slope towards autocracy. Continue reading >>17 December 2016
Der Blockupy-Polizeikessel vor dem Bundesverfassungsgericht: Mitgefangen, mitgehangen?
In seinem jüngsten Beschluss zum Frankfurter Blockupy-Kessel geht das Bundesverfassungsgericht davon aus, dass bereits die bloße Anwesenheit einer Person in einer Gruppe, in der ein Teil verdächtigt wird, Straftaten begangen zu haben, ausreiche, um einen Anfangsverdacht auch gegen sie zu begründen. Karlsruhe stutzt dabei seinen eigenen verfassungsrechtlichen Maßstab soweit herunter, dass nicht mehr die Demonstration in ihrer Gesamtheit betrachtet, sondern die Versammlung in genehme und nicht genehme Gruppen aufgespalten wird. Continue reading >>16 December 2016
Towards a Solution for the Ratification Conundrum of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement?
The ratification process of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement has been stalled following "No" victory in the Dutch referendum of 6 April 2016. Yesterday, the EU heads of states have adopted a decision addressing the Dutch concerns. The option which is currently on the table is by far the easiest to solve the ratification conundrum while responding to the arguments of the ‘no-camp’ in the referendum campaign. Any alternatives, such as the inclusion of formal reservations or a procedure leading to a Dutch withdrawal from the agreement, entail the risk of long-term legal uncertainty which would only be detrimental for the EU, the Netherlands and Ukraine. Continue reading >>Collective Expulsion and the Khlaifia Case: Two Steps Forward, One Step Back
The European Convention on Human Rights forbids member states to expulse foreign citizens collectively. Does this mean that they have to conduct individual interviews with refugees before they send them back? Last year, a chamber of the ECtHR, in a case concerning Tunisians landed in Lampedusa in 2011, had concluded that it does. Now, the Great Chamber has reviewed this decision, considerably narrowing the scope of the collective expulsion ban. Continue reading >>
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15 December 2016
Nothing left to do but vote – The (almost) untold story of the Italian constitutional reform and the aftermath of the referendum
A cloud of uncertainty hovers over the future of Italian politics after the failure of the constitutional referendum. The degree of uncertainty is increased by the pending proceeding before the Constitutional Court where the electoral law adopted in 2015 (Italicum) has been challenged as unconstitutional. Continue reading >>
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14 December 2016
Entweder Robe oder Kopftuch: gläserne Decke für muslimische Frauen?
Baden-Württemberg plant ein Kopftuchverbot für Robenträgerinnen im Gerichtssaal, andere Bundesländer werden bald folgen. Wäre es nicht gerade sinnvoll, den größtenteils hochqualifizierten Frauen, die von den Kopftuchgesetzgebungen betroffen sind, den von ihnen angestrebten Zugang zum Arbeitsmarkt umfassend zu gewähren? Stünde nicht gerade eine Kopftuch tragende Prädikatsjuristin, tätig als Staatsanwältin oder Richterin, für die oftmals als fehlend angeprangerte erfolgreiche Integration? Continue reading >>The End of the Grand Coalition and the Significance of Stable Majorities in the European Parliament
A few years ago, the German Constitutional Court had to rule on the significance of stable majorities in the European Parliament. Such majorities were not terribly significant, was the conclusion reached by the Court – at least not important enough to justify a three percent threshold for elections to the EP, laid down in German federal law. Under the constitutional conditions of the moment, the Court explained, the formation of a stable majority was not needed in the EU ‘for electing and continuously supporting a government capable of acting’. These past few weeks, a crisis has been unfolding in Brussels and Strasbourg that may turn out to be an interesting test case for the German Court’s analysis. Continue reading >>
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13 December 2016
Studiengebühren für Schwache: Baden-Württemberg und das Verfassungs- und Völkerrecht
Die baden-württembergische Landesregierung hat Anfang des Monats einen Gesetzentwurf für die Einführung von Studiengebühren für ausländische Studierende und für ein Zweitstudium vorgelegt. Der Vorstoß ist nicht nur wissenschafts- und sozialpolitisch problematisch, sondern wirft auch Fragen nach der Verfassungs- und Völkerrechtsmäßigkeit selektiver Studiengebühren auf. Continue reading >>12 December 2016
Brexit and the Single Market: You say Article 50, we say Article 127?
Hard on the heels of the Article 50 case heard last week by the UK Supreme Court, comes the announcement of another challenge to the UK Government’s Brexit plans, this time based on Article 127 of the EEA agreement. Much like Article 50 TEU, that provision allows contracting parties to the EEA agreement to withdraw from it. The claimants in the Article 127 challenge contend that withdrawal from the EU under Article 50 will not lead to withdrawal from the EEA, given that with Article 127 the EEA agreement contains its own termination clause. Hence their argument goes that unless the Government also triggers Article 127, the UK will stay in the EEA even after Brexit; and that would mean that the UK would remain in the single market. Much like the Article 50 case, the impending court case therefore seeks a declaration by the High Court that the Government cannot trigger Article 127 without prior approval of Parliament. The claimants’ hope is that while Parliament may feel politically bound by the EU referendum result to allow the Government to leave the EU, it may not vote in favour of leaving the EEA, viz. the single market, as this was not a question on the ballot paper. It is the aim of this blogpost to identify the three main hurdles the claimants are likely to be facing and discuss whether these can be overcome. Continue reading >>10 December 2016
Illegal Entry into the Federal Republic of Germany de lege lata et de lege ferenda – a Critical Interjection
Illegal entry into Germany has led to penal proceedings since the first influx of refugees in 2015. Police investigations are opened against anyone entering without a passport or valid entry documents. This means that refugees are liable to prosecution by entering Germany and filing a petition for asylum. The right of residence desperately needs to be reformed. De lege ferenda, it makes sense to eliminate the discriminating legal status provided under Art. 31 I GFK and “de-criminalize” affected refugees. Continue reading >>09 December 2016
After the Italian Referendum
So much was at stake for Italy, its political class and its economy, and for the European Union (EU) and its member states in the country’s failed referendum on constitutional reform. In the EU, Germany is a particularly sensitive case. The relations between Germany and Italy are a focal point in Europe. They used to be in an asymmetric, albeit comforting, equilibrium. Continue reading >>07 December 2016
Shared powers: the elephant in the room in the division of powers-debate
The saga surrounding the signing of the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) has again brought the issue of the division of foreign affairs powers between the EU and its Member States to the centre of attention of many an EU lawyer. How far do the EU’s exclusive powers to conduct a ‘common commercial policy’ reach? Do implied powers supplement the EU’s express exclusive powers in this area? Is it appropriate to apply a so-called ‘centre of gravity’ test when assessing the vires of a particular EU action on the international scene, or should a piecemeal approach be followed, whereby the inclusion of a single provision that reaches beyond the scope of the EU’s exclusive powers requires a proposed international agreement to be adopted as a ‘mixed’ agreement? Continue reading >>
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