22 January 2018
The German Network Enforcement Act and the Presumption in Favour of Freedom of Speech
The Network Enforcement Act (NetzDG) violates the presumption in favour of freedom of speech. This does not mean that social networks should not be regulated. However, such regulation must not only combat "underblocking", but has to counteract "overblocking" as well. Continue reading >>
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21 January 2018
Aussetzung des Familiennachzugs – Ist es dem Völkerrecht wirklich so egal?
Union, FDP und AfD wollen den Familiennachzug für subsidiär schutzbedürftige Geflüchtete weiterhin aussetzen. Im Rahmen der Debatte im Bundestag dazu wurden die Abgeordneten, welche sich für die Verlängerung ausgesprochen haben, nicht müde zu betonen, dass es keinerlei völkerrechtliche Verpflichtung zum Familiennachzug für subsidiär Schutzberechtigte gebe. Diese Aussagen machen stutzig: Kann es wirklich sein, dass die Bundesrepublik Deutschland einer Fülle von menschenrechtlichen Verträgen und Regelungen unterworfen ist und sich keine davon zum Familiennachzug verhält? Continue reading >>18 January 2018
Streikrecht für Staatsdiener? – Spagat am Bundesverfassungsgericht
Inoffiziell heißt es schon lange, dass das Streikverbot für Beamte überholungsbedürftig sei. Nun hat das Bundesverfassungsgericht die Gelegenheit, etwas daran zu ändern. Aber auch dann, wenn sich das Bundesverfassungsgericht gegen das Beamtenstreikverbot entscheidet, ist eines deutlich geworden. Europarechtliche Vorgaben lassen sich nicht ohne weiteres ignorieren, auch nicht in Karlsruhe. Continue reading >>Four Indian Supreme Court Judges Accuse the Chief Justice of Wrongdoing
The judges should have been more considerate towards the institutional damage their actions have caused. They have hurt the court for decades to come. Institutional reform proves healthy when it comes from the inside; and one would like to think, that four senior judges wield a hefty amount of institutional power to transform the procedural mechanism without having to 'call upon the people' to intervene.This was little more than a political act in a country where politics and the law only function along the simple logic of institutionalising antagonism. Continue reading >>
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15 January 2018
Final Thoughts on Mnemonic Constitutionalism
Twelve scholars from eight countries have offered their critical perspectives on the legal governance of historical memory, categorised under the common heading of “memory laws”. One aspect crystalized by this symposium is that despite their multiple forms (punitive and declarative, constitutional and administrative, legislative and judicial, etc.), the adoption of such memory regulations has been on a tremendous rise in Europe. Continue reading >>
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14 January 2018
Memory Politics and Academic Freedom: Some Recent Controversies in Greece
An important area where law and historical memory intersect is the use of memory laws to express collective disapproval of crimes against humanity. These laws, although based on a compelling need to use the symbolic dimension of the law in order to condemn the lowest points of history, can have dangerous unintended consequences for freedom of speech. Continue reading >>
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13 January 2018
Remembering as Pacting between Past, Present and Future
The past has not been spared from the “politics of resentment” engulfing Poland for the last two years. The peculiar (mis)understanding and political instrumentalization of history by Polish rulers provide an important cautionary tale against one-sided partisan historical debate as it impacts how we remember the past and see ourselves today. Continue reading >>12 January 2018
The Kundera Case and the Neurotic Collective Memory of Postcommunism
History is a battlefield of present politics. Dealing with the past reveals the power struggles and strategies of the present. Past events are both denounced and glorified by political agents of the present hoping to weaken their enemies. However, the past also contains injustices and political crimes and any decision not to deal with them in the present only reaffirms them and confirms the unjust status of their victims. Not to contend with the past injustices thus compromises the legitimacy of the present system of positive law. To deal, or not to deal with the past, indeed, is an important question. However, it is also inseparable from questions of which past is to be dealt with and how. Continue reading >>11 January 2018
Memory Wars of Commercial Worth – The Legal Status of the Red Star in Hungary
With this blogpost for the T.M.C. Asser Institute – Verfassungsblog joint symposium, I would like to draw attention to another facet in the legal governance of historical memory, that regarding the use of totalitarian symbols of the past. This issue remains particularly pertinent in the region of Central and Eastern Europe in parallel to the widely discussed decline in the rule of law. Continue reading >>10 January 2018
Memory Politics in Hungary: Political Justice without Rule of Law
After the 1989-90 democratic transition, Poland and Hungary were the first to introduce the institutional framework of constitutional democracy and of transitional justice. For a number of reasons, including a lack of democratic traditions and constitutional culture, after the 2010 parliamentary elections, liberal constitutionalism became a victim of the authoritarian efforts of Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party. In April 2013, the government as part of the Fourth Amendment to the Fundamental Law adopted Article U, which supplements detailed provisions on the country’s communist past and the statute of limitations in the body text of the constitution. Continue reading >>09 January 2018
30 days, six months… forever? Border control and the French Council of State
For Christmas 2017, the French Council of State – the Supreme Court for administrative matters in France – gave a nasty present to those attached to the free movement of persons in the Schengen area. In a ruling issued on 28 December (see here, in French), it upheld the decision of the French Government to reintroduce, for the ninth time in a row, identity control at its “internal” borders, i.e. borders with other Schengen countries – even though checks at internal borders are not, in fact, systematically performed. This decision, issued without even bringing the matter to the Court of Justice of the European Union for a preliminary ruling, sets aside, probably unlawfully, the time limit set by the Schengen Borders Code. Continue reading >>Decommunization in Times of War: Ukraine’s Militant Democracy Problem
The Ukrainian parliament Verkhovna Rada adopted four ‘memory laws’ shortly after the Maidan revolution in the spring of 2015: One contains a legislation criminalizing both Nazi and Communist totalitarian regimes, prohibiting the propaganda of their symbols; two laws commemorating, respectively, Ukraine’s fighters for twentieth-century independence movement and the victory over Nazism during the Second World War, and a law guaranteeing access to archives of repressive Soviet-era organs. These laws raise fundamental questions about the legitimate defense of democracy in times of political transformation and war. Continue reading >>
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Das NetzDG und die Vermutung für die Freiheit der Rede
Das Netzwerkdurchsetzungsgesetz (NetzDG) verstößt gegen die grundrechtliche Vermutung für die Freiheit der Rede. Das heißt nicht, dass die sozialen Netzwerke nicht reguliert werden dürften. Eine solche Regulierung darf dann aber nicht einseitig das „Zuwenig-Löschen“ bekämpfen, sondern muss auch dem „Zuviel-Löschen“ entgegenwirken. Continue reading >>08 January 2018
Memory Laws: Historical Evidence in Support of the “Slippery Slope” Argument
The notion of memory laws emerged as recently as the 2000s, and it can be used in a narrow sense of denoting enactments criminalizing certain statements about the past (such as Holocaust denial) and in a broad sense as including any legal regulations of historical memory and commemorative practices. Such regulations are by no means a recent phenomenon. Continue reading >>
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Is the Crime in the Eye of the Beholder?
The French Constitutional Council has, for the second time, struck down a law that prohibits the usual consultation of terrorist websites. There is a higher abstract risk associated to the act of publishing a message than in the isolated act of reading it. Focusing on the prevention of the harm likely to be inflicted by the reader of the websites might not be the only way to deal with this statute, though. Continue reading >>
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07 January 2018
Law and Historical Memory: Theorising the Discipline
Recent years have witnessed a surge of studies on law and historical memory, often authored by comparative constitutional scholars. Such scholarship frequently takes ‘particularist’ forms, through studies of dramatic events within specific states or regions. As part of the T.M.C. Asser Institute – Verfassungsblog symposium on memory laws, however, this essay asks: Can the discipline be characterised as a whole? If so, in what ways and with what aims? Continue reading >>06 January 2018
The Right to the Truth for the Families of Victims of the Katyń Massacre
Recently, Uladzislau Belavusau with his post about a de-communization law in Poland launched a joint ASSER-Verfassungsblog symposium on what he has coined "mnemonic constitutionalism". Aleksandra Gliszczyńska-Grabias followed up on this topic by mapping the landscape of various memory laws in the recent years and unfolding the ongoing challenges to fundamental rights, joined by Anna Wójcik with an exploration of how memory laws affect state security. With this contribution, I would like to discuss how the European Court of Human Rights has failed to offer redress to the families of the victims of the Katyń massacres seeking to receive information about their loved ones. I will compare the Polish case-study with the Spanish and South-American practice concerning the “right to the truth”, thus adding this concept to the array of topics discussed under the umbrella of “memory laws” and mnemonic constitutionalism. Continue reading >>05 January 2018
Memory Laws and Security
Recently, Uladzislau Belavusau with his post about a de-communization law in Poland launched a joint ASSER-Verfassungsblog symposium on what he has coined "mnemonic constitutionalism". Aleksandra Gliszczynska-Grabias followed up on this topic by mapping the landscape of various memory laws in the recent years and unfolding the ongoing challenges to fundamental rights. With this essay, I would like to highlight another aspect of mnemonic constitutionalism, affecting various understandings of security. Continue reading >>04 January 2018
Law and Memory
Recently, Uladzislau Belavusau with his post about a de-communization law in Poland launched a joint ASSER-Verfassungsblog symposium on what he has coined "mnemonic constitutionalism". Drawing on his idea of mnemonic constitutionalism, I would like to join this discussion by mapping the general landscape of how memory laws have recently been manufacturing the socio-constitutional climate in various states. Continue reading >>
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03 January 2018
The Commission takes a step back in the fight for the Rule of Law
The European Commission has filed a complaint against Poland with the Court of Justice of the European Union based on Article 258 TFEU, in connection with the Polish Act on the Common Courts System. Fines may be charged on Poland as a result of the case, but the Commission has probably quietly withdrawn some of its charges, apparently opting for the somewhat modified “Hungarian scenario”. The impact of this new approach on the reversibility of the changes introduced to the Polish judiciary will be very limited. Continue reading >>Chiles Verfassungsreform – erfolgreicher Bürgerbeteiligungsprozess?
Chiles Verfassung stammt im Kern immer noch aus der Pinochet-Ära. Die scheidende Präsidentin Michelle Bachelet hatte eine grundlegende Verfassungsreform versprochen und dazu einen umfassenden Bürgerdialog initiiert. Was aus diesem Prozess unter ihrem Nachfolger Piñera wird, ist ungewiss. Continue reading >>02 January 2018
Catalonia in deadlock, and why that is a European problem
The Catalan territorial conflict is stuck. No clear solutions are on the table after the elections of December 21st. Catalans and Spaniards are failing so far to find solutions to the problem. But it is our European common problem and our common responsibility to try to help them. More specifically, EU institutions should be doing much more of what they have done so far. I blame them for their passivity in the last couple of months. Continue reading >>30 December 2017
„A Good Constitution” and the Habits of Heart
Unless we want to complete an obituary for the rule of law in 2018, the challenge should be clear. While improving constitutional safeguards against the excesses of any majority is of utmost importance, it is insufficient. What is needed this time is moving beyond text text and on to building the context in which a constitution will prosper. Continue reading >>27 December 2017
Some Thoughts on Authoritarian Backsliding
In December I took part in a number of discussions, including at two interesting conferences – one in Nijmegen (the Netherlands) and the other in Berlin. Both of these conferences were on the subject of the return of authoritarianism in Central and Eastern Europe, and I believe the points raised at them are worth sharing. Continue reading >>26 December 2017
Doppelpass in Südtirol?
In ihrem Regierungsabkommen nehmen die ÖVP und die FPÖ in Aussicht, „den Angehörigen der Volksgruppen deutscher und ladinischer Muttersprache in Südtirol (...) die Möglichkeit einzuräumen, zusätzlich zur italienischen Staatsbürgerschaft die österreichische Staatsbürgerschaft zu erwerben”. Es ist unwahrscheinlich, dass es je zum Doppelpass kommen wird. Zu zahlreich, zu verzwickt sind die rechtlichen Schwierigkeiten. Dabei ist Italiens eigene Staatsbürgerschaft-Politik selbst alles andere als fehlerfrei. Continue reading >>23 December 2017
The European Commission’s Activation of Article 7: Better Late than Never?
On Wednesday, the European Commission reacted to the continuing deterioration of the rule of law situation in Poland. The remaining question, of course, is why this argument has been used in the context of 7(1) as opposed of 7(2) given that the situation on the ground in Poland is clearly – in the view of the Commission, the Venice Commission and countless other actors – one of clear and persistent breach of values, as opposed to a threat thereof. The explanation might lie beyond the simple difficulty of the procedural requirements related to the sanctioning stage. Continue reading >>
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21 December 2017
Cats, Constitutions and Crises: Dissemination of Research on the Rule of Law Crisis in Poland in a Social Media Age
On "Ceiling Sejm", the Cat, GIF Memes and other ways to fight for the rule of law in Poland in the age of social media and to reach millennials with legal academic expertise. Continue reading >>What’s in a Name? The Republic of Macedonia at the Crossroads
Forming of the new Government on 31st of May 2017 marked the beginning of the end of one of the most serious political crisis that Republic of Macedonia has lived through from its independence. The country was faced with challenges both on the domestic front – the dissolution of the democratic institutions and backsliding to authoritarianism, and on the international front as well – worsening of the relations with its neighbors. One of the first steps taken by the new government was to renew the ties with its Southern neighbor – Greece and to continue the talks over the name issue. After a period of three years, the representatives from both countries started negotiating again in order to resolve the name dispute and the security implications of this prolonged dispute on the Balkan region. But by all means the renewal of the negotiations is only just a beginning of the lengthy path of rebuilding the trust and solving the issue that has been a huge burden especially to the R. Macedonia’s integration in EU and NATO. Continue reading >>20 December 2017
Taking the EU-Turkey Deal to Court?
The EU-Turkey deal on the return of refugees is one of the most controversial policy steps taken by the EU in recent years. The EU General Court chose to sidestep the difficult legal questions raised by the deal by dismissing these cases, ruling it had no jurisdiction to review the deal on the ground that the Statement was not an act of Union institutions, but that of Member States. Will the CJEU use this opportunity to set the record straight by establishing who had the competence to conclude the EU-Turkey deal? Continue reading >>
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19 December 2017
Das abgekaufte Grundrecht: Verfassungswidrige Rückkehrförderung
Das Innenministerium hat Anfang des Monats ein neues Programm zur Förderung der „freiwilligen“ Ausreise von Ausländerinnen und Ausländern aufgelegt. Wer sich bis Ende Februar 2018 zur Rückkehr entscheidet, kann „Reintegrationsunterstützung im Bereich Wohnen“ im Wert von bis zu 3.000 Euro erhalten. Das Programm ist Teil einer Rückkehrförderung, die Schutzsuchende zur Rücknahme von Asylanträgen bewegen will. Damit steht sie im Widerspruch zur Verfassung. Continue reading >>18 December 2017
Next Stop on the Way to Constitutional Disarray in Poland: Electoral Law Reform
Last Thursday, the Sejm has passed another hugely controversial law that might change the constitutional setup in Poland without changing a letter of the constitution itself. The law claims, according to its title, to „increase the participation of citizens in the process of electing, functioning and controlling certain public bodies“ (doc. 2001). In large parts, it consists of amendments to the Polish Electoral Code (E.C). Its adoption is opposed by the parliamentary opposition, by the electoral administration bodies and by many experts. The enactment of this law would violate the principle of a democratic state ruled by law in three ways. Continue reading >>
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14 December 2017
Tu, felix Austria, nube! Ehe für alle – jetzt auch in Österreich
Der österreichische Verfassungsgerichtshof hat festgestellt, dass die Unterscheidung zwischen der Ehe als Rechtsinstitut für verschiedengeschlechtliche Paare und der eingetragenen Partnerschaft für gleichgeschlechtliche Paare gegen das Diskriminierungsverbot des Gleichheitsgrundsatzes der österreichischen Bundesverfassung verstößt. Als erstes Verfassungsgericht Europas hat der VfGH daher die unterschiedlichen Regelungen für verschieden- und gleichgeschlechtliche Paare aufgehoben. Continue reading >>
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12 December 2017
A Bridge over Troubled Water – a Criminal Lawyers’ Response to Taricco II
The recent CJEU judgment in M.A.S., M.B. (hereinafter Taricco II) [...] Continue reading >>
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11 December 2017
Im Technokraten-Panzer auf dem Weg zur Europäischen Armee
Heute hat der Rat der EU das so genannte PESCO-Projekt beschlossen. Es soll wesentlich zur Errichtung einer europäischen Verteidigungsunion beitragen. Es ist rundweg zum Staunen, wie sich nach all den kritischen europapolitischen Grundsatzdiskussionen der vergangenen Jahre bei der Militär- und Rüstungsintegration offenbar die Fehler der Vergangenheit wiederholen. Es ist das technokratisch-funktionalistische Europa, das hier voranschreitet, und nicht das demokratische Europa, das aus der offenen Diskussion der europäischen Bürgerschaft entsteht. Continue reading >>07 December 2017
Belittling the Primacy of EU Law in Taricco II
The Taricco II judgement handed down by the CJEU on 5 December 2017 is a telling and worrying example of a weakly reasoned court decision and the high price at which such weakness comes. It is a judgement that disregards legally problematic questions, seemingly subordinating argumentative consistency to the constraints of legal policy in a climate increasingly critical towards EU law and institutions. The (potential) collateral damage of this approach is considerable. Continue reading >>Nur noch auf einem Ohr taub
Kann man Tschetschenen nach Russland ausliefern? Das Bundesverfassungsgericht bestätigt das Recht auf Sachaufklärung im Auslieferungsverfahren, verkennt aber die Reichweite der Anhörungspflicht. Continue reading >>06 December 2017
Zum Beten in den Keller?
Die Universität Hamburg hat einen Verhaltenskodex veröffentlicht, der den Umgang mit unterschiedlichen Vorstellungen zur Religionsausübung an der UHH grundsätzlich regeln soll. Allerdings lässt die Ausgestaltung zu wünschen übrig. Es fehlt an praktischer Konkordanz und ironischerweise entfaltet eine angeblich dem Abbau von Diskriminierung dienende Maßnahme selbst eine geschlechterspezifisch diskriminierende Wirkung. Continue reading >>Criticizing the new President of the Polish Constitutional Court: A Crime against the State?
L'état c'est moi. Thus said France’s Louis XIV, and thus seems to think of herself Julia Przyłębska – since the 2016 “coup” against the Constitutional Court in Poland, she is the President of that Court, de facto appointed to the post by the man who runs Poland these days, Jarosław Kaczyński. Last October a Polish oppositional daily, Gazeta Wyborcza, described how she allegedly colluded with the Polish State security in the pursuit of her position at the Constitutional Court. Przyłębska tried to defend herself by using criminal-law instruments otherwise designed to protect the State. "By attacking me, you attack the State,” she seems to suggest. Continue reading >>What’s in a name? A Brexit we can all enjoy
Northern Ireland will have a ,hard Brexit' as any other part of the UK and, at the same time, be subject to a ,regulatory alignment' with the Republic of Ireland and, hence, the EU. Such is the elegance of this solution, that one might be tempted to mistake it for a genuine policy innovation. In fact, using a made up name for something that you are already doing and calling it ‘new’ has a long pedigree and has been used aplenty. Continue reading >>05 December 2017
Defusing the Taricco Bomb through Fostering Constitutional Tolerance: All Roads Lead to Rome
As Mauro Cappelletti perceptively wrote in 1986, ‘unlike the American Supreme Court and the European Constitutional Courts, the Court of Justice has almost no powers that are not ultimately derived from its own prestige, intellectual and moral force of its opinions’. In other terms, the Court of Justice (‘ECJ’) cannot take obedience to its judgments by Member States and the respective authorities as granted or constitutionally-mandated since, in Weiler’s words, this is a voluntary obedience which goes hand in hand with the exercise of constitutional tolerance in the Member States. In other words, there is a time for the enforcement of the radical primacy of EU law as in Melloni and Taricco I, and a time for internalizing the counterlimits, as in the Taricco II decision (M.A.S. and M.B. case) handed down today by the ECJ. Continue reading >>
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04 December 2017
EGMR prüft neues Konzept der Sicherungsverwahrung in Deutschland
Ist die deutsche Praxis, besonders gefährliche Straftäter auch nach verbüßter Strafe weiter in Haft zu halten, mit der EMRK vereinbar? Seit 2009 steht diese Frage im Raum. Jetzt wird die Große Kammer des EGMR im Fall Ilnseher noch einmal ganz grundlegend überprüfen, ob sie der jetzigen deutschen Regelung tatsächlich eine konventionsrechtliche Unbedenklichkeitsbescheinigung ausstellen kann. Continue reading >>03 December 2017
Merabishvili v. Georgia: Has the Mountain Given Birth to a Mouse?
The wait for those of us looking for much needed answers to understand what direction and coherence the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights would give to its nascent Article 18 case law (also known as ‘bad faith’ case law) has ended. A verdict has been reached in Merabashvili v. Georgia Grand Chamber judgment of the European Court of Human Rights. In a climate of retreat from human rights law and standards under the guise of domestic legalism, answers to the questions of what it means to violate the Convention in bad faith, how we prove it and what responses we owe to bad faith human rights violations have become pressing and urgent. The Grand Chamber gave us answers to the first two questions and passed on the third. Continue reading >>02 December 2017
Der Bundesparteitag der AfD und die Pflicht der Parteien, Medienberichterstattung zuzulassen
Die AfD hat nach scharfer Kritik bei ihrem Bundesparteitag doch Journalisten zugelassen, ohne ihre politischen Präferenzen zu speichern. Die Frage bleibt aber, ob es das Grundgesetz einer politischen Partei erlaubt, die Akkreditierung von Journalisten von deren Bereitschaft abhängig zu machen, die Speicherung sensibler persönlicher Daten zu erlauben. Die Frage ist klar zu verneinen. Continue reading >>30 November 2017
Im Zweifel für die Sicherheit – EGMR billigt Abschiebung eines sogenannten „Gefährders“
Der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte (EGMR) hat die Entscheidung des [...] Continue reading >>29 November 2017
Die Dritte Option: Für wen?
Sollte der Gesetzgeber eine Dritte Option im Personenstandsrecht einführen, so wird er sich damit auseinandersetzen müssen, wer Zugang zu dieser Dritten Option erhalten soll. Dieser Beitrag geht der Frage nach, was sich aus der Entscheidung vom 10. Oktober 2017 dazu entnehmen lässt: Muss die dritte Option neben inter*geschlechtlichen Menschen auch allen anderen offen stehen, die sich weder als Mann noch als Frau verstehen? Continue reading >>The Politics of Recognition and the Limits of Emancipation through Law
In this post I will call attention to the limits to recognition’s emancipatory potential, the possibility of gender-proliferation ad absurdum, and I will take another look at the privacy argument. I conclude with a reappraisal of the ‘null-option’ and support for scrapping gender registration altogether. Continue reading >>
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28 November 2017
Es lebe die Republik!
In einem politischen System, das sich aufgrund historischer Erfahrungen in besonderer Weise der Stabilität verschrieben hat, erzeugt das Scheitern der Jamaika-Sondierungen eine gewisse Unsicherheit. Wir suchen nach einem „Abteilungsleiter Befindlichkeit“, der uns einfach einmal mit der notwendigen Autorität von Person oder Amt sagt, wie es weitergehen soll. Im antipolitischen Affekt und in neomonarchischer Verklärung richten sich daher seit Tagen alle Augen auf einen: den Bundespräsidenten. Continue reading >>Judicial “Reform” in Poland: The President’s Bills are as Unconstitutional as the Ones he Vetoed
Five months ago, the Polish President Duda vetoed the PiS laws on the judiciary as unconstitutional. Currently, the President and the PiS are negotiating about a solution to this conflict. But make no mistake: The Presidential vetoes have not triggered any new proposals which would be qualitatively better in terms of consistency with the Constitution than the initial PiS bills that he vetoed. Both the PiS and the President’s proposals are glaringly unconstitutional, though in different ways. Continue reading >>
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Gesundbeten und Krankreden, oder: Wie man die EU besser nicht unterstützen sollte
Sie klingen so hübsch und sympathisch, die Namen, unter denen sich die neuesten Apologien der Europäischen Union präsentieren: “Europäische Republik”, “postnationale Demokratie” – wer wollte da dagegen sein unter uns Kosmopoliten und Pro-Europäern? Robert Menasse und Ulrike Guérot sind zwei der sichtbarsten Protagonisten dieser neuen Loyalität zur Union. Doch wenn man ihre Bücher näher betrachtet, entdeckt man sofort, dass ihr Pro-Europäismus eine fragwürdige Segnung ist. Er ist abstrakt und halbgebildet. Und er ist sogar ein wenig gefährlich. Continue reading >>27 November 2017
Bialowieza Forest, the Spruce Bark Beetle and the EU Law Controversy in Poland
The battle about logging in the protected Bialowieza primeval forest in Poland puts the rule of law in the European Union in danger – in more than just one way. Continue reading >>
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