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Germany Blocks Europe-Wide Protection of Women Against Violence
Gender-based violence has dramatically increased in the European Union (EU) in recent years. In particular women are widely affected by rape. On 8 March 2022, the Commission presented a Draft Directive for comprehensive, effective and enforceable protection against gender-based violence in all EU Member States. The main point of contention in the negotiations, which could ultimately prevent the adoption of the Draft Directive, is the introduction of the common definition of the criminal offence of rape. The Directive aims to harmonize across Europe the definition of rape as a violation of the consent-based sexual act. Yet, twelve Member States, with Germany and France at the forefront, are not convinced that the EU has a sufficient legal base to regulate that issue. This article highlights the arguments for a common regulation of the criminal offence of rape in the EU under Art. 83 (1) TFEU against the doubts raised by the German Federal Ministry of Justice.
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Obstinate Choices
Denmark is currently going through a full-blown intelligence scandal. It includes charges of illegal activity lodged by the Danish Intelligence Oversight Board (TET) against the Danish foreign intelligence service (FE), as well as a range of criminal cases brought against the former head of FE, a former minister of defence, and a former intelligence officer on charges of leaking classified information. In this post, I argue that these scandals can best be understood through the lens of a series of obstinate choices made by the Danish government and its representatives. Seemingly, because key decision-makers lacked trust and got fed up with leaks, the situation was handled aggressively from the start, as a matter of principle. I explain the complex scandal but focus on specifics only in the case against former minister of defence, Claus Hjort Frederiksen, as his case is the most clear-cut and observable for outsiders.
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Changing Tides in European Election Law
On 15 June, the Bundestag approved a minimum percentage threshold for elections to the European Parliament (EP). Shortly before the summer break, the Bundesrat (Federal Council) also agreed to the clause. German lawmakers already failed twice in this endeavour before the Federal Constitutional Court (Bundesverfassungsgericht, short BVerfG). This time, the German legislator can refer to a binding EU legal act backing its reform efforts. This means the electoral threshold must now be treated (also by the constitutional court) as determined by EU law – with all consequences. However, even a 2% hurdle is not 100% safe from the BVerfG.
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Vorzeichenwechsel im Europawahlrecht
Der Bundestag hat am 15. Juni einer Sperrklausel für die Wahlen zum Europäischen Parlament zugestimmt. Kurz vor der Sommerpause schloss sich auch der Bundesrat an. Der deutsche Gesetzgeber unternimmt auf ein Neues, womit er schon zweimal vor dem Bundesverfassungsgericht gescheitert ist. Dieses Mal hat der deutsche Gesetzgeber bei der Einführung der Sperrklausel einen verbindlichen EU-Rechtsakt im Rücken. Damit geht allerdings einher, dass die Sperrklausel nun (auch verfassungsgerichtlich) mit allen Konsequenzen als determiniertes Unionsrecht behandelt werden muss. Doch auch eine 2 %-Hürde ist nicht zu 100% sicher vor dem BVerfG.
Continue reading >>A Constitution’s Hollow Promise
On 26 November 2022, the Taiwanese people had their authentic constitutional voice heard for the first time in history by casting votes in a referendum on a constitutional amendment that would lower the age of voting from 20 to 18, and that of candidacy from 23 to 18 except as otherwise provided by the Constitution or legislation. Given that Taiwan’s current Constitution was adopted by a Constituent National Assembly in China in 1946 when Japan still held sovereignty over Taiwan de jure and all the previous constitutional amendments were adopted without receiving direct approval from the Taiwanese people, the holding of referendum itself is historic. Yet, this latest round of constitutional reform on Taiwan’s road towards an ever more democratic politics ends up as a damp squib.
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Why Banning Russians from Schengen Is Unlawful
Volodymyr Zelensky, the Prime Minister of Finland and others have been calling for an EU-wide ban of Russian citizens from Schengen visas. Unquestionably, the horrible crimes perpetrated by the Russian state should be punished. But Russians are citizens of a totalitarian state, they are not Putin. And whether we like it or not, there is no legal way under current EU law to adopt a blanket citizenship-based ban against Russians acquiring Schengen visas. Even more: political attention paid to it by persons in leadership positions is deeply surprising, if not irresponsible.
Continue reading >>Marktlogik ist kein Rechtsgebot
Am 21. Juli hat Christine Lagarde das Transmission Protection Instrument (TPI) der EZB vorgestellt. Die Ankündigung des TPI hat in Deutschland, wieder einmal, eine Diskussion um die Rolle der Märkte bei der Beurteilung der öffentlichen Finanzen von Mitgliedstaaten und die Berechtigung der Zentralbanken zum Eingriff in das Marktgeschehen entfacht. Tatsächlich sprechen gewichtige verfassungs- und demokratietheoretische Argumente dagegen, die Anleihepreisbildung ausschließlich dem Markt zu überlassen. Es handelt sich dabei weder um ein Gebot der Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion noch des grundgesetzlichen Demokratieprinzips.
Continue reading >>Dütt is Berlin
Aufkehren hinter dem großen hauptstädtischen Wahl-Debakel
Continue reading >>Blockieren bis zum Ausnahmezustand
Am 14. Februar 2022 hat der kanadische Premierminister Justin Trudeau erstmals seit 1970 den Ausnahmezustand in Kanada erklärt. Die Maßnahme wird seitens seiner Partei vor allem mit den ökonomischen Folgen der Blockaden von Grenzübergängen und den Ereignissen in Ottawa begründet. Ob die Gerichte im Falle einer Anfechtung die Maßnahmen für rechtmäßig erklären werden, ist derzeit nicht absehbar.
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Verfahren eingestellt, Problem gelöst?
Am 2. Dezember 2021 hat die EU-Kommission das Vertragsverletzungsverfahren gegen Deutschland wegen des PSPP-Urteils des BVerfG vom 5. Mai 2020 eingestellt. Dieser Einstellungsentscheidung ist mit Erleichterung zu begegnen.
Continue reading >>Die Versicherheitlichung und Kriminalisierung von Migration und Asyl in Großbritannien
Die 'Nationality and Borders Bill' stellt den Höhepunkt der zunehmend sicherheitsorientierten, kriminalisierten und feindlichen Haltung der britischen Regierung gegenüber Asyl und Migration dar. Der 11. September verfestigte den höchst zweifelhaften Zusammenhang zwischen Migration und Terrorismus, der noch heute von einigen in der Regierung hergestellt wird. In der Zwischenzeit hatte die britische Regierung jahrzehntelang eine restriktive Migrationspolitik und -praxis betrieben, die jetzt neue Extreme annimmt.
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The UK’s Securitisation and Criminalisation of Migration and Asylum
The Nationality and Borders Bill is the culmination of the UK government’s increasingly securitised, criminalised and hostile approach to asylum and migration. While 9/11 served to solidify the highly dubious nexus between migration and terrorism, the UK (alongside other destination states) has for decades been implementing restrictive migration policies and practices designed to deter and prevent asylum seekers and other migrants from reaching its territories and accessing safety.
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Grinding the Orange Axe
On October 18th, 2021, the Venice Commission adopted its opinion on the Dutch childcare benefit scandal and highlighted, albeit reluctantly, several shortcomings regarding the Netherlands’ adherence to the rule of law: A lack of parliamentary scrutiny, a disrupted flow of information in bureaucratic bodies and the need for constitutional review. Despite the opinion’s inherent potential to provide a thorough substantive addition to the rule of law conversation, it fails at doing so due to its evasiveness and its hesitance to address complicated Dutch customs, such as the current caretaker cabinet.
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Rationalizing Supremacy
For many years, supremacy has been rationalized by the European Court of Justice and in the literature mainly with arguments relying on the effectiveness of EU law and on its necessity for resolving conflicts between Union law and the laws of the Member States. In light of the most recent supremacy-related decisions by constitutional courts in Poland and Germany, these rationalizations seem to have lost their persuasive power. Instead of relying on effectiveness or the equality of Member States, supremacy should be seen as being mainly grounded in the individual-centred non-discrimination standard anchored in Article 18 TFEU.
Continue reading >>Taking the Law Seriously?
One might wonder whether the Commission’s attack on its “friends” in Germany is designed simply to detract attention away from its impotence in the face of growingly-explicit authoritarianism in the Orbán and Kaczyński orbits. We might dismiss the matter with a wry smile were it not for that fact that the Commission is also attacking honest efforts to solve the rule of law dilemmas posed by the original sin of the construction of Economic Union, as well as the well-meaning judicial search for solution to the impossible supremacy-sovereignty conundrum. The PSPP Judgment is far from perfect and has unleashed sometimes rough controversies; however, the tacit approval given to the Commission by so many in their silence about the new proceedings can surely only act to shore up authoritarian egos, concomitantly foreclosing creative judicial responses to our on-going European dilemma of how to maintain and strengthen the rule of law in integration.
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Ultra Vires Control and European Democracy
On 9 June 2021, the European Commission filed infringement proceedings against the Federal Republic of Germany. Though the infringement procedure has been welcomed by some scholars as a necessary reaction of the Commission, I argue that initiating the infringement procedure is politically unwise, legally questionable, and ultimately unfounded.
Continue reading >>Die Ultra-vires-Kontrolle als notwendiger Baustein der europäischen Demokratie
Am 9. Juni 2021 hat die Europäische Kommission, in Antwort auf das PSPP-Urteil des Bundesverfassungsgerichts vom 5. Mai 2020, ein Vertragsverletzungsverfahren gegen die Bundesrepublik Deutschland eingereicht. Dieses Vertragsverletzungsverfahren ist politisch unklug, rechtlich unzulässig und womöglich unbegründet. Allerdings birgt es auch das Potential, die unionsrechtliche Zulässigkeit des Rechtsinstituts der Ultra-vires-Kontrolle festzustellen.
Continue reading >>Das Ende eines epochalen Verfassungsstreits
Der Zweite Senats des Bundesverfassungsgericht hat keine Bedenken, dass die Bundesregierung sein PSPP-Urteil unzureichend umgesetzt hat. Den Antrag der Kläger, die Vollstreckung anzuordnen, hat es abgelehnt. Damit ist ein denk- und merkwürdiger Verfassungsstreit zu einem Ende gekommen. Das BVerfG hat das Funktionsverständnis, das die EZB sich und ihrer Währungspolitik seit jetzt ungefähr 10 Jahren zuschreibt, nach langem Ringen gebilligt.
Continue reading >>COVID-19 in the Netherlands: of Changing Tides and Constitutional Constants
Along with Covid, the Government’s response, and the growing public unrest, came a continuing string of constitutional questions and developments, that is unlikely to diminish anytime soon. Building on the abovementioned Verfassungsblog post, we will discuss the main constitutional Covid-19 highlights, largely chronologically. Throughout we will pay particular attention to three recurring and interrelated themes: the evolving role of Parliament in shaping the political and legal response to Covid-19, the relevance and varying intensity of judicial control in pandemic times, and the omnipresence of fundamental rights concerns.
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Verfassungsrecht im Mediendiskurs
Verfassungsrechtliche Expertise ist ein relevanter Bezugspunkt für politische Entscheidungen. Politische Akteur*innen beziehen sich oft auf rechtliche Rahmenbedingungen, um ihre Argumente zu stützen. Verfassungsrechtliche Argumente und Verfassungsexpert*innen sind deshalb Teil eines öffentlich geführten und auf strategische politische Ziele ausgerichteten Diskurses.
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Es braucht nicht immer ein Gesetz
Am 02.03.2021 hat der Zweite Senat des BVerfG einen Antrag der Fraktion DIE LINKE im CETA-Organstreitverfahren als unzulässig verworfen. Die Linksfraktion hatte gegen die Unterlassung einer konstitutiven Zustimmung zur vorläufigen Anwendung von CETA durch ein förmliches Mandatsgesetz geklagt. Dass es eines solchen Mandatsgesetzes nicht braucht, damit das Parlament seine Integrationsverantwortung wahrnimmt, war spätestens seit dem Lissabon-Urteil klar, doch in seinem CETA-Urteil konkretisiert das BVerfG die Integrationsverantwortung nun abermals.
Continue reading >>Über Richten und Schlichten
Am Freitag, 5. März 2021, gaben die drei zuständigen Bundesministerien in einer Pressemitteilung bekannt, dass sich die Bundesregierung mit den Energieversorgungsunternehmen RWE, E.ON, EnBW und Vattenfall auf Ausgleichzahlungen für den Atomausstieg geeinigt habe. Die Einigung ist insbesondere für das noch anhängige investitionsschutzrechtliche Verfahren Vattenfall gegen Bundesrepublik Deutschland vor einem internationalen Schiedsgericht von großer Bedeutung, da es nun aufgrund der Einigung außerhalb des Verfahrens kein Ergebnis liefern wird, diente es womöglich jahrelang nur als Drohkulisse. Aber egal ob das Verfahren schlussendlich eine Drohwirkung hatte oder ganz bedeutungslos war: Das investitionsschutzrechtliche Verfahren ist in jedem Fall abzulehnen.
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Belgium’s Accordion Response to COVID-19
As Covid-19 started to make its way onto Belgian territory, the Belgian federal government found itself in the midst of political disorder and negotiations to form a government after the May 2019 elections. Up until March 2020, the competent authority to decide on Covid measures was a caretaker minority government (Regering Wilmès I). But, after the first big outburst of cases in Belgium, the government formation accelerated. Nine political parties made a deal to give the resigning minority government full authority to combat the virus and its economic and social ramifications by a motion of confidence (Regering Wilmès II).
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Finland: Soft measures, respect for the rule of law, and plenty of good luck
In mid-April 2020 Verfassungsblog published my first take on Finland’s response to COVID-19, under the characterisation 'Best Practice and Problems'. Into February 2021, Finland has remained one of the few European champions in combating the epidemic, with 9,423 cases and 131 deaths (both per one million inhabitants and by 18 February 2021). Notably, Finland’s success has not followed from strict ‘draconian’ measures but from a combination of factors that include at least geographical location; cultural patterns that support physical distancing and even isolation; a well-functioning healthcare system; a good level of compliance; comparatively good levels of vitamin D; and sheer luck which would be related to the first factor, geographical location.
Continue reading >>Vermeidbar und vorhersagbar
Die juristische Abwicklung des Ausstiegs aus der Kernenergie ist kein Ruhmesblatt deutscher Gesetzgebungsgeschichte. Schon die mit der 13. Novelle zum Atomgesetz verbundene Beschleunigung des Ausstiegs nach der Katastrophe von Fukushima litt unter erheblichen grundrechtlichen Mängeln. Deren vermeintliche Beseitigung in der 16. AtG-Novelle stieß schon bei der Anhörung im Bundestagsausschuss auf massive Kritik. Jetzt hat das Bundesverfassungsgericht nunmehr bereits das Inkrafttreten des Gesetzes verneint und die angestrebte Regelung für verfassungswidrig erklärt – eine ebenso vermeidbare wie vorhersagbare Niederlage.
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The European “Market” for Constitutional Ideas
It was already clear to Seneca, almost 2000 years ago, that “[i]f a man knows not to which port he sails, no wind is favourable”. Now, almost 2000 years later, as mentioned by Armin von Bogdandy in his inspiring introduction to this symposium, we are faced with a crucial question of existential significance: Are we moving towards a Europeanised Germany or a Germanised Europe? In order to answer to the question, we have to draw a distinction between intention and practical effect.
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No Member State is More Equal than Others
In my view, three direct implications flow from the principle of ‘equality of the Member States before the Treaties’. First, the uniform interpretation and application of EU law are key for guaranteeing that equality. Second, the uniform interpretation of EU law needs to be ensured by one court and one court only, i.e. the Court of Justice. Third and last, the principle of primacy underpins the uniform interpretation and application of EU law. That law – as interpreted by the Court of Justice – is ‘the supreme law of the land’ as primacy (Anwendungsvorrang) guarantees that normative conflicts between EU law and national law are resolved in the same fashion. Primacy thus guarantees that both the Member States and their peoples are equal before the law.
Continue reading >>It’s Urgent II
On Friday 4 September 2020, Judge Anthony Collins of the General Court has ordered the suspension of operation and all consequential effects of the Decision of the Representatives of the Governments of the Member States, in so far as it purports to appoint Mr. Athanasios Rantos to the position of Advocate General of the Court of Justice. The significance of this development for the independence of the judiciary in the EU and the general articulation of the rule of law in Europe is difficult to overestimate.
Continue reading >>Minority Power
On electoral law, parliamentary law and other nerdy aspects of contemporary German politics.
Continue reading >>Die Macht der Minderheit
Über das Wahlrecht, das Parlamentsrecht und andere Nerdigkeiten des aktuellen Politikgeschehens.
Continue reading >>Arbitrary and capricious
On dreamers, Trump, the US Supreme Court and the difference between a Rechtsstaat and an authoritarian regime.
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Willkürlich und launenhaft
Über Dreamer, Trump, den US Supreme Court und den Unterschied zwischen einem Rechtsstaat und einem autoritärem Regime.
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Want a law? Draft one
On Berlin, communizing real-estate behemoths and the power to initiate a law
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Wer ein Gesetz begehrt, soll eins entwerfen
Über Berlin, zu verstaatlichende Immobilienkonzerne und die Macht, die dem Recht auf Gesetzesinitiative innewohnt.
Continue reading >>Taming the Karlsruhe Dragon
In order to reconcile the conflicting claims for primacy within the parameters set by the BVerfG and EU law, the German parliament could (and should) amend the procedural rules for the BVerfG: the first, and most fundamental of these changes would provide for an order to conduct a referendum on whether Germany should exercise its right to withdraw from the EU under Art. 50 TEU as the only definitive judicial remedy available if a conflict between EU law and the German constitution cannot otherwise be resolved.
Continue reading >>Juristen, die mit Ökonomen streiten
Der mit dem PSPP-Urteil des BVerfG wieder aufgeflammte Streit um die Anleihenkaufprogramme des Europäischen Systems der Zentralbanken ist in die nächste Stufe eingetreten. Nachdem man zeitweise den Eindruck (oder jedenfalls die Hoffnung) haben musste, dass der Ton der Debatte nicht schärfer werden könne, ist jüngst von einem „Angriff, der nicht unwidersprochen bleiben darf“ und einer „rechtlich falsche[n]“, „äußerst gefährliche[n] Einlassung“ die Rede. Wer schwingt dieses scharfe rhetorische Schwert – und gegen wen?
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“Passport Trade”: A Vicious Cycle of Nonsense in the Netherlands
“How can you justify the fact that your work was translated into Russian? This goes against the claim that you engage in academic work. Is Russian not the language of billionaires interested in getting another citizenship?” Following the persistent repetition of this question by a four-person independent investigation committee installed by my home University, my lawyer, seeing that I have no words – indeed, am unable to speak – asks for a break and leads me out of the room. We sit on the steps in front of the beautiful Academy building. This is Groningen, January 2020, I am a Dutch professor of European Constitutional Law and Citizenship here and Russian is my mother tongue.
Continue reading >>Quis furor, o cives…
On civil rights, civil war and why one should beware of false associations looking at Minneapolis.
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Quis furor, o cives…
Über Bürgerrechte, Bürgerkriege und warum man sich mit Blick auf Minneapolis vor falschen Assoziationen hüten sollte.
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Passive and Unequal: The Karlsruhe Vision for the Eurozone
The decision of the Bundesverfassungsgericht on the European Central Bank’s PSPP program did not come as a shock. All the critical arguments of that decision can be found explicitly or implicitly in the BVerfG’s referral to the Court of Justice of the EU on 18 July 2017. The real object of the decision of the BVerfG is the economic governance of the Eurozone or rather the big bet of European solidarity and European integration, in the midst of a pandemic even.
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National Courts Cannot Override CJEU Judgments
The European Union is a community based on the rule of law. The EU legal order is the backbone that holds the EU together, and the German Federal Constitutional Court’s ruling in Weiss poses a profound threat to that legal order. This threat goes far beyond the potential consequences of the Weiss ruling for European monetary policy. We write this statement to express our shared view that the German Court’s assertion that it can declare that a CJEU judgment “has no binding force in Germany” is untenable and must be forcefully rejected. We also write to challenge those versions of scholarship on constitutional pluralism and constitutional identity that would defend the authority of any national court to make such a ruling and that helped (even if unintentionally) encourage it to do so.
Continue reading >>The European Court of Justice Enters a New Era of Scrutiny
Among the many unintended consequences of the PSPP judgment, the most unforeseen of all was to thrust the Court of Justice of the European Union into the limelight. All of a sudden, the media coverage is no longer limited to what the CJEU decides but how it decides and operates.
Continue reading >>The Bundesbank is under a legal obligation to ignore the PSPP Judgment of the Bundesverfassungsgericht
If there is a situation undermining the rule of law, then it is exactly this: The Bundesbank is under a legal obligation to ignore the PSPP Judgment of the Bundesverfassungsgericht (under EU law), and the Bundesbank is under a legal obligation to follow the PSPP Judgment of the Bundesverfassungsgericht (under German constitutional law). How has it come to this?
Continue reading >>Watching the Peacock Dance
Why is Viktor Orbán suddenly making nice with the ECJ and closing the Röszke camp? I don't know. But I have some suspicions.
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Dem Pfau beim Tanz zusehen
Warum gibt sich Viktor Orbán plötzlich handzahm gegenüber dem EuGH und schließt das Lager Röszke? Das weiß ich auch nicht, habe aber so meine Vermutungen.
Continue reading >>Law or Politics?
Why should a proportionality assessment of an instrument of monetary policy, which no one doubts is at least in part designed to increase money supply and combat deflation, examine that instrument’s effect on economic policy? There are two different answers—one under EU law, the other under German law.
Continue reading >>Herrschaftslegitimation und implizite Identitätskontrolle
Würde sich der Gerichtshof auf die Kritik des BVerfG konstruktiv einlassen und ein Kontrollniveau etablieren, das der demokratischen und rechtstaatlichen Struktur der Union wirklich gerecht wird, wäre er am Ende der eigentliche Gewinner. Auch Reservevorbehalte des BVerfG würden sich dann von selbst erledigen.
Continue reading >>Verfassungsrichter in der Defensive
Huber, Voßkuhle, Lenaerts – drei Richter des BVerfG bzw. EuGH haben sich in der Presse zu Wort gemeldet, um ihre jeweiligen Urteile im Streit um die Ultra-Vires-Entscheidung zu verteidigen. Diese Reaktionen sind nicht nur rechtlich problematisch, sie drohen auch genau das zu verspielen, was die Richter zu bewahren suchen: das öffentliche Vertrauen und ihre Autorität.
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