02 March 2021
The Digital Services Act and the Reproduction of Old Confusions
While intended to refit the 20-year-old E-Commerce Directive, the Digital Services Act reproduces a central confusion in its predecessor: The interplay between a lack of knowledge or awareness of illegality remains a precondition to enjoy liability exemptions, however, the Digital Services Act encourages platforms proactive investigation of hosted content, which might trigger aforementioned knowledge or awareness. The inclusion of a Section 230-like ‘good Samaritan clause’, meant to facilitate proactive, own-initiative investigations of user speech by platforms, complicates matters further. Continue reading >>
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Constitutional Improvisation and Executive Omnipotence: the Cypriot Handling of the Pandemic
The outbreak of COVID-19 caught the Cypriot legal order unprepared as regards the effective response in containing the spread of the virus. Contrary to the approach of other European states that declared a state of emergency, Cyprus opted for the adoption of executive measures based on pre-existing, primary legislation. In the absence of any contemporary legislation and with the conscious decision not to table legislation, the executive employed the provisions of colonial legislation, namely the Quarantine Law (Cap. 260) which was enacted in 1932 by the British. The said law intended to regulate the imposition of quarantine and provided for the prevention in the then colony of dangerous infectious diseases. Following the independence of Cyprus in 1960, colonial legislation – including Cap. 260 – remained in effect, as per article 188 of the Cypriot Constitution, subject to compliance with constitutional provisions. Continue reading >>„Solid jurisdictional basis“?
Am 5.2.2021 erging die langerwartete Entscheidung von Vorverfahrenskammer I zur Frage der Zuständigkeit des Internationalen Strafgerichtshofs für mögliche Kriegsverbrechen in den von Israel besetzen palästinensischen Gebieten seit 13.6.2014. Die Entscheidung erging auf Antrag der Anklagebehörde, die zwar von einem Anfangsverdacht iSv Art. 53 Abs. 1 IStGH-Statut ausgeht, vor der Fortführung der Ermittlungen die Zuständigkeitsfrage aber vorab geklärt haben wollte. Der Grund liegt darin, dass die Staatenqualität Palästinas höchst umstritten ist, irgendeine Form von Staatlichkeit aber Voraussetzung für die territoriale Zuständigkeit des Gerichtshofs ist. Continue reading >>
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01 March 2021
Preserving Prejudice in the Name of Profit
Few CJEU judgments in recent years have received more criticism than the ‘headscarf judgments’, Achbita and Bougnaoui. In particular the decision in Achbita that private employers can legitimately pursue a policy of neutrality and ban expressions of political, religious, or philosophical belief at work, proved contentious. Two other headscarf cases, IX v Wabe and MH Müller, are currently pending before the CJEU and provide it with an excellent opportunity to do so. However, the first signs are not promising: Last week, Advocate General Rantos delivered his Opinion in these cases, which may be even more unpalatable than the Achbita judgment itself. Continue reading >>A Year of Zeros? Legal Responses to the COVID-19 Pandemic in Russia
As the end of the year 2020 approached, the Vice-President of the French Conseil d’État Bruno Lasserre commented on one line of the case-law that appeared in the pandemic year: urgent application judges had to decide on the legality of rules found in press-releases and interviews by first deciphering legal rules and their hierarchy from those texts. This reflected exactly my experience as a practitioner in 2020 Russia: advising a client having weighed whether a blog of the Speaker of the Moscow City Duma carried more authority than a televised interview of the Moscow Mayor. Continue reading >>
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Switzerland and the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Look Back and a Look Into the Future
In our earlier blog contributions, we analysed whether the Swiss federal government (the Federal Council) acted within the bounds of the Swiss Constitution (hereinafter: Cst.) when enacting emergency ordinances in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic. We criticised the self-suspension of Parliament in March 2020, and we had a first glance at the interaction between the Confederation and the cantons. We are now, hopefully, halfway through the pandemic, which justifies a look back and a look into the future, especially into the ongoing vaccination efforts. Continue reading >>26 February 2021
Durchsetzungsunfähig
Am 18. Februar hat die EU-Kommission unter dem Titel „An Open, Sustainable and Assertive Trade Policy“ ihre Handelsstrategie für die kommenden Jahre veröffentlicht. Eine Priorität liegt dabei auf der verbesserten Durchsetzung der Nachhaltigkeitskapitel in den EU-Handelsabkommen. Allerdings nehmen EU-Handelsabkommen diese Kapitel ausdrücklich von den üblichen Sanktionsmechanismen aus und eignen sich deshalb nicht dazu, Arbeitnehmerrechte oder Umweltschutzstandards effektiv durchzusetzen. Doch auch ohne Änderungen an den bestehenden Regelungen könnte die Kommission zeigen, dass sie ihr Versprechen eines nachhaltigen Welthandels ernst meint. Zivilgesellschaftliche Akteure spielen dabei eine wichtige Rolle. Continue reading >>
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Flexing the Muscles of Information Power
Since July 2020, the global news media industry has been looking at Australia’s draft code, that would force Google and Facebook to negotiate with news publishers, pay for news, share data and advertising revenues. Facebook, in response, decided to ban Australian publishers and users from sharing or viewing Australian as well as international news content. Soon after, the social media changed its view, once the Australian government decided to step back and negotiate with Facebook. This interaction is not just an example of how Facebook can influence public policies, but also shows how powers are relocated among different actors in the information society. Continue reading >>COVID-19 and the Crisis in Indian Democracy
In the recent global history of constitutional democracies, it is difficult to name a single crisis that has plagued them simultaneously, until the COVID-19 pandemic. The calamity brought in by the virus was universal. For governments, it presented an opportunity for crisis management without compromising rights guarantees. Some countries have marginally succeeded in this test while in others, concerns of democratic decline were amplified. Three features defined the Indian response to COVID-19: lack of transparency, executive monopoly and suppression of dissent. Continue reading >>
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Spain: One Pandemic and Two Versions of the State of Alarm
The Spanish response to the waves of the COVID-19 pandemic that have affected the territory has so far largely relied on emergency powers. The measures were adopted on the basis of the pre-existing legal framework provided in article 116 of the Constitution and its legislative development, Ley Orgánica 4/1981 on state of alarm, exception and siege, adopted on 1 June 1981 (henceforth LO 4/1981). As explained below, two different approaches have characterised the response to the first and second wave. However, both have their legal basis on the same norms and are based on the same legal category, i.e., the state of alarm ('estado de alarma'). Continue reading >>Heidelberger Salon digital: Democracies Out of Sync?
A book launch conversation to mark the publication of ""Defending Checks and Balances in EU Member States. Taking Stock of Europe's Actions", with Adam Bodnar, András Jakab, Justyna Łacny, Christoph Möllers, Joseph Weiler et al. Continue reading >>25 February 2021
The EU Parliament’s Abdication on the Rule of Law (Regulation)
To paraphrase a previous blog entry by Scheppele, Pech and Kelemen, if the The Decline and Fall of the European Union is ever written, historians will conclude that not only the EU’s two key intergovernmental institutions – the European Council and the Council – should bear the greatest responsibility for the EU’s demise, but also the EU Parliament. Indeed, by failing to challenge the legality of the EUCO’s December conclusions encroaching upon its own prerogatives, the EU Parliament might have just become an enabler of the ongoing erosion of the rule of law across the Union. Paradoxically, it did so after relying on incomplete and partial opinion of its own legal service advising the Parliament to trade the respect of the rule of law away for political convenience. Continue reading >>COVID-19 in Mexico: A Year in Review
Close to a year since its first confirmed case of COVID-19, several indicators place Mexico among the countries that have suffered the worst effects of the pandemic. This post offers a critical overview of the governmental responses to the outbreak. It begins by describing the actions taken by officials of the different branches and levels of government. This is followed by an assessment of the many omissions and deficiencies that have characterized the response of the Federal Executive. Lastly, it closes by offering an outlook for 2021. Continue reading >>
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Corona und Bundesstaat
Welches Verfassungssystem hat sich im weltweiten Vergleich bei der Bekämpfung der Pandemie bewährt, welches eher Nachteile mit sich gebracht? Für Deutschland gilt: Die spezifischen Vorteile des Föderalismus werden weitgehend nicht genutzt. Insofern bleibt der deutsche Bundesstaat unter seinen Möglichkeiten. Dezentrale Lösungen gibt es wenige, ebenso wenig die hilfreiche, weil lehrreiche Konkurrenz unterschiedlicher Ansätze. Vor allem hat der deutsche Ansatz einen gravierenden Nachteil: er ist – wegen der Tagungen der Ministerpräsidentenkonferenz (MPK) hinter verschlossenen Türen- intransparent, sorgt nicht für klare Verantwortlichkeiten und kann deshalb nur schwer für das nötige Vertrauen in der Bevölkerung sorgen, das gerade in der Krise nötig ist. Continue reading >>Constitutionalism and COVID-19 in Greece: The Normality of Emergency
In the first wave of the pandemic (March-June 2020) Greece has been widely praised for having taken all necessary actions to contain effectively the spread of the virus. Despite the reasonable concerns, a consensus among scholars about the constitutionality of harsh restrictions on rights was reached, along with a broad social acceptance, due to the priority of health public interest and the exceptional character of the measures. Set by an emergency mechanism, the framework of the “crisis-law” remains alive and binding, while the country is possibly entering, after the second and more lethal spike (November-January), the third wave of Covid-19. Continue reading >>24 February 2021
A Witch Hunt In French Universities
At a time when French universities are struggling to deal with the epidemic, when students’ poverty should be a prime concern for the authorities, the French Minister of Higher Education, Research and Innovation, Frédérique Vidal, announced on a TV channel that she intends to set up an inquiry into “islamo-leftism” and postcolonialism in French universities. This reminds the attacks in the 1930s against the “judeo-masonic” lobby, attacks which ended up in the cleansing of universities when the Vichy Régime was established in 1940. Continue reading >>Live Debate: Power and the Covid-19 Pandemic
Marking the launch of the 2021 "Power and the COVID-19 Pandemic" Symposium, this webinar will bring together five contributors to discuss the impact of the pandemic on legal systems globally, and offer initial assessments for the rule of law, democracy, and human rights. Continue reading >>
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Weder revolutionär noch eine Besonderheit
Der Berliner Gesetzesentwurf für eine bevorzugte Einstellung von „Menschen mit Migrationshintergrund“ im öffentlichen Dienst ist zwar vorerst gescheitert, doch das Thema wird uns mit großer Wahrscheinlichkeit in den nächsten Jahren weiter beschäftigen. Die politischen und rechtlichen Kontroversen sind vorprogrammiert, denn solche Maßnahmen tangieren Ressourcen und Privilegien. Anders als pauschal behauptet, sind Fördermaßnahmen für Angehörige bestimmter sozialer Gruppen, die historisch und strukturell diskriminiert werden, nicht nur verfassungsrechtlich zulässig, sondern auch internationalrechtlich verpflichtend. Continue reading >>COVID-19 as an Opportunity for Democratic Consolidation?
The Covid-19 pandemic has tested the legal, political, economic and public health systems of countries all over the world, and Singapore – particularly as it found itself having to hold a general election in the middle of the pandemic – is no exception. However, it does seem that the pandemic has created opportunities for consolidation of democracy in Singapore as a result of increased citizen-state interactions during this time. Continue reading >>
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Twitter’s Modi Operandi
India is not only the world’s largest democracy, it also accounts for the largest number of internet shutdowns and take down requests to social media companies globally. The recent stand-off between Twitter and the Government of India (GoI) over suspending more than a thousand accounts supportive of farmers’ protests ended with Twitter falling in line with the GoI’s demands. This may set a dangerous precedent for digital platforms enabling other democratic governments to stifle online dissent. Continue reading >>COVID-19 in Sweden: A Soft Power Approach
The Swedish political and legal response to the Covid-19 pandemic is best described as soft in terms of the character of the measures applied, and decentralized in terms of the division of powers and responsibilities. Swedish constitutional law does not provide for a state of emergency in a peace time crisis, such as a pandemic. Instead, the principle of statutory anticipation is used, which means that ordinary laws (with, in some cases, special provisions which can be activated) apply also in a time of crisis, e.g. the Public Order Act (POA), which allows the government to restrict the number of participants in public meetings or organized public events. Where these powers are deemed to be insufficient, the legislative procedure should be sufficiently flexible to allow new powers to be added relatively speedily. However, the events in 2020 showed that this approach suffers from several deficiencies. Continue reading >>
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Draghi’s New Cabinet Sails but Italian Political Institutions Do not Risk Reforms
On 13 February 2021, the new Prime Minister Mario Draghi was sworn in with his ministers by President Mattarella. Draghi had received the task of forming the government on 3 February, ten days earlier. The second Conte government had resigned on 26 January. The new government won the confidence of the Senate on 17 February and that of the Chamber of Deputies on the 18th: the crisis was resolved within eighteen days (twenty-three if the two parliamentary votes are taken into account). It must be emphasized that in Italy the government does not take office after the parliamentary vote, but before, with the oath of office (Art. 93 It. Const.). This is fundamental to understand the role of the Head of State. Continue reading >>
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23 February 2021
A Political Impasse, and How to Get Out of It
At the end of January, EU Commission Vice-President Věra Jourová addressed a letter to a Spanish MEP. In this letter, the Commissioner, using diplomatic language, expressed her concern that the reform of the General Council of the Judiciary (CGPJ), initiated by the ruling Spanish left-wing coalition PSOE-Unidas Podemos in September, could diminish the independence of this governing body of the Judiciary and thus of all judges and courts. Continue reading >>
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Call Me by Mum’s Name
In a recent decision, the Italian Constitutional Court took up the question of the choice of surname for newborns. In the absence of legislative reforms, it has tried to adapt the Italian legal framework, which still adheres to traditional naming practices, to constitutional and international standards of equality. This step shows the Court’s intention to counter the Parliament’s inertia on the issue. Continue reading >>
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Breeding More Social Turbulence? – Thailand’s Unprepared Response to the Second Wave of COVID-19
COVID-19 posed one of the biggest challenges to the government of Prayuth Chan-ocha, the former junta leader and current prime minister. He successfully controlled the first round of pandemic, which spiked in mid-March by enforcing disproportionately harsh measures for unnecessarily prolonged period. [...] This article discusses the government’s failure to utilize emergency power to manage COVID-19 and assesses adverse effects brought about by the prolonged state of emergency. Continue reading >>
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Finland: Soft measures, respect for the rule of law, and plenty of good luck
In mid-April 2020 Verfassungsblog published my first take on Finland’s response to COVID-19, under the characterisation 'Best Practice and Problems'. Into February 2021, Finland has remained one of the few European champions in combating the epidemic, with 9,423 cases and 131 deaths (both per one million inhabitants and by 18 February 2021). Notably, Finland’s success has not followed from strict ‘draconian’ measures but from a combination of factors that include at least geographical location; cultural patterns that support physical distancing and even isolation; a well-functioning healthcare system; a good level of compliance; comparatively good levels of vitamin D; and sheer luck which would be related to the first factor, geographical location. Continue reading >>22 February 2021
Bezirksamt Berlin-Mitte contra Tagesschau
Es hagelte Kritik aus der Presse und der Deutsche Journalistenverband zeigte sich empört, nachdem das Bezirksamt Berlin-Mitte die Live-Übertragung einer Video-Pressekonferenz vom 17. Februar 2021, bei der die Ergebnisse einer Studie des Robert Koch-Instituts über die Verbreitung des Coronavirus vorgestellt wurden, verweigerte. Das wäre mit Blick auf die bekannten technischen Defizite der Verwaltung kein großer Aufreger, hätte das Bezirksamt dies nicht mit dem mittlerweile berüchtigten Datenschutz begründet. Diese Ausrede vermittelt den Eindruck, der Datenschutz sei nun auch noch ein Hemmschuh für die Pressefreiheit. Insofern ist der Fall exemplarisch für ein fehlgeleitetes Verständnis von Datenschutz und den ihm inzwischen – weitgehend zu Unrecht – anhaftenden zweifelhaften Ruf. Continue reading >>Die Quantifizierbarkeit von Gefahr
Die deutsche Rechtsprechung zum subsidiären Schutz ist in mehrfacher Hinsicht europarechtlich bedenklich. Zu diesem Schluss kommt Generalanwalt Pikamäe in seinen Schlussanträgen im Vorabentscheidungsverfahren CF, DN gegen die BRD. Insbesondere die Feststellung des Generalanwalts, dass es sich bei der Asylentscheidung um eine Zukunftsprognose handelt, statistische Erhebungen aber vergangenheitsbezogen sein müssen und für sich genommen daher keine ausreichende Grundlage dafür sein können, die künftige Gefährdung bei einer unterstellten Rückkehr zu bewerten, rüttelt an einer Grundkonzeption der deutschen Asylrechtsdogmatik. Continue reading >>
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COVID-19 in Brazil: A Sick Constitutional Democracy
In the first half of January 2021, Brazil had already counted more than 200,000 deaths and 8 million people diagnosed with COVID-19. Throughout 2020, the responses from the federal government, which should have taken on a coordination role considering the federalised National Health Service (SUS, Sistema Único de Saúde), were confusing and inefficient. Doubts and scepticism spread by the federal executive undermined the work of governors and mayors and, mirroring the American example, contributed to increase the number of cases and casualties. Continue reading >>
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Auf Schritt und Tritt
Anfang Februar hat das Bundesverfassungsgericht einen Beschluss veröffentlicht, in dem es die sogenannte elektronische Fußfessel für verfassungsgemäß erklärt – jedenfalls derzeit. Da auch zehn Jahre nach ihrer Einführung keine Langzeitstudien zum kriminalpräventiven Effekt der elektronischen Aufenthaltsüberwachung vorliegen, nimmt das Bundesverfassungsgericht den Gesetzgeber zu Recht in die Pflicht, die Maßnahme zu evaluieren. Wieso das Bundesverfassungsgericht auf die verpflichtende Einholung eines Sachverständigengutachtens zur Gefährlichkeitsprognose verzichtet, leuchtet vor dem Hintergrund des intensiven Grundrechtseingriffs, der mit der elektronischen Aufenthaltsüberwachung einhergeht, hingegen nicht ein. Continue reading >>
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The Australian Response to COVID-19: A Year in Review
Australia’s legal and political response to the outbreak of COVID-19 has been marked by the formation of a new intergovernmental forum, the National Cabinet, to lead a coordinated national response to the pandemic, and the declaration of successive states of emergency at the federal and state levels activating extraordinary executive powers, including limitations on movement and border closures. Australia’s response has, to date, resulted in the successful curtailment of community transmission of COVID-19 in Australian States and Territories. However, the response to the pandemic has also involved the removal of existing mechanisms of executive accountability, suspensions of Parliament and little parliamentary scrutiny or other oversight of executive action. These democratic deficits present fresh challenges for Australia going forward, particularly as the National Cabinet structure becomes permanent and the states of emergency endure for the foreseeable future. Continue reading >>
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Power and the COVID-19 Pandemic – Introduction & List of Contributions
One year on how has the COVID-19 pandemic affected the law, and the way states govern? Should we be concerned about the ongoing use of emergency powers? How can we look forward to what lies ahead? Convened by Joelle Grogan, this Symposium is hosted by the Verfassungsblog and supported by Democracy Reporting International and the Horizon-2020 RECONNECT project. Continue reading >>
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21 February 2021
Immerhin ein Kompromiss
Das Lieferkettengesetz kommt. Der Streit um die Deutungshoheit über den Entwurf ist nun voll entbrannt. Wird es in Deutschland bald das „bislang stärkste Gesetz in Europa im Kampf für Menschenrechte“ geben oder nur einen „zahnlosen Tiger“? Der gefundene Kompromiss mag unbefriedigend sein, aber der erste Schritt hin zu mehr verbindlicher unternehmerischer Verantwortung für Menschenrechte in der Lieferkette wäre damit gemacht. Continue reading >>20 February 2021
Better Late than Never
On 2 February 2021, the Constitutional Court of the Czech Republic repealed several crucial provisions of the electoral law. This decision is surprising since all of the previous petitions to repeal the electoral law were rejected by the Court for either procedural reasons or for manifest unfoundedness. The decision also presents a fairly active and, perhaps, unfortunately timed intervention of the judicial branch into the current political reality in the Czech Republic nine months before the upcoming election. Continue reading >>
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19 February 2021
A Turkish Fairy Tale About a ‘New, Civilian Constitution’
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is once again calling for a 'new, civilian constitution', although the previous round of far-reaching constitutional amendments have only been in force for 2.5 years. Due to declining approval rates, the AKP is turning to well-proven populist strategies, initiating debates on the constitution while referring positively to the inclusive constitution of 1921. Despite this rhetoric, the ruling AKP is not interested in a new constitution at all, but rather in specific modifications that will secure their own power. Continue reading >>
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Brazilian Democracy Under Military Tutelage
The relationship between the military and the civilian government is one that has defined the whole constitutional history of Brazil and could pave the way for a collapse of democracy. A few days ago, former Army General Villas Bôas revealed in an interview how the armed forces exercised pressure in 2018 against the Federal Supreme Court in the case of former President Lula. The threats made by General Villas Bôas demonstrate the fragility of the Brazilian democracy. Conflicts between the military and courts have been growing, and Bolsonaro has intensified the situation by increasingly involving military personnel in politics and making access to guns easier for the general public. Continue reading >>18 February 2021
Brennglas Pandemie
Wie gut hat das deutsche Regierungssystem den Stresstest bisher bestanden? Nimmt man die öffentlichen Kommentierungen als Maßstab, wird insbesondere die Ministerpräsidentenkonferenz (MPK) und damit der gesamte Föderalismus als Schwachstelle ausgemacht. Die föderalen Institutionen seien einerseits zu träge, um in der Krise rasch entscheiden und eingreifen zu können. Zum anderen stünden sie einheitlichen Lösungen im Wege, die für die Bewältigung der Pandemie notwendig und von der Bevölkerung gewünscht seien. Continue reading >>On illegal push-backs into the EU
On 29 December 2020, the Constitutional Court of Serbia (CCS) adopted a decision (Už-1823/2017) upholding the constitutional appeal filed on behalf of 17 Afghani migrants, who were expelled into Bulgaria although they had expressed the intention to seek asylum in the Republic of Serbia (RS) in 2017. It found that the Ministry of the Interior (Police Directorate - Gradina Border Police Station (BPS)) violated the prohibition of expulsion and inhuman treatment – both guaranteed in the Serbian Constitution. Continue reading >>Tailoring the Jurisdiction of the ECHR
On 16 February 2021, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) ruled in the case Hanan v. Germany concerning a 2009 NATO-Kunduz airstrike resulting in deaths of civilians in Afghanistan in favor of Germany. The primary allegation before the Court was that Germany violated its procedural obligation under Article 2 by failing to conduct a prompt, effective and impartial investigation into a lethal use of force. Although the Court unconvincingly decided that there was no violation of the procedural duty to investigate, the majority opinion held that there was a clear jurisdictional link obliging Germany to conduct the investigation of airstrikes in Afghanistan. Continue reading >>17 February 2021
Abgewählt
Heute, am 17. Februar, feiert die Republik Kosovo ihren 13. Geburtstag. Doch schon seit Sonntagabend feiern die Kosovaren – trotz Pandemie – auf den Straßen Prishtinas den historischen Sieg der Oppositionspartei Lëvizja Vetëvendosje. Am Sonntag fanden die vorgezogenen Parlamentswahlen im Kosovo statt, aus denen die Partei Lëvizja Vetëvendosje mit Parteichef Albin Kurti als eindeutige Siegerin hervorging. Die alte Riege haben die Kosovaren damit klar abgewählt. Noch kann Kurti auf eine absolute Mehrheit im Parlament hoffen, um seine Wahlversprechen auch ohne Unterstützung des alten „Kriegsflügel“ einlösen zu können. Eine strafrechtliche Verurteilung und die nächsten Präsidentschaftswahlen könnten ihm jedoch noch im Weg stehen. Continue reading >>16 February 2021
Der Wallrabenstein-Beschluss und die politische Dimension des Verfassungsprozessrechts
In ihrem Beschluss versuchen die übrigen Mitglieder des Senats, das Problem mit einer für Gerichte nicht untypischen Strategie zu bewältigen. Sie argumentieren mit den Besonderheiten des konkreten Falles und leiten aus der prozessual recht ungewöhnlichen Situation der Vollstreckung eines bereits ergangenen Urteils besonders strenge Maßstäbe für die richterliche Zurückhaltung ab. Der nachfolgende Beitrag zeigt auf, dass und warum diese Strategie zu kurz greift. Continue reading >>Eine Frage des Geldbeutels
Seit Anfang Februar haben auch Empfänger:innen von Hartz IV einen Anspruch auf kostenfreie FFP2-Masken. Ca. 1,1 Millionen Sozialhilfeempfänger:innen und ca. 385.000 Asylbewerber:innen sind jedoch nach wie vor darauf angewiesen, medizinische Schutzmasken aus eigener Tasche zu finanzieren. Das stellt eine in den meisten Fällen nicht zu rechtfertigende Ungleichbehandlung dar. Continue reading >>The Facebook Oversight Board and ‘Context’
The standout conclusion of the Facebook Oversight Board's two hate speech decisions is that the Board's assessment of content removal heavily relies on context. This is only reasonable, as any speech issue is context-dependent. But the FOB’s context-assessment is incomplete, just as its decisions further highlight Facebook’s content moderation flaws, which likewise fail to consider context. Continue reading >>
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15 February 2021
Myanmar’s Military Coup d’État Is Unconstitutional
The multilateral response should focus on the constitutionality of the Tatmadaw’s actions. Myanmar’s state of emergency is a military coup d’état, and is flagrantly unconstitutional. The international community should support Myanmar’s democratically elected government by insisting that the constitution be followed, and civilian authority restored immediately. Continue reading >>
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‘Police-Governed’ Universities
On 11 February, the Greek Parliament passed legislation that provides for the creation of a new police corps, permanently stationed on campuses. Ostensibly designed to maintain order at universities, the new law violates both academic freedom and the ‘self-governing’ legal status of the universities, as enshrined in the Greek Constitution. Particularly in light of allegations of increasing police violence and abuse of police power in the country, this new law and the nature and duties of the university police raise serious concerns. Continue reading >>
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Data Protection in Armed Conflict
These days, our thoroughly digitalised societies run on data. It is therefore only natural that experts of international humanitarian law (IHL) have for a while now pondered over the question of how to treat data under the existing legal frameworks applicable to armed conflicts. However, the ongoing discussion concerning the status and possible protection of civilian data in armed conflict is in need of increased clarity and granularity. Continue reading >>12 February 2021
Die gläserne Moschee
Seit Ende Januar liegt ein Positionspapier der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Innen und Heimat der CDU/CSU vor, das eine Prüfung anregt ob ein Moscheeregister in Deutschland verfassungskonform eingeführt werden kann. Dass dies gelingt ist jedoch unwahrscheinlich, denn die Maßnahme verfolgt weder einen legitimen Zweck, noch ist sie für Sicherheitszwecke geeignet. Continue reading >>Rassismus ist nicht „Meinungsvielfalt“!
Die NZA ist eine renommierte arbeitsrechtliche Zeitschrift aus dem juristischen Verlag C.H.Beck. Das aktuelle Heft enthält einen als „Kommentar“ bezeichneten Beitrag von Rüdiger Zuck, der an verschiedenen Stellen krasse rassistische Stereotype bedient. Der Verlag hat sich von dem Beitrag auf eine Weise distanziert, die jedenfalls eine aus unserer Sicht hoch problematische Deutung zeigt, die gleichwohl typisch ist für derartige Vorfälle. Continue reading >>Pinochet reloaded
Das britische House of Lords hat im Jahr 1998 mit seiner Pinochet-Entscheidung einen Stein ins Wasser geworfen. Die Ausläufer der hierdurch ausgelösten Welle haben jetzt auch den Bundesgerichtshof erreicht (Urteil vom 28. Januar 2021 - 3 StR 564/19). Die beiden Verfahren stimmen darin überein, dass es jeweils um die strafrechtliche Immunität bei im Ausland verübter Folter ging. Sie unterscheiden sich allerdings insofern, als im BGH-Verfahren nicht ein ehemaliges Staatsoberhaupt, sondern ein „einfacher“ Staatsbediensteter (der Angeklagte war Oberleutnant der afghanischen Armee) strafrechtlich belangt wurde. Continue reading >>10 February 2021