15 July 2016
“What is Going on in Poland is an Attack against Democracy”
"A constitutional coup d'état": Wojciech Sadurski, one of Poland's foremost jurisprudence scholars, dissects the strategy of the Polish government to disembowel the Polish Constitutional Tribunal. Continue reading >>
2 
14 July 2016
After Brexit: Time for a further Decoupling of European and National Citizenship?
According to the President of the European Council, Donald Tusk, the issue of Scotland’s EU membership after Brexit is ‘a matter for the UK’. That statement is simply false: the future EU citizenship of UK nationals is not a domestic matter but an issue – perhaps the issue – for the Union as a whole to determine. Continue reading >>13 July 2016
Like a Bargaining Chip: Enduring the Unsettled Status of EU Nationals Living in the UK
Yesterday, the UK Government has issued a statement to reassure EU nationals living in the UK as to their post-referendum status. While hundreds of EU nationals channel their relief through social media in welcoming the news and British businesses praise the Government for giving them the reassurance needed, to a more expert eye things seem much less reassuring. Continue reading >>12 July 2016
Between the Scylla of Terrorism and the Charybdis of the Police State: on the new French Anti-Terrorist Legislation
One month ago, France has enacted a new anti-terror law to end the state of emergency that had been in place since the terror attacks of Nov 15 2015. The basic purpose of the law is quite clearly to empower the executive (police and prosecution services) with investigative tools formerly reserved to the judiciary. Whether such a transfer of powers is justified or not, the fact is that the “country of human rights” actually now has today the most authoritarian anti-terrorist legislation in the European Union. Continue reading >>11 July 2016
Das Brexit-Referendum: Sieg für die Demokratie?
War das Referendum doch zumindest ein Sieg für die Demokratie? Im Ergebnis wohl nicht. Demokratietheoretisch darf die Kritik freilich nicht beim Ergebnis, sondern bei der Entscheidung für das Referendum ansetzen: War die Austrittsfrage eine für ein Referendum geeignete Frage, oder hätte diese dem Parlament vorbehalten sein müssen? Vieles spricht hier für Letzteres. Continue reading >>09 July 2016
Farewell to the Polish Constitutional Court
The Law of July, 7th 2016 on the Polish Constitutional Court leaves no doubts that the parliamentary majority lead by Law and Justice party (PiS) is not holding back and is determined to see its plan through to make sure that Court is finally tamed and incapacitated. The Law signals the death knell for the Court. The institution once recognized as powerful, efficient and independent from whatever powers that be is left at the mercy of the politicians, and unable to effectively wield its power of judicial review. Most importantly, the Law will make it impossible for the Court to provide an effective check on the excesses of parliamentary majority. Continue reading >>07 July 2016
Der österreichische VfGH zur Wahlanfechtung: eine rechtsrealistische Kritik
Das VfGH-Urteil stützt sich bei seiner Annullierung der Stichwahl des Bundespräsidenten auf zwei formale Argumente. Diese sind aus mehreren Gründen nicht überzeugend. Auch ethisch und politisch hält das Urteil einer Überprüfung nicht stand. Continue reading >>Passing Laws without a Vote: the French Labour Reform and Art. 49-3 of the Constitution
The French government has brought a hugely controversial piece of legislation through parliament without debate and without a vote. That move is seen as democratically dubious by many. But it is certainly constitutional under the stability-oriented French Constitution of 1958. Continue reading >>06 July 2016
Calling Europe into Question: the British and the Greek referenda
On this day last year, Greeks woke up facing a referendum result that very few had expected. Almost a year later, on the 24th of June 2016, British and other Europeans woke up overwhelmingly surprised by the ‘Leave’ vote. Despite their significant differences, the Greek and the British referenda have some important things in common. Reading them together might have something to teach us about referenda on the EU—especially now that more people seem to be asking for one in their own country. Continue reading >>Brexit and Art. 50: the Key lies in Luxembourg
A large British law firm has announced legal steps to ensure that the Art. 50 TEU procedure leading to EUV will be triggered by the British parliament. This might lead to a referral to the European Court of Justice. Continue reading >>05 July 2016
Political Reductionism at its Best: the EU Institutions’ Response to the Brexit Referendum
In their reaction to the Brexit referendum, some EU institutions have shown a troubling understanding of law – law as the mere crystallisation of power relationships, norms as just technicalities, annoying obstacles standing between the political actors and their legitimate goals. This is profoundly wrong and dangerous. Continue reading >>04 July 2016
Gute und schlechte Gründe: zur Annullierung der Stichwahl in Österreich
Der österreichische Verfassungsgerichtshof hatte einen guten und einen schlechten Grund, die Stichwahl des Bundespräsidenten zu annullieren. Die vorzeitige Veröffentlichung der Wahlergebnisse war ein guter Grund. Die formelle Verletzung der Vorschriften zur Briefwahl dagegen wäre eher ein Anlass gewesen, seine Rechtsprechung zum Wahlrecht endlich zu korrigieren. Dass er das nicht getan hat, bringt das ganze System ohne Not in Misskredit. Continue reading >>Everything you need to know about Article 50 (but were afraid to ask)
After the Brexit referendum, the new prime minister cannot dodge the fact that Article 50 is the only legal way for the UK to secede and that he or she, therefore, has a duty to pull the trigger. Not to deploy Article 50 would result in an even more disorderly situation than we have now. Article 50 it is. And if it were done, it were best done quickly. Continue reading >>Flucht aus der Grundrechtsbindung: „Flüchtlinge fressen“ und das ausländerrechtliche Beförderungsverbot
Die Kunstaktion "Flüchtlinge fressen" hat die Praxis, die Kontrolle der Einreise von Ausländern ohne Aufenthaltstitel den Fluggesellschaften aufzubürden, in den Fokus der öffentlichen Aufmerksamkeit zurückgeholt. Was wenige wissen: seit 1992 steht der höchstrichterliche Vorwurf im Raum, dass die Rechtsgrundlage dieser Praxis in ihrer derzeitigen Form/in ihrem Umfang verfassungswidrig ist. Bis heute ist dieser Vorwurf in Karlsruhe ungeklärt geblieben. Continue reading >>01 July 2016
A Lame Duck for a Member State? Thoughts on the UK’s Position in the EU after the Brexit Vote
Despite the fact that nothing has technically speaking happened in legal terms, the UK’s journey out of the European Union has already commenced and is starting to have tangible legal consequences. Continue reading >>30 June 2016
Keine Ratifikation des CETA ohne den Deutschen Bundestag – so oder so …
EU-Kommissionspräsident Juncker will das umstrittene CETA-Freihandelsabkommen in alleiniger Kompetenz der EU behandeln lassen. Vor allem in Deutschland fürchten viele, dass CETA damit einer legitimationsstiftenden Kontrolle des Bundestages entzogen würde. Doch wie steht es tatsächlich um den Einfluss des Bundestages? Nach meinem Dafürhalten ergeben sich für CETA nicht nur im Falle der Behandlung als gemischtes Abkommen, sondern auch im Falle der Behandlung als Abkommen in alleiniger EU-Kompetenz entscheidende Einwirkungsmöglichkeit des Bundestages. Continue reading >>A Citizens’ Attempt to Solve the Polish Constitutional Crisis
Polish civil society groups have drafted a bill regarding the Act on the Constitutional Tribunal, expecting that the governing party PiS does not intend to legally solve the severe constitutional crisis it has created. We document the speech the representative of these groups, Jaroslaw Marciniak, gave in the Sejm on June 9th 2016. Continue reading >>Populists chairing the European Commission and Parliament
No, the title of this post does not refer to a dystopia to come after the next European elections in 2019. It refers to the two presidents of today – Jean-Claude Juncker and Martin Schulz. Now why can they be seen as populists in some plausible way? In my view, this is because of the way in which they see politics and the role of the “people” in it. Continue reading >>
0
29 June 2016
Sovereign and misinformed: Brexit as an exercise in democracy?
Rather than criticising the Brexit referendum as a decision-making tool because ‘the people’ don’t have the necessary expertise to take decisions of this magnitude, we should question the conditions in which many UK voters were called to express their opinion. They, like many all over the world, have seen the progressive hollowing-out of those basic rights that make voting the expression of the right to individual and collective self-rule in the first place. Continue reading >>28 June 2016
England’s Difficulty; Scotland’s Opportunity
Rather than arguing over when and how Article 50 TEU might be activated and by whom, or whether the two year clock ticking for exit can be stopped once started, we need as responsible citizens in a democracy to face up in good faith to what many of us regard as an appalling result, and coalesce around pressing for the quickest possible conclusion of the least worst option which still respects the actual referendum result. Continue reading >>
0
United no more: Constitutional Headaches ahead for the United Kingdom
Those who voted Brexit are now celebrating and singing ‘Rule Britannia’ in the streets. They are still dreaming. When they will wake up, they will have to face the facts: there is no Empire, and Brexit will not solve their economic problems. Immigrants will not be deported, and if foreigners decide to leave, this will not solve their problems either. One day, they will wake up to discover that the Kingdom is dis-United. Continue reading >>
0
Scotland Can Veto Brexit (sort of …).
Scotland's First Minister Nicola Sturgeon has announced that she would veto any attempt by a future British government to effect the withdrawal of the UK from the EU following the referendum result. This has raised a flurry of questioning of whether this is actually constitutionally permissible. In this blogpost I will argue why I think it is; that is that the Scottish Parliament does, constitutionally, have the power to use the constitution to attempt to veto an attempt by a British government to take the United Kingdom out of the European Union. Continue reading >>27 June 2016
Brexit im europäischen Verfassungsverbund
Wer jetzt auf den raschen Vollzug der „Entscheidung“ vom 23. Juni drängt, tut dies im besten Interesse der Stabilität und der Sicherheit. Wer dagegen Zeit gibt, zur Besinnung zu kommen und richtige Konsequenzen zu ziehen, könnte dem langfristigen Interesse Europas besser dienen. Continue reading >>A Disunited Kingdom: two Nations in, two Nations out
The United Kingdom is not a centralised state. It is a ‘family of nations’. There is a strong case for arguing that the referendum carries only if a majority of voters in all four nations respectively give their backing. England and Wales voted to leave, but Scotland and Northern Ireland voted to remain. Recognising that split is not a matter of shifting the goalposts after the fact. It is about respecting an established, indeed a compelling constitutional order. Continue reading >>
0
26 June 2016
Zwei Jahre sind nicht immer gleich zwei Jahre: wann beginnt der Brexit-Countdown?
Zwei Jahre gibt der EU-Vertrag einem austrittswilligen Land Zeit, mit der EU einen Austrittsvertrag auszuhandeln. Doch wann beginnt diese Frist? Und was, wenn das Land diesen Zeitpunkt mutwillig hinauszögert? Die Antwort lässt sich nicht allein formaljuristisch geben. Gefragt ist auch politische Klugheit. Continue reading >>A European Future for Scotland?
The fact that Scotland voted with 62% for the UK to remain a member of the EU whereas the majority of the overall UK electorate opted to leave the EU, raises important political and legal questions. Scotland’s First Minister Nicola Sturgeon has announced that a second referendum on Scottish independence is on the table. What are the options for a continued EU membership of an independent Scotland? Continue reading >>Five Questions on Brexit to LAURENT PECH
Middlesex Law Professor Laurent Pech on the limits if not perils of direct democracy when citizens to are asked to decide complex policy choices in the absence of a clear understanding of the available options and potential consequences of their vote. Continue reading >>25 June 2016
Five Questions on Brexit to NTINA TZOUVALA
Young international law scholar Ntina Tzouvala on the difference between the "will of the people" and a manouevre of the political elite, and on the danger for Europe to carry around a constitutional corpse. Continue reading >>
0
Five Questions on Brexit to KENNETH ARMSTRONG
... and five very succinct answers by Cambridge EU law professor Kenneth Armstrong, Continue reading >>
0
24 June 2016
Five Questions on Brexit to JO SHAW
Edinburgh EU citizenship law expert Jo Shaw's answers to my set of questions on the occasion of the Brexit referendum. Continue reading >>
0
Five Questions on Brexit to GERTRUDE LÜBBE-WOLFF
Former Constitutional Court Judge Gertrude Lübbe-Wolff on why she deeply regrets to see the British go, on the reversibility of the Brexit decision, and on an independent Scotland's prospects to continued EU membership. Continue reading >>
0
Ultra-vires-Kontrolle durch Bundesregierung und Bundestag – Für eine materielle Subsidiarität des Vorgehens gegen das Parlament
Das Bundesverfassungsgericht ist mit seinem Urteil zum OMT-Programm der Europäischen Zentralbank seiner Verantwortung, das (Verfassungs-)Recht in seinem größeren Bezug zu interpretieren (Art. 23 Abs. 1 S. 1 GG), gerecht geworden. Die Bundesregierung und der Bundestag werden dabei aber in die Rolle von Rechtshütern gedrängt, die sie funktional und institutionell-gewaltenteilig nur schwer spielen können. Dies gilt vor allem für das Parlament. Continue reading >>Brexit and the Argentinisation of British citizenship: Taking care not to overstay your 90 days in Rome, Amsterdam or Paris
What are the likely consequences of Brexit for the status and rights of British citizenship? Is it possible to mitigate the overwhelming negative consequences of the UK’s withdrawal from the EU on the plane of the rights enjoyed by the citizens of the UK? The Brexit referendum result will most likely mark one of the most radical losses in the value of a particular nationality in recent history. Continue reading >>22 June 2016
Das OMT-Urteil des BVerfG: Europarechtlich überzeugend, verfassungsprozessrechtlich fragwürdig
Rechtlich verfasste Herrschaft darf niemals ungebunden sein, sonst verkommt sie zur puren Macht. Die Einordnung des OMT-Verfahrens der Europäischen Zentralbank durch das BVerfG zu in dieses verfassungsrechtliche Grundgefüge offenbart einen eklatanten Widerspruch: Auf der einen Seite wird das BVerfG seiner Kontrollaufgabe gemeinsam mit dem EuGH in hohem Maße gerecht. Auf der anderen Seite schafft es sich die verfassungsprozessuale Grundlage hierfür selbst. Continue reading >>21 June 2016
Brexit, Identity, and the Rise of the Euro-Celts
EU law not only protect fundamental rights and freedoms, but also the national identities of the Member States. Perhaps for “Little England”, that is not enough. But after Brexit, who would protect the national identities of the other nations of the UK? Continue reading >>
0
20 June 2016
Brexit and Citizenship
What are the likely consequences of Brexit for the status and rights of British citizenship? Can the fact that every British national is an EU citizen mitigate the possible negative consequences of the UK’s withdrawal from the EU on the plane of the rights enjoyed by the citizens of the UK? These questions are not purely hypothetical, as the referendum on June 23 can potentially mark one of the most radical losses in the value of a particular nationality in recent history. Continue reading >>19 June 2016
ICON*S 2016 Conference, Session 3: “Judicial Interview and Dialogue”, with KOEN LENAERTS, GUIDO RAIMONDI, GRÁINNE DE BÚRCA and JOSEPH H.H. WEILER
Continue reading >>
0
ICON*S 2016 Conference: The “Public Law Scholarship – Publishing as and for Others” Panel
Continue reading >>
0
ICON*S 2016 Conference, Session 2: “Inequalities” with SUSANNE BAER, CATHARINE MACKINNON and PRATAP BHANU MEHTA
Continue reading >>
0
17 June 2016
ICON*S Conference, Session 2: “Migration and Movement”, with PHILIPPE SANDS, ALEXANDER ALEINIKOFF, and AYELET SHACHAR
Continue reading >>
0
ICON*S Conference, Session 1: Opening Remarks and Keynote Speech by FRANÇOISE TULKENS
Continue reading >>
0
16 June 2016
Britain’s Neverendum on Europe
The UK Prime Minister has told us that the June 23rd vote will settle ‘once and for all’ Britain’s vexed relationship with Europe. I wouldn’t count on it. The current marathon is only beginning. The upcoming referendum has all the hallmarks of a ‘neverendum’: a campaign that tries to resolve an issue yet only succeeds in polarizing opinion yet further, guaranteeing its presence on the political agenda for years, if not decades, to come. Continue reading >>
0
ICON*S Conference 2016 in Berlin: Livestream on Verfassungsblog
Starting tomorrow, Berlin will abound with constitutionalists from all over the world for three days. The ICON*S conference, now in its third year and already established as one of the focus points of academic constitutionalist debate, will be hosted by Humboldt University this year. It is our honor to broadcast several of the highlights of this conference, including a panel in which Verfassungsblog itself will participate. Continue reading >>
0
The Brexit Vote: The Wrong Question for Britain and Europe
Referendums are supposed to provide decisive interventions in the affairs of state. Yet the referendum theory is in fact deeply flawed. European ‘membership’ for a country of Britain’s size, influence and location should be less a matter of ‘yes or no’ than one of ‘more or less’. The reduction of a complex and graduated choice to a basic dichotomy simply does not reflect the position or serve the interests of the vast majority who will be affected by the outcome. What is more, and worse, the crude logic of either-or plebiscitary politics threatens to become a self-fulfilling prophecy. Continue reading >>15 June 2016
“Wir sollten sagen: Wer nicht will, der hat schon”
Christoph Möllers im Verfassungsblog-Interview über das bevorstehende Brexit-Referendum, und warum die EU die Briten selbstbewusst ziehen lassen sollte, wenn diese das wollen. Continue reading >>14 June 2016
Supranationale Demokratie als Demokratieflucht: Die Kommission im Freihandelsmodus
In Sachen TTIP und CETA ist die Kommission nach mehrfachem Hin und Her offenbar entschlossen, den nationalen Parlamenten doch kein Recht zur Mitsprache einzuräumen. Das ist ein kognitiver Rückschritt der Kommission in Sachen Responsivität gegenüber demokratischer Öffentlichkeit und mit der Prämisse, durch das Europäische Parlament seien die Abkommen noch irgendwie durchzubringen, auch eine demokratische Milchmädchenrechnung. Continue reading >>13 June 2016
A Tale of Two Exits: Scotland and Brexit
The EU referendum has become is a form of displacement activity, a chance for the English voters to affirm their Englishness. If England votes for Brexit and Scotland to stay in the EU, the question will be whether the other EU Member States would accept Scotland – perhaps in a confederation with Northern Ireland – as a new or continuing EU Member State or even as the continuing UK. Continue reading >>The European Union and the Erosion of State Capacity
The broad assumption in Europe is that member states of the European Union inherently have the capacity to implement EU legislation. This proceeds from the general understanding of Weber’s definition of the modern state as having a monopoly of legal violence within its territory. To this can be added the capacity of the state to “read” the population, to know through censuses, registers data bases who the inhabitants of the state are and, for that matter, where they are; the ability to impose taxes; and the capacity to sustain the uniform distribution of authority. Continue reading >>
0
Jurisdiction, legislation, and creative interpretations in the Opinion of AG Wathelet in C-72/15 Rosneft
The frequent legal challenges to the European Union’s economic sanctions regimes have resulted in several judgments chiseling out key issues of EU law. Case C-72/15 Rosneft, which will be decided in the coming months, provides the European Court of Justice (ECJ) yet another opportunity to do so. In particular, the Rosneft case invites the ECJ to clarify its jurisdiction and power of judicial review over decisions taken by the Council under the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) – in the context of a reference for preliminary ruling. Continue reading >>
0
12 June 2016