26 October 2020
Auf der schiefen Bahn
Brandenburg und Thüringen haben 2019 als erste Bundesländer die politischen Parteien gesetzlich dazu verpflichtet, ihre Kandidatenlisten paritätisch aufzustellen. Das Verfassungsgericht Thüringen hatte das Landesgesetz am 15.7. 2020 kassiert, am 23.10.2020 hat nun auch das Verfassungsgericht Brandenburg das Landesparitätsgesetz einstimmig für verfassungswidrig erklärt. Der Versuch, die Parteien und ihre Mitglieder bei der Kandidatenauswahl inhaltlichen Vorgaben des Gesetzgebers zu unterwerfen, war von vornherein zum Scheitern verurteilt. Continue reading >>
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Dark Money Subverts the Rule of Law
During the recently completed United States Senate committee hearings for Donald Trump’s nominee for a seat on the Supreme Court, Amy Coney Barrett, Senator Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island used his time to try to demonstrate how right-wing groups, including the Federalist Society and Judicial Crisis Network, use dark money to shape the American judiciary. A common reaction, certainly on the part of those continually disadvantaged on the policy side, is that massive dark money investment in the legal system’s actors and outcomes subverts the rule of law. Although ordinary citizens, informed commentators, and political representatives make this claim, theorists have paid scant attention to explaining why this might be so. This omission is likely rooted in the sort of concept theorists think the rule of law is. Continue reading >>Women, Rape Law and the Illusory Sex Equality Clause in the Bangladeshi Constitution
Earlier in October, a video of a group of men attacking, stripping, and sexually assaulting a woman went viral in Bangladesh. Incidents of rape and sexual assaults like this are a window into understanding the state of sex-based inequality in a given society. The laws, however, must be taken into account as well, particularly if they reflect an essential male perspective and are written in gender-insensitive terms. I will explain below that in case of Bangladesh, sex-based inequality gets revealed when an illusory sex-equality clause of Bangladesh Constitution intersects with the country’s crippled commitment to the Women Convention, and sex-based inequality gets manifested through the retention of colonial-era substantive and procedural legal framework. Continue reading >>The Time to Speak Up
The European Commission’s Rule of Law Report 2020, in its Spanish chapter, highlights in particular the situation of the Judicial Council as a challenge: The mandate of its members has expired in December 2018, but its new members have not yet been appointed. To unblock this situation a proposal was introduced in Parliament, but the envisaged reform does not comply with EU standards and endangers judicial independence, as the European Commission and GRECO have warned. Continue reading >>
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24 October 2020
No more “Business as Usual”
The Polish Constitutional Court (“the Court”), once a proud institution and an effective check on the will of the majority, is now a shell of its former self. It has become a dangerous and unhinged institution that uses the judicial review both as a sword to punish the opponents and to promote the illiberal agenda of the ruling majority. Thursday’s abortion ruling is only the latest example. In these dark days we must always remember the old Constitutional Court and the liberal foundations it had laid for more than twenty years. More crucially, accepting the current constitutional oppression as “business as usual”, will carry the risk of losing the rule of law in Poland for good. Continue reading >>
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A Dubious Judgment by a Dubious Court
On 22 October 2020 Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal, dominated by judges appointed under the procedure introduced by the ruling right-wing populist PiS party, has determined that abortion due to foetal defects is unconstitutional, rejecting the most common of the few legal grounds for pregnancy termination. This ruling is very controversial and caused civil disquiet and protests. Continue reading >>23 October 2020
Vicarious Hegemony and the Anti-hegemonic Thrust of European Law: a Conversation
We are debating the specter of German Legal Hegemony. It’s a new dimension for most German lawyers. The prevailing view has been that Germany is at the receiving end and losing out. Many consider Germany as making a too small impact on European law because it’s too inflexible for its federalism and too inhibited for many reasons. Quite a few see the 2nd Senate of the BVerfG as the last institution defending law and reason against overbearing European institutions as Berlin politicians have largely given up. The symposium has provided a different picture. How to deepen learning from it? Today we propose a discussion which is both analytical and normative. Continue reading >>22 October 2020
Is there a Human Right to Indefinitely Run for Reelection?
In the next few months, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (I/A Court) shall issue an advisory opinion in order to clarify whether presidential reelection is a right arising from the American Convention on Human Rights and, if so, whether it can be restricted. This article addresses one of the aspects which will probably be elaborated upon in said opinion, that is to say the inadequate use of the conventionality control with a view to modifying, by means of a judicial decision, constitutional provisions whose scope should only be scrutinized by mechanisms of constitutional creation or reform under the rule of law. Continue reading >>
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21 October 2020
A Draft is no Infringement
In the last few weeks, little more has been said about the infringement action launched by the Commission against the UK at the beginning of October for failure to fulfil obligations under EU law in relation to the Withdrawal Agreement. However, not only has this not gone away, but the recent ratcheting up of ‘no deal’ tensions means that a claim may soon be made on the so-called insurance policy (the controversial clauses in the UK Internal Market Bill), turning the threatened breach into an actual one. After the Bill becomes law, and assuming that the controversial clauses remain, a minister may use those clauses to pass a statutory instrument, for example, forbidding any checks to be carried out on goods travelling from Great Britain into Northern Ireland. Some would argue that the threat is bad enough and itself justifies an infringement action. That may be so. However, the Commission’s action is still premature. Continue reading >>
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Es gibt keinen Besitzstandsschutz im Wahlrecht
Aktuell wird unter dem Stichwort „Parité“ über Klauseln im Wahlrecht debattiert, mit denen die Chancengleichheit für Frauen bei der Wahl zu den Parlamenten verbessert und auf eine gleichmäßige Verteilung politischer Mandate auf Frauen und Männer hingewirkt werden soll. Die Verfasserinnen dieser Stellungnahme melden sich in dieser Debatte zu Wort, um auf einen wichtigen Grundsatz hinzuweisen, der in einer demokratischen Ordnung so selbstverständlich wie notwendig sein sollte: den politischen Gestaltungsauftrag des Gesetzgebers, der sich auch auf die Ausgestaltung des Wahlrechts erstreckt. Es ist daher eine politische Entscheidung, geschlechterparitätische Regelungen im Wahlrecht vorzusehen und sie auszugestalten. Dies kann und muss in der Öffentlichkeit und in den Parlamenten diskutiert werden. Continue reading >>20 October 2020
Reinventing the European Union through Article 50?
Lech Wałęsa helped bringing down the Iron Curtain – now he takes his revolutionary spirit to the EU. His radical approach of institutional reform through abandonment of the current treaties deserves serious consideration. Continue reading >>Recognizing Turkey’s Anti-Rule of Law System
On October 13, a criminal court of first instance defied the authority of the Turkish Constitutional Court (TCC). A similar challenge to the TCC’s authority by a first instance court had occurred over two years ago. In present-day Turkey, however, it is wrong to see such fundamental violations of the rule of law as an unfortunate exception to an abstractly conceived system of rules. Rather, they should be considered as the manifestation of a well-functioning anti-rule of law system. Continue reading >>
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19 October 2020
Towards a European Court of Fundamental Rights
With its judgments on bulk data retention issued at the beginning of this month, the European Court of Justice has entitled itself to examine virtually all surveillance measures in the digital sphere. In doing so, it has once more clarified its positioning as the decisive Fundamental Rights Court in Europe. In the midst of the ultra vires-storm caused by the PSPP-judgement of the Bundesverfassungsgericht – and questions arising with regard to German Legal Hegemony in Europe – a true shift of power to the ECJ can be spotted which is, surprisingly, supported by the national constitutional courts. Continue reading >>
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It’s Democracy, Stupid!
Kann man unter Corona-Umständen Parteitage abhalten, um Wahllisten aufzustellen oder (siehe CDU) einen neuen Parteivorstand zu wählen? Der Gesetzgeber hat offenbar Zweifel. Ein neues Gesetz soll die Aufstellung von Kandidat*innen für die Bundestagswahl ebenso sicherstellen soll wie die innerparteiliche Willensbildung insgesamt. Bemerkenswert daran ist insbesondere, in wessen Hände die Entscheidung über diese demokratiesensiblen Fragen gelegt wird – und in welche nicht. Continue reading >>In (Partial) Praise and Defense of Justice Engin Yildirim
The Turkish Constitutional Court is yet again front and center in Turkish politics – and yet again because a first instance criminal court defied its ruling. What is new this time is that a justice of the Court, Engin Yildirim, chimed in, cleverly critiquing the defiant first instance criminal court – a move from an otherwise reticent institution that surprised lawyers, pundits, and politicians alike. Continue reading >>
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Diminishing Authority
The Turkish Constitutional Court ruled on 17 September 2020 that the right to be elected and right to personal liberty of Enis Berberoğlu, an opposition MP, have been violated. As a remedy to this violation, the TCC ordered the Istanbul 14th Criminal Court of First Instance to start a re-trial in order to eliminate the consequences of these violations. Yet, the Court of First Instance did not implement this decision. The unfolding of these events creates political and legal controversy and harms the – already vulnerable – credibility and legitimacy of the TCC. Continue reading >>
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18 October 2020
Constitutionalising the EU Foreign and Security Policy
In the appeal case of Bank Refah Kargaran v Council (C-134/19 P), the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) has held that the EU Courts have jurisdiction over claims for damages in the area of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). This is coherent with the rationale of the exceptional exclusion of jurisdiction under CFSP and confirms that the Union’s commitment to the rule of law extends to CFSP. Continue reading >>16 October 2020
Kein Wahlkampf auf Staatskosten
In der letzten Woche hat der Bundestag eine Änderung des Abgeordnetengesetzes beschlossen. Künftig müssen Abgeordnete mit einem Ordnungsgeld rechnen, wenn sie ihre vom Bundestag bezahlten Mitarbeiter unzulässig für nicht-mandatsbezogene Tätigkeiten einsetzen. Damit soll vor allem verhindert werden, dass Abgeordnete im Wahlkampf unzulässig ihre parlamentarischen Mitarbeiter zum hauptamtlichen Wahlkampfteam umfunktionieren. Hintergrund ist ein entsprechender Hinweis des BVerfG, das die bisherigen Regelungen als nicht ausreichend bemängelt hatte. Bei genauer Hinsicht ist der Bundestag den Forderungen aus Karlsruhe aber nicht nachgekommen, sondern hat ein Aliud beschlossen. Aus praktischen wie aus verfassungsrechtlichen Gründen läuft der Versuch, den Einsatz von Abgeordnetenmitarbeitern im bzw. für den Wahlkampf zu unterbinden, weitgehend ins Leere. Continue reading >>
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15 October 2020
‘Keyword Warrants’ Make Every Search A Risk
How many times did you search google today? Few of us know the answer. It’s not just the queries entered into the ubiquitous google search bars, but the countless other apps in the Google ecosystem, constantly harvesting our every question to refine their picture of even the most intimate spheres of our life. In the hands of advertisers, this technology is creepy. But when it is fully exploited by law enforcement agencies, it can be a profound danger to civil society and human rights. Continue reading >>
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We are looking for a part-time (50%) editor in our office in Berlin. Continue reading >>
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Mitch McConnell, The Supreme Court, and The Specter of Politicization
There is no doubt that the Senate Majority Leader is a hypocrite. His bad faith, however, may have a cathartic effect on judicial appointments. Continue reading >>
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Justice and Independence, an Actual Problem in Spain
On October 13, the Spanish Government presented a bill to Parliament with one main objective: to reduce the parliamentary majorities to appoint the members of the General Council of the Judiciary. Its purpose is to overcome a political blockage in the renewal of its members, which has already lasted two years. But the government's attempt, somehow awkward, has been quickly compared to maneuvers to control the judiciary in Poland and Hungary. However, this bill and those exaggerated criticisms conceal a much more relevant and, above all, sadder reality. Continue reading >>14 October 2020
Anti-Hegemony and Its Discontents
Long before the fighting ceased, Jean Monnet was already planning to integrate a defeated Germany into “a Europe united on terms of equality.” The idea had been brewing in the French and Italian resistance during World War II, even since Germany had been defeated last time around, and before then, in other forms, too. The key to bringing the warring nations together in solidarity was, as the Schuman Declaration would explain, taming the age-old animosity between Germany and France in a supranational project “open to all countries willing to take part.” The aim, in the words of the Treaty of Rome would be an “ever closer union among the peoples of Europe.” Continue reading >>
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The Ombudsman before the Polish Constitutional Tribunal
On 9th September 2020, the 5-years term of the current Polish Ombudsman (Rzecznik Praw Obywatelskich, Commissioner for Human Rights) Adam Bodnar, has ended. The Parliament did not select a new person for this position yet. Thus, following the Article 3.6 of the Law on the Commissioner, Professor Bodnar stays in the office until the appointment of the new Commissioner for Human Rights. However a group of MPs demands the Constitutional Court to delete this legal basis, leaving the office without its head. The Court wants to decide on this case on 20th October. Continue reading >>
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The End of the German Legal Culture?
In this post, I argue that: (I) the influence of German jurisprudence on the legal systems in Central and Eastern Europe results from transfers of legal knowledge and “cooperative adaptation” of elites in the new democracies; (II) the German legal hegemony is in fact a hegemony of reason and a culture of justification; (III) the decision of Bundesverfassungsgericht in PSPP is an attempt to maintain the culture of justification in view of its inevitable end. Continue reading >>
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An Emergency within an Emergency within an Emergency
On September 17, 2020, I published a blogpost on Verfassungsblog, warning that while COVID-19 has not, at the time, been used in Israel as a justification for banning protests, there was reason for concern. The concern materialized on September 30, 2020. The Knesset amended the Coronavirus Law to allow the government to declare a “special coronavirus emergency situation” which raises an array of questions. Continue reading >>13 October 2020
Mitgemeint
Das Bundesjustizministerium hat einen Referentenentwurf zur „Fortentwicklung des Sanierungs- und Insolvenzrechts (SanInsFoG)“ im generischen Femininum formuliert. Das führt zu veritablem Zoff in der Koalition. Das Bundesinnenministerium hat den Entwurf offenbar sogleich gestoppt, „aus verfassungsrechtlichen Gründen“: Ein Gesetzentwurf "in ausschließlich weiblicher Begriffsform" gelte rechtlich gesehen möglicherweise nur für Frauen. Seufz. Wer sagt es ihnen? Continue reading >>The Last Days of the Independent Supreme Court of Hungary?
Ordinary courts seem to have remained the last bulwark of individual freedom and the rule of law since the Fidesz government has successfully undermined other nominally democratic institutions, including the Constitutional Court. While the recently published EU Rule of law report discusses the problems of judicial independence in great detail, so far, ordinary courts have resisted political pressure relatively well, largely because of the ruling party’s failure to capture the professional leadership of the judiciary. Various legislative changes by the government in recent years coupled with the upcoming election of the Supreme Court’s new Chief Justice, however, could be fatal to the independence of Hungary’s entire justice system. Continue reading >>
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Bayerische Gleichheit
Bisher ging es zumeist um Fragen der Rechtsgrundlage oder der Verhältnismäßigkeit, wenn von staatlichen Maßnahmen zur Eindämmung der Corona-Pandemie und ihrer Verfassungsmäßigkeit die Rede war. Im Zusammenhang mit dem sog. (bayerischen) Beherbergungsverbot rückt nunmehr aber ein drittes verfassungsrechtliches Gebot in den Fokus, das in den meisten bisherigen Fällen eher am Rande gestriffen wurde: Das Gebot der Gleichbehandlung bzw. der allgemeine Gleichheitssatz. Continue reading >>How Not to Become Hegemonial
I have to start with a confession: if it was not for the Bundesverfassungsgericht and German legal scholarship, I would have not become the lawyer I am today. Writing a PhD in the Max-Planck-Institute in Heidelberg, attending classes by giants of German public law taught me to appreciate the famous German “Rechtsdogmatik”, a term that can only be poorly translated by “legal doctrine”. The conceptual sophistication and clarity of thoughts, the persuasive power of reasoning, the attention for details and the elegance with which the lack of answers to certain questions is concealed created for me an aura of infallibility and self-evident truth. I also remember my condescending attitude when I met foreign guests in the Max-Planck Institute who were not familiar enough with this constitutional language, or even dared to challenge some of its conclusions. Being inside this world felt reassuring, safe and also elevating. After wandering through the legal education of post-communist Hungary I finally saw the light. Continue reading >>
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The Ugly German
The novel’s two ugly Americans provide useful models for two facets of hegemony as Gramsci theorized it. Hegemony, he insisted, is more than a state of cultural domination. It is better understood as a process of socio-historical change that takes place before power is institutionalized. The two drivers of the hegemonic process Gramsci theorized are consensus and coercion. Continue reading >>
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12 October 2020
Kein rechtsfreier Raum
In einem Brief vom 5. August dieses Jahres drohten die US-Senatoren Cruz, Cotton und Johnson der Fährhafen Sassnitz GmbH mit nichts anderem, als der totalen wirtschaftlichen Zerstörung. Der Grund für diesen Einschüchterungsversuch: hier werden russische Rohrverlegungsschiffe für das Erdgas-Pipeline-Projekt Nord Stream 2 umgebaut und so für die Fertigstellung des Projekts vorbereitet. Die Rechtmäßigkeit der angedrohten extraterritorialen Sanktionen ist völkerrechtlich umstritten. Deshalb hat der wissenschaftliche Dienst des Bundestages am 8. September eine Ausarbeitung veröffentlicht, die überprüfen soll, ob solche Maßnahmen völkerrechtskonform sind. Die Argumentation des wissenschaftlichen Dienstes überzeugt dabei jedoch weder auf der Ebene des Allgemeinen Völkerrechts, noch auf der des Völkervertragsrechts. Continue reading >>Constitutional Borrowings, Not Hegemony
The question about the legal hegemony of Germany was raised by comments from lawyers, but also politicians, in connection with the - undoubtedly - controversial decision of the German Constitutional Tribunal in the PSPP case. Armin von Bogdandy’s introduction refers primarily to the problem of the Europeanization of Germany vs. the Germanization of Europe in the context of European integration and Sabino Cassese’s description of “some specific decisions of these more recent EU-specific decisions of the Second Senate of the German Federal Constitutional Court as an attempt to put a German dog leash on European institutions". But it also refers to the past of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the "imposition" of "an enlightened, soft neo-liberalism" on the countries of this region (Bogdan Iancu). In the case of Poland, because Kaczyński’s government seems to be a persecutor against the proceedings which the German jurisprudence provides, "the secret crypt in which the seeds of its spirit will be protected...". (Carl Schmitt). Continue reading >>
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Rule of (German) Law?
As I see it, the central question is whether Germany, just as it is an economic and a political power in the EU, is also a legal power. This would, of course, beg the question whether this notion makes sense by itself. Is it permitted to speak of legal power in the way it is preached for other forms of power? And supposing the notion applies to Germany as a Member State of the EU, may this national condition be aptly described as hegemonic? The ultimate question behind the questions just mentioned would be ‘How can this problem be tackled?’, assuming that it indeed turns out to be a problem. Continue reading >>11 October 2020
Influence yes, Hegemony no
Before starting my reflections on the arguments presented in Professor von Bogdandy’s text, a number of caveats need to be made. First of all, as I will explain below, the Spanish Constitution of 1978 and Spanish democratic constitutional law have been deeply influenced by German constitutional law. This is a fact that is both well-known and unquestioned. It may also explain why, at present, there is no debate about the matter. For this reason, before I began to write this article, I felt it necessary to discuss with some legal colleagues how they saw the questions put forward, as I did not consider myself to be entitled to reply on behalf of the Spanish academia as a whole. Secondly, the article that we have been asked to reflect on mixes different questions. Some of them may be significant from a German standpoint, but, in contrast, are not salient topics from a Spanish one. Finally, and in relation to the point that has just been mentioned, I will attempt to provide a response in the case of those aspects that are susceptible of being considered from outside, in this case from Spain. Continue reading >>
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The Covid-19 Measures in Madrid, and why they Suffered Defeat in Court
The Covid-19 situation in Madrid, as in many other places all over the country, is getting worse. The number of people infected continue to rise just like the hospital occupancy rate. In a political context marked by permanent confrontation between the regional and national governments, ruled by different political parties, the Madrid Court of Justice has added fuel to the fire by quashing the ‘perimeter closure’ for Madrid. Other than one might think, this was not a decision about the substance of the Order but rather about its lack of legal authorization to impose a measure so restrictive of fundamental rights. Continue reading >>10 October 2020
Mirror Mirror on the Wall – Who is the Most Beautiful of All?
I have been politically aware for around, sigh, five decades. And with unerring regularity once every ten years or so, we have been treated to a kind of decennial Oktoberfest of German public hand-wringing. Very public – group therapy writ large. Sometimes it comes with the label of ‘Legitimacy Crisis’. Oftentimes it is a variation on the theme of ‘Are We Back to Weimer Times – and You Know What Followed That!’ It has all the hall marks of a ritual. Continue reading >>09 October 2020
The European “Market” for Constitutional Ideas
It was already clear to Seneca, almost 2000 years ago, that “[i]f a man knows not to which port he sails, no wind is favourable”. Now, almost 2000 years later, as mentioned by Armin von Bogdandy in his inspiring introduction to this symposium, we are faced with a crucial question of existential significance: Are we moving towards a Europeanised Germany or a Germanised Europe? In order to answer to the question, we have to draw a distinction between intention and practical effect. Continue reading >>
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Abusing Parliamentary Procedures
Unlike the post-world-war era, democracies are no longer subverted via coups. Would-be autocrats pursue anti-democratic agendas through laws to imbue them with a veneer of legitimacy. This renaissance in authoritarianism has thrown into focus the institution of the legislature, which becomes the primary site for what Javier Corrales terms ‘Autocratic Legalism’. India is no stranger to the trend of Autocratic Legalism, and the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (“BJP”) has often taken the aid of the presiding officers in both Houses of the Parliament, to push forward its anti-democratic agendas. Considering how central a role presiding officers have played in eroding democracy inIndia, a radical shakeup to the way presiding officers are appointed and function is needed to ensure Indian democracy’s long-term sustainability. Continue reading >>The Fading International Influence of German Constitutional Thinking
German constitutional thinking has been central in EU law, in ECHR law, and even in some domestic constitutional systems outside of Germany. It is, however, gradually and unstoppably losing influence in Europe. This is largely due to the fact that Karlsruhe has lost its status as the most influential court in constitutional issues in Europe, with this title now belonging to the Strasbourg Court and likely to do so for the foreseeable future. This trend (i.e. the fading international influence of German constitutional thinking) cannot be reversed by German constitutional lawyers, as it is the result of major institutional and structural (“tectonic”) changes that have taken place over the last 20-25 years. German lawyers can, however, somewhat mitigate this trend by constructively participating in the formation of a common European Constitutional Language (in English). Continue reading >>
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08 October 2020
Goodbye Vorratsdatenspeicherung
Der Europäische Gerichtshof (EuGH) ist standhaft geblieben: Eine anlasslose Massenüberwachung der EU-Bürgerinnen und Bürger kann es nicht geben. Zum bereits dritten Mal haben die Luxemburger Richter klargestellt, dass eine allgemeine und unterschiedslose Vorratsdatenspeicherung (VDS) aller Kommunikationsdaten der EU-Bürgerinnen und Bürger mit den europäischen Grundrechten nicht vereinbar ist. Sie erklärten einige nationale Regelungen vor allem in Frankreich und Großbritannien für unvereinbar mit der Europäischen Grundrechtecharta und der E-Privacy-Richtlinie. Continue reading >>
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Finally: The CJEU Defends Academic Freedom
The CJEU’s judgment against Hungary in the CEU case is the first major judicial pronouncement by a European court on the institutional dimension of academic freedom as a fundamental human right. Infringement action has become the surprise weapon in the Commission’s rule of law toolbox. The initial surprise is a thing of the past: over the years the Hungarian government has built some defenses of its own, using familiar components of the European constitutional architecture in service of illiberal democracy. Continue reading >>No Member State is More Equal than Others
In my view, three direct implications flow from the principle of ‘equality of the Member States before the Treaties’. First, the uniform interpretation and application of EU law are key for guaranteeing that equality. Second, the uniform interpretation of EU law needs to be ensured by one court and one court only, i.e. the Court of Justice. Third and last, the principle of primacy underpins the uniform interpretation and application of EU law. That law – as interpreted by the Court of Justice – is ‘the supreme law of the land’ as primacy (Anwendungsvorrang) guarantees that normative conflicts between EU law and national law are resolved in the same fashion. Primacy thus guarantees that both the Member States and their peoples are equal before the law. Continue reading >>‘Sensible and Serious’ – Yet Hardly Supreme
Our focus is a postwar development, namely the European Convention on Human Rights and its interpretation in the case-law of the Court. That case-law evinces the adoption of certain ‘imports’ from the doctrine developed and applied by German domestic courts that, as Judge Wildhaber implied, the concept of German legal thinking must encompass if it has any meaning at all. Without them, the ‘legal world’ inhabited by specialists in the Convention would be entirely different. They accordingly demonstrate the salience of such thinking to the Convention system. But for reasons that we will briefly explore, they do not demonstrate that this thinking is uniquely dominant in the deliberation rooms of the Human Rights Building. Continue reading >>
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07 October 2020
On the Road to German Hegemony in EU Law?
The influence of the German legal tradition in the European legal community is unquestionable. No other European country has displayed, like Germany has, such an articulate and institutionalized effort of promotion of its own legal system and thinking. The project paid off. EU Law displays an obvious German imprint that is now enforced in twenty-seven Member States. Lawyers throughout the European continent learn German to read the high-quality legal literature produced in German universities and research centers, courts and public institutions. The ultimate sign of intellectual distinction of a European lawyer is to “read the Germans”. No other feature can surpass in pedigree a lawyer’s fluency and ability to dominate German concepts in their very own words. Continue reading >>The Two Faces German Legal Hegemony?
I write this blog post just as I complete my fourth year as a professor of international law in Berlin. I am, as von Bogdandy calls, a Bildungsausländerin. My university education was first in Turkey and then in the United Kingdom. My academic career has been, for the most part, in the UK and then in Turkey. When I moved to Berlin from Istanbul four years ago to take up the professorship of international law at the Hertie School, I imagined Berlin to be somewhere between Istanbul and London. I hoped that it would be the best of both worlds, I would find a home in a city with a handsome Turkish speaking community at a university that conducts education and research in English. I also hoped that speaking Berlin’s two oft-spoken languages, Turkish and English, I would survive with my basic German, and learn more of it along the way and become a late Berliner. Continue reading >>
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06 October 2020
The Plaintiff who turned into a Prosecutor
Readers of this blog are familiar with how the Polish government, led by the Law and Justice party (PiS) and the institutions it controls, is trying to silence Professor Wojciech Sadurski in a coordinated campaign of lawsuits (see here, here, here and here). On Friday 2 October 2020, he was again in court. This time for his third case: a criminal lawsuit brought by TVP, the public but de facto purely pro-government TV-station. Continue reading >>Vicarious Hegemony
The specter of national hegemony has haunted the field of European law ever since in its emergence in the 1950s in the wake of creation of the European Communities. As the circulation and competition between national and professional models of law have always been central to its dynamics, this transnational field has developed as a reflexive field questioning its own “European-ness” -that is its capacity to produce authentically “European” norms that are not just a mask for new forms of domination, influence or hegemony. Continue reading >>
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Guter Kunde, schlechter Kunde
Vor Kurzem wurde bekannt, dass Auskunfteien wie die Schufa erwägen, Daten zur Vertragslaufzeit der Kunden von Strom- und Gasversorgern zu erheben und auf deren „Wechselfreudigkeit“ hin auszuwerten. Verbraucher- und Datenschützer befürchten, Strom- und Gasversorger könnten die Abfrage von Daten zur Vertragsdauer dazu nutzen, Vertragsschlüsse mit solchen wechselfreudigen Kunden zu verhindern. Ohne Maßnahmen des nationalen Gesetzgebers verstößt ein solches Kündigungsscoring jedoch gegen das (europäische) Datenschutzrecht. Continue reading >>
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Status Quo Hegemony?
For over a decade now, the mainstream liberal discourse, also on the Verfassungsblog, has consisted in the incantation of one mantra: ‘populists’ are destroying ‘the rule of law’. What started as an attempt to describe the post-2011 situation in Hungary has gradually become a conceptual master key or, better yet, a jack-of-all-trades. Continue reading >>
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