10 November 2016
The Big Picture
In Europe, UK, and USA constitutional structures are proving unfit to respond to the challenges of the XXI century. Now is the time to ride on the constitutional moment for the all three of them. Continue reading >>
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Die Geister der Vergangenheit ‒ Eine kritische Reflexion zur Kunduz-Entscheidung des BGH
Das Urteil des Bundesgerichtshofs zu der Frage, ob zivile Opfer von militärischen Einsätzen der Bundeswehr im Ausland Deutschland auf Schadensersatz verklagen können, hat viel Aufsehen erregt. Jetzt sind die Entscheidungsgründe einsehbar und erlauben eine detailliertere Auseinandersetzung, die vor dem Hintergrund der erheblichen Implikationen der betreffenden Entscheidung mehr denn geboten erscheint. Kritik an dem Urteil des BGH ist nicht nur aus völkerrechtlicher, sondern vor allem aus verfassungsrechtlicher Perspektive angebracht. Continue reading >>On the Slippery Slope to a ,People’s Court’
Writes Matej Avbelj in High time for popular constitutionalism!, ‘The majority in our societies seems to be increasingly disconnected with the liberal values that especially the legal academia, but also the ruling political class – at least on a declaratory level – have taken for granted…’ Living as I do in the country in which one sees an increasing distaste for the European Convention of Human Rights and regular media criticism of the ‘unelected judges’ in Strasbourg – and that despite the fact that the judges of the Court are, in fact, elected from a slate of three by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe – I cannot help wondering whether the disconnect is anything very new. Continue reading >>
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A Crisis of Representation
The failure to offer a serious alternative to the current maladies of capitalism should not be construed as a constitutional crisis. Continue reading >>09 November 2016
The Sleep of Reason Produces Monsters
Part of the malaise surrounding our contemporary world is a tendency to view constitutional politics, to borrow Goethe’s metaphor, as architecture rather than music; as fixed and immutable rather than a dynamic phenomenon which requires the ongoing assertion and reassertion of the key values and terms of engagement of our mutual interaction with each other and with authority. Six practical suggestions how to defend our constitutional values. Continue reading >>High time for popular constitutionalism!
Not long ago the advent of illiberal democracy has been announced. It has been mocked, downplayed, but also seriously critically engaged with, including by the authors of this blog. However, since the idea has come from marginal countries in the European East, from Hungary, Poland, but also Slovenia and the likes, it has not been really perceived as an objective threat to the Western constitutional order. The election of Donald Trump, not for who he is, but what he has been standing for, must change this. Continue reading >>08 November 2016
Miller, Brexit and the (maybe not to so evil) Court of Justice
As strange as this might sound, hardcore Brexiteers have now their closest and most reliable ally not at home. But in what they have considered to be, all these years, the evil, monstrous, devilish, undemocratic, unelected, corrupt and dictatorial Court of Justice of the European Union. Continue reading >>The Article 50 Litigation and the Court of Justice: Why the Supreme Court must NOT refer
Is the UK Supreme Court in the current Brexit case obliged to refer to the Luxembourg Court? If that were the case, the conformity of any Member State’s EU exit with its own constitutional requirements would be open to review by the CJEU – and hence could no longer be qualified as an act of self-determination since a EU institution would have the final say on it. Continue reading >>07 November 2016
Geert Wilders’ “Incitement to Discriminate” Trial
Months before the parliamentary elections in the Netherlands, the leader of the far-right Freedom Party and election favorite Geert Wilders finds himself before a criminal court. He is charged with insulting and inciting discrimination against residents of Moroccan descent by promising his supporters "fewer Moroccans" in 2014. Wilders and his defence seem to invoke the theory of the ‘marketplace of ideas’, which is a common line of thinking in United States First Amendment law. The principal standard for Dutch courts however, the European Convention of Human Rights, takes a somewhat different stance. Continue reading >>
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06 November 2016
The Article 50 Litigation and the Court of Justice: Why the Supreme Court must refer
Article 50 TEU says that member states decide to withdraw from the Union "according to their own constitutional requirements". It is for the Luxembourg Court to clarify what this means. Thus, in the current case on Brexit the UK Supreme Court is obliged to refer to the European Court of Justice. One could argue that this should never have been made a Union problem. But it was, and, like it or not, that makes it the Court of Justice’s problem too. Continue reading >>Who Speaks in the Name of the People?
The practice of using a referendum to justify the power of the executive has been used and abused throughout history. Napoleon who ruled like a plebiscitarian monarch can serve as the best counter example for contemporary liberal democratic regimes. All the institutions of the government, the executive, the parliament and the judiciary speak in the name of the people in our conception of the western democratic constitutionalism. It is only thanks to the checks and balances that the separation of powers provides in a conception of collaborative constitutionalism that we can avoid practices of misusing references to a supposed democratic legitimacy in view of derailing the operations of the government in a direction that is entirely out of control of democracy itself. Continue reading >>
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Brexit, Democracy and the Rule of Law
The decision of the High Court in London this week was a ruling not on whether Brexit should happen, but on how it can happen lawfully. There is nothing at all in the court’s judgment to block the will of the people, to reverse the result of the referendum, or to get in the way of Brexit. Nor is there anything inappropriate in turning to the courts to determine how Brexit can proceed in accordance with the rule of law. That said, as a lawyer I think the court’s ruling is wrong. Continue reading >>05 November 2016
PKW-Maut: Kein Sieg der CSU über die EU-Kommission
Im Streit um die PKW-Maut hat die Lösung einer Kombination mit einer Neuordnung der KFZ-Steuererhebung, die sich im Geist der Zeit wohl nur an der Umweltfreundlichkeit der Fahrzeuge orientieren kann, von Anfang an existiert. Eine 1:1-Erstattung, wie sie der CSU vorschwebte, kann es aber auch unter diesem System nicht geben. Continue reading >>03 November 2016
The High Court’s Judgment in Miller and Others – four brief remarks
Today’s decision by the High Court of England and Wales that the UK Government did not have the power under the Royal Prerogative to initiate the process of withdrawing from the EU laid down in Article 50 TEU came as a surprise to many. Four brief remarks on what the decision might entail politically. Continue reading >>
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Sovereignty means Sovereignty: Über den Verlust von Rechten entscheidet das Parlament
Großbritannien darf erst nach einem Parlamentsbeschluss aus der EU austreten. Das hat der englische High Court auf eine Klage von Bürgern hin entschieden. Bleibt die Entscheidung bestehen, könnte sie den Zeitplan für den EU-Austritt durcheinander bringen, noch bevor dieser eigentlich begonnen hat. Verhindert wird der Brexit aber höchstwahrscheinlich nicht mehr. Continue reading >>
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The High Court’s Brexit Decision: A Lesson in Constitutional Law for the UK Government
In today's Brexit decision, the High Court has delivered a tutorial on the UK constitution, exemplary in its clarity and reasoning. Its key finding: the government cannot take away rights that citizens enjoy in the EU and would be lost on withdrawal without involving Parliament. In failing to understand the constitution of its own country, the government was taught an embarrassing lesson today. Continue reading >>Is the US Constitution to blame for the Rise of Donald Trump? An Interview with SANFORD LEVINSON
"My view is that things will get worse before they get worse. Assuming Clinton wins, there will be tremendous relief and elation on November 9th. If the Republicans keep the House, on November 10th there will be the realization that this election is the most important election in our lifetimes only because of the rejection of Donald Trump. He is a real menace, of course. But in terms of an election that really breaks the logjam, no: It will be more of the same. More of this sick feeling that the national government is really incapable of responding to challenges except if Presidents can push the envelope of executive power, which will just fuel the rage of the opposition party." Continue reading >>
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Ist die US-Verfassung schuld am Aufstieg von Donald Trump? Ein Interview mit SANFORD LEVINSON
"Meine Ansicht ist, dass die Dinge schlimmer werden, bevor sie schlimmer werden. Unterstellt, Clinton gewinnt: Es wird enorme Erleichterung und Freude am 9. November geben, aber wenn die Republikaner das Abgeordnetenhaus halten, wird schon am 10. November die Erkenntnis einkehren, dass diese Wahl die wichtigste Wahl in unserem Leben allein deswegen war, weil wir Donald Trump verhindert haben. Er ist eine echte Bedrohung, natürlich. Aber was die Erwartung betrifft, durch die Wahl den Reformstau aufzulösen, nein: es wird nur mehr vom Gleichen geben. Mehr von diesem elenden Gefühl, dass die nationale Regierung nicht wirklich in der Lage ist, auf Herausforderungen zu reagieren…" Continue reading >>02 November 2016
Why all Member States should clarify their Constitutional Requirements for Withdrawing from the EU
The UK’s ‘chaotic Brexit’ may perhaps be the inevitable result of being the first state to even contemplate withdrawal from the European Union. Regardless, the other Member States can now look to this uncertainty as something to avoid. By contrast to the United Kingdom’s current situation, they should look to the clarity of procedure for legitimate secession in Canada and seek to provide a similarly exhaustive statement of how the ‘constitutional requirements’ of Article 50 would be fulfilled in their own constitutional orders. Continue reading >>
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31 October 2016
Das CETA-Ratifikationsgesetz bedarf nicht der Zustimmung des Bundesrates!
…jedenfalls nicht deswegen, weil Interessen der Länder berührt wären, und schon gar nicht, weil einzelne Landesregierungen CETA verhindern wollen, koste es, was es wolle. Continue reading >>Systemic Threat to the Rule of Law in Poland: What should the Commission do next?
Considering the overwhelming evidence of a deliberate governmental strategy of systematically undermining all checks and balances in Poland as well the uncooperative behaviour of Polish authorities, the Commission has been left with no other choice but to trigger the Article 7 mechanism. Even if there is no realistic chance of seeing the Council adopting sanctions against Poland, this step would finally oblige national governments, meeting in the Council, to face up to their own responsibilities. Continue reading >>28 October 2016
Eine kritische Würdigung der BND-Reform
In der Gesamtschau zeigt sich, dass die am Freitag beschlossene BND-Reform zahlreiche gravierende Schwachstellen aufweist. Trotz aller Kritik dürfte sich das Fenster für weitreichende durch den Gesetzgeber initiierte Reformen des BND jedoch nun erst einmal wieder geschlossen haben. Continue reading >>
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26 October 2016
French Constitutional Council Strikes Down “Blank Check” Provision in the 2015 Intelligence Act
Can intelligence agencies and their practice of secret state surveillance be reconciled with the rule of law? Is the unprecedented global debate on surveillance opened by the Snowden disclosures in 2013 bringing intelligence work closer to democratic standards? Last week, the French Constitutional Council indirectly dealt with these pressing questions by striking down a blank-check provision in the 2015 Intelligence Act, excluding “measures taken by public authorities to ensure, for the sole purpose of defending national interests, the surveillance and the control of Hertzian transmissions" from safeguards like the authorisation of the Prime Minister and the ex-ante opinion of an oversight commission. Continue reading >>24 October 2016
European vetocracy? How to overcome the Wallonian CETA problem
Democracy is not the issue here. Rather, the CETA/Wallonia issue is a vivid demonstration of overfederalization that leaves not only Belgium but the entire European Union unable to act. As an ultima ratio, one option remains: Why not simply close the agreement without Belgium? Continue reading >>Ganz Gallien? Fehlschlüsse aus dem wallonischen CETA-Veto
Wallonien lässt die westliche Welt zappeln – und wird dafür je nach politischem Standpunkt des Betrachters als einzig aufrechtes gallisches Dorf besungen oder als eigennützige Erpresserbande geschmäht. Stutzig macht jedoch die prompte Reaktion, man hätte CETA besser doch nicht als „gemischtes Abkommen“ einstufen sollen, sondern als Abkommen zwischen der EU und Kanada ohne direkte Beteiligung der Mitgliedstaaten. Diese Reaktion zeugt von Demokratieverachtung. Continue reading >>Can Poland be Sanctioned by the EU? Not Unless Hungary is Sanctioned Too
Hungary has announced to block any Article 7 sanctions that the EU might propose against Poland. Why should Poland back down when nothing will come of standing up to the EU? Given Polish intransigence, the Commission may be tempted to stall for time or to retreat, which would be disastrous for the rule of law in the European Union. But the power to levy Article 7 sanctions can be restored. The Commission should do now what it should have done long ago. It should begin by triggering Article 7 (1) not only against Poland, but against Hungary as well. Continue reading >>23 October 2016
Wallonien, CETA und die Tyrannei der Minderheit
Demokratie ist für die Vorgänge in Wallonien nicht das richtige Stichwort. Zu besichtigen ist eine Überföderalisierung mit der Folge einer Handlungsblockade nicht nur Belgiens, sondern der gesamten Europäischen Union. Doch als Ultima Ratio bleibt eine Option: Warum nicht das Abkommen einfach ohne Belgien abschließen? Continue reading >>22 October 2016
Why the Brexit debate might mark the end of Britain’s unwritten constitution
The current debate in the UK about Parliament's right to vote on the Art. 50 decision suggests that not only the Brexit decision may become subject to revision, but the uncodified constitution may become subject to scrutiny as well. So far, the absence of a written constitution was generally viewed as a sign of “stability of the British polity.” However, the Brexit contestations may change that, and, on the long run, the status of an ‘unwritten’ or ‘uncodified constitution’ may well come to an end. The present constitutional turn in British politics suggests that the long period of stability of the British polity is challenged, just as the Brexit campaign promised the contrary. Continue reading >>21 October 2016
EU Judge Dehousse’s Farewell Address, with a short introduction by Professors Alemanno & Pech
Readers of this blog will find here the English translation of Judge Franklin Dehousse’s farewell address, which he had hoped to give on the occasion of his departure from the EU General Court last month. In an apparent break with tradition, no public ceremony was organised for the departing EU judges, and an internal meeting was arranged instead. While regrettable, this is perhaps not surprising. Indeed, Judge Dehousse has been among one of the most outspoken critics of the controversial reform of the EU’s court system. Continue reading >>20 October 2016
Streit um NSA-Selektorenlisten: Die G 10-Kommission als Nichtbeteiligte?
Die G 10-Kommission kann nicht in Karlsruhe überprüfen lassen, ob die Bundesregierung ihr zu Recht die Herausgabe der NSA-Selektorenliste verweigert. Diese Entscheidung des Zweiten Senats des BVerfG ist nicht überzeugend, schwächt die institutionelle Kontrolle exekutiven Handelns und liegt quer zu der Linie des Ersten Senats. Continue reading >>
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Die neue Finanzarchitektur im Bundesstaat: ein Gewinn für Deutschland
Der Kompromiss zu den Finanzbeziehungen von Bund und Ländern macht beide Seiten stärker: Die Eigenständigkeit der Länder wird durch die Stärkung ihrer Finanzkraft gefestigt. Wenn sie die neu zufließenden Gelder sinnvoll einsetzen, können Sie dem Bund zukünftig besser als bislang gleichberechtigt gegenübertreten. Der Preis dafür ist ein Erstarken der Rolle des Bundes. Er muss mehr bezahlen, darf aber auch mehr bestimmen. Continue reading >>
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19 October 2016
Demokratie ist, was die Chefin will? Einblicke in die innerparteiliche Willensbildung der sächsischen AfD
Der sächsische Landesverband der Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) hat im Vorfeld der Landtagswahl 2014 gravierend gegen das verfassungsrechtliche Gebot innerparteilicher Demokratie verstoßen. Muss deswegen die ganze Landtagswahl wiederholt werden? Das wäre wohl unverhältnismäßig. Auf jeden Fall aber müssen sich die AfD und ihre Landesvorsitzende Frauke Petry unangenehme Fragen nach ihrem Demokratieverständnis stellen lassen. Continue reading >>13 October 2016
Spielstand nach dem CETA-Beschluss: 2:2, und Karlsruhe behält das letzte Wort
Das BVerfG hat gesprochen, und (fast) alle sind zufrieden. Beide Seiten können sich als Sieger fühlen. Der wahre Sieger ist aber, manchen Ungereimtheiten in den Beschlussgründen zum Trotz, das Bundesverfassungsgericht selbst, Continue reading >>12 October 2016
Warum ein Opt-out aus der EMRK für britische Streitkräfte eher unwahrscheinlich ist
Die britische Premierministerin Theresa May will die Streitkräfte von den Verpflichtungen der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention befreien. Folgt daraus, dass Schadensersatzklagen von Opfern demnächst als unzulässig abgewiesen werden? Oder dass das Vereinigte Königreich nicht mehr an die EMRK gebunden ist, wenn es seine Streitkräfte in den Einsatz schickt? Wohl kaum. Continue reading >>
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11 October 2016
Endstation Karlsruhe? Was von der CETA-Verhandlung vor dem Bundesverfassungsgericht zu erwarten ist
Die emotionsgeladene öffentliche Debatte um CETA und TTIP steuert auf einen vorläufigen Höhepunkt zu: Am morgigen 12. Oktober 2016 befasst sich das Bundesverfassungsgericht mit mehreren Anträgen, die es dem deutschen Vertreter im Rat verbieten sollen, dem Abschluss des CETA-Abkommens mit Kanada zuzustimmen bzw. durch sein Abstimmungsverhalten die vorläufige Anwendbarkeit des CETA zu ermöglichen. Was sind die verfassungsrechtlichen Maßstäbe? Und wie wird das BVerfG voraussichtlich entscheiden? Continue reading >>“The National Council of the Judiciary is under attack in different ways”
While the crisis about the Polish Constitutional Tribunal remains unresolved, ordinary judges in Poland and the constitutional body responsible to safeguard their independence increasingly find themselves in the crosshairs of the vindictive governing party PiS as well. An interview with Waldemar Żurek, spokesman of the National Council of the Judiciary of Poland. Continue reading >>10 October 2016
Das gescheiterte Referendum zum Friedensvertrag in Kolumbien taugt nicht zur Delegitimierung von Volksabstimmungen
Brexit in UK, Ukraine-Abkommen in den Niederlanden, Flüchtlinge in Ungarn: Volksabstimmungen scheinen in letzter Zeit nichts als schlechte Nachrichten zu produzieren. Jetzt kommt das gescheiterte Friedens-Referendum in Kolumbien dazu. Ist das ein Grund, Volksabstimmungen generell zu misstrauen? Nicht, wenn man genauer hinschaut. Continue reading >>07 October 2016
Brexit – a Tragic Continuity of Europe’s Daily Operation
The British vote to leave the European Union came as a surprise and a shock. It has been understood as an aberration, as a triumph of populism and nationalism, in conflict with the ethos of the Union. But Brexit should not be understood as a mere aberration, but instead as one position on continuum of exhausted thinking about EU and (transnational) law in general. Continue reading >>
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06 October 2016
Can private undertakings hide behind “religious neutrality”?
Is the pursuit of religious neutrality an acceptable aim for public and private organisations alike, on the basis of which they may prohibit their employees from wearing religious signs or apparel whilst at work? In two pending cases before the CJEU, the Advocates General seem to arrive at opposite conclusions on this point. To solve this puzzle, I think it is crucial to see that there are two radically different reasons why a private-sector company may wish to adopt an identity of religious neutrality, which reflect two distinct types of interest a company may have in religious neutrality: a business interest and an interest as a member of society. Continue reading >>05 October 2016
Skandal ohne öffentlichen Aufschrei: Verfassungsschutz hat im NSU-Komplex vorsätzlich Akten vernichtet
Dass ein Mitarbeiter des Verfassungsschutzes angibt, vorsätzlich Akten vernichtet zu haben, um das eigene Amt vor der öffentlichen Aufmerksamkeit zu schützen, ist ein beispielloser Vorgang. Dennoch gab es dazu kaum eine Debatte. Die Bundesrepublik ist nach der EMRK verpflichtet, eine unabhängige Untersuchung in Gang zu setzen, um zu ergründen, ob der Verfassungsschutz Kenntnisse über seine V-Leute von der NSU-Mordserie gehabt hat und nicht für entsprechende Schutzmaßnahmen sorgte. Continue reading >>04 October 2016
The Invalid Anti-Migrant Referendum in Hungary
After an unprecedented and partially illegal attempt to bring Hungarian voters in line against the EU refugee quota, the referendum launched by the government is invalid, as only around 40 percent turned out to vote. This was an own goal made by the Orbán government, which after overthrowing its predecessor as a result of a popular referendum made it more difficult to initiate a valid referendum. Continue reading >>03 October 2016
Das Hohe und das Menschliche: eine Anmerkung zur Affäre Schnizer
Was darf ein Verfassungsrichter öffentlich sagen, ohne die Unabhängigkeit des Verfassungsgerichts zu beschädigen? Die jüngste Affäre um den österreichischen Verfassungsgerichtshof und die Aufregung der FPÖ lehrt, die österreichische Verfassungskultur die Würde des Verfassungsgerichts bloß ästhetisch reflektiert. Verfassungsrichter müssen kein politisches Keuschheitsgelübde ablegen, um sich für ihr Amt zu qualifizieren. Sie müssen nicht auf ihr Wahlrecht verzichten. Sie müssen bloß in der Lage sein, die Unterscheidung zwischen Verfassungsinterpretation und Verfassungspolitik plausibel zu handhaben. Continue reading >>Theresa May’s Great Repeal Bill – a Scottish own goal?
Theresa May’s announcement of a Great Repeal Bill on Sunday has the hallmarks of a stroke of genius: It creates some momentum in the internal Brexit debate without substantively changing anything, it appeases the die-heart Brexiteers in her party, and it may kill off legal challenges pending in the courts of England and Northern Ireland demanding that Parliament be involved before Article 50 TEU is triggered. The Great Reform Bill however raises interesting constitutional questions with regard to the devolved nations of the UK, and in particular Scotland. Has Theresa May scored an own goal by allowing the Scots to block her first big step towards Brexit? Or is this part of an even more cunning plan to delay having to trigger Article 50 TEU for a very long time? Continue reading >>02 October 2016
A really, really bad month for refugees
Reflecting on her party’s recent electoral losses, German Chancellor Angela Merkel conceded that voter anxiety about her decision to allow hundreds of thousands of refugees to enter her country was largely to blame. “If I could, I would turn back time by many, many years to better prepare myself and the whole German government for the situation that reached us unprepared in late summer 2015,” she said. Sadly, September’s refugee summits have done nothing to prepare us for the next refugee exodus. Continue reading >>30 September 2016
Triggering Art. 50 TEU: Interpreting the UK’s ‘own constitutional requirements’
Can the British government initiate the process of leaving the European Union without consulting Parliament? On September 28th the government released its legal position that the only constitutional way to give effect to the Brexit referendum result is through the exercise of the executive power. Some of the government's arguments appear to be on shaky grounds. The mere fact that the process has been caught up in legal wrangling before it has even begun shows that there is still a long, long road ahead before any sense of stability will return to British (constitutional) politics as well as the relationship between the UK and the EU in whatever form that may eventually take. Continue reading >>21 September 2016
ESM and Protection of Fundamental Rights: Towards the End of Impunity?
The CJEU has sent a strong signal to EU institutions: whether they act in the framework of EU law or at its margins, under the screen of international agreements, the Commission and the ECB should duly take fundamental rights into account, and be ready to be held liable if they fail to do so. Continue reading >>CJEU Opens Door to Legal Challenges to Euro Rescue Measures in Key Decision
The Ledra Advertising decision by the European Court of Justice breaks down the barrier between European institutions and international-treaty based structures that have sprang up to deal with the needs of euro-area crisis response. This opens the door to legal challenges to the bailout programmes of the EFSF/ESM offering an avenue to a plethora of claimants to unpick the questionable legal underpinnings of conditionality and austerity policies. Continue reading >>14 September 2016
Fighting Judicial Corruption with Constitutional Measures: the Albanian Case
No state can thrive with corrupt political and legal elites. But if lawmakers and judges are corrupt themselves, fighting corruption with legal means is all but impossible. As a step towards membership in the European Union, Albania has embedded a comprehensive reform of its anti-corruption law directly into its constitution. Continue reading >>
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06 September 2016
E-Government upside down
The story of Joshua Bowden's legal chatbots that help people fight unjustified parking tickets and eviction orders challenges common assumptions about eGovernment: Automation can actually help to further the rule of law culture and to make the administration more humane. Continue reading >>
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03 September 2016