19 November 2015
Völkerrecht und Sezessionen – Legitimität nur für Einigungswillige?
Katalonien, Schottland, Krim, Québec – Sezessionismus ist in diesen Tagen wieder einmal ein sehr aktuelles Phänomen, und das nicht nur in Europa. Um so mehr wächst das Bedürfnis danach, sezessionistische Bestrebungen völkerrechtlich und damit nach internationalen Standards zu bewerten. Doch bei der Frage, ob bzw. wann Sezessionen legitim sind, betreibt das Völkerrecht eine Art Versteckspiel mit Verfassungsrecht und Politik. Weder statuiert es ein ausdrückliches Recht auf Sezession noch verbietet es dieselbe, sondern überlässt es grundsätzlich dem jeweiligen nationalen Verfassungsrecht, ihre Rechtmäßigkeit zu beurteilen. Lässt uns also das Völkerrecht mit dem Sezessionismus völlig alleine? Eine Antwort auf diese Frage gab diese Woche Andreas Paulus, Richter im Ersten Senat des Bundesverfassungsgerichts und Völkerrechtsprofessor in Göttingen, in einem Vortrag vor dem Wissenschaftlichen Dienst des Bundestages. Continue reading >>
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18 November 2015
Awakening dormant law – or the invocation of the European mutual assistance clause after the Paris attacks
After the terrorist attacks of November 13th, France has invoked the mutual assistance clause in the European Treaty. What does this clause actually imply? The short answer to this question is that nobody precisely knows. The statement made by the French Defence Minister on 17 November qualified the invocation of Article 42(7) TEU as a mainly political act – implying that it is symbolic in nature. This, however, is not the whole story. France is requesting her European neighbours to stand united against external security threats – not only by declaratory statements, but by concrete military commitments. This demand, in turn, will impact on the future course of European security and defence, a policy which France has always been keen to enhance. Continue reading >>
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Der Europäische Beistandsfall als Katalysator für eine Militarisierung der Europäischen Außenpolitik?
Wenn ein EU-Mitgliedsstaat angegriffen wird, dann schulden ihm alle anderen Mitgliedsstaaten „alle in ihrer Macht stehende Hilfe und Unterstützung“. Dieser so genannte Beistandsfall war bisher bloße Theorie – doch jetzt hat Frankreich ihn erstmals aktiviert. Die anderen Mitgliedsstaaten, u.a. Deutschland, reagierten zwar im Wortlaut vage, aber im Grunde zustimmend. Frankreich schwebt dabei insbesondere (zumindest mittelbare) militärische Unterstützung im Kampf gegen IS vor. Dies könnte die Union tiefgreifend verändern, wenn die Aktivierung der Beistandsklausel die Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik (GASP) der Europäischen Union militarisiert. Continue reading >>
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How to make the Brexit deal formal, legally-binding and irreversible
Whatever one thinks (and one does) about the British renegotiation of its terms of EU membership, one can only marvel at the prime minister’s bravado when he insists on the changes being ‘formal, legally-binding and irreversible’. Nobody expected David Cameron to be so categorical when he embarked on his long-anticipated speech and ‘Dear Donald’ letter, eventually delivered on 10 November. Surely somebody warned him that to demand something so trenchant would pose huge legal problems? Continue reading >>The Teething of EU’s Mutual Defence Clause
France was the first member state to call for mutual assistance under Article 42(7) of the Lisbon treaty. The move came as a surprise. Most of the discussions in previous days were focused on the possibility to use the much heftier Article 5 defence clause of NATO. Compared to the tangible military assistance that NATO partners can offer, Europe’s obligation to assist has so far been seen as toothless and symbolic. While the EU’s mutual defence clause is still limited in its effect, its use is a timely reminder that there is strong interest within the EU to work closer together on defence. Continue reading >>
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The Teething of EU’s Mutual Defence Clause
France was the first member state to call for mutual assistance under Article 42(7) of the Lisbon treaty. The move came as a surprise. Most of the discussions in previous days were focused on the possibility to use the much heftier Article 5 defence clause of NATO. Compared to the tangible military assistance that NATO partners can offer, Europe’s obligation to assist has so far been seen as toothless and symbolic. While the EU’s mutual defence clause is still limited in its effect, its use is a timely reminder that there is strong interest within the EU to work closer together on defence. Continue reading >>17 November 2015
Europe Does Need a Constitution. But Of What Kind?
Matej Avbelj’s contribution ‘Now Europe Needs a Constitution’ is surely right in its diagnosis that constitutionalism must play a role in the re-generation of the EU. The gulf between the EU’s leaders and its population, and between distinct groups of EU states, is wider than it has ever been. If constitutionalism is an act of ‘putting things in common’ in a spirit of open dialogue, of deciding on the crucial question about the type of society we want to live in, such a discussion about Europe’s future is sorely needed. The key question, however, is not whether Europe needs a Constitution but what kind of Constitution the EU should build. Many commentators suggest that the lesson to be learned from the failed constitutional project in the early 2000s is that it was too ambitious: too laden with constitutional symbolism and state-paradigms. Perhaps, we argue, the failed constitutional project was not ambitious enough: it made no attempt to break with the models of the previous EU Treaties and in doing so, to capture the political imagination of Europe’s citizenry. Continue reading >>
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13 November 2015
Über die Selbstrechtfertigung unabhängiger Institutionen
In der letzten Woche hörte ich auf einer Tagung den [...] Continue reading >>David Cameron is not a visionary, he is an illusionist
The UK Prime Minister proclaims EU reforms. But the reform steps he demands address none of the actual problems of the EU. Neither on the sovereign debt crisis nor on the refugee and migration crisis any proposals or solutions from Cameron are forthcoming. Instead, he focuses on comparatively insignificant issues that affect the UK. This explains the largely ‘open-minded’ response by most European leaders after the speech. Continue reading >>12 November 2015
Die Angst vor der syrischen Großfamilie: Familiennachzug für Syrer aussetzen?
Kaum hat man sich in der Koalition darüber verständigt, an Deutschlands Grenzen keine Transit-Lager einzurichten, ist ein Streit um den Familiennachzug zu Syrern entbrannt. Syrische Schutzsuchende sollen künftig nicht den Konventionsflüchtlingsstatus (Schutz vor Verfolgung), sondern den subsidiären Schutzstatus (u.a. Bürgerkriegsflüchtlinge) erhalten und dann ihre Familienangehörigen nicht mehr nachziehen dürfen. Einmal abgesehen von der Fragwürdigkeit der derzeit kursierenden Kalkulationen: Wäre die geplante Beschränkung denn rechtlich zulässig? Continue reading >>11 November 2015
Dieudonné before the Strasbourg Court: Negationism isn’t freedom of expression
Satire is protected by the right to freedom of expression. Holocaust denial is not. This is the bottom line of yesterday’s decision by the European Court of Human Rights in the case of the French comedian Dieudonné M’Bala M’Bala, notorious for his frequent run-ins with French courts for antisemitic speech, defamation, or advocation of terrorism, and also known for his political involvement with right-wing extremists. Continue reading >>
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„Asyl auf Zeit“ in Österreich: bloße Symbolik oder drastische Verschärfung der aktuellen Gesetzeslage?
Österreich will ein „Asyl auf Zeit“ einführen. Die österreichische Bundesregierung hat einen Gesetzesentwurf vorgelegt, der eine systematische Überprüfung der Fluchtgründe nach drei Jahren und gekoppelt daran ein Aberkennungsverfahren vorsieht. Zurzeit gibt es zwar bereits die Möglichkeit, den Asylstatus wieder abzuerkennen, doch ein zeitlich beschränktes Aufenthaltsrecht für Asylberechtigte ist nicht vorgesehen. Ist das mehr als bloß symbolische Gesetzgebung? Und sinkt dadurch wirklich der Verwaltungsaufwand oder steigt er nicht vielmehr sogar? Continue reading >>
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Now Europe Needs a Constitution
I am a constitutional sceptic. I have been turned into one a decade ago, when the European Union embarked on its first ever process of explicit documentary constitutionalization. That process ended up in tatters. There are strong legal, socio-political and philosophical reasons that speak against endowing the European Union with a constitution understood in conventional terms. However, they may no longer be strong enough. Continue reading >>
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Now Europe Needs a Constitution
I am a constitutional sceptic. I have been turned into one a decade ago, when the European Union embarked on its first ever process of explicit documentary constitutionalization. That process ended up in tatters. There are strong legal, socio-political and philosophical reasons that speak against endowing the European Union with a constitution understood in conventional terms. However, they may no longer be strong enough. Continue reading >>10 November 2015
Brexit, Voice and Loyalty: What ‘New Settlement’ for the UK in the EU?
The UK Prime Minister, David Cameron has finally found time to write a letter to the European Council President Donald Tusk setting out the basis for the UK’s renegotiated membership of the EU. Although in recent weeks, European leaders have complained that they lacked clarity as to what it was that Mr Cameron would seek in these negotiations – despite his recent tour of European capitals – in the end, the themes contained in the letter have been well rehearsed both by the Prime Minister, and more recently by the UK Chancellor in his speech to the BDI in Germany. There are four pillars to the ‘new settlement’ sought by the UK government: economic governance, competitiveness, sovereignty and immigration. The Prime Minister’s stated aim is – through voice – for the UK to remain a member of the EU, albeit an EU with differentiated membership obligations. As he reiterated in a speech at Chatham House to trail the letter to Donald Tusk, if he succeeds in his negotiations, the Prime Minister will campaign for the UK to remain in the EU. He also made clear that a vote for Brexit would be just that, with no second referendum to seek a better deal. So what then are the key policy planks supporting the four-pillars? Continue reading >>
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Brexit, Voice and Loyalty: What ‘New Settlement’ for the UK in the EU?
The UK Prime Minister, David Cameron has finally found time to write a letter to the European Council President Donald Tusk setting out the basis for the UK’s renegotiated membership of the EU. Although in recent weeks, European leaders have complained that they lacked clarity as to what it was that Mr Cameron would seek in these negotiations – despite his recent tour of European capitals – in the end, the themes contained in the letter have been well rehearsed both by the Prime Minister, and more recently by the UK Chancellor in his speech to the BDI in Germany. There are four pillars to the ‘new settlement’ sought by the UK government: economic governance, competitiveness, sovereignty and immigration. The Prime Minister’s stated aim is – through voice – for the UK to remain a member of the EU, albeit an EU with differentiated membership obligations. As he reiterated in a speech at Chatham House to trail the letter to Donald Tusk, if he succeeds in his negotiations, the Prime Minister will campaign for the UK to remain in the EU. He also made clear that a vote for Brexit would be just that, with no second referendum to seek a better deal. So what then are the key policy planks supporting the four-pillars? Continue reading >>
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Cameron’s EU reforms: political feasibility and legal implications
David Cameron, the UK’s Prime Minister, has set out his objectives for EU reforms in a speech at Chatham House on 10 November 2015 – objectives which he later clarified in a letter to the President of the European Council Donald Tusk. Cameron’s demands fall in four categories – i) safeguarding Britain’s position in the Union’s ‘variable geometry’; ii) strengthening the competitiveness of the Union’s internal market; iii) bolstering the democratic authority of the EU by strengthening the role of national parliaments in the EU’s decision-making process; and iv) ensure changes to the principles of free movement and equal treatment of Union citizens in access to welfare systems in the host state. The political feasibility and legal implications of these objectives differ quite significantly. More crucially, each of the stated objectives can be interpreted and implemented in different ways. Generally, it seems, Cameron’s success seems to depend on presenting reforms that at the same time address British domestic issues as well as strengthen the EU’s functioning. Continue reading >>
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Cameron’s EU reforms: political feasibility and legal implications
David Cameron, the UK’s Prime Minister, has set out his objectives for EU reforms in a speech at Chatham House on 10 November 2015 – objectives which he later clarified in a letter to the President of the European Council Donald Tusk. Cameron’s demands fall in four categories – i) safeguarding Britain’s position in the Union’s ‘variable geometry’; ii) strengthening the competitiveness of the Union’s internal market; iii) bolstering the democratic authority of the EU by strengthening the role of national parliaments in the EU’s decision-making process; and iv) ensure changes to the principles of free movement and equal treatment of Union citizens in access to welfare systems in the host state. The political feasibility and legal implications of these objectives differ quite significantly. More crucially, each of the stated objectives can be interpreted and implemented in different ways. Generally, it seems, Cameron’s success seems to depend on presenting reforms that at the same time address British domestic issues as well as strengthen the EU’s functioning. Continue reading >>
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08 November 2015
Boycott calls and double standards: another French limitation on freedom of expression
France, once the motherland of human rights, is increasingly clamping down on freedom of expression. According to a recent decision by the French Supreme Court, calling for boycott on Israeli goods is illegal under french law. Fourteen members of the activist group Boycott, Divestment & Sanctions (BDS), campaigning for the economic, academic, sports and cultural boycott of Israel, learned it the hard way in two decisions of October 20th which confirmed on the highest level of criminal jurisdiction their conviction to 12,000 € in damages and 1,000 € in fine. Joining Israel, France makes for the only european country to penalize boycott calls on products of Israeli origin. Continue reading >>
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Boycott calls and double standards: another French limitation on freedom of expression
France, once the motherland of human rights, is increasingly clamping down on freedom of expression. According to a recent decision by the French Supreme Court, calling for boycott on Israeli goods is illegal under french law. Fourteen members of the activist group Boycott, Divestment & Sanctions (BDS), campaigning for the economic, academic, sports and cultural boycott of Israel, learned it the hard way in two decisions of October 20th which confirmed on the highest level of criminal jurisdiction their conviction to 12,000 € in damages and 1,000 € in fine. Joining Israel, France makes for the only european country to penalize boycott calls on products of Israeli origin. Continue reading >>
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06 November 2015
Verteilung unbegleiteter minderjähriger Geflüchteter auf die Bundesländer: eine Sache des Kindeswohls?
Unbegleitete minderjährige Geflüchtete werden künftig wie Erwachsene auch auf die Bundesländer verteilt. Dafür sorgt das „Gesetz zur Verbesserung der Unterbringung, Versorgung und Betreuung ausländischer Kinder und Jugendlicher", das am Sonntag in Kraft getreten ist. Die Neuregelungen werden vor allem mit dem Vorrang des Kindeswohls gerechtfertigt, der sich aus Art. 3 der UN-Kinderrechtskonvention ergibt. Doch trägt die Neuregelung wirklich den Belangen des Kindeswohls Rechnung und läuft ihnen nicht vielmehr zuwider? Continue reading >>
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The Universal Declaration of the Rights of Humankind: Big Words, Small Effect
The text of a Universal Declaration of the Rights of Humankind was presented on Monday before the french Economic, Social and Environmental Council. France will introduce the declaration in December at the 21st United Nations Climate Change Conference in Paris. Is the declaration more than just an empty gesture? Continue reading >>
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The Universal Declaration of the Rights of Humankind: Big Words, Small Effect
The text of a Universal Declaration of the Rights of Humankind was presented on Monday before the french Economic, Social and Environmental Council. France will introduce the declaration in December at the 21st United Nations Climate Change Conference in Paris. Is the declaration more than just an empty gesture? Continue reading >>
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05 November 2015
Staatliche Gewährleistung der Informationsfreiheit zwischen #netneutrality und #notneutrality
Das Internet der Gleichheit, in dem alle Daten unter den genau gleichen Bedingungen befördert werden, wird es in Europa langfristig so nicht mehr geben. Diese Entwicklung hat das Europäische Parlament mit dem Erlass der Verordnung zum Telekommunikationsmarkt angestoßen. Daten sollen danach im Grundsatz zwar weiterhin unter gleichen Bedingungen befördert werden. „Spezialdienste“ können davon aber ausgenommen werden. Im Zentrum der öffentlichen Debatte steht daher die Ungleichbehandlung unterschiedlich zahlungsstarker Dienste und Nutzer. Verfassungsrechtlich stellt sich zudem aber die Frage, wie weit die Pflicht des Staates allgemein reicht, Informationsfreiheit zu gewährleisten. Dann wird das Bild komplexer, weil ein Netzmanagement den Zugang zu Daten einerseits reglementiert, die enormen digitalen Datenströme dadurch unter Umständen aber auch gemäß ihren Anforderungen zielführend geordnet werden könnten. Continue reading >>
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Perinçek v. Switzerland: Between Freedom of Speech and Collective Dignity
In its recent Grand Chamber decision "Perinçek v Switzerland" the ECtHR, once again, declares Armenian genocide denial protected against criminal prosecution by the right to free speech. The Court substantially disregards the specific atmosphere of denialism and gross violations of the rights of minorities in Turkey, moving central attention instead to Switzerland where – supposedly – no tensions are possible on the anti-Armenian grounds. The Court has failed to acknowledge the existence of the anti-Armenianism as a specific ideology prevalent amongst Turkish and Azeri nationalists, including those scattered in huge Turkish diasporas in Europe these days. Continue reading >>
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Perinçek v. Switzerland: Between Freedom of Speech and Collective Dignity
In its recent Grand Chamber decision "Perinçek v Switzerland" the ECtHR, once again, declares Armenian genocide denial protected against criminal prosecution by the right to free speech. The Court substantially disregards the specific atmosphere of denialism and gross violations of the rights of minorities in Turkey, moving central attention instead to Switzerland where – supposedly – no tensions are possible on the anti-Armenian grounds. The Court has failed to acknowledge the existence of the anti-Armenianism as a specific ideology prevalent amongst Turkish and Azeri nationalists, including those scattered in huge Turkish diasporas in Europe these days. Continue reading >>04 November 2015
The ECJ’s First Bitcoin Decision: Right Outcome, Wrong Reasons?
A few days ago, the Court of Justice of the European Union issued its first ever ruling on the digital currency known as Bitcoin. The case is likely to be only the opening salvo in the barrage of legal quandaries to come. It is the provenance of courts to pour new wine into old wine skins. Lawmakers, policymakers, and the academics who advise them, on the other hand, should start thinking long and hard about whether what we are dealing with is wine at all anymore. Continue reading >>
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The ECJ’s First Bitcoin Decision: Right Outcome, Wrong Reasons?
A few days ago, the Court of Justice of the European Union issued its first ever ruling on the digital currency known as Bitcoin. The case is likely to be only the opening salvo in the barrage of legal quandaries to come. It is the provenance of courts to pour new wine into old wine skins. Lawmakers, policymakers, and the academics who advise them, on the other hand, should start thinking long and hard about whether what we are dealing with is wine at all anymore. Continue reading >>
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„Willkommenshaft“ oder freie Ausreisemöglichkeit? Zur Freiheitsentziehung in „Transitzonen“
Transitzonen für Flüchtlinge sind keine Freiheitsentziehung. Das behaupten ihre Befürworter und berufen sich auf ein 20 Jahre altes Urteil des Bundesverfassungsgerichts. Doch ob sie damit Recht haben, ist äußerst fraglich. Continue reading >>01 November 2015
Jenseits von Dublin: zulässige Rückschiebungen in die Nachbarstaaten
Wie kann man in der Zusammenarbeit mit anderen Ländern mittelfristig wieder ein funktionierendes Asylsystem in Europa und darüber hinaus etablieren? Das ist die Königsfrage der derzeitigen Debatte um die Bewältigung der Flüchtlingskrise. Zwischenschritte hierzu könnten sein, das bilaterale Rückführungsabkommen mit Österreich zu reaktivieren oder sicherer Aufenthaltsorte auszuweiten und so im geltenden deutschen Recht die Verantwortung anderer Staaten zu betonen. Continue reading >>30 October 2015
Grenze auf, Grenze zu? Die transnationale Wirkung von Rechtsverstößen im Dublin-System
In der Flüchtlingskrise bedarf es einer europäischen Lösung. Die verbreitete Vorstellung, man könne Flüchtlinge an der deutschen Grenze massenhaft abweisen, erweist sich vor dem Hintergrund des europäischen Asylrechts als Irrglaube. Dieses beruht auf dem wechselseitigen Vertrauen darauf, dass alle Mitgliedstaaten die rechtlichen Vorgaben einhalten. Die Rechtsverstöße einiger gehen nun zulasten Deutschlands. Einen Ausweg aus diesem Dilemma wird man nicht an der nationalen Grenze finden. Continue reading >>29 October 2015
EuG-Urteil zur Ukraine: Scheitert die europäische Außenpolitik an den eigenen Ansprüchen?
In seinem neuesten Urteil vom 26. Oktober 2015 zum Einfrieren von Konten, auf denen veruntreute ukrainische Staatsgelder zu vermuten sind, unterwirft sich die europäische Justiz strengen Maßstäben. Obgleich es grundsätzlich wünschenswert ist, dass Eingriffe der EU in die Handlungsfreiräumer Einzelner so restriktiv wie möglich behandelt werden, scheint das Gericht der Europäischen Union (EuG) in diesem Fall die außenpolitische Handlungsfreiheit des Rates der Europäischen Union über Gebühr zu beschränken. Continue reading >>24 October 2015
VG Stuttgart: Europarecht bremst Grenzschützer
Die Bundespolizei darf im Grenzgebiet nicht verdachtsunabhängig Personen kontrollieren, um illegal Einreisende aufzuspüren. Die Regelung in § 23 Bundespolizeigesetz, die ihr im 30 km-Grenzgebiet jederzeit anlasslose Identitätsfeststellungen erlaubt, ist europarechtswidrig und daher unanwendbar. Das hat das Verwaltungsgericht Stuttgart gestern entschieden (Az. 1 K 5060/13) – ein Urteil, das in diesen Zeiten europaweiter Diskussionen um Grenzzäune und Transitzonen noch für Wirbel sorgen dürfte. Continue reading >>The Delvigne judgment and the European franchise: going boldly… but perhaps not boldly enough
In it's recent "Delvigne" decision, the Court took a rather bold stance on the material scope of the right to vote and to stand as a candidate at elections to the European Parliament. I will however also argue that, in some respect, this stance was not bold enough. Continue reading >>
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21 October 2015
Meeting Albie Sachs: From Outlaw to Constitution Maker
Albie Sachs was nearly killed during his fight against apartheid in South Africa. After the fall of the regime, he became a judge at the Constitutional Court and one of the most influencial and inspirational figures in global constitutional law. A very personal encounter with a man of unlimited hope for human equality. Continue reading >>
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Meeting Albie Sachs: From Outlaw to Constitution Maker
Albie Sachs was nearly killed during his fight against apartheid in South Africa. After the fall of the regime, he became a judge at the Constitutional Court and one of the most influencial and inspirational figures in global constitutional law. A very personal encounter with a man of unlimited hope for human equality. Continue reading >>
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14 October 2015
Transitzonen für Flüchtlinge im Dublin-System?
Um eine Überforderung von Behörden und Zivilgesellschaft in der Flüchtlingskrise abzuwenden, schlagen manche so genannte Transitzonen an den deutschen Außengrenzen vor. Abgesehen von der Frage, wie dies ins Dublin-System passt – wer sich die jüngsten Äußerungen aus der CSU dazu genauer ansieht, der kann erahnen, wohin die Reise eigentlich gehen soll: Die Transitzonen sind der Versuch, das Konzept der bayerischen Erstaufnahmeeinrichtungen für Asylbewerber vom Balkan bundesweit als Standard zu etablieren – nur mit Stacheldraht abgeriegelt und vom Bund bezahlt. Und ob das mit europäischen Grundrechtsstandards vereinbar ist, wird womöglich bald der EuGH zu klären haben. Continue reading >>13 October 2015
Verfassungsreform in Italien: der entscheidende Schritt
Italien erlebt gerade den umfangreichsten und ambitioniertesten Prozess zur Reform seiner Verfassung seit Beginn der Republik. Die Regierung beabsichtigt, das schwerfällige, träge und ineffiziente Gesetzgebungssystem fundamental zu reformieren. Der Senat wird zu einer Kammer der Regionen mit sehr schwachen gesetzgeberischen Kompetenzen umfunktioniert. Das kurzfristige Ziel scheint aber im Moment eher zu sein, ein Zeichen der Reformbereitschaft zu setzen, als dem Land eine gut durchdachte und funktionierende neue Verfassung zu schenken. Continue reading >>07 October 2015
Cameron’s bid for irreversible guarantee means constitutional chaos
The UK Conservative government’s attempt to renegotiate the UK’s terms of membership of the European Union continues to distress Britain’s pro-Europeans, antagonise its anti-Europeans and bamboozle its EU partners. Continue reading >>
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Cameron’s bid for irreversible guarantee means constitutional chaos
The UK Conservative government’s attempt to renegotiate the UK’s terms of membership of the European Union continues to distress Britain’s pro-Europeans, antagonise its anti-Europeans and bamboozle its EU partners. Continue reading >>
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The ‘Brexit’ Referendum: We Need to Talk about the (General Election) Franchise
The franchise for the ,Brexit' referendum will mostly follow eligibility for voting in a UK general election. This invites serious reflection on the anomalies of the current general election franchise in the UK: Citizens living abroad are not allowed to vote, and neither are EU citizens from other countries – unless they are Irish, Cypriots or Maltese who are enfranchised as citizens of member states of the Commonwealth. Could this be challenged under EU or ECHR law? Continue reading >>
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The ‘Brexit’ Referendum: We Need to Talk about the (General Election) Franchise
The franchise for the ,Brexit' referendum will mostly follow eligibility for voting in a UK general election. This invites serious reflection on the anomalies of the current general election franchise in the UK: Citizens living abroad are not allowed to vote, and neither are EU citizens from other countries – unless they are Irish, Cypriots or Maltese who are enfranchised as citizens of member states of the Commonwealth. Could this be challenged under EU or ECHR law? Continue reading >>
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01 October 2015
Russisches Eingreifen in Syrien: Eine Frage der Anerkennung
In Syrien geht es immer mehr ans Eingemachte. Die ersten russischen Luftangriffe wurden bereits geflogen, der dortige Krieg ist somit nun auch formell um eine Konfliktpartei reicher. Obendrein richteten sich diese laut den USA nicht gegen den Islamischen Staat, sondern von der CIA ausgebildete Gruppen – der Frieden scheint ferner denn je. Wie ist es völkerrechtlich um die Legalität der russischen Intervention bestellt? Continue reading >>
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30 September 2015
“The key to the solution lies in Spain, not in Catalonia”
Why did the territorial conflict between separatist Catalonia and the Spanish central government escalate so badly? What is at stake in a country historically ridden by civil war and separatist terrorism? What needs to be done to resolve the conflict, and by whom? In an interview with Verfassungsblog, Benito Aláez Corral, constitutional law professor from Oviedo, explains how the Spanish constitution needs to be amended to satisfy the demand for national self-determination in Catalonia and maintain the constitutional integrity of Spain. Continue reading >>
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“The key to the solution lies in Spain, not in Catalonia”
Why did the territorial conflict between separatist Catalonia and the Spanish central government escalate so badly? What is at stake in a country historically ridden by civil war and separatist terrorism? What needs to be done to resolve the conflict, and by whom? In an interview with Verfassungsblog, Benito Aláez Corral, constitutional law professor from Oviedo, explains how the Spanish constitution needs to be amended to satisfy the demand for national self-determination in Catalonia and maintain the constitutional integrity of Spain. Continue reading >>
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29 September 2015
The Proposed TTIP Tribunal and the Court of Justice: What Limits to Investor-State Dispute Settlement under EU Constitutional Law?
In its controversial Opinion 2/13, the European Court of Justice has rejected the accession of the EU to the European Convention on Human Rights. The constitutional hurdles the CJEU has erected in this opinion are not only relevant in the area of human rights, but also require us to think hard about the EU constitutionality of the suggested TTIP Tribunal, or any other mechanism of investor-state dispute settlement under future EU international investment agreements. To reduce this uncertainty it may be advisable to request the CJEU through an advisory opinion. Continue reading >>
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The Proposed TTIP Tribunal and the Court of Justice: What Limits to Investor-State Dispute Settlement under EU Constitutional Law?
In its controversial Opinion 2/13, the European Court of Justice has rejected the accession of the EU to the European Convention on Human Rights. The constitutional hurdles the CJEU has erected in this opinion are not only relevant in the area of human rights, but also require us to think hard about the EU constitutionality of the suggested TTIP Tribunal, or any other mechanism of investor-state dispute settlement under future EU international investment agreements. To reduce this uncertainty it may be advisable to request the CJEU through an advisory opinion. Continue reading >>
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26 September 2015
Judging Fears in Refugee Crisis
The current refugee crisis in the heart of Europe recalls the crucial contrast between rational worry and phobia. The historic decision of the US Supreme Court in the case of United States v. Schwimmer may help us understand the nature of fear in constitutional theory and practice. Continue reading >>
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Judging Fears in Refugee Crisis
The current refugee crisis in the heart of Europe recalls the crucial contrast between rational worry and phobia. The historic decision of the US Supreme Court in the case of United States v. Schwimmer may help us understand the nature of fear in constitutional theory and practice. Continue reading >>
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25 September 2015