20 May 2020

Lockdown v. Liberty

All around the world, countries have been imposing lockdowns to try to contain the spread of the deadly coronavirus, COVID-19. These lockdowns have severely restricted people’s movement and interaction with family members; they have had a drastic effect on social lives and religious worship; they have directly caused the loss of many jobs and they have plunged the world into a severe economic depression that will take a long time to recover from. Do we accept these restrictions because we do not believe in freedom anymore? Or do we believe that these restrictions do not really disrespect the essence of our freedom? Continue reading >>
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19 May 2020

Why Egenberger Could Be Next

Soon, the Federal Constitutional Court will decide on the Egenberger case that raises important questions at the intersection of anti-discrimination law and religious policy. The decision is an opportunity to address critical questions to the European Court of Justice – a court that lacks dogmatic subtlety and sensitivity with regard to religion and cultural policy as an analysis of its case law shows. Continue reading >>

VB Live: “Whatever it takes?” – COVID-19 as an (existential) crisis for the European Union

Session II of our discussion series on the COVID-19 crisis from a German, European and International Perspective, jointly organized by IFHV and Verfassungsblog - streamed live here on Verfassungsblog from 4:00 - 5:45 pm. Join now! Continue reading >>

Chile and COVID-19: A Constitutional Authoritarian Temptation

Due to the pandemic, Chile's 2020 electoral calendar has been modified, delaying the most important political event of the year: the April referendum for a new constitution. While the postponement is reasonable considering the current sanitary situation, recent suggestions that there be a further postponement due to a possible post-pandemic economic crisis threaten the democratic legitimacy of the process. As argued in this post, these measures and opinions, when read together, put the government close to an authoritarian use of the constitution. Continue reading >>

The Last Chance Saloon

To all intents and purposes, Orbán and his government have ceased to be democratically accountable either to the Hungarian Parliament or to the citizens of Hungary. The words in that last sentence are chosen carefully and with meaning. This blogpost suggest that Article 10 TEU may provide a basis for the exclusion of Hungarian representatives from the European Council and the Council of the European Union. Continue reading >>
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Emergency Law Amendments to Fight Covid-19 in Egypt: Putting the Poison in the Honey

One could learn a very important lesson from the Egyptian experience as it relates to the state of emergency: A good constitutional text alone is not enough. Although new amendments to the Emergency Law included several public health measures that allow the state to contain the impact of the spread of COVID-19, the absence of a parliamentary and judicial review will remain a huge threat to fundamental rights and the basics of the democratic rule-making. Continue reading >>
18 May 2020

Very Unkind Things about the German Constitutional Court’s Rebellion against the ECJ in the Quantitative Easing Case.

Much has been written about the recent German Constitutional Court (GCC) ruling which has essentially dismantled the 2018 judgement of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) over the legality of the ECB Quantitative Easing Program. Much more will be written. I will limit myself here in analysing what I believe is the “macroeconomic” essence of the ruling. Continue reading >>

Germany’s Failing Court

The German Federal Constitutional Court’s PSPP judgment depends on three intricate principles that the Court says are implicit in the German constitution, to such an extent that they are ‘unamendable’ under the ‘eternity’ clause of Article 79. These principles, however, are unique to Germany and unfamiliar in other European jurisdictions. Thereby the German Court has taken a ultimately illegitimate turn towards a narrow and inward interpretation of its constitution, which inexplicably neglects its European dimension. Given the potential effects of Germany’s apparent defiance of EU law and in light of the current ongoing discussions about the desired increased burden-sharing among the winners and losers of the Eurozone, the internal constitutional argument in Germany is a matter of great significance for the future of the Eurozone. Continue reading >>

Constitutional Impasse in Ethiopia

Covid-19 makes elections hard to hold – and forced Ethiopia to reschedule its general election for the House of Representatives. It is unclear how and when the election will be held instead – a pressing issue as the canceled election was to take place only a month before the current term of office ends. Who will have the mandate to govern after this date until the Ethiopians are able to go to the polls to elect the next House of Representatives? Continue reading >>
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When Managed Recognition Turns into Outright Denial

Kalypso Nicolaïdis has referred to managed recognition as an exercise in legal empathy mediated through conditions and limits, and resulting from the ‘eternal dance of law and politics’. The notion lends a useful lens to capture the relation between European top courts. In the version of that relation emerging from the PSPP judgment, this lens magnifies a disruption, a side effect, and an alternative course. Continue reading >>

Fight Against Covid-19 in Serbia: Saving the Nation or Securing the Re-Election?

The Covid-19 epidemic outbreak in Serbia coincided with the beginning of the election campaign for both parliamentary and municipal elections. Soon, it became clear that what was at stake in the fight against Covid-19 was not so much saving the nation as securing the majority re-election of the ruling Serbian Progressive Party, headed by its populist leader and President of Serbia, Aleksandar Vučić. Continue reading >>
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Nigeria’s Emergency (Legal) Response to COVID-19: A Worthy Sacrifice for Public Health?

Like many other countries across the world, Nigeria has called upon emergency powers to deal with COVID-19 without, however, having declared a state of emergency. The use of emergency powers in Nigeria in the fight against COVID-19 is not only peculiar but problematic for a number of reasons. Continue reading >>
17 May 2020

Ein Vertrags­verletzungs­verfahren als Deeskalations­instrument?

Könnte ein Vertragsverletzungsverfahren in dem Ultra-Vires-Fall eine weitere Stufe des Kooperationsverhältnisses von EuGH und BVerfG sein? Es könnte den prozessualen Mantel bilden, um den Dialog um den Inhalt der nationalen Verfassungsidentität der Bundesrepublik fortzuführen. Continue reading >>
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Lehren aus Karlsruhe – die EU-Finanzierung weiterdenken

Das Ultra-Vires-Urteil aus Karlsruhe ist ein weiterer Beleg dafür, dass die Europäische Union in der derzeitigen Strukturierung der Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion nicht zukunftsfähig ist. Eine demokratisch nur dünn legitimierte, aus guten Gründen unabhängige Institution, deren Mandat die Preisstabilität betrifft, zum faktischen Garanten für das finanzielle Überleben der Mitgliedstaaten zu machen, und dieses Überleben ausgerechnet durch eine weitere Ausdehnung der Staatsverschuldung sichern zu wollen, die zudem die Unabhängigkeit der Institution gefährdet, weist in die Irre. Continue reading >>

State of Emergency in Estonia

Due to the COVID-19 epidemic the Estonian Government (Vabariigi Valitsus), without consulting the parliament (Riigikogu), declared by Order Nr. 76 on 12 March 2020 a state of emergency (eriolukord), defining the epidemic as an “emergency situation”. This is the first time in our modern history where a state of emergency has been declared. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs subsequently informed the Council of Europe of the Estonian derogation under Article 15 of the European Convention of Human Rights. Continue reading >>

Albania – Some Exceptional Extraordinary Measures

Albania was hit the by Covid-19 pandemic, although it seems not as gravely as some of its neighbours. Starting from 10 March 2020 the Albanian Government adopted several measures aiming to limit the spread of the pandemic in the country. Most of those measures have been continuously reviewed, following the development of the pandemic. Continue reading >>
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16 May 2020

Covid- 19: Malaysia and the Return of Rule by Law

Two simultaneous narratives are unfolding as Malaysia responds to Covid-19. The first is the specific character of the ongoing legal response. The second is salient backdrop to any evaluation of this legal response that Malaysia is in political turmoil. Continue reading >>
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Sollte die EU-Kommission Deutschland wegen des Karlsruher Ultra-Vires-Urteils verklagen? CONTRA

Nehmen wir an, dass Bundesverfassungsgericht hätte mit seiner Feststellung eines Akts ultra vires durch EZB und EuGH europäisches Unionsrecht verletzt. Müsste ein solcher Rechtsbruch zwingend von einem Gericht überprüft und festgestellt werden? Natürlich nicht. Ein Vertragsverletzungsverfahren wäre mit Karl Kraus gesprochen Teil der Krankheit, für deren Therapie es sich hält. Continue reading >>

Sollte die EU-Kommission Deutschland wegen des Karlsruher Ultra-Vires-Urteils verklagen? PRO

Wenn die Kommission nicht mehr beantragt als die Klärung spezifischer Rechtsfragen, um dem Gerichtshof noch einmal Gelegenheit zu geben, Missverständnisse seiner eigenen im Urteil Weiss entwickelten Position auszuräumen, könnte das Ergebnis für alle hilfreich sein. Continue reading >>
15 May 2020

Is Egenberger next?

When judges must rely on newspapers to clarify a decision they decided a week before, something seems to have gone wrong. However, while the BVerfG seems to be taken aback by the storm of indignation that burst upon them since last week’s PSPP decision, the judges remain adamant in their criticism of the CJEU. Luxembourg should perhaps even fear another ultra vires decision. Continue reading >>

Between Constitutional Tragedy and Political Farce

One of the two basic genres of ancient drama is tragedy – fate thwarts all the intentions and actions of the main protagonist, leading him to his doom. In such terms does the governing coalition in Poland attempt to present what befell the presidential elections in Poland – just a few days before the elections, the leaders of the two coalition parties issued the decision that the elections would not take place on the planned and constitutional dates. Was it indeed the lack of cooperation from the opposition, despite the strenuous attempts and herculean efforts of the government, that made it necessary to postpone the elections? Continue reading >>
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Democracy and the Global Emergency – Shared Experiences, Starkly Uneven Impacts

Curating analysis of these developments since early April through the COVID-DEM project, and reading across the 62 published contributions to this outstanding symposium, there are clear commonalities across all democracies affected. Beyond these commonalities, the effect of the COVID-19 response on the democratic system has been – and will be – starkly uneven across democracies worldwide, due to the different democratic ‘starting point’ of each state as the pandemic hit. Continue reading >>
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At the End of the Law

The recent judgment of the Federal Constitutional Court needs to be regarded from the perspective of political economy as it highlights that the status quo of the Eurozone is untenable. The merits of the Weiss judgment could be to open up a debate about the requirements of a genuine European Economic and Monetary Union in Germany and elsewhere in Europe. Continue reading >>

The Curious and Alarming Story of the City of Göd

Misusing its extraordinary law-making powers which were conferred to it by the controversial Enabling Act during the epidemic state of danger, the Hungarian government expropriated the city of Göd. Apparently the government did so in order to punish the opposition lead municipality - and it seems to prepare further expropriations. Continue reading >>
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14 May 2020

Leben in der Abwägung

Die politische und juristische Kernfrage der COVID-19-Pandemie ist spätestens mit den Öffnungsmaßnahmen, den über sie geführten Diskussionen und zahlreichen Gerichtsverfahren wieder offen: Wie steht es mit der Abwägung? Ist auch das Leben, dessen Schutz die umfangreichsten und in der Breite massivsten Grundrechtseinschränkungen in der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik hauptsächlich dienen, in eine solche einzustellen und kann es in ihr verfassungsrechtlich zulässiger Weise überwunden werden? Muss es das ab einem gewissen Punkt sogar? Continue reading >>
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Lithuania’s Response to COVID-19: Quarantine Through the Prism of Human Rights and the Rule of Law

The COVID-19 outbreak constitutes an unprecedented challenge in the history of independent Lithuania, which in its 1992 Constitution embedded a broad list of human rights and freedoms. It seems that so far the emergency powers have been used proportionately and in a time-limited manner, albeit some concerns regarding human rights and the rule of law remain. While it is understandable that the pandemic required a quick response, more attention from the Lithuanian decision-makers on fundamental rights and the required balancing would have been welcome. Continue reading >>
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Excessive Law Enforcement in Kenya

Kenya's President is yet to declare a state of emergency and has opted to implement measures that ensure citizens can continue with their lives. Constitutionally, rights may only be limited by law and only to the extent that is reasonable and justifiable in an open and democratic society based on human dignity, equality and freedom. Continue reading >>
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13 May 2020

Suing the BVerfG

It is the argument of this blog post that the Commission must activate the procedure of Article 258 TFEU and sue (Germany for the grave breach of EU law by) the BVerfG. As I maintain, this action is constitutionally necessary, legally sound, and it may ultimately help achieve an important integration function – neutralizing the minefield that the BVerfG built around the future of Europe. Continue reading >>

Kill the Chickens to Scare the Monkeys

As the Chinese saying goes, killing the chickens to scare the monkeys, China’s courts were quick to set examples of people who committed offences in relation to the country’s response to Covid-19 in order to deter potential offenders. However, the punishments of ordinary offenders and responsible officials highlight China’s constitutional setting – the dominance of the Communist Party in state affairs, and the political role of courts in times of national emergency. This is consistent with China’s self-proclamation – the centrality of the Communist Party’s leadership and the division of functions among state organs without separation of powers. Under such a setting, ordinary people and officials are subject to different rules and have different fates. Continue reading >>

Is there a space for federalism in times of emergency?

In many legal cultures, federalism is the real “F word”. It stands for inequality, privileges, inefficiency. For many, there seems to be an inherent contradiction between the obvious requirement of a coordinated line of command in case of emergency and a pluralistic territorial structure. A closer look at the comparative practice shows a different picture. Has federalism really been an obstacle to effective decision-making? Or rather the opposite? Continue reading >>

Japan’s Soft State of Emergency: Social Pressure Instead of Legal Penalty

People have been perplexed by the slow and soft approach of the Japanese government in their attempt to bring COVID-19 under control. The first case of COVID-19 in Japan was confirmed on 16 January 2020. On 30 January, the Japanese government set up the COVID-19 Countermeasures Headquarters. It published emergency countermeasures against COVID-19 on 13 February and presented Basic Policies for Coronavirus Disease Control on 25 February. However, none of these measures have introduced drastic measures such as border controls and/or curfews. Continue reading >>

Is it a Dance or is it Chicken?

I cut my teeth studying the German Constitutional Court’s relationship with the European Court of Justice. A recent article in the Financial Times used the metaphor of a dance to explain the GCC’s history of pushing back against the ECJ’s authority. In 2001, I called it a game of chicken. I don’t worry that playing chicken with the ECJ inevitably leads to European disintegration. The GCC’s ECB ruling is, however, the wrong decision issued at the wrong time. Economic policy-makers will and should ignore the ruling, and for this reason I expect the GCC to step back from the brink, once again. But harm is nonetheless being inflicted on a tottering global economy, a fragile European project, and a disintegrating popular support for the rule of law. Continue reading >>

Beyond the State of Alarm: COVID-19 in Spain

The confinements imposed by the Spanish Government in response to the pandemic are among the most intense in comparative terms since they contain a prohibition of going out into the street with only limited exceptions. Given their intensity, especially the strong limits imposed on the freedom of movement, the restrictions are rather suspensions than mere restrictions of fundamental rights and as such go beyond their legal basis of the state of alarm. Continue reading >>
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12 May 2020

Serbia and Covid-19: State of Emergency in a State in Disarray

The reaction of the Serbian authorities to the Covid-19 crisis demonstrated a weakness of Serbian state institutions: The measures imposed by the Serbian Government as a response to the Covid crisis, as well as the reaction of the competent bodies, are problematic both from a procedural and a substantive perspective. To make things worse, the judiciary has not been a great help either. Continue reading >>
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A Risky Gamble

There may never have been an idea whose time has so obviously come than mail-in voting in the COVID-19 era. However, a major risk confronting the nation as it scrambles at the last minute to move from primarily in-person to primarily mail-in is the risk of leaving logistical and legal details open to political manipulation in highly unpredictable fashion. Continue reading >>
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Carl Schmitt und die Pandemie. Teil II

Angesichts häufiger Bezugnahmen Bezugnahmen auf Carl Schmitt im Kontext der Corona-Krise ist es sinnvoll, noch einmal genauer auf Schmitts Leben und Werk zu blicken. Hier sollen einige von Schmitts Kategorien für die Analyse der deutschen Corona-Politik adaptiert werden. Da die verfassungsrechtliche Bewertung der Corona-Politik noch aussteht und auch keineswegs einfach und eindeutig ist, ist die neuerliche Auseinandersetzung mit Schmitts Verfassungslehre im Kontext der Corona-Politik sinnvoll. Deren Kategorien können freilich die differenzierte dogmatische Beschreibung nicht ersetzen. Continue reading >>

VB Live: “Schaffen wir das?” – COVID-19 as a Crisis for German Law and Politics

Session I of our discussion series on the COVID-19 crisis from a German, European and International Perspective, jointly organized by IFHV and Verfassungsblog - streamed live here on Verfassungsblog from 4:00 - 5:45 pm. Join now! Continue reading >>

Is it the Court’s Role to Save a Country from Itself?

On May 6, 2020, the Israeli Supreme Court rejected eight petitions against PM Netanyahu’s rule as PM and against the unity agreement between Netanyahu and his former contender, Benny Gantz (“the Unity Agreement”). The unanimous decision was delivered by an expanded panel of eleven judges, who emphasized that despite the severity of the allegations against Netanyahu, there was no basis, in Israeli law, for disqualifying him. Continue reading >>
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Constitutional Constraints meet Political Pressure

The Finnish Constitutional Law Committee had already in April adopted a critical position towards the COVID 19 crisis measures in the EU. Last week the Committee continued its critical examination. It came to the conclusion that the Eurogroup decision to essentially remove all conditionality from the new loan facility of the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) is incompatible with the Finnish Constitution and expressed serious doubts about its compatibility with EU law. The Committee also repeated its concerns about the accumulation of financial risks deriving from EU membership. Continue reading >>
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Human Rights – The Essential Frame of Reference in the Global Response to COVID-19

It is mistaken to conceive of COVID-19 principally as a threat whose eradication necessarily requires rights to be sacrificed. Rather, human rights standards and principles offer a means of transparently balancing competing interests and priorities in the cauldron of COVID-19 decision-making – and rights-respecting measures which secure public confidence are likely to be more effective and sustainable over time than arbitrary or repressive ones. Continue reading >>
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11 May 2020

Immunität als Status

Früher galt: Jeder Mensch hatte seinen Stand und jeder Stand sein eigenes Recht. Diese Schichtung der Gesellschaft verschwand weitgehend als mit der Moderne der Gedanke der Gleichberechtigung Einzug hielt. Wenn nun ein Immunitätsausweis diskutiert wird, klingt darin auch eine Unterteilung in den Stand der Immunen und den Stand der potentiell Infizierten an. Continue reading >>

Sonderopfer für die Volksgesundheit

Zieht der Staat zur Gefahrenabwehr jemanden heran, der die Gefahr nicht selbst verursacht, so mag dies „zur Beförderung des gemeinschaftlichen Wohls“ ausnahmsweise rechtmäßig sein. Immerhin werden noch heute ganze Dörfer für den Braunkohletagebau enteignet. Anders als mit dem auch vom Ehtikrat herangezogenen Konzept der Solidarität in einer Gemeinschaft lässt sich das wirklich nicht erklären. Selbst ausnahmsweise können solche Maßnahmen jedenfalls nur unter der Bedingung rechtmäßig sein, dass den Betroffenen dafür eine angemessene Entschädigung gezahlt wird. Continue reading >>

Carl Schmitt und die Pandemie. Teil I

Unsere gegenwärtigen Corona-Zeiten werden weithin alltagssprachlich als große Katastrophe, Krise und „Ausnahmezustand“ wahrgenommen. Deshalb verwundert es nicht, dass in den Debatten gelegentlich auch der Name Carl Schmitts fällt. Sein Werk steht vor und nach 1933 für die extensive Rechtfertigung diktatorischer „Maßnahmen“ im „Ausnahmezustand“. Mit seiner Theorie und „Verfassungslehre“ verbindet sich die Erwartung, grundbegriffliche Orientierung in den Lücken des Gesetzes, rechtsfreien Räumen und im unübersichtlichen Gelände zu finden. Im ersten Teil dieses Beitrags werden als Basis einer Auseinandersetzung mit der Anwendung von Schmitts Kategorien auf Maßnahmen in der Corona-Pandemie die biographischen Bezüge Schmitts zur Spanischen Grippe beleuchtet. Continue reading >>
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Georgia’s Coronation of an Orwellian Doublethink

On 21 March 2020, Georgia declared a nationwide State of Emergency for one month in an effort to halt the spread of COVID-19. The decree has recently been extended until May 22, 2020. To date, Georgia is among the countries with the least infected population and the mortality rate remains low (635 confirmed cases, 10 deaths, and 309 fully recovered as of May 10, 2020). Despite the relative success within the medical sphere, the rule of law, democracy and human rights are facing an epidemic of unseen scale. Continue reading >>
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Ein Virus macht Verkehrspolitik?

In aller Welt machen zurzeit sogenannte „Pop Up Bike Lanes“ (im Behördendeutsch: „Temporäre Radverkehrsanlagen“) ihrem Namen alle Ehre: Sie sprießen nur so aus dem Asphalt – wo gestern eine Autospur war, ist heute ein Fahrradweg. Vorreiter in Sachen temporäre Radwege ist Berlin; also die Stadt, die normalerweise nicht mit einer besonders agilen Verwaltung von sich reden macht. Continue reading >>
10 May 2020

Warum Europa nicht auf Ministerin Varga hereinfallen sollte

„Die Welt” berichtete am 12. April von einem Gespräch mit der ungarischen Justizministerin dr. Judit Varga über die am 11. März in Kraft getretenen Notstands- und Ermächtigungsgesetze. Die Ministerin halte die Kritik daran (so auch hier) für „Falschnachrichten” und „Ausdruck einer liberalen Meinungsdiktatur in Europa”. Da es sich hier um ein Notstandsgesetz handelt, will ich vorsichtig vorgehen. Bei der Beurteilung des Gesetzes ist allein der Text die maßgebende Tatsache. Die Stellungnahme der Ministerin gleicht aber eher einer politischen Propaganda als einer sorgfältigen Analyse der Regelung. Continue reading >>

Viet Nam: When Non-Emergency Measures Equal Emergency Measures

In Viet Nam, Wthe ‘state of emergency’ clauses are virtually a repetition of measures the government may take when there is no emergency. This means that were the government to declare a state of emergency there would be no reserving policy space for the government to fall back to. Viet Nam should thus seize the opportunity to revise its legislation and clearly distinguish between emergency and non-emergency measure, both in terms of degree and scope. Continue reading >>
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09 May 2020

Croatia’s Response to COVID-19: On Legal Form and Constitutional Safeguards in Times of Pandemic

Analysing national responses to the coronavirus, the University of Oxford study found that Croatia was the most rigorous of all the examined countries considering the actual number of infections. Overall, the Croatian response to Covid-19 might not pose an autocratic threat to the rule of law as in certain European countries. This is far, however, from suggesting there have not been significant constitutional challenges, or that we should not require an enhanced constitutional oversight over apparently quite restrictive governmental action. Continue reading >>
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Is the BVerfG PSPP decision “simply not comprehensible”?

Upon reading the BVerfG’s bombshell PSPP decision, one cannot but be struck at how little it thinks of the quality of the legal reasoning of the CJEU with regards to the proportionality test. If one is to judge others so harshly, it is wise to make sure that one’s own position is irreproachable. The BVerfG failed to do so. Continue reading >>

Ecuador – Constitutionalism and Covid-19

When referring to the rule of law and constitutionalism we must be extremely cautious: Ecuador was founded in 1830 after the dissolution of Great Colombia, and in just 190 years has adopted 20 constitutions. The current Ecuadorian Constitution dates from 2008. This means that the nation does not possess a strong constitutional tradition nor a culture of promotion of the rule of law. On the contrary, Ecuador has a long history of institutional breakdowns and coup d'états which were caused by political and economic crisis. However, these were nothing compared with the situation all Ecuadorians are currently facing. Continue reading >>