14 April 2020
The Coronavirus Crisis-Law in Greece: A (Constitutional) Matter of Life and Death
Each time a crisis emerges, the law is entitled to seize the exceptional moment and contain it, within the limits of democracy and the rule of law. Legal normality, as a vague standard, is usually redefined by the legislator and the courts and rapidly adjusted to reality. The constitutional value of public interest comes into conflict with civil liberties and scholars begin to question the law. The saga of the (Greek) coronavirus crisis-law is, like everywhere, utterly reduced to the proportionality of the exceptional measures of the (Greek) State, but its moral and political implications seem far broader and ambiguous. Continue reading >>
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Fear of Unaccountability vs Fear of a Pandemic: COVID-19 in Hong Kong
When news began to circulate about a novel virus in December 2019, Hong Kong was in the midst of protests that had been going on for months. There were (and continue to be) widespread demands for accountability and democracy, accompanied by a significant degree of public distrust and dissatisfaction towards the Government. Pertinently, the Government had just invoked hugely controversial emergency powers to quell the protests. Hong Kong was also one of the hardest-hit regions during the SARS epidemic 17 years ago, and there was a collective determination not to repeat the tragedy. Continue reading >>
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Versammlungsfreiheit in der Krise
Die fundamentale Bedeutung der Versammlungsfreiheit für den demokratischen Rechtsstaat, auch unter den Bedingungen der Corona-Pandemie, wird von den Verwaltungsgerichten bisher nicht verteidigt. In Zeiten, in denen eine schonende Abwägung zwischen Grundrechten und eine erhöhte Sensibilität für eine schleichende Grundrechtserosion notwendig ist, wird, anstatt der Versammlungsfreiheit zu ihrer Entfaltung zu verhelfen, die Bedrohung des Lebens von Gerichten als so überragend gewertet, dass für Versammlungen aktuell kein verwaltungsgerichtlicher Schutz zu erreichen ist. Dies ist fatal, denn die Versammlungsfreiheit ist kein Schönwetter-Grundrecht, sondern sie ist gerade bei weitreichenden Entscheidungen in Krisenzeiten für die Demokratie unentbehrlich. Continue reading >>13 April 2020
Staatliche Krisenreaktionen und die unteilbare Umwelt für den Grundrechtsgebrauch
Sich in einer Pandemielage gegen Beschränkungen zu entscheiden, erscheint grundrechtlich unverdächtig. Doch wäre es das tatsächlich? Im Folgenden werden zwei unterschiedliche Szenarien einer solchen Entscheidung vorgestellt und es wird ein näherer Blick auf die Folgen für den individuellen Grundrechtsgebrauch geworfen. Es zeigen sich Grundrechtsfragen, die im Ergebnis auch für die Beurteilung des beschränkenden Staates aufgeworfen sind. Continue reading >>Verhältnismäßigkeit mit der Holzhammermethode
Für viele ist Grundrechtseingriff im Kampf gegen die Corona-Pandemie nachvollziehbar angesichts der Vorstellung von Masseninfektionen in Pflege- oder Rehaeinrichtungen, von zu Triage gezwungenen Ärzt*innen und einem komplett überforderten Gesundheitssystems. Beeindruckt davon zeigen sich offenkundig auch die Gerichte, die einen Eilantrag nach dem anderen ablehnen unter Verweis auf legitime Zielsetzungen, auf die Einschätzungsprärogative staatlicher Akteure und vor allem auf die Folgenabschätzung, die bisher stets zu Ungunsten der Antragsteller*innen ausfiel. Exemplarisch sei hier die Situation in Bayern herausgegriffen. Continue reading >>Im „Kreuzfeuer“ des Zweiten Senats
Die Entscheidungen des Ersten Senats, mit denen sich das BVerfG zum Garanten der Unionsgrundrechte aufschwang, waren nicht weniger als ein Paukenschlag. Im Schrifttum stieß die Neuausrichtung des Prüfungsmaßstabs der Verfassungsbeschwerde überwiegend auf Wohlwollen. Unbemerkt blieb dabei bislang, dass der Zweite Senat nicht geneigt scheint, dem zu folgen. Vorläufiger Höhepunkt dieser Entwicklung ist der am 8. April 2020 veröffentlichte Beschluss zu Blankettstrafvorschriften im Lebensmittel- und Futtermittelgesetzbuch. Continue reading >>Fighting the Virus and the Rule of Law – A Country Report on Norway
Governments across Europe are quick to limit personal freedoms in the name of fighting the pandemic. The case of Norway, however, reveals how the process of adopting these measures can compromise democratic discourse and procedure. The main rule of law challenges we have seen here are an overreach of the authorities of their legal powers, a lack of transparency and exclusion of the public from public decision-making and battle over jurisdiction to regulate between the central government and local authorities. In the end, it is not just our health, but the rule of law that is under threat. Continue reading >>
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12 April 2020
How Political Turmoil is Changing European Constitutional Law: Evidence from the Verfassungsblog
The shockwaves that have rippled through the European political order have exposed the artificial character of the law vs politics distinction, forcing constitutional law scholars to adapt. Contributions to the Verfassungsblog provide evidence for this evolution. Continue reading >>
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Coping with Covid-19 in Portugal: From Constitutional Normality to the State of Emergency
As we write this report, it is unclear how the Covid-19 outbreak will unfold in Portugal. The country reacted quickly to adopt measures aimed at reducing social contact, including the closure of schools and a general ban on non-essential movement. Whether that will prove efficient to avoid the collapse of the national health system and prevent thousands of deaths, only time will tell. In this contribution, we describe and reflect on the action taken by public powers to address the Covid-19 pandemic, considering the situation as of April 9. Continue reading >>
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Indonesia’s Fight against COVID-19: A Battle Over the Meaning of Emergency?
Indonesia is a perfect example of how poorly a country can handle the spread of coronavirus (COVID-19). In February, when Indonesia’s neighbouring countries such as Singapore were occupied with the restriction of the entry of foreigners into their territory after the announcement of the coronavirus outbreak in Wuhan, Indonesia’s government under the Presidency of Joko Widodo (Jokowi) introduced the opposite policy which made it easier for foreign tourists (including those from the mainland China) to travel to Indonesia. The purpose of this particular policy according to Jokowi’s government was to exploit the economic gaps which would arise from foreigners’ fears of travelling to Indonesia’s neighbours including Singapore and Thailand. Continue reading >>11 April 2020
Fighting Fake News or Fighting Inconvenient Truths?
Last week, the Hungarian Parliament amended the Criminal Code: it created the new crime of “obstructing epidemic prevention” and amended the already existing crime of scaremongering (rémhírterjesztés). The old version did have some shortcomings but the now adopted modification addresses none of the previously existing problems and makes the crime more susceptible to abuse by the authorities. Continue reading >>Ireland’s Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic
Like many countries around the world, Ireland has enacted emergency legislation to respond to the coronavirus pandemic. The scope of these powers are vast, impacting on almost every aspect of life in Ireland. Notably, no state of emergency has been declared in accordance with Ireland’s constitutional provisions or under Article 15 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). Continue reading >>COVID-19: State of Disaster in South Africa
As COVID-19 spread across the world, the first reported case in Africa was not until 27 February 2020 in Nigeria; six days later the South African National Institute of Communicable Diseases (NICD) confirmed the first case in South Africa. Since then, cases have increased steadily and the first death in South Africa was recorded on 27 March 2020. COVID-19 has shown its potential devastating impact elsewhere, but it is a particular cause for concern in South Africa. Continue reading >>10 April 2020
Pushing the Boundaries of Legal Normality
The Brazilian Emergency Constitution is still dormant, instead “legislative and executive apparatuses” are used to “enforce measures for protecting public health”. But that does not mean, that emergency powers in Brazil are not yet in reach: While we patiently wait for the Emergency Constitution to wake up from its doctrinal sleep, legislation has already bypassed it and is venturing into uncharted territory. Continue reading >>
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Corona and the Absence of a Real Constitutional Debate in Sweden
Despite the horrors of the Corona disease, and indeed in order to combat it efficiently as a society, Sweden requires a robust and healthy constitutional and democratic debate. Corona is a human disaster and the suffering it spreads has yet to be accounted for. It is also an unprecedented challenge to our political and constitutional institutions and our almost nonexistent public discourse. Continue reading >>Cooperative Federalism, Soft Governance and Hard Laws in Australia’s State of Emergency
To date, in Australia, there have been over 5,350 confirmed COVID-19 cases, 26 deaths and over 275,000 tests conducted. The majority of the confirmed cases were acquired overseas. Australia is a Federation with a national government and state and territory governments. This adds complexity to responding to a national crisis. So far, Australia’s response has been characterised by cooperative federalism, at least nominally, primarily through a newly formed National Cabinet. There has been a staged ratcheting up of border controls and executive powers to prevent and control the spread of COVID-19, and a ‘hibernation’ approach to the conduct of business and exercise of fundamental rights. In this post, we discuss the governance model through the National Cabinet, the hard law response at Federal and State and Territory level and the extensive economic interventions. Continue reading >>Bulgaria: COVID-19 as an Excuse to Solidify Autocracy?
On 23 March 2020, Bulgaria’s Parliament enacted a Law on the Measures and Actions during the State of Emergency Announced by Parliament on 13 March 2020 (hereby referred to as Law on Emergency for brevity). This was the second attempt to enact this piece of legislation after Bulgaria’s President vetoed some of its provisions. This new Law entered into force retroactively on 13 March 2020 when Parliament declared a state of emergency (izvunredno polojenie) in light of COVID-19. The peculiar situation that Parliament can declare a state of emergency, define its scope and provide guidance on the measures which could be taken later, and apply the law retroactively to justify measures and actions taken by the executive in the period before defining these terms is troublesome from a rule of law perspective. Moreover, some of the measures go beyond healthcare concerns and create opportunities for arbitrariness and human rights violations. B Continue reading >>Covid-19 and Derogations Before the European Court of Human Rights
Many argue that derogations, permitted under many human rights instruments, provide a useful framework for assessing whether any human rights infringements that arise from emergency provisions adopted in response to Covid-19 are justified. Drawing on jurisprudence from the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR or the Court) in relation to Northern Ireland, this post argues that it is likely that the vast majority of cases exploring derogation will be found in a government’s failure. Continue reading >>
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09 April 2020
Protecting Polish Judges from the Ruling Party’s “Star Chamber”
For the third time, the ECJ has intervened in the subjugation of the judiciary in member states. Its injunction against Poland's "disciplinary chamber" is an important step. But unless Ursula von der Leyen's Commission starts facing up reality, winning legal battles will not prevent losing another member state, after Hungary, to autocracy. Continue reading >>The Need for Clear Competences in Times of Crisis
All Italian institutions established at different levels of government have been at the forefront in the health emergency to fight the spread of the coronavirus disease (see Diletta Tega and Michele Massa). Yet, they had to take action in the absence of a consistent legal framework establishing a clear division of competences and chain of command in the management of the emergency. The resulting legal uncertainties have been delaying the timely adoption and effective implementation of the containment measures which led to the national lockdown. Continue reading >>
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From One State of Emergency to Another – Emergency Powers in France
2 years and less than 5 months after the end of the two-year state of emergency triggered on the wake of the 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris, a brand new “state of health emergency” was activated in France on the 23rd March to cope with a new attack led, this time, by a small and invisible enemy, Covid-19. The so-called “state of health emergency” currently constitutes the legal framework and basis of the measures in force to cope with the epidemic, including nationwide lockdown. What is this new regime? Is it a threat to individual freedoms? What are its limits and guarantees? Was it legally necessary? Continue reading >>
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Underreaction in a Time of Emergency: America as a Nearly Failed State
Not surprisingly, those of us who write about emergencies have been far more concerned about overreaction than underreaction and we have been far more concerned about politically caused emergencies rather than natural disasters. History is littered with the cautionary tales of overreaction to politically caused emergencies. But the dangers of state failure evident in underreaction are underestimated. Continue reading >>
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Expert*innen in der Krise
Die verfassungsrechtswissenschaftliche Begleitung der Corona-Krise als Metathema über zahlreichen Posts zu einzelnen Rechtsfragen ist ein wichtiges Thema für diesen Blog. Ich möchte hiermit zur Herangehensweise medial wie nie gefragter Expert*innen – täglich muss ja eine Vielzahl von Sondersendungen bestückt werden – drei kritische Beobachtungen anbringen. Continue reading >>08 April 2020
Corona in Karlsruhe II
Die 3. Kammer des Ersten Senats des Bundesverfassungsgerichts hat kürzlich einen Antrag auf Erlass einer einstweiligen Anordnung gegen die bayerischen Maßnahmen zur Bekämpfung der Corona-Epidemie abgelehnt. Ist damit gesagt, dass all diese ungeheuer grundrechtsbeeinträchtigenden Maßnahmen vom Bundesverfassungsgericht als verfassungsgemäß betrachtet würden? Continue reading >>Towards Constitutionalizing Global Value Chains and Corporations
There exists a private state of exception that is shaping the current Coronavirus crisis. This private state of exception is negotiated within the doctrines of private law, but this pandemic also reveals how global private orders consisting of contracts allow lead firms in global commodity production to act as private sovereigns that can declare independently the presence of an exceptional situation. Continue reading >>
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Solidarity and Constitutional Constraints in Times of Crisis
While important, European solidarity cannot take place at the expense of safeguarding citizens’ economic and social rights under the Constitution of Finland. For this reason, the Finnish Government needs to remain alert to the risks involved in the increasing financial commitments given by Finland. Depending on their exact features, the constitutional problems relating to “corona bonds” might only be overcome by a risky and time consuming constitutional amendment procedure. This is the result of two days of deliberations by the Constitutional Law Committee of the Finnish Parliament relating to the euro group agenda dedicated to the COVID19 crisis. Continue reading >>
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Versammlungsfreiheit Corona-konform
Die meisten zur Bekämpfung der Corona-Epidemie ergangenen Rechtsakte der Länder laufen – jedenfalls in der Auslegung zahlreicher Behörden und häufig gerichtlich bestätigt – auf ein generelles Versammlungsverbot hinaus. Diese sich abzeichnende Behörden- und Gerichtspraxis verkennt den Gewährleistungsgehalt des Art. 8 GG grundlegend und verkehrt ihn teilweise sogar in sein Gegenteil, was Anlass zur Sorge bietet. Dabei gibt es zahlreiche Möglichkeiten, die Versammlungsfreiheit Corona-konform zu gewährleisten. Continue reading >>Constitutional Crisis in Israel: Coronavirus, Interbranch Conflict, and Dynamic Judicial Review
The Covid-19 pandemic hit Israel in fragile political and constitutional times. After three consecutive national elections and during unprecedented and continuous constitutional crisis, it has deepened an interbranch conflict that has led to the High Court of Justice (HCJ) taking part, in real time, in a dynamic judicial review. The HCJ not only facilitated the functioning of the parliament but also expedited its oversight on the government’s use of emergency powers. Continue reading >>
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A Prime Minister in Hospital: the Constitutional Implications
Following the news that the British Prime Minister, Boris Johnson, has been taken to hospital for treatment for COVID-19, there has been much discussion about what should happen if he should die or become incapacitated. Who would take over and how would such a successor be chosen? What is the role of Dominic Raab, the Foreign Secretary, who has been designated to deputise for him in his absence? And how do we find the answers to the above questions, given the UK has no codified Constitution to consult? Continue reading >>
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Italy’s Coronavirus Legislative Response: Adjusting Along the Way
With one of the highest death rate by population worldwide, Italy has undertaken a series of necessary but very intrusive measures resulting in strong limitations of fundamental rights and liberties. The Rule of Law (ROL) is considered to be “the basis of all genuine democracy” (Statute of the Council of Europe); and in times of emergency, respect for the ROL and adherence to its principles should still prevail. So, what safeguards have been put in place to ensure that the Italian legislative response to COVID-19 provides effective protection of public safety and complies with core Constitutional principles, international law obligations and the ROL? Continue reading >>
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Authoritarianism Without Emergency Powers: Brazil Under COVID-19
One of the few heads of state that insist on denying scientific and epidemiologic facts concerning the spread of COVID-19 is the Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro. For Bolsonaro, politics comes before truth. Since the beginning of the pandemic of COVID-19, he is disseminating doubts on social media (although Twitter, Facebook and Instagram deleted some of his posts) to galvanize his radical supporters while creating a distraction for his government’s inability to implement social and economic aids to the low-income families affected by social distancing. For the moment, the president has failed to gather the public support that he needs for an extension of the emergency powers of the executive, like Orbán did in Hungary. But his authoritarian discourse has not disappeared from the horizon. On 31st March 2020, for instance, Bolsonaro celebrated the anniversary of the Coup of 1964 as a “great day for freedom”. Continue reading >>07 April 2020
Corona-Bonds: zu kurz gesprungen und dann auch noch in die falsche Richtung
In diversen Aufrufen werden gemeinsame Anleihen für die Länder der Europäischen Union gefordert, um die Folgen der Corona-Krise gemeinsam zu tragen. Mal werden sie Corona-Bonds (auch hier auf dem Verfassungsblog) genannt, mal Health-Bonds oder Renaissance Bonds. Und dabei wird nicht mit Pathos gespart: „Es gilt gerade jetzt, Wege zu finden, mit denen wir verdeutlichen können, dass wir zusammengehören, dass wir vom gleichen ‚Zauber gebunden sind‘, wie es in unserer Hymne heißt.“ Trotz aller Sympathie für die Motive der UnterstützerInnen, darunter so prominente Namen wie Jürgen Habermas, darf man aber kritisch hinterfragen, ob das wirklich ein geeignetes Instrument ist? Continue reading >>
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Schwarzer Peter im Mehrebenensystem
Seit Wochen wird daran gearbeitet, besonders schutzbedürftige Kinder aus der humanitären Hölle der griechischen Flüchtlingslager zu holen bevor das Coronavirus die Camps erreicht. Wenig ruhmreich agiert dabei das Bundesinnenministerium: Es schiebt die Verantwortung für die bisher gescheiterte Rettung der EU zu – und blockiert gleichzeitig selbst Rettungsbemühungen der Bundesländer. Continue reading >>Humiliating the Court?
The Member States, dismissing an Advocate General before the expiration of her term of office on the Court, have demonstrated that they are ready to humiliate the Court of Justice by allowing post-Brexit frustrations take the place of the Primary Law of the EU. The Rule of Law stands replaced with political whim. As AG Sharpston’s tenure is left in suspense, what is the worth of the core aspects of EU Rule of Law and judicial independence, when the Member States are willing to alter the composition of the Court by a political declaration? Continue reading >>Israel’s Perfect Storm: Fighting Coronavirus in the Midst of a Constitutional Crisis
A notable characteristic of the Israeli management of the crisis is the growing reliance on the military and on national security agencies, with respect to both types of measures. The sections below will examine the measures taken, the concerns these measures raise, and the steps taken to address such concerns. Continue reading >>
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Lockdown Bubbles through Layers of Law, Discretion and Nudges – New Zealand
New Zealand’s governmental response to Covid-19 has been, so far, dramatic and legally curious. As a South Pacific island nation, Covid-19 was late to infiltrate New Zealand, allowing the government time to shape its response in the light of experiences elsewhere. At the first sign of community transmission, the government moved to lockdown the country – shutting the border, keeping people in their household ‘bubbles’ and closing businesses other than those deemed essential. To effect the lockdown, the government relied on some ordinary legal powers and a handful of reserve emergency powers, supplemented by strong messaging from a charismatic prime minister. While providing a stopgap solution for the sudden move, the current legal framework is bit soft and fragile in places. It seems likely the government will move to sharpen and fortify the legal basis for the lockdown and put in place a more bespoke and enduring solution. Continue reading >>06 April 2020
Die Zeit drängt
Viel zu lange hat die EU, die sich auf die Achtung der Menschenwürde gründet, die menschenunwürdigen Zustände in den Flüchtlingslagern zugelassen. Wenn nicht wenigstens einige EU-Mitgliedstaaten ihre Verantwortung für die in der Covid-19 Pandemie besonders gefährdeten Menschen in den Flüchtlingslagern auf den griechischen Inseln wahrnehmen, dann verliert die EU als Wertegemeinschaft jede Glaubwürdigkeit. Continue reading >>Hong Kong’s Basic Law at 30: A Constitutional Experiment under Stress
On April 4, 2020, the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China (HK Basic Law) turned 30. The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region has been and continues to be confronted with many challenges, including those concerned with the implementation of the HK Basic Law. Ultimately, it will depend on the Chinese Central Authorities and the Hong Kong institutions if the HK Basic Law is to remain the centrepiece in the governance of Hong Kong. Continue reading >>
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Vom Niedergang grundrechtlicher Denkkategorien in der Corona-Pandemie
Wir beklagen zurzeit Grundrechtseingriffe ungeahnten Ausmaßes. Wir müssen aber noch etwas beklagen, nämlich einen ziemlich flächendeckenden Ausfall rechtsstaatlicher Argumentationsstandards. Zwar betonen die Entscheider, die momentan mit Rechtsverordnungen Grundrechte suspendieren, immer wieder, wie schwer ihnen dies falle. Dem rechtlich wie ethisch gebotenen Umgang mit den Grundrechten wird die momentane Rechtfertigungsrhetorik jedoch nicht gerecht. Grundrechte können nur unter Beachtung der Verhältnismäßigkeit eingeschränkt werden. Der Eingriff unterliegt einem Rationalitätstest anhand von faktenorientierten Maßstäben und einer Verantwortbarkeitskontrolle orientiert an normativen Maßstäben. Continue reading >>How Corona Aggravates the Crises of the European Union and Threatens its Existence
The corona virus is acting as a catalyst for the EU's various crises smouldering and burning for years, intertwining with them. The current corona pandemic is not only endangering people in the EU in life and limb but also the European Union as a supranational community. With unprecedented urgency, it raises the question of its legitimacy, of its raison d'être. We need now an awareness of the political and social dimension of European integration – it must result in solidarity-based action by the EU and the Member States. Continue reading >>Canada the Good?
Canada is in almost full emergency mode in its bid to flatten the pandemic curve. But so far the federal government has not declared a federal state of emergency in terms of the Emergencies Act (1985), although it has discussed publicly the pros and cons of taking this step and has been urged to do so on the basis that such a declaration would enable a nationwide testing program. There are four main reasons for this hesitation to declare a national state of emergency. Continue reading >>
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Hungary’s Orbánistan: A Complete Arsenal of Emergency Powers
On 23 March 1933, an act was adopted in Nazi Germany in response to the “crisis” of the Reichstag fire to enable Hitler to issue decrees independently of the Reichstag and the presidency. Article 48 of the constitution of the Weimar Republic made this act possible. Eighty-seven years later, on 23 March 2020, the so-called 'Enabling Act' was put before the Hungarian Parliament. This was drafted under emergency constitutional provisions in Articles 48-54. Continue reading >>Introduction & List of Country Reports
As states of emergency are declared throughout the world in response to the spread of COVID-19, concerns arise as to the use - and potential abuse - of power in a time of crisis. In this Symposium, comparative country reports examine the use of emergency powers from the perspective of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. Continue reading >>05 April 2020
The Case for Corona Bonds
Governments, economists and intellectuals have called for common European bonds or increased own EU funds to address the recession induced by Covid19. Unfortunately, the German government, joined by the other members of the “Frugal Four” (Austria, Finland, the Netherlands), has categorically rejected to look into any such measures and favours using the ESM. This reaction created a déjà vu experience for citizens and governments of the heavily affected southern Member States of the EU. The proposal to use the ESM raises fears of another wave of austerity amounting to yet another lost decade for economic, social, and ecological development in Europe. Continue reading >>Are we SURE?
Das Ergebnis der letzten Videotagung der Eurogruppe hat scharfe Vorwürfe mangelnder europäischer Solidarität hervorgerufen. Einige Maßnahmen wurden vertagt; konkrete Vorschläge sollen nun in der kommenden Woche vorbereitet sein. In dieser Situation legt die Kommission ihren Vorschlag für eine Verordnung des Rates zur Schaffung eines Europäischen Instruments zur vorübergehenden Unterstützung bei der Minderung von Arbeitslosigkeitsrisiken in der durch den COVID-19-Ausbruch verursachten Krise (SURE) vor. Ist der Vorschlag mit dem Europarecht vereinbar? Continue reading >>
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Krisenmanagement für Jurist_innen
Der Vorwurf der Machtversessenheit, das Raunen über den selbstbestimmten Ausnahmezustand, ein Entsetzen über die Selbstverzwergung, in die sich das Parlament gegenüber dem ministerialen Aktivismus fügt – der Diskursbeitrag der Rechtswissenschaft in der Corona-Krise ist der des erhobenen Zeigefingers. Wo, will man den juristischen Mahnrufen entgegenhalten, bleibt denn der konstruktive und lösungsorientierte Beitrag des Rechts zur Krisenbewältigung? Continue reading >>04 April 2020
Dilemmata bei der Zuteilung von Beatmungsgeräten
wenden sich gegen die Berücksichtigung von Lebensalter und sozialen Kriterien (wozu auch der Beruf des Patienten gehören dürfte). Könnte sich die Ärztin trotzdem auf eine Pflichtenkollision berufen, wenn einer oder beide dieser Faktoren ausschlaggebend war? Oder verlangt die Einheit der Rechtsordnung, dass ein zuvor als unzulässig markiertes Verhalten nicht mehr gerechtfertigt sein kann? Meines Erachtens ist die Annahme einer rechtfertigenden Pflichtenkollision weiterhin vertretbar, sofern Regelwerke nur Empfehlungen aussprechen. Ob dies allerdings Staatsanwaltschaften und Gerichte auch so sehen würden, ist nicht klar zu prognostizieren. Continue reading >>The European Stability Mechanism is a False Solution to a Real European Problem
The conflict opposing the Northern (and Eastern) to the Southern Member States has reemerged with special animosity in the last weeks. European governments have developed deep disagreements over how to distribute the costs not only of fighting the coronavirus epidemics, but also of the socio-economic reconstruction that would be required once the public health emergence has been overcome, and which will require mobilising resources on a scale unknown since the Second World War. Continue reading >>
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