Brazilian Judges Regulate Elections … and AI
Brazil has new regulations on AI and election interference. Also, in Brazil, the judiciary oversees elections. As municipal elections are coming up, we face a quite unique situation of technological challenges, untested laws, and unusual institutional arrangements. Although innovative, these regulations are constrained in their effectiveness and indifference to broader regulatory debates concerning the regulation of AI, showcasing an uncomfortable relationship between judicial and legislative powers regarding digital policy in Brazil. Disregarding the complexity of AI, the regulations legitimise the expansion of the judicial branch's power to deal with digital threats to democracy while not fully engaging with how these threats materialise through the development and use of AI.
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Bolsonaro Faces the Rule of Law
On 30 June 2023, the Brazilian Electoral Superior Court ruled that former President Jair Bolsonaro is disqualified from running for any electoral position for the next eight years. Although there are fifteen other electoral actions brought against Bolsonaro by other political parties or by public electoral prosecutors, most of which refer to accusations of attempting to compromise the integrity of the 2022 elections, this was the first case to reach Brazil’s highest electoral court. Despite there being a precedent, the ruling is not a legal innovation, but the mere application of existing laws.
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Accountability in Brazil
The end of Jair Bolsonaro’s presidency is far from marking a return to normality in Brazil. After the riots of 8 January, which aimed to create the conditions for a coup in Brazil, authorities and institutions had to deal with several turbulences and the issue of Bolsonaro's responsibilization has been a permanent concern. To evaluate the efficacy of these responses, it is important to discuss how these institutions have been dealing with Jair Bolsonaro’s legacy. Moreover, it is equally important to understand the challenges President Lula is facing, which are partly due to the difficulty to reach political compromises. The recent police raids that seized documents and devices in Bolsonaro’s house, and arrested some of his direct aids, adds complexity to the situation, as we will attempt to explain.
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The Patriots’ Repossession
If we are to rebuild and strengthen Brazilian democracy, the ‘de-Bolsonarization’ of Brasília’s bureaucratic establishment and of security forces throughout the country is an essential step. This might seem like a distant utopia, yet it remains very much needed. After all, dismantling the ‘patriotic’ camps does not mean dismantling their coordination, their shared beliefs and values – a worldview in which they are not only good citizens doing good deeds, but owners with the right to recoup their rightfully owned property through force, omnipotents in their destruction.
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Angriff auf die Architektur der Demokratie
Schon einen Tag nach der Erstürmung des Kapitols in Washington, D.C . am 6. Januar 2021 durch Anhänger des noch amtierenden Präsidenten Donald Trump, die seine Wahlniederlage nicht akzeptieren konnten, ließ sich Brasiliens Präsident Jair Bolsonaro mit der raunenden Voraussage vernehmen, dass das Gleiche in seinem Land passieren könnte. Zwei Jahre und zwei Tage später schien es so weit zu sein. Die Ähnlichkeit der Bilder von Menschenmassen um und im Parlamentsgebäude in Brasília, die Dominanz der Nationalflagge und ihrer Farben, die anfängliche Unterlegenheit oder Unsichtbarkeit der Sicherheitskräfte und die demonstrative Nichtanerkennung eines zuvor erfolgten Wahlergebnisses schufen eine scheinbar überwältigende Evidenz, dass sich die jüngste amerikanische Geschichte auf der Südhalbkugel wiederholen würde.
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Political Terror in the Shade of Bolsonarism
The attacks of Bolsonarist supporters on democracy and the rule of law in Brazil have reached an extent that has never been witnessed in Brazil since the promulgation of the Constitution of 1988. On 8 January 2023, emulating the events of 6 January 2020 in the USA, a mob of 3,000 Bolsonaro supporters invaded and destroyed the buildings of the National Congress, the Federal Supreme Court, and the Presidency of the Republic in Brazil, which are all located in the famous quarter known as the “Three Branches Square”. In a way, the invasion of the US Capitol has been more tragic, given that human lives have been lost. But there is a sense in which the assault in Brazil was more devastating from a symbolic point of view.
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Juristocracy Strikes Back
Once again, Brazil’s highest electoral court finds itself taking the spotlights in the international media for its incredibly fierce – and, admittedly, also controversial – involvement in the country’s elections. As an institution deeply committed to the defence of democracy and its electoral processes, it has gone to previously unimagined lengths to secure that political competition stays within high standards of freedom and fairness, even in face of the most effortful attempts of subverting the electoral game. The Court’s latest headline is no different.
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Brazilian Presidential Elections Results
On the 30th of October 2022, Brazilian citizens typed the electronic ballots to choose the president for the next four years' term in the runoff between Jair Bolsonaro and Luís Inácio Lula da Silva. The very close results mirrored the radical polarization that has been haunting the country for at least the last ten years. Lula received 50.9% of the valid votes, whereas Bolsonaro was chosen by 49.1% of the electors. At the time of this writing, Bolsonaro has not conceded.
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Globalization on the Right
When Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro visited Hungary in Februar 2022, he was not only strenghtening political ties to his ideological “brother” Victor Orban, who had already attended Bolsonaro’s inauguration in 2018. Bolsonaro’s visit also put a spotlight on the transregional circulation of illiberal legal ideas. Over the past decade, conservative, religious and right-wing movements, activists and governments have built transnational networks in which they exchange legal ideas, forge common litigation strategies, and organize mutual intellectual and financial support. This posts addresses the role of Brazil and Bolsonarism in these networks, and it points to some consequences for the wider research agenda of comparative constitutional law.
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Of Punks and Nerds
The 1970s and 80s brought about two new social archetypes – the punk and the nerd. While the anti-establishment punk wants to trash the (economic, political, social) system, wants to provoke and get attention for the sake of it, the nerd behaves rather inconspicuously but effectively. He might be socially awkward and overlooked at first, but skilled and smart as he is, he knows the rules of the game and the mechanisms to get ahead with his plans. When looking at different authoritarian leaders in the world today, these two archetypes come to mind. In this blogpost, I want to use these two archetype of authoritarian leaders to analyse their behaviour and sketch the contours of an analytical framework to compare and distinguish between them.
Continue reading >>Bolsonaro and Transitional Justice
Even 30 years after the 1988 Constitution, the most democratic one in Brazilian history, the legacies of the military dictatorship still linger on - a fact that has been made amply evident by Bolsonaro's policies and discourse concerning transitional justice. Based on this, the present text aims to show how transitional justice has been deficient in Brazil and then discuss how Bolsonaro’s government has made the situation even worse by dismantling the policies that were developed under former governments.
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The Court, the Text, and the Struggle for Constitutional Fidelity in Brazil
The Brazilian Supreme Court is currently a polarizing institution. Multiple institutional features empower it to control the constitutionality of federal, state, and municipal norms both in the course of concrete and abstract review cases. The Court stands in the complicated position of being criticized for both its actions and its inaction, while it is called to adjudicate demands by actors from all points of the political spectrum, and as it has recently come to face unprecedent authoritarian attacks. And here is the crux of Brazilian current constitutional situation: the anti-institutional speech that has been put forward by Bolsonaro and his supporters has in some cases, on its face, not been against the Constitution per se. It is presented as if it were against institutions.
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Pandora’s Box and Nostalgia
Especially over the last three years, people have been demonstrating on the streets of Brazilian cities, expressing their support of Jair Bolsonaro and even demanding the return of military rule. „I authorize“ (military intervention) is a now common cry among Bolsonaro’s sympathizers, often read on banners. Some of the demonstrators are more explicit and openly demand „Military intervention with Bolsonaro“. Why is this happening? Why are these citizens willing to give up their citizen rights not only in favour of a military dictatorship, but of a leader who apparently is capable of seducing, yes, hypnotising them in a way that no General-President during the military dictatorship could ever do?
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The Challenge of Religious Populism to Constitutional Secularism in Brazil
Brazil is currently experiencing a tense electoral campaign, in which several candidates, most notably former president Lula da Silva (Workers‘ Party), are trying to prevent the reelection of far-right populist Jair Bolsonaro. In the segmentation of the electorate, one group has deserved special attention from all campaigns, the incumbent and its rivals: the so-called “evangelicals”. The evangelical electorate is more conservative, and thus has more affinities with Bolsonaro than with left-wing politicians. The politically organized evangelical community has made the Federal Supreme Court one of its main opponents.
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The Armed Forces and the Constitution in Brazil
The Armed Forces are back in power in Brazil. This time, differently from 1937 and 1964, it happened through elections. As one of the main supporting groups behind Jair Bolsonaro’s electoral victory in 2018, the military’s role in his government continued to grow. I argue that, firstly, the text addressing the military functions in the Constitution of 1988 repeats the same mistakes made by past Brazilian constitutions; and secondly, that the South American countries’ constitutional framework points out attractive alternative constitutional design options on the topic.
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Constitutionalism under Bolsonaro
On the eve of a fateful election that will determine whether the last four years have been a bad dream and a footnote in Brazil’s political history, or not, the legacy of Bolsonaro’s regime for constitutional law and constitutionalism is widely and expertly discussed. Despite all his rhetorical machismo, Bolsonaro has not governed as a classical autocrat: he was democratically elected and his subsequent administration always found itself between the rock of a fragmented, yet viscerally opportunistic legislature, and the hard place of a judiciary that - while not always unsympathetic to his program - has been primarily interested in safeguarding its autonomy and its (self-)assumed role as the last word on virtually everything.
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Right-Wing Populists and the Global Climate Agenda
The rise of right-wing populist leaders, governments and political parties around the world has impacted environmental policy in general and the climate agenda particularly. In this brief commentary, we aim to contribute to an emerging literature that studies the relation between far-right populist rhetoric and actions on climate change policy. The idea is to analyse whether Jair Bolsonaro brings new tactics to the playbook of autocratic leaders, and if so which types. While political dynamics in Hungary, Poland and the USA have all been studied to establish the links between populist politics and climate inaction, there is still room to broaden the view to countries of the Global South.
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How Courts Became a Battlefront Against Disinformation
This October, Brazilians will elect their next President amidst a wave of disinformation aimed at discrediting the electoral process, and the electronic voting system in particular. One of the main engines of disinformation has been President Jair Bolsonaro himself. The problems created by the President’s constant spreading of disinformation – now targeting the core of Brazil’s representative democracy – go beyond the (in itself very serious) question of whether he could or could not pull off an outright refusal to leave office, in spite of an electoral defeat. Bolsonaro’s unsubstantiated charges of fraud can contribute to and encourage confusion and violence during and after the elections.
Continue reading >>Bolsonarism at the Ballot Box
If things go badly, the upcoming elections in Brazil may be the last ones for some time to come. Incumbent president Jair Bolsonaro threatens to use the Trump playbook to dispute a possible election loss, counting on the violent support of his highly mobilized followers and parts of the Brazilian military nostalgic for the military dictatorship. His contender, former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, who initially refused to wear a bullet proof vest, has now taken wear one on his rallies. During his tenure, Bolsonaro has drawn on populist anti-establishment sentiments and authoritarian legacies to develop his own, peculiar brand of illiberal rule known as Bolsonarism. Our symposium discusses Bolsonarism at the ballot box from the perspective of comparative constitutional law.
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A Wolf in Sheep’s Clothing
In Brazil, the National Congress recently passed the Constitutional Amendment no. 123, nicknamed the “Kamikaze Bill” due to it budgetary impact. It qualifies the current situation – inflation, rise of gasoline price, shortage of goods, pandemic to name just a few – as an emergency state, creating financial and tax benefits for biofuel producers and providing welfare payments for part of the population.
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Courts and Cannabis Sativa for Medical Purposes in Brazil
The Brazilian Superior Court of Justice – not the Federal Supreme Court – had recently decided that planting and transporting cannabis sativa aiming at extracting oil for medical ends shall not be treated as a crime. Contrary to the recent allegations of judicial activism made by President Jair Bolsonaro against the Brazilian judiciary, the Superior Court of Justice ruling is a good example of a decision based on the 1988 Constitution, the statutory law referred to in the case and several other authorities contributions, which all helped to construct the court’s arguments, as this post will show.
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Constitutional Power Struggle in Brazil
On 20th April 2022, the Brazilian Supreme Court (STF) convicted Federal Deputy Daniel Lucio da Silveira to eight years and nine months imprisonment, based on his verbal attacks against the democratic rule of law, Supreme Court judges and other state institutions. The next day, President Bolsonaro issued a controversial decree granting pardon to the Deputy and ordering the immediate extinction of all the punishments imposed by the Supreme Court. Even though the constitutionality of the decree can be debated, the main discussion is a political, not a legal one.
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Two Heads, One Crisis
The President of the Chamber of Deputies has just authorized the creation of a working group to discuss the possibility of adopting a semi-presidential system of government in Brazil. With the successive political crises since the promulgation of the constitution culminating in two successful impeachments, a growing number of voices are expressing support for the adoption of a semi-presidential system. It is unlikely, however, that such reform will bring political stability by itself.
Continue reading >>Brazilian Judicial Branch v. Telegram (and Bolsonaro)
On March 18, 2022, the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes suspended Telegram’s functioning in Brazil through an individual injunction. In brief, the platform was blocked because its owners ignored their duty to cooperate with the Brazilian state in the repression of the illicit activities committed over the platform. However, only analyzing the issue’s core misses one of its essential surrounding elements: the direct interest of President Jair Bolsonaro in the free operation of the platform and the growing antagonism between him and Justice Alexandre de Moraes.
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Schnüffel mich nicht aus
In den letzten zwanzig Jahren war Brasilien hin- und hergerissen zwischen der öffentlichen Sicherheit und der Massenüberwachung, sowie der Bekräftigung der Menschenrechte, insbesondere des Rechts auf Privatsphäre. Es hat sich eine interessante Dualität herausgebildet: Einerseits die Schaffung eines robusten Datenschutzsystems und andererseits die uneingeschränkte Akzeptanz der Gesichtserkennungstechnologie.
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‘Don’t Snoop on Me’
For the past twenty years, Brazil has been torn between the paths of public security and mass surveillance, and of reaffirming human rights, especially the right to privacy. An interesting duality has emerged: on the one hand, the creation of a robust regime in terms of data protection and, on the other, a wholehearted acceptance of facial recognition technology.
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A Portrait of Bolsonaro’s Crimes Against Humanity
On 26 October 2021, after six months of investigative procedures, a legislative inquiry committee in the Brazilian Senate presented a report charging President Jair Bolsonaro (along with some of his most committed supporters) not only with impeachable conducts, but also with ordinary crimes and possible crimes against humanity. Although it is unlikely that the committee’s report will trigger impeachment or lead to a criminal indictment of Bolsonaro before the end of his term, it has already played a fundamental truth-finding role.
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Indigenous Rights and the “Marco Temporal”
At the end of August 2021, Brazil witnessed the largest indigenous mobilisation in its history. Organised by the Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil (APIB), more than five thousand indigenous people from 117 different groups set up camp in Brasilia, the capital city of the country. Under the slogan “Fight for Life: our history does not begin in 1988”, indigenous groups from all over the country mobilised the public opinion in protest against the further erosion of their rights.
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Legalizing Disinformation
On 6 September 2021, Brazil’s president Jair Bolsonaro enacted a provisional measure (an executive order with immediate legal force and a deadline of 120 days for Congress ratification) which replaced several norms of the so called “Brazilian Internet Bill of Rights”. Bypassing the legislative, Bolsonaro avoided the political debate concerning social media regulation to continue his deeply problematic use of these tools. The provisional measure is unconstitutional for formal and material reasons.
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Courts are Finally Standing up to Bolsonaro
The Brazilian Federal Supreme Court had long tried to find ways to domesticate President Bolsonaro’s most savage instincts. The failure of this soft approach became evident last week, as Bolsonaro’s personal attacks against justices of the Supreme Court escalated. Both the Federal Supreme Court and the Electoral Superior Court have launched procedures against the President.
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Military Justice, Journalism and Free Speech in Brazil
On 17 June, 2021, the Attorney-General of the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court affirmed that, in the government's view, the Military Justice has competence to try civilians accused of criminal offences against the honor of military institutions. He proposed that crimes related to the freedom of speech should be tried by a special military branch of the judiciary. The attacks on free speech by the government through the Attorney-General is another sign of the democratic erosion process.
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Defending Democracy with Authoritarian Means
Brazilian Congress is currently discussing a legislative proposal to replace the current Law of National Security, enacted during the time of the military dictatorship in Brazil. It revokes the current Law of National Security and introduces a new section to Brazil’s Criminal Code defining various crimes against democracy, such as political violence, the dissemination of fake news in electoral campaigns and sabotage against democratic institutions.
Continue reading >>The Amazon Rainforest under Attack
On 13 May, the Brazilian lower house approved a controversial Bill on Environmental Licensing. The Bill has yet to receive the Senate’s final approval, but it has already attracted much criticism. The actual target of the Bill is thinly veiled: The Amazon region, where it could lead to increasing deforestation. The Bill is just another step in the regressive, anti-environment agenda implemented by the current Brazilian government.
Continue reading >>Academic Freedom Under Attack in Brazil
Can the chief of a constitutional organization akin to an ombudsman prosecute a law professor who criticized him in a newspaper article? Apparently, because Brazilian Prosecutor General just filed a complaint against Constitutional Law Professor Conrado Hübner Mendes. This attack follows a wave of democratic erosion that includes attacks on universities, intellectualism, and the diversity of ideas.
Continue reading >>Negationism’s ‘Day in Court’
Twice in less than a week’s time, the number of COVID-19 related deaths in Brazil per day raised above the mark of 4,000 cases. On 8 April 2021, the number of deaths reached its peak while Bolsonarism suffered two major defeats in the Federal Supreme Court. Bolsonarists lost both their claim to keep religious services during the pandemic and their attempt to block the opening of a parliamentary enquiry to hold Bolsonaro accountable for his executive underreach. Nonetheless, these defeats provided an opportunity to keep Bolsonaro’s antiestablishment and resentful rhetoric alive.
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Lula’s Power is Brazil’s Arm
On 8 March 2021, Judge Edson Fachin from the Brazilian Supreme Court made a decision that frees former President Lula from all his convictions. This might decisively affect the course of the next presidential elections in Brazil, in 2022, as it puts former President Lula back in the presidential race. Perhaps even more importantly, its consequences might help in the fight against the Covid-19 crisis in Brazil.
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Operation Car Wash on Trial
On 8 March 2021, the legal and political world was surprised by a judicial ruling of Justice Fachin, from the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court, which annulled three criminal cases against the former President Lula da Silva in the context of the so-called Operation Car Wash. In the following, we aim to recover some of the main arguments, positions and surrounding political scenario that involves Lula’s cases. The Federal Supreme Court seems to try to create a scenario for the reconstruction of the rule of law, which has been severely impaired in the past five years.
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COVID-19 in Brazil: A Sick Constitutional Democracy
In the first half of January 2021, Brazil had already counted more than 200,000 deaths and 8 million people diagnosed with COVID-19. Throughout 2020, the responses from the federal government, which should have taken on a coordination role considering the federalised National Health Service (SUS, Sistema Único de Saúde), were confusing and inefficient. Doubts and scepticism spread by the federal executive undermined the work of governors and mayors and, mirroring the American example, contributed to increase the number of cases and casualties.
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Brazilian Democracy Under Military Tutelage
The relationship between the military and the civilian government is one that has defined the whole constitutional history of Brazil and could pave the way for a collapse of democracy. A few days ago, former Army General Villas Bôas revealed in an interview how the armed forces exercised pressure in 2018 against the Federal Supreme Court in the case of former President Lula. The threats made by General Villas Bôas demonstrate the fragility of the Brazilian democracy. Conflicts between the military and courts have been growing, and Bolsonaro has intensified the situation by increasingly involving military personnel in politics and making access to guns easier for the general public.
Continue reading >>A Bolsonarist Cat Among the Pigeons
While the election of Kassio Nunes Marques in September 2020 was initially met with relief by some as he had no known links to the government, the new justice of Brazil’s Supreme Federal Tribunal (STF) has since demonstrated his fidelity to the president that elected him. This could play a significant role in the future of Brazil given his likely being the deciding vote in an upcoming case on the existing conviction of former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.
Continue reading >>The Brazilian Constitution Hanging by a Thread
In a December judgement, the Brazilian Supreme Court finally prohibited the re-election of the president of the House of Representatives, which had been practice for decades despite being in direct violation of the Brazilian constitution. In 2020, there has been unequivocal interest in the position of president of the House of Representatives as it holds the constitutional power to initiate an impeachment process, threatening president Bolsonaro. Although the Court ultimately declared the re-election unconstitutional, five dissenting votes of this judgment demonstrate the power of abusive judicial review.
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Opposing an Idle Federal Government
Last week, the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court ruled that mandatory vaccination is constitutional and that states and municipalities may implement vaccination plans if the federal government does not do so. Deciding on five cases altogether, the court strengthened Brazilian federalism in the face of a federal government that remains largely inactive in addressing the COVID-19 pandemic.
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Abortion in Times of Disinformation
It should have been as straightforward as that. A ten-year-old is raped and now is pregnant. According to Brazilian law, she has the right to terminate her pregnancy at will. However, the girl from our tale yet again has her most fundamental rights violated.
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No Need for a New Constitution in Brazil
In two recent articles, published in English and Portuguese, Professor Bruce Ackerman argued that the roots of Brazil’s political crisis, with the rise of extremist factions to power, is the 1988 Constitution and the presidential system it established. Under Ackerman’s account, the best response to such crisis would be to convene a new Constituent Assembly in 2023 in order to set up a parliamentary system, while also allowing the constituent delegates to “reconsider key decisions by the Assembly of 1988”. In this article, we intend to engage in this debate by explaining why the intent to promulgate a new Constitution might make things even worse.
Continue reading >>Undercutting Internet Governance in Brazil
On June 30, 2020, the Brazilian Senate approved Draft Bill No. 2.630 of 2020, also known as “The Fake News Bill”. This bill applies to internet platforms with over 2 million users and seeks to address the warranted concerns presented by the recent spread of online disinformation and defamatory content. As it currently stands, the bill does little to address the individuals and organizations who finance the spread of fake news across social media platforms in Brazil. It also poses threats to user privacy, access to the internet, and freedom of association.
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Judicial Responses to Bolsonarism: The Leading Role of the Federal Supreme Court
Criticism against the Brazilian judiciary, especially the Supreme Court, has been on the rise in the past couple of decades. Under Jair Bolsonaro’s presidency, however, courts are experiencing a more radical and dangerous form of opposition, which transcends the borders of legitimate criticism and undertakes a direct attack on the judicial branch. This must be understood in light of the Federal Supreme Court’s backlash against Bolsonaro’s maneuvers to flame his supporters and violate the Brazilian Constitution of 1988. This article aims at recollecting the most important rulings and procedures that take part in this reaction.
Continue reading >>The ‘Constitutional Military Intervention’: Brazil on the Verge of Democratic Breakdown
After numerous judicial defeats in the past couple of months, Bolsonaro chose to travel down the path of intimidation and defiance rather than institutional reform: Through dubious constitutional interpretation, he and his supporters are ascribing to the armed forces the role of a "constitutional moderator" in order to undermine the independence of the Supreme Court.
Continue reading >>The Illiterate Democracy
Brazil is suffering under the corona pandemic, while the president (mis)governs the country by denying scientific evidence. Therefore, the COVID-19 pandemic seems a good time to explore the right to science and how it might help in this situation.
Continue reading >>Impeachment, und dann?
In den letzten Tagen wurde Brasilien von der gravierendsten politischen Krise seit dem Antritt der aktuellen Regierung erschüttert: Sergio Moro, der Superjustizminister des Kabinettes Bolsonaros, ist wegen interner Dispute mit dem Präsidenten zurückgetreten. Gleichzeitig schwindet Bolsonaros Rückhalt im Parlament, was auch ein Amtsenthebungsverfahren gegen ihn wahrscheinlicher werden lässt. Tatsächlich haben die letzten Jahre jedoch gezeigt, dass das Amtsenthebungsverfahren kein wirksames Mittel ist, um die Stabilität und somit die Demokratie Brasiliens zu stärken.
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Pushing the Boundaries of Legal Normality
The Brazilian Emergency Constitution is still dormant, instead “legislative and executive apparatuses” are used to “enforce measures for protecting public health”. But that does not mean, that emergency powers in Brazil are not yet in reach: While we patiently wait for the Emergency Constitution to wake up from its doctrinal sleep, legislation has already bypassed it and is venturing into uncharted territory.
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Why Bolsonaro Needs to Be Impeached
Brazil’s longstanding political crisis already looked like the worst-case scenario, but it was surmounted by a further explosive element: the COVID-19 health crisis. Populist executive leaders seem to have responded too late to the dangers of this pandemic, but all of them appear be at least aware of the political effects of their policies. Bolsonaro seems to be taking a higher risk, adopting a position that indicates that his institutional support might be vanishing and pushing him towards direct support by his popular sympathizers.
Continue reading >>Threats to Brazilian Democracy Gain Traction
Democracy in Brazil is under attack and facing a significant level of backsliding. The developments in recent years, from Dilma Rousseff’s parliamentary coup to Jair Bolsonaro’s ascent to power, have shown that democracy erodes in an incremental process. Lawmaker Eduardo Bolsonaro has recently taken another step in that direction when he publicly suggested that a 1964-1985 dictatorship’s decree should be repeated in case the Brazilian left-wing movements took a more radical position. His statements are prohibited under Brazilian law and Brazil’s institutions need to hold Eduardo Bolsonaro accountable in order to put brakes on the country’s democratic decline.
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König Midas, Hauptmann Kettensäge und die Mittel des Völkerrechts zum Schutz der Biodiversität
Spätestens seit der Veröffentlichung des UN Global Assessment Report im Mai 2019 wissen wir, dass etwa eine Million der insgesamt acht Millionen Arten vom Aussterben bedroht sind – mehr als jemals zuvor in der Geschichte unseres Planeten. Das sechste globale Massensterben von Tieren und Pflanzen erfordert ein konzertiertes Vorgehen der internationalen Staatengemeinschaft. Doch nationale Alleingänge, wie des US-Präsidenten Trump und seines brasilianischen Amtskollegen Bolsonaro, nehmen zugunsten der heimischen Wirtschaft unwiederbringliche Verluste der Artenvielfalt in Kauf, die den Bestand der Ökosysteme weltweit gefährden. Welche Mittel hält das Völkerrecht bereit, um dem entgegenzuwirken?
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Brasiliens neuer Superjustizminister und das drohende Ende des Rechtsstaats
Brasiliens demokratischer Rechtsstaat hat gerade seinen 30. Geburtstag gefeiert. Doch mit der Wahl des seit dem 1. Januar 2019 amtierenden Präsidenten Jair Bolsonaro ist sein Fortbestand gefährdet wie nie. Vergleichsweise wenig Beachtung fand in den internationalen Medien, was die neue Regierung in Bezug auf die Justizverwaltung Brasiliens plant: Ein „Superjustizministerium“ soll gegründet werden, das vom ehemaligen Bundesrichter Sergio Moro geleitet wird, und ein strenges Antiterrorgesetz soll verabschiedet werden. Beides ist geeignet, die rechtsstaatliche Ordnung Brasiliens zu beeinträchtigen.
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Brazil in the Dock: The Inter-American Court of Human Rights Rulings Concerning the Dictatorship of 1964-1985
On July 4th 2018, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights […]
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What does a Bolsonaro Presidency mean for Brazilian Law? Part 2: the Reforms and the Court
Jair Bolsonaro, an extreme right-wing former army officer who has spent the last 20 years as a representative in Congress, is at this point likely to be the next president of Brazil. But what are the implications for Brazilian law in case of Bolsoaro's victory? Part 2 looks at the probable scenarios before Brazil's Supreme Court if any of the reforms are challenged.
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What does a Bolsonaro Presidency mean for Brazilian Law? Part 1: Reforms from the Far Right
Jair Bolsonaro, an extreme right-wing former army officer who has spent the last 20 years as a representative in Congress, is at this point likely to be the next president of Brazil. But what are the implications for Brazilian law in case of Bolsoaro's victory? Part 1 outlines which of the policies he has proposed so far are most likely to be enacted.
Continue reading >>Judges Speaking for the People: Judicial Populism beyond Judicial Decisions
We typically think of courts as victims or targets of […]
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Dilma Rousseff and the Impeachment Process: Questions of Power and Influence
Dilma Rousseff, the President of Brazil, is about to be forced out of office soon. Any impeachment process is, first and foremost, political, dealing with questions of power and influence. To be sure, political reforms such as the introduction of measures to significantly reduce the number of parties in Congress are urgently needed. Unfortunately, there is no immediate remedy to this significant deficiency in sight. And yet, it is clear that any governing coalition to function in Brazil’s political system requires a president extremely skilled in engaging with the legislative, creating deals, forging alliances and making compromises. Dilma Rousseff is facing the end of her political career because she has utterly failed in this respect.
Continue reading >>Brasilien: Institutionelle Eigenheiten der politischen Krise
Brasilien erweckt derzeit durch Krisennachrichten Aufmerksamkeit. Die Wirtschaftszahlen sind schlecht. Nicht enden wollende Korruptionsskandale und ein Amtsenthebungsverfahren gegen die 2014 wiedergewählte Präsidentin Dilma Rousseff halten das eben noch als „Wirtschaftsmacht der Zukunft“ gepriesene Land in Atem. Bei einem Kurzbesuch 2015 konnte ich mir nicht nur über die immer wieder erstaunliche brasilianische Vitalität einen Eindruck verschaffen, sondern auch feststellen, wie niedergeschlagen Politik und Land eingeschätzt werden.
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