21 December 2015
Mit Kanonen auf Spatzen: zur Neuregelung der Parteienfinanzierung
Am letzten Donnerstag hat der Bundestag mit den Stimmen der großen Koalition die Neuregelung der Parteienfinanzierung beschlossen. Auf den ersten Blick füllt sie nur u.a. eine Lücke im bisherigen Recht, die es der AfD erlaubte, über einen dubiosen Goldhandel zusätzliche staatliche Mittel zu erhalten. Auf den zweiten Blick hat es die Neuregelung aber in sich: Bei Verstoß gegen die Rechenschaftspflicht droht künftig der Verlust des Parteienstatus. Das ist ein unverhältnismäßiger Eingriff in die Parteifreiheit. Continue reading >>
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18 December 2015
Krise, Kritik und Globaler Konstitutionalismus
Globaler Konstitutionalismus ist etwas für Optimisten, zumal in Zeiten wie diesen. Kritische Reflexion tut not, und die Gelegenheit dazu erhielt der globale Konstitutionalismus letzte Woche bei einem außergewöhnlich prominent besetzten Workshop, den das Center for Global Constitutionalism beim WZB gemeinsam mit der Humboldt-Universität und dem Frankfurter "Normative-Orders"-Cluster in Berlin veranstaltet hat. Continue reading >>
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“Court-packing” in Warsaw: The Plot Thickens
The wheels of Polish constitutional upheaval keep rolling relentlessly and in one direction – to the full dismantling and paralyzing the Constitutional Court and all it stands for. However, it is not just the tempo itself of the legislative process that is out of ordinary, but the ruthlessness with which the new majority carries out its plan. A new chapter in obliterating the Court was added on 15th of December, 2015 when the majority came forward with a draft of the amendments to the Law on the Constitutional Court. Continue reading >>
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L’état d’urgence in the wake of the Paris attacks and its judicial aftermath
With the shock of the Paris attacks still fresh, further images started to flood the media in their immediate aftermath: Soldiers were not only seen boarding Rafale fighter jets but also patrolling the streets in France and Belgium, police raids were and are still conducted day and night throughout France, numerous arrests were made and even more people set under house arrest. Those internal executive measures in France are based on the déclaration de l’état d’urgence (in parts already discussed here). Now that the situation slightly calmed down, but with the state of emergency still enacted, the first administrative court decisions on those measures are in, deeming the police behavior just on all points. Continue reading >>
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17 December 2015
Schengen und die versteckte Wiedereinführung der Grenzkontrollen
Verstößt es gegen Schengen, dass Busunternehmen gezwungen werden, die Pässe ihrer Kund/innen zu kontrollieren? Gut möglich, hat das Oberverwaltungsgericht Berlin-Brandenburg entschieden und dem Antrag eines Busunternehmen stattgegeben, das eine derartige Verfügung erhalten hatte. Das Verfahren ist über Deutschland hinaus von Bedeutung und könnte sich auch auf die Strafbarkeit des Schleusens auswirken, wenn man das Antidiskriminierungsrecht hinzuzieht. Continue reading >>
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15 December 2015
European Defence: Myth or Reality?
After the attacks of November 13, the French President François Hollande called for Europe’s help in the fight against ISIS and islamist terror. Europe justified its inaction by arguing that the Treaties leave no choice. Especially, Article 42 would only make viable the intergovernmental procedure, i.e. bilateral agreements that every state should stipulate with France. It cannot be neglected, though, that the first six paragraphs of Article 42 draw a common strategy in the defence and foreign affairs sectors, which has to be followed with the consent of all the States. Now, this shared – even if not exclusive – competence of the EU was not triggered. Why not? Continue reading >>
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European Defence: Myth or Reality?
After the attacks of November 13, the French President François Hollande called for Europe’s help in the fight against ISIS and islamist terror. Europe justified its inaction by arguing that the Treaties leave no choice. Especially, Article 42 would only make viable the intergovernmental procedure, i.e. bilateral agreements that every state should stipulate with France. It cannot be neglected, though, that the first six paragraphs of Article 42 draw a common strategy in the defence and foreign affairs sectors, which has to be followed with the consent of all the States. Now, this shared – even if not exclusive – competence of the EU was not triggered. Why not? Continue reading >>
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11 December 2015
“We are not in a Seminar”: Some Thoughts on the Legislative’s and Executive’s Prerogative in Determining International Law
"We are not in a seminar but in parliament": With these words the German Minister of Foreign Affairs has tried to brush aside international law arguments against the deployment of German soldiers within the fight against ISIS. To put these propositions in a nutshell: France feels that it has been attacked and this is sufficient for invoking self-defense. In any case it does not matter what international law precisely says. Both of these suggestions are more than dubious. Continue reading >>
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Eine “Charta der Grundrechte für die digitale Zeit”, und warum wir sie brauchen
“Ich surfe, also bin ich.” Das ist nach der Internet-Milieu-Studie des Deutschen Instituts für Vertrauen und Sicherheit im Internet das neue Credo der sogenannten Digital Natives. Auch das Verfassungsrecht reagiert auf diese Entwicklung. Das Internet ist heute auch “Grundrechtsverwirklichungsnetz“. Entsprechend laut werden die Rufe nach neuen Katalogen digitaler Grundrechte. Jüngst hat auch der Präsident des Europäischen Parlaments Martin Schulz eine “Charta der Grundrechte für die digitale Zeit” gefordert. Macht eine solche Charta Sinn? Was kann sie leisten? Wie weit soll sie reichen? Und wer soll sie ausarbeiten? Continue reading >>
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10 December 2015
Bruised, but not dead (yet): The Polish Constitutional Court has spoken
The current attack on the Polish Constitutional Court is unprecedented in scope, cold efficiency and intensity. It aims to paralyze and incapacitate the Court. Polish democracy is faced today with a crisis that has more to do with the lack of constitutional culture rather than deficiencies of the constitutional text. Europe will have its hands full with Poland in the days to come. Unfortunately, so far it has not shown much teeth in response to the constitutional shenanigans playing out in Poland. This must change or Warsaw will become another Budapest with Europe idly watching. Continue reading >>Entpolitisierung rechter Gewalt: Zur Aussage von Beate Zschäpe im NSU-Prozess
Beate Zschäpes Aussage ist ein Paradebeispiel für die Verteidigungsstrategie rechter Angeklagter, ihre Handlungen zu entpolitisieren. Die Entpolitisierung rechter Gewalt hat zwei Seiten: Einerseits versuchen Angeklagte selbst aktiv darauf hinzuwirken, ihre Ideologie aus Strafprozessen herauszuhalten. Andererseits erkennt auch der Staat in der Regel nicht die politischen Implikationen von Gewaltdelikten. Die These, dass die Ermittlungsbehörden bei derlei Taten „versagen“, greift dabei zu kurz. Vielmehr verstehen viele staatliche Behörden rechten Terror und Gewalt nicht als Angriff auf den Staat, respektive die demokratische Gesellschaft, da sich dieser vorrangig gegen Minderheiten, Ausländer und politisch Andersdenkende richtet. Continue reading >>04 December 2015
Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal under Siege
A constitutional crisis? A coup d’état? Whatever it is Poland is going through right now, the constitutional situation is far from normal. After a fierce political brawl about the election of five new judges to the Constitutional Tribunal, that same Tribunal declared yesterday the legal basis upon which two of them were elected unconstitutional. Continue reading >>Rechtliche Stolpersteine – eine Replik
Von einem Pflaster aus rechtlichen Stolpersteinen spricht Sophia Müller in ihrem Text, der ein Schlaglicht auf die rechtlichen Grundlagen des geplanten Einsatzes der Bundeswehr über Syrien wirft. Den ein oder anderen „Stolperstein“ enthält aber auch ihr Beitrag, sodass ein paar Worte der Entgegnung an dieser Stelle angezeigt erscheinen. Continue reading >>03 December 2015
„Reformierter“ Investitionsschutz in TTIP: Zwei Schritte voran – und gegen die Wand
Die Europäische Kommission verspielt gerade ihre Chance, das umstrittene internationale Investitionsschutzrecht ernsthaft zu reformieren und am Gemeinwohl auszurichten. In ihrem nun vorgelegtem Vorschlag an die USA für ein Investitionsschutzkapitel in TTIP (Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership) lässt sie die wesentlichen Probleme des Investitionsschutzrechts weitgehend unberührt. Nur auf den ersten Blick bietet sie Lösungen etwa für die strukturelle Einseitigkeit des Schiedsgerichtssystems. Continue reading >>02 December 2015
Deutschlands Weg in den Kampf gegen den IS – ein Pflaster aus rechtlichen Stolpersteinen
Die Bundesregierung will Frankreich im Kampf gegen ISIS helfen. Rechtlich stützt die Bundesregierung die Mission im Kern auf drei Gründe: die UN-Sicherheitsratsresolution Nr. 2249 vom 20.11.2015, das Selbstverteidigungsrecht Frankreichs aus Art. 51 UNCh sowie die Beistandspflicht unter EU-Mitgliedern aus Art. 42 Abs. 7 EUV. Doch dieser anscheinend dreifach fundierte Weg in den Kampf gegen den Terror erweist sich als ein Pflaster aus rechtlichen Stolpersteinen. Völker-, europa- und verfassungsrechtlich ist die Rechtmäßigkeit des Vorgehens zweifelhaft. Continue reading >>01 December 2015
Why the British demands on national parliaments must be resisted
Six years ago today, the Treaty of Lisbon came into force, introducing an early warning system for national parliaments concerned with the principle of subsidiarity. UK Prime Minister David Cameron has called for more incisive rights of national parliaments to block EU legislation. The UK government, which normally preens itself on its flexibility and pragmatism, is trying to impose a one-size-fits-all approach on national parliaments, ignoring their very different mandates, powers, practices, timetables and levels of political interest and staff support. The fact is that waving subsidiarity cards is the least important EU function of national parliaments. Continue reading >>Trilogverfahren und Transparenzgebot: Wer kontrolliert den Europäischen Gesetzgeber?
Die Bilder von den nächtlichen Krisengipfeln in Brüssel, auf denen die Staats- und Regierungschefs mit den Vertretern der EU-Institutionen stundenlang hinter verschlossenen Türen mühsam um Zugeständnisse und Kompromisse ringen, sind wohl den meisten EU-Bürgern mittlerweile vertraut. Weniger bekannt dürfte vielen Bürgern sein, dass nach einem ganz ähnlichen Verfahren ca. 80 % der alltäglichen europäischen Gesetzgebung bewältigt wird. Gemeint sind hier die informellen Triloge, die heute bereits fester Bestandteil nahezu jedes europäischen Gesetzgebungsverfahrens geworden sind. Ähnlich wie die Verhandlungen zum transatlantischen Freihandelsabkommen oder die vertraulichen Beratungen innerhalb der EZB-Gremien scheint diese spezielle Form der legislativen Willensbildung in Brüssel im Hinblick auf Transparenz besonders bedenklich. Die Europäische Bürgerbeauftragte, die seit Mai diesen Jahres dazu eine Untersuchung vorantreiben will, scheint vorläufig auf Granit zu beißen. Das wirft die Frage auf, wie es generell um die Transparenzkontrolle in der europäischen Gesetzgebung bestellt ist. Continue reading >>The Unconstitutional Holiday: Bosnian Constitutional Court annuls Serb Republic Day
Can a national holiday celebrated by a federal sub-entity be in violation of constitutional principles? In a system as fragmented as Bosnia-Herzegovina, apparently it can – according to a recent judgment by the Bosnian Constitutional Court which puts its own acceptance among Bosnian Serbs at risk. The decision, as heart-wrenchingly Bosnian as it may be, raises issues that concern all multicultural societies. Continue reading >>
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30 November 2015
While in the USA money talks loud politically, in Brazil it must shut up
Brazil used to occupy global headlines with a virtuous cycle of a struggle against inequality combined with the eradication of extreme poverty and the establishment of a vast middle class. In doing so, the country personified the South American dream, namely material prosperity allied with social progress. Nonetheless, a couple of months ago, things changed dramatically. An endless economic crisis boosted by an unprecedented operation run by the Federal Police saw to it that numerous CEOs of multi-billion dollar companies were incarcerated. The common factor of these events: campaign donations. Propelled by this atmosphere, the Brazilian Supreme Court has handed down two recent decisions that impose a drastic end to a complex set of inconvenient relations maintained between the public and the private sector. Continue reading >>
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27 November 2015
Auschwitzvergleich als Beleidigung: EGMR schlägt sich auf Seite der Meinungsfreiheit
Vergleicht man den ärztlich assistierten Schwangerschaftsabbruch mit dem Holocaust, verletzt man das allgemeine Persönlichkeitsrecht des namentlich benannten, ausführenden Mediziners. Zieht man zwischen NS-Regime und Abtreibung jedoch lediglich eine Parallele, scheint dies noch von der Meinungsfreiheit umfasst zu sein. Zumindest könnte man so das gestern veröffentlichte Urteil des EGMR in der Rechtssache Annen vs. Germany verstehen. Continue reading >>A New Revolution? The Recent Governmental Crisis in Romania
As of November 2015, Romania faces its most important social, political and constitutional crisis in the last quarter-century. If the 1989 Revolution signified a break with a totalitarian communist regime, the widespread street protests of 2015, which led to the fall of the Government, gave a new message: global dissatisfaction towards the whole political class and institutions marked by serious inefficiency and corruption. The Government's resignation led to an important constitutional crisis: one year before general elections, the country needed a new Government, but there was no clear political majority in Parliament to form one. In these circumstances, the President of Romania, Klaus Iohannis, has tried a new approach, calling on social movements and appointing a non-political "techocratic" government. Time will tell if the decisions taken were right for Romanian democracy. Continue reading >>
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25 November 2015
Das TTIP-Gericht: Keimzelle oder Stolperstein für echte Multilateralisierung des internationalen Investitionsrechts?
Am 12. November 2015 hat die Kommission ihren offiziellen Verhandlungsvorschlag für die Etablierung eines permanenten Investitionsgerichts im Rahmen des Transatlantischen Handels- und Investitionsabkommen (TTIP) vorgelegt. Der Vorschlag ist couragiert und richtungsweisend und stellt einen historischen Wendepunkt im Denken um das internationale Investitionsrecht dar. Trotz seines Leitcharakters leidet der Kommissionsvorschlag jedoch als Basis für eine grundlegende und globale Reform des internationalen Investitionsrechts an konzeptionellen Schwächen. Continue reading >>
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23 November 2015
Midnight Judges: Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal Caught Between Political Fronts
Many Eastern European states have seen their once glorious constitutional courts politically delegitimized in recent years. Now, Poland might join them. Hasty attempts by the outgoing majority to fill the benches of the court with judges of their choosing, and constitutionally dubious attempts by the new majority to thwart those attempts and to tamper with constitutional procedural law, threaten to inflict fatal damage to the Polish Constitutional Tribunal and its integrity. Continue reading >>Maßnahmen gegen den Terror: Frankreich nach den Anschlägen in Paris
Anfang letzter Woche hat der französische Präsident François Hollande vor dem versammelten Parlament seine Antwort auf die Anschläge in Paris formuliert. Einerseits soll der verhängte Ausnahmezustand um drei Monate verlängert und maßgeblich verschärft werden. Das Parlament hat ein entsprechendes Gesetz bereits angenommen. Andererseits beabsichtigt Hollande die Verfassung zu ändern, um einer „neuen Art von Krieg“ gerecht werden zu können. Ziel sei es, ein „régime civil d'état de crise“ zu schaffen, welches die nationale Sicherheit garantieren könne, ohne darüber hinaus die libertés publiques unnötig einschränken zu müssen. Was hat Frankreich genau vor, und was steht verfassungsrechtlich auf dem Spiel? Continue reading >>
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21 November 2015
Terrorgefahr und Vorratsdatenspeicherung in Europa: unterschiedlichste nationale Schutzstandards mangels klarer unionsrechtlicher Grenzen
Bereits wenige Tage bevor Europa durch Terrorangriffe in Paris erschüttert wurde, haben sich in Großbritannien, Frankreich und Deutschland bemerkenswerte sicherheitsrechtliche Kurskorrekturen vollzogen. Sie betreffen insbesondere das Instrument der Vorratsdatenspeicherung und gewinnen angesichts der Debatte, welche Lehren wir aus den jüngsten Anschlägen ziehen sollten, enorm an Relevanz. Continue reading >>20 November 2015
The Conservatives’ 2015 Fiscal Charter: A Wanting Desire for Constitutional Change
The UK Conservatives’ "Charter for Budget Responsibility" has, with the aid of a number of Labour MPs, passed the House of Commons. The charter's intention is that of committing the current and future Governments into running a permanent budget surplus – a sinister attempt to bind future governments as regards fiscal policy. Its inconsistency with the opposition against the EU Fiscal Compact in 2011/12 exposes, though, how much the Conservative's desire to constitutionalize fiscal surplus policy in the UK is wanting. Continue reading >>
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The Conservatives’ 2015 Fiscal Charter: A Wanting Desire for Constitutional Change
The UK Conservatives’ "Charter for Budget Responsibility" has, with the aid of a number of Labour MPs, passed the House of Commons. The charter's intention is that of committing the current and future Governments into running a permanent budget surplus – a sinister attempt to bind future governments as regards fiscal policy. Its inconsistency with the opposition against the EU Fiscal Compact in 2011/12 exposes, though, how much the Conservative's desire to constitutionalize fiscal surplus policy in the UK is wanting. Continue reading >>
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19 November 2015
Völkerrecht und Sezessionen – Legitimität nur für Einigungswillige?
Katalonien, Schottland, Krim, Québec – Sezessionismus ist in diesen Tagen wieder einmal ein sehr aktuelles Phänomen, und das nicht nur in Europa. Um so mehr wächst das Bedürfnis danach, sezessionistische Bestrebungen völkerrechtlich und damit nach internationalen Standards zu bewerten. Doch bei der Frage, ob bzw. wann Sezessionen legitim sind, betreibt das Völkerrecht eine Art Versteckspiel mit Verfassungsrecht und Politik. Weder statuiert es ein ausdrückliches Recht auf Sezession noch verbietet es dieselbe, sondern überlässt es grundsätzlich dem jeweiligen nationalen Verfassungsrecht, ihre Rechtmäßigkeit zu beurteilen. Lässt uns also das Völkerrecht mit dem Sezessionismus völlig alleine? Eine Antwort auf diese Frage gab diese Woche Andreas Paulus, Richter im Ersten Senat des Bundesverfassungsgerichts und Völkerrechtsprofessor in Göttingen, in einem Vortrag vor dem Wissenschaftlichen Dienst des Bundestages. Continue reading >>18 November 2015
Awakening dormant law – or the invocation of the European mutual assistance clause after the Paris attacks
After the terrorist attacks of November 13th, France has invoked the mutual assistance clause in the European Treaty. What does this clause actually imply? The short answer to this question is that nobody precisely knows. The statement made by the French Defence Minister on 17 November qualified the invocation of Article 42(7) TEU as a mainly political act – implying that it is symbolic in nature. This, however, is not the whole story. France is requesting her European neighbours to stand united against external security threats – not only by declaratory statements, but by concrete military commitments. This demand, in turn, will impact on the future course of European security and defence, a policy which France has always been keen to enhance. Continue reading >>
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Der Europäische Beistandsfall als Katalysator für eine Militarisierung der Europäischen Außenpolitik?
Wenn ein EU-Mitgliedsstaat angegriffen wird, dann schulden ihm alle anderen Mitgliedsstaaten „alle in ihrer Macht stehende Hilfe und Unterstützung“. Dieser so genannte Beistandsfall war bisher bloße Theorie – doch jetzt hat Frankreich ihn erstmals aktiviert. Die anderen Mitgliedsstaaten, u.a. Deutschland, reagierten zwar im Wortlaut vage, aber im Grunde zustimmend. Frankreich schwebt dabei insbesondere (zumindest mittelbare) militärische Unterstützung im Kampf gegen IS vor. Dies könnte die Union tiefgreifend verändern, wenn die Aktivierung der Beistandsklausel die Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik (GASP) der Europäischen Union militarisiert. Continue reading >>
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How to make the Brexit deal formal, legally-binding and irreversible
Whatever one thinks (and one does) about the British renegotiation of its terms of EU membership, one can only marvel at the prime minister’s bravado when he insists on the changes being ‘formal, legally-binding and irreversible’. Nobody expected David Cameron to be so categorical when he embarked on his long-anticipated speech and ‘Dear Donald’ letter, eventually delivered on 10 November. Surely somebody warned him that to demand something so trenchant would pose huge legal problems? Continue reading >>The Teething of EU’s Mutual Defence Clause
France was the first member state to call for mutual assistance under Article 42(7) of the Lisbon treaty. The move came as a surprise. Most of the discussions in previous days were focused on the possibility to use the much heftier Article 5 defence clause of NATO. Compared to the tangible military assistance that NATO partners can offer, Europe’s obligation to assist has so far been seen as toothless and symbolic. While the EU’s mutual defence clause is still limited in its effect, its use is a timely reminder that there is strong interest within the EU to work closer together on defence. Continue reading >>
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The Teething of EU’s Mutual Defence Clause
France was the first member state to call for mutual assistance under Article 42(7) of the Lisbon treaty. The move came as a surprise. Most of the discussions in previous days were focused on the possibility to use the much heftier Article 5 defence clause of NATO. Compared to the tangible military assistance that NATO partners can offer, Europe’s obligation to assist has so far been seen as toothless and symbolic. While the EU’s mutual defence clause is still limited in its effect, its use is a timely reminder that there is strong interest within the EU to work closer together on defence. Continue reading >>17 November 2015
Europe Does Need a Constitution. But Of What Kind?
Matej Avbelj’s contribution ‘Now Europe Needs a Constitution’ is surely right in its diagnosis that constitutionalism must play a role in the re-generation of the EU. The gulf between the EU’s leaders and its population, and between distinct groups of EU states, is wider than it has ever been. If constitutionalism is an act of ‘putting things in common’ in a spirit of open dialogue, of deciding on the crucial question about the type of society we want to live in, such a discussion about Europe’s future is sorely needed. The key question, however, is not whether Europe needs a Constitution but what kind of Constitution the EU should build. Many commentators suggest that the lesson to be learned from the failed constitutional project in the early 2000s is that it was too ambitious: too laden with constitutional symbolism and state-paradigms. Perhaps, we argue, the failed constitutional project was not ambitious enough: it made no attempt to break with the models of the previous EU Treaties and in doing so, to capture the political imagination of Europe’s citizenry. Continue reading >>
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13 November 2015
Über die Selbstrechtfertigung unabhängiger Institutionen
In der letzten Woche hörte ich auf einer Tagung den [...] Continue reading >>David Cameron is not a visionary, he is an illusionist
The UK Prime Minister proclaims EU reforms. But the reform steps he demands address none of the actual problems of the EU. Neither on the sovereign debt crisis nor on the refugee and migration crisis any proposals or solutions from Cameron are forthcoming. Instead, he focuses on comparatively insignificant issues that affect the UK. This explains the largely ‘open-minded’ response by most European leaders after the speech. Continue reading >>12 November 2015
Die Angst vor der syrischen Großfamilie: Familiennachzug für Syrer aussetzen?
Kaum hat man sich in der Koalition darüber verständigt, an Deutschlands Grenzen keine Transit-Lager einzurichten, ist ein Streit um den Familiennachzug zu Syrern entbrannt. Syrische Schutzsuchende sollen künftig nicht den Konventionsflüchtlingsstatus (Schutz vor Verfolgung), sondern den subsidiären Schutzstatus (u.a. Bürgerkriegsflüchtlinge) erhalten und dann ihre Familienangehörigen nicht mehr nachziehen dürfen. Einmal abgesehen von der Fragwürdigkeit der derzeit kursierenden Kalkulationen: Wäre die geplante Beschränkung denn rechtlich zulässig? Continue reading >>11 November 2015
Dieudonné before the Strasbourg Court: Negationism isn’t freedom of expression
Satire is protected by the right to freedom of expression. Holocaust denial is not. This is the bottom line of yesterday’s decision by the European Court of Human Rights in the case of the French comedian Dieudonné M’Bala M’Bala, notorious for his frequent run-ins with French courts for antisemitic speech, defamation, or advocation of terrorism, and also known for his political involvement with right-wing extremists. Continue reading >>
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„Asyl auf Zeit“ in Österreich: bloße Symbolik oder drastische Verschärfung der aktuellen Gesetzeslage?
Österreich will ein „Asyl auf Zeit“ einführen. Die österreichische Bundesregierung hat einen Gesetzesentwurf vorgelegt, der eine systematische Überprüfung der Fluchtgründe nach drei Jahren und gekoppelt daran ein Aberkennungsverfahren vorsieht. Zurzeit gibt es zwar bereits die Möglichkeit, den Asylstatus wieder abzuerkennen, doch ein zeitlich beschränktes Aufenthaltsrecht für Asylberechtigte ist nicht vorgesehen. Ist das mehr als bloß symbolische Gesetzgebung? Und sinkt dadurch wirklich der Verwaltungsaufwand oder steigt er nicht vielmehr sogar? Continue reading >>
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Now Europe Needs a Constitution
I am a constitutional sceptic. I have been turned into one a decade ago, when the European Union embarked on its first ever process of explicit documentary constitutionalization. That process ended up in tatters. There are strong legal, socio-political and philosophical reasons that speak against endowing the European Union with a constitution understood in conventional terms. However, they may no longer be strong enough. Continue reading >>
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Now Europe Needs a Constitution
I am a constitutional sceptic. I have been turned into one a decade ago, when the European Union embarked on its first ever process of explicit documentary constitutionalization. That process ended up in tatters. There are strong legal, socio-political and philosophical reasons that speak against endowing the European Union with a constitution understood in conventional terms. However, they may no longer be strong enough. Continue reading >>10 November 2015
Brexit, Voice and Loyalty: What ‘New Settlement’ for the UK in the EU?
The UK Prime Minister, David Cameron has finally found time to write a letter to the European Council President Donald Tusk setting out the basis for the UK’s renegotiated membership of the EU. Although in recent weeks, European leaders have complained that they lacked clarity as to what it was that Mr Cameron would seek in these negotiations – despite his recent tour of European capitals – in the end, the themes contained in the letter have been well rehearsed both by the Prime Minister, and more recently by the UK Chancellor in his speech to the BDI in Germany. There are four pillars to the ‘new settlement’ sought by the UK government: economic governance, competitiveness, sovereignty and immigration. The Prime Minister’s stated aim is – through voice – for the UK to remain a member of the EU, albeit an EU with differentiated membership obligations. As he reiterated in a speech at Chatham House to trail the letter to Donald Tusk, if he succeeds in his negotiations, the Prime Minister will campaign for the UK to remain in the EU. He also made clear that a vote for Brexit would be just that, with no second referendum to seek a better deal. So what then are the key policy planks supporting the four-pillars? Continue reading >>
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Brexit, Voice and Loyalty: What ‘New Settlement’ for the UK in the EU?
The UK Prime Minister, David Cameron has finally found time to write a letter to the European Council President Donald Tusk setting out the basis for the UK’s renegotiated membership of the EU. Although in recent weeks, European leaders have complained that they lacked clarity as to what it was that Mr Cameron would seek in these negotiations – despite his recent tour of European capitals – in the end, the themes contained in the letter have been well rehearsed both by the Prime Minister, and more recently by the UK Chancellor in his speech to the BDI in Germany. There are four pillars to the ‘new settlement’ sought by the UK government: economic governance, competitiveness, sovereignty and immigration. The Prime Minister’s stated aim is – through voice – for the UK to remain a member of the EU, albeit an EU with differentiated membership obligations. As he reiterated in a speech at Chatham House to trail the letter to Donald Tusk, if he succeeds in his negotiations, the Prime Minister will campaign for the UK to remain in the EU. He also made clear that a vote for Brexit would be just that, with no second referendum to seek a better deal. So what then are the key policy planks supporting the four-pillars? Continue reading >>
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Cameron’s EU reforms: political feasibility and legal implications
David Cameron, the UK’s Prime Minister, has set out his objectives for EU reforms in a speech at Chatham House on 10 November 2015 – objectives which he later clarified in a letter to the President of the European Council Donald Tusk. Cameron’s demands fall in four categories – i) safeguarding Britain’s position in the Union’s ‘variable geometry’; ii) strengthening the competitiveness of the Union’s internal market; iii) bolstering the democratic authority of the EU by strengthening the role of national parliaments in the EU’s decision-making process; and iv) ensure changes to the principles of free movement and equal treatment of Union citizens in access to welfare systems in the host state. The political feasibility and legal implications of these objectives differ quite significantly. More crucially, each of the stated objectives can be interpreted and implemented in different ways. Generally, it seems, Cameron’s success seems to depend on presenting reforms that at the same time address British domestic issues as well as strengthen the EU’s functioning. Continue reading >>
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Cameron’s EU reforms: political feasibility and legal implications
David Cameron, the UK’s Prime Minister, has set out his objectives for EU reforms in a speech at Chatham House on 10 November 2015 – objectives which he later clarified in a letter to the President of the European Council Donald Tusk. Cameron’s demands fall in four categories – i) safeguarding Britain’s position in the Union’s ‘variable geometry’; ii) strengthening the competitiveness of the Union’s internal market; iii) bolstering the democratic authority of the EU by strengthening the role of national parliaments in the EU’s decision-making process; and iv) ensure changes to the principles of free movement and equal treatment of Union citizens in access to welfare systems in the host state. The political feasibility and legal implications of these objectives differ quite significantly. More crucially, each of the stated objectives can be interpreted and implemented in different ways. Generally, it seems, Cameron’s success seems to depend on presenting reforms that at the same time address British domestic issues as well as strengthen the EU’s functioning. Continue reading >>
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08 November 2015
Boycott calls and double standards: another French limitation on freedom of expression
France, once the motherland of human rights, is increasingly clamping down on freedom of expression. According to a recent decision by the French Supreme Court, calling for boycott on Israeli goods is illegal under french law. Fourteen members of the activist group Boycott, Divestment & Sanctions (BDS), campaigning for the economic, academic, sports and cultural boycott of Israel, learned it the hard way in two decisions of October 20th which confirmed on the highest level of criminal jurisdiction their conviction to 12,000 € in damages and 1,000 € in fine. Joining Israel, France makes for the only european country to penalize boycott calls on products of Israeli origin. Continue reading >>
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Boycott calls and double standards: another French limitation on freedom of expression
France, once the motherland of human rights, is increasingly clamping down on freedom of expression. According to a recent decision by the French Supreme Court, calling for boycott on Israeli goods is illegal under french law. Fourteen members of the activist group Boycott, Divestment & Sanctions (BDS), campaigning for the economic, academic, sports and cultural boycott of Israel, learned it the hard way in two decisions of October 20th which confirmed on the highest level of criminal jurisdiction their conviction to 12,000 € in damages and 1,000 € in fine. Joining Israel, France makes for the only european country to penalize boycott calls on products of Israeli origin. Continue reading >>
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06 November 2015
Verteilung unbegleiteter minderjähriger Geflüchteter auf die Bundesländer: eine Sache des Kindeswohls?
Unbegleitete minderjährige Geflüchtete werden künftig wie Erwachsene auch auf die Bundesländer verteilt. Dafür sorgt das „Gesetz zur Verbesserung der Unterbringung, Versorgung und Betreuung ausländischer Kinder und Jugendlicher", das am Sonntag in Kraft getreten ist. Die Neuregelungen werden vor allem mit dem Vorrang des Kindeswohls gerechtfertigt, der sich aus Art. 3 der UN-Kinderrechtskonvention ergibt. Doch trägt die Neuregelung wirklich den Belangen des Kindeswohls Rechnung und läuft ihnen nicht vielmehr zuwider? Continue reading >>
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The Universal Declaration of the Rights of Humankind: Big Words, Small Effect
The text of a Universal Declaration of the Rights of Humankind was presented on Monday before the french Economic, Social and Environmental Council. France will introduce the declaration in December at the 21st United Nations Climate Change Conference in Paris. Is the declaration more than just an empty gesture? Continue reading >>
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The Universal Declaration of the Rights of Humankind: Big Words, Small Effect
The text of a Universal Declaration of the Rights of Humankind was presented on Monday before the french Economic, Social and Environmental Council. France will introduce the declaration in December at the 21st United Nations Climate Change Conference in Paris. Is the declaration more than just an empty gesture? Continue reading >>
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