The Dangers of Freezing and Seizing
The Polish government argues that the only way to effectively seize the assets of Russian oligarchs is to amend the Polish Constitution, since it is currently impossible to do so without obtaining a final judgment of a court of law. Although the official goal may seem to coincide with the actions undertaken by the EU Council, the measures planned by the Polish governing powers should not be accepted without a second glance at their possible legal dangers. Continue reading >>Climate Law as a ‘Living Tree’
Last year, the Australian decision of a Federal Court judge in Sharma v Minister for the Environment made headlines around the world. In the decision, the judge found that the Federal Environment Minister owed Australian children a duty of care to prevent harm from climate change. This year, the Sharma case has once again attracted attention, albeit for the opposite reason. In March 2022, the Full Court of the Federal Court allowed the Minister’s appeal and overturned the primary judge’s finding of a novel duty of care. This decision has emphasised the limits of legal concepts and courts in addressing future climate damages. However, the unfavourable outcome does not mark the end for climate litigation in Australia. Continue reading >>As the Lungs of the Earth Dry Out, Climate Litigation Heats Up
The Amazon Forest – el pulmón del mundo – has been at the center of four recent rights-based climate lawsuits in the region. Interestingly, the existence of solid legal grounds for environmental litigation has not stopped petitioners and courts from using some degree of creativity in shaping new rights. I argue that any evaluation of the potential benefits and impacts of (new) rights strategies must consider their limitations in setting clear legal boundaries and achieving immediate political change. Nonetheless, rights-based climate lawsuits play an important symbolic role, as they recognize the vulnerability of certain groups to climate change. Continue reading >>No Kidding!
The strategy of challenging a plurality of states directly before international adjudicating bodies has been, so far, a youth’s distinct move in the field of climate litigation, and it is by far the largest vehicle for transnational complaints. Our contribution provides an overview of the relevant cases, many of which still pending, and tries to pinpoint the drivers and possible trajectories of a global phenomenon which could go some way towards redressing the injustice the Global South is suffering as a result of global warming. Continue reading >>How Canada Capitalizes on Ukrainian Refugees
For those fleeing the war in Ukraine, Canada launched a new temporary residence pathway, the Canada-Ukraine Authorization for Emergency Travel (CUAET) program on March 17, 2022. Offered in conjunction with a special family reunification program, CUAET is open to an unlimited number of Ukrainians regardless of their existing ties to Canada. While seemingly an open and benevolent gesture, Ukrainians are welcomed inside the Canadian nation not as humanitarian subjects but primarily as workers to potentially contribute to the Canadian economy. Continue reading >>Schlecht gemeint
Unions-Fraktionschef Friedrich Merz möchte die Zustimmung seiner Fraktion zum 100 Milliarden-Sondervermögen der Bundeswehr davon abhängig machen, dass die Koalition geschlossen für diesen Vorschlag stimmt. Das klingt erstmal logisch. Wenn die größte Oppositionspartei der Regierungsmehrheit zu einer verfassungsändernden Mehrheit verhilft und somit etwas tut, dass aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nach vor allem der Koalition hilft, dann kann sie im Gegenzug auch erwarten, dass deren Mehrheit steht und ihre Zustimmung an Bedingungen knüpfen. Oder? Aus demokratietheoretischer Sicht lautet die Antwort wie so häufig: jein. Continue reading >>Unmatched Levels of Sanctions Coordination
In early 2022, the European Union (EU) was quick and decisive in imposing an unprecedented set of measures against Russia. Among other things, the EU targeted the Russian Central Bank, which is an extraordinary move, given that central banks are rarely on sanctions lists. Reconciling the interests of 27 Member States is an art itself, especially in a highly sensitive policy area which continues to be dominated by individual Member State interests. Overall, the swiftness of EU measures went beyond most of our expectations. Continue reading >>Protecting Whose Children?
One year ago, the First Senate of the German Federal Constitutional Court (GFCC) has issued a landmark decision on the rights of future generations and their (legal) entitlement to solidarity. This blog post compares this decision to the 2018 ruling of the Colombian Supreme Court (CS) that was also concerned with the rights of future generations. I argue that while the idea of solidarity with people threatened by climate change is central to both judgments, the courts have taken very different approaches to whom this solidarity extends to. Continue reading >>The Third Caesura in German Security Policy
The sudden announcement of a „special fund“ for the, admittedly, lagging overhaul of the German armed forces, and the permanent increase in the defense budget (the „2 percent“ target of the NATO agreements of 2002) should be understood for what they are – a grasping for the emergency brake and not an „arms race.“ Continue reading >>Legal Safeguards for the Volunteers of Ukraine’s Cyber Militia
What is the legal status of foreigners who enlist in Ukraine’s volunteer cyber militia? The Putin regime’s brutal invasion of Ukraine means that getting clarity on this question is a matter of urgency. However, more broadly, this is a question that will remain important for future conflicts if we do not properly engage with it now. Continue reading >>Passportization
Putin’s alleged arguments to conduct a “special military operation” to “demilitarise and denazify” Ukraine revolve around protecting the people of the Donbas, including citizens of the Russian Federation, “facing humiliation and genocide.” One of the tools Russia used to justify its political and military engagement in the post-Soviet space has been passportization. This policy effectively created Russian citizens in the contested territories of neighbouring states in the context of protracted conflicts of secession. Just as in Georgia, passportization worked as a tool of interference with Ukrainian sovereignty. Continue reading >>Die dritte Zäsur in der bundesdeutschen Sicherheitspolitik
Die plötzliche Ankündigung eines „Sondervermögens“ für die, man muss schon sagen: nachholende Instandsetzung der Bundeswehr, und die dauerhafte Aufstockung des Verteidigungsetats (das „2-Prozent“-Ziel der Nato-Vereinbarungen von 2002) sollten als das verstanden werden, was sie sind – als ein Griff nach der Notbremse und nicht als eine „Rüstungsspirale“. Gleichwohl sollten „strategische Projekte“ der Beschaffung mit entsprechenden Laufzeiten im Zentrum der Maßnahmen stehen. Continue reading >>Transformative Constitutionalism and Climate Litigation
I argue that courts can locate the transformative potential of law not only through the explicit text of a constitution (although that is one of the main drivers), but also through extra constitutional drivers such as international law. In doing so, courts are able to challenge pre-existing structures of tradition, legality and culture. I will demonstrate this through a brief analysis of key climate cases from both the Global North and the Global South, namely from the Netherlands, Pakistan, Colombia, and Germany. In addition, I also aim to show that considerations usually associated with TC can emerge in both Global North and South contexts. Continue reading >>A Climate Warrior for the Global South
This review of climate cases in the Global South reflects the potential of the right to a healthy environment in climate justice. Countries in the Latin American region are already leading the fight against climate change through successful judicial battles, relying on the established right to a healthy environment. Continue reading >>“Juridified” Control
I argue that there should be a greater separation of powers with regard to foreign deployments than has been the case to date. In addition to the actors who have so far been primarily involved in decisions on foreign deployments – the German Federal Government and Bundestag – the German Federal Constitutional Court should also be given a clearer basis of responsibility for clarifying constitutional issues that have arisen. In this way, the constitutional framework can be made more concrete and strengthened in the long term. Continue reading >>Der Gesetzgeber als letzte Hoffnung für Lockdown-Betroffene
Der Bundesgerichtshof wies am 17. März sämtliche Ansprüche auf staatliche Entschädigung für Einnahmeausfälle während Betriebsschließungen in der ersten Pandemie-Welle im März 2020 zurück. Ohne die Details der schriftlichen Urteilsbegründung abwarten zu müssen, steht eines bereits fest: Hilfeleistungen für von einer Pandemie schwer getroffene Wirtschaftsbereiche sind keine Aufgabe der Staatshaftung, sondern dem Gesetzgeber überlassen. Er ist nun die letzte Hoffnung der Betroffenen auf eine finanzielle Kompensation, gegebenenfalls auch nur als Wirtschaftshilfe. Continue reading >>Verrechtlichte Kontrolle
Ich plädiere dafür, dass im stärkeren Maße als bisher auch im Hinblick auf Auslandseinsätze eine Gewaltenteilung erfolgen sollte. Zu den bisher in die Entscheidung über Auslandseinsätze primär eingebundenen Akteuren – Bundesregierung und Bundestag – sollte zur Klärung aufgeworfener verfassungsrechtlicher Fragen auch das Bundesverfassungsgericht eine klarere Zuständigkeitsgrundlage erhalten. Hierdurch kann der verfassungsrechtliche Rahmen konkretisiert und langfristig gestärkt werden. Continue reading >>The Right to Health in Climate Change Litigation
As rights-based climate litigation continues to proliferate as a means to tackle perceived deficiencies in climate governance and regulation, new opportunities emerge for claimants and courts to acknowledge the inextricable link between climate change, inequalities, and health. Crucially, by ensuring the protection, respect, and fulfillment of all the normative components of the right to health of poor and socially marginalized persons and groups, courts can help overcome the Executive and Legislative branches’ failures to address climate change in contexts of high social and health inequalities. Continue reading >>On Finland with Love
This contribution briefly unpacks the relevancy of the East/West intersectionality Finland represents for us today. The pragmatic manner in which the Finns have dealt with Russia – in all its previous versions, white, red or “federal” – is instructive in understanding the limits of moral, economic and physical power when facing a neighboring country that will most probably never be trusted, loved or changed, by outsiders. Continue reading >>What the ECtHR Could Learn from Courts in the Global South
Climate change is increasingly recognized as an issue of justice. In response to climate injustice, climate litigation in domestic and regional tribunals – pursued primarily by non-state actors such as non-governmental organisations and youth movements – has emerged as a global phenomenon. In this article, we explore two potential lessons for the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) when adjudicating climate cases. These lessons arise from the expansive understanding of standing under South Africa’s transformative constitutional regime, and the recognition of extraterritorial jurisdiction in the Inter-American System of Human Rights (IASHR). Continue reading >>Are We in for a New Wave of Investment Arbitrations?
In response to the sanctions imposed on Russia, the country has doubled-down and announced a set of retaliatory measures affecting investors from ‘unfriendly’ countries. The scale of potential losses foreign investors face in Russia is probably the largest since the aftermath of the revolution in 1917, which saw mass nationalization and Russia’s default on the foreign debt. However, the legal landscape protecting foreign investors has significantly changed since 1918. Consequently, they have much better legal options today for redressing their financial losses. Continue reading >>Eigentlich schon lange quitt
Wir schaffen in einem Grundsätzegesetz im Dialog mit den Ländern und den Kirchen einen fairen Rahmen für die Ablösung der Staatsleistungen.“ So verspricht es der Koalitionsvertrag der Ampel-Parteien (S. 110) und man darf dieses Versprechen durchaus ernst nehmen. Hinter dieser Zielsetzung steht jedoch ein methodisch sehr zweifelhafter originalistischer Ansatz, der mit der vollständigen Nichtberücksichtigung der in den letzten 100 Jahren geleisteten Zahlungen gegen den Zweck von Art. 138 WRV verstößt. Continue reading >>Take Down the Wall. And Make Russia Pay for It
EU law allows admitting Ukraine into the Union immediately. This is not only the moral imperative, it would also not require any Treaty revision and mark a return to the classical approach of the first EU accession: accession first, full taking on of the acquis later, with lengthy transitional periods. Ukraine will also require a super Marshall plan to ensure speedy reconstruction. This is doable: the seized – say confiscated – “Russian” money, a bit short of a trillion by now, will be enough, with the EU hopefully topping this amount. Continue reading >>Tracing the Trend
This post gives an overview of climate litigation in Kenya and South Africa, tracing litigation objects, plaintiffs, defendants, key legal bases and arguments. We explore whether there are signs of an emerging trend in climate litigation in both countries and identify key supportive conditions in social movements and media coverage. Continue reading >>We Should Take the Ukrainian – Russian Negotiations Seriously
If Russia suddenly becomes serious about an agreement, drops its absurd demands of “denazification” and demilitarization, a deal may be more plausible than we now think. The Ukrainian government has sent numerous constructive signals. Governments in Europe and beyond should be prepared to respond to a sudden turn of events and be ready to offer what may be needed to get a deal done. Continue reading >>Überwachen, Blocken, Delisten
Die Verordnung (EU) 2022/350 des Rates vom 1. März 2022, mit der Sanktionen betreffend Russia Today (RT) und Sputnik verhängt wurden, geht – anders als ersten Reaktionen zufolge – über ein Sendeverbot für diese Kanäle weit hinaus: Internetzugangsanbieter werden zu Websitesperren verpflichtet, und Social Media-Plattformen wird, abweichend von Art. 15 E-Commerce-Richtlinie, eine allgemeine Überwachungspflicht auferlegt Continue reading >>„Notwendig, aber nicht gut“
„Wir sind in einer anderen Welt aufgewacht“, sagte die grüne Außenministerin Annalena Baerbock wenige Stunden, nachdem Russland den Überfall auf die Ukraine begonnen hatte. Baerbock hatte sich über den russischen Präsidenten keine Illusionen gemacht. Deshalb spricht aus ihrem Satz nicht Naivität, die einige Kommentatoren ihr vorwarfen. Während des Bundestagswahlkampfs forderten nur die Grünen, die Pipeline Nord Stream 2 nicht in Betrieb zu nehmen. Die russlandfreundlichen Anwandlungen von einst, die sich vor allem aus antiamerikanischen Ressentiments speisten, hat die Partei abgelegt. Continue reading >>Governing Through Courts?
The experience of Indonesia shows that in a country where the government pursues economic development based on a carbon-intensive economic growth model, climate litigation appears to be more challenging because it potentially shakes the foundations of the existing political and economic model; the model that has caused the climate crisis in the first place. Continue reading >>“Essential, but not perfect”
„We woke up in a different world,“ Green Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock stated a few hours after Russia launched its invasion of Ukraine. Baerbock had no illusions about the Russian president. Hence, her words do not bespeak the naiveté some commentators accused her of. During the parliamentary election campaign, only the Greens had demanded that the North Stream 2 pipeline should not start operations. The Party has shed the pro-Russia tendencies of the past, which were primarily fed by anti-American resentment. Continue reading >>“An Ever-Stronger Union” Under the Radar of the European Public
The intergovernmental political mode of EU defense policy is no longer appropriate for the level of European integration in this policy field, the development of which will significantly shape the European project in the coming years. In particular, it is necessary that the European Parliament and the national parliaments be informed of upcoming political decisions in a substantive and timely manner: They should be informed as long as the political process is still open, and their position should be a constituent part of decision-making at the EU level. Continue reading >>“An Ever Stronger Union” unter dem Radar der europäischen Öffentlichkeiten
Dass das militärpolitische Integrationsgeschehen außerhalb der öffentlichen Wahrnehmung und Debatte stattfindet, bedeutet letztlich für die politischen Akteure geringe Rechtfertigungslasten und größere Handlungsspielräume. Es ist also alles andere als ein Selbstläufer, dass über die Fortentwicklung der EU-Verteidigungspolitik jetzt die breite, allgemeine Meinungs- und Willensbildung stattfindet, die bislang fehlt. Dies ist jedoch dringend angezeigt, um die „hard power“, die die Union in der Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik entwickelt und entfalten will, demokratisch und rechtsstaatlich einzubinden – und das ganze Unterfangen der militärischen Ermächtigung der Union überhaupt seiner Bedeutung entsprechend politisch zu behandeln. Continue reading >>Comparative Climate Litigation in North-South Perspective
If the catastrophe we face is one “for the world and humanity”, isn’t it time to rethink some of our core beliefs regarding institutional roles and the role of the judiciary? If current institutional arrangements fail when addressing the global climate catastrophe, aren’t we in dire need of alternative approaches when thinking about the role of law and courts? We as editors of the forthcoming blog debate neither can nor want to provide answers to these questions here. Instead, we argue that we should look to the Global South for lessons when reflecting on the role of law and institutions in tackling the climate crisis. Continue reading >>German Arms Exports as Part of a Coherent Foreign and Security Strategy
The analysis of Germany’s strategic restraint to date is of double importance for German arms export policy. First, what has been and continues to be apparent here is a strategic reticence in the sense of a strategy deficit and, above all, a deficit in the culture of debate – both with regard to parliament and to the general public and the media. Additionally – and here lies the difference to Germany’s general military restraint – Germany, and all German governments in recent years and decades, have supplied war weapons and other armaments to all regions of the world on a very substantial scale, without such a basis for discussion, strategy or action. Continue reading >>Deutsche Rüstungsexporte als Teil einer kohärenten Außen- und Sicherheitsstrategie
Der Analyse der bisherigen strategischen Zurückhaltung Deutschlands kommt auch für die deutsche Rüstungsexportpolitik eine doppelte Bedeutung zu: Zu diagnostizieren war und ist auch hier einerseits eine strategische Zurückhaltung im Sinne eines Strategiedefizits und vor allem eines Defizits in der Debattenkultur – sowohl mit Blick auf das Parlament wie auch auf die allgemeine und mediale Öffentlichkeit. Andererseits – und hierin liegt ein Unterschied zu Deutschlands allgemeiner militärischer Zurückhaltung – hat Deutschland, haben sämtliche deutsche Regierungen der letzten Jahre und Jahrzehnte in ganz erheblichem Umfang in alle Weltregionen Kriegswaffen und sonstige Rüstungsgüter geliefert, ohne dass eine derartige Diskussions-, Strategie- und Handlungsbasis vorhanden gewesen wäre. Der Export von Kriegswaffen in z.T. höchst problematische Drittländer ist entgegen der abstrakten gesetzlichen Vorgaben und selbstgesetzten Grundsätze zur Regel statt zur Ausnahme geworden. Continue reading >>Coalitions, Activities, Strategies
The Federal Republic’s previous policy of ‘strategic restraint’ has been justified mainly - and rightly - on historical grounds; however, it also has to do with the legal parameters set by international security law and the German constitutional law on military affairs. We should take this legal framework into account when we explore the options for a fundamental reorientation of security and defence policy and a departure from ‘strategic restraint’. Continue reading >>Digitaler Wahlparteitag statt Briefwahlparteitag!
Die Verfassung steht Vorstandswahlen und Satzungsänderungen auf digitalen Parteitagen nicht entgegen. Die Annahme eines rechtlichen Zwangs zur Briefwahl nach einem elektronischen Parteitag scheint jedenfalls überprüfungsbedürftig. Die Digitalisierung macht auch vor dem Parteienrecht nicht halt. Continue reading >>Koalitionen, Aktivitäten, Strategien
Die bisherige „strategische Zurückhaltung“ der Bundesrepublik ist sicherlich maßgeblich und zu Recht historisch begründet; sie hat aber auch mit den durch das internationale Sicherheitsrecht und das Wehrverfassungsrecht gesetzten Rahmenbedingungen zu tun. Diese Rahmenbedingungen muss man einbeziehen, wenn man die Chancen für eine grundsätzlichere sicherheits- und verteidigungspolitische Neuausrichtung und eine „Abkehr“ von der „strategischen Zurückhaltung“ ausloten will. Continue reading >>The End of Germany’s Strategic Restraint
In a special session of the German Bundestag on February 27, 2022, on the occasion of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the federal government announced nothing less than a realignment of the Federal Republic of Germany's long-standing security and defense policy principles. The decisions taken by the Government replaced the "culture of strategic restraint" that had for decades characterized German decision-making in foreign, security and defense policy with a more active, independent and robust foreign policy role. Continue reading >>Das Ende der Zurückhaltung
In der Sondersitzung des Deutschen Bundestags am 27. Februar 2022 anlässlich des russischen Überfalls auf die Ukraine hat die Bundesregierung nichts weniger als eine Neuausrichtung der überparteilich konsentierten, langjährigen sicherheits- und verteidigungspolitischen Grundsätze der Bundesrepublik Deutschland verkündet. Damit wurde ein deutliches Signal gesetzt, die „Kultur strategischer Zurückhaltung“, die jahrzehntelang deutsche Entscheidungen in der Außen-, Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik prägte, durch eine aktivere, eigenständigere und robustere Rolle zu ersetzen. Continue reading >>Security Strategy after the Zeitenwende: Institutions, Law, Politics
Under the shock of the Russian invasion, what the security community has long been calling for in vain is now taking shape: a security strategy through which Germany takes on more responsibility in the field of security and defense policy. The decisions taken by the German government on 27 February 2022, which are widely regarded as a Zeitenwende or „turning point“ in security policy, marked a first step.
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