Christopher Kuner

Data crossing borders

The cross-border sharing of personal data to combat coronavirus raises questions under the EU General Data Protection Regulation 2016/679 (the GDPR) - two of which will be dealt with here. The first question is whether EU data protection law is flexible enough to allow the international sharing of personal data to fight the pandemic. Secondly, data protection law has traditionally been shaped by pivotal events in history (think of the effect that the reaction to the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 had on data protection law), and one can ask what implications the crisis will have on the future development of data transfer regulation. Continue reading >>

Jan Fährmann, Hartmut Aden, Clemens Arzt

Versammlungs­freiheit – auch in Krisenzeiten!

Die Bundesländer haben in den letzten Wochen durch ihre Verordnungen zur Eindämmung der Corona-Pandemie auch weitreichende Beschränkungen der Versammlungsfreiheit (Art. 8 GG) erlassen. Die Versammlungsfreiheit ist als kollektive Meinungsfreiheit für die Demokratie essentiell, wie das Bundesverfassungsgericht seit Jahrzehnten immer wieder unterstreicht. Gerade in Krisenzeiten, in denen Regierungen, Verwaltungen und Sicherheitsbehörden weitreichende Möglichkeiten zu Grundrechtseingriffen haben, ist die Versammlungsfreiheit ein wichtiges demokratisches Korrektiv. Die derzeitigen Krisenregelungen und ihre praktische Anwendung durch Versammlungsbehörden und Polizei werden der Bedeutung der Versammlungsfreiheit für die Demokratie nicht gerecht. Continue reading >>

Luca Prete

Infringement Procedures in the Time of COVID-19

In the last weeks, members of the European Parliament and observers in the legal and academic community have, explicitly or implicitly, criticised the European Commission and the Court of Justice for their handling of ongoing infringement procedures. Put simply, the two institutions have been criticised for moving the existing cases forward, despite the fact that certain countries (first Italy, then followed by almost all other Member States) are in lockdown and, consequently, their administrations are unable to effectively respond. Continue reading >>

Pedro Lomba

The Constitutionalized State of Emergency

The late Giovanni Sartori once said that we lacked a general theory of dictatorship. It is very likely that we are also short of a theory of emergency. As the current pandemic has come to show us, not only we still have difficulties to include emergency into our conception of constitutional law; we seem to differ on what emergency means and necessitates and on what should be its place in the functioning of the democratic State. Continue reading >>

Irene Domenici, Tim Rohmann

How to protect the Vulnerable?

In the Corona crisis, balancing between containment measures and the protection of fundamental rights becomes even more pressing with respect to vulnerable groups, especially in view of proposals aiming at restricting curfews to high-risk populations. Over-emphasizing their need for protection bears the risk of disregarding their rights and autonomy and one-sidedly imposing paternalistic measures in order to urge a solution and alleviate economic consequences. Continue reading >>

Iain Payne

Emergency Powers in Nepal: An Ordinary Response?

Compared to many other countries, the known impact of COVID-19 on public health in Nepal has thus far been small. At the time of writing (4 April), only nine COVID-19 infections have been identified. However, as in many low-income developing countries, Nepal is particularly vulnerable to the spread of the virus. The country’s healthcare system is weak and, even at the best of times, hospitals suffer from chronic shortages of oxygen cylinders and ventilators—essential tools to fight the disease. Test kits are limited and the capacity to test samples in large quantities quickly is severely lacking. Moreover, while the existence of the virus within the community is known, the extent of its spread remains hidden The mass migration of workers back to their villages in pre-emption of the looming nation-wide lockdown potentially carried the virus throughout the entire country. Continue reading >>

Serdar Ünver

Fighting COVID-19 – Legal Powers, Risks and the Rule of Law: Turkey

In order to ensure a quick and flexible response in fighting against COVID- 19, Turkish presidency and administration preferred to introduce the measures against the pandemic in the form of circulars instead of declaring a state of emergency. This choice is being criticised for opening the way for arbitrariness and undermining the principle of legality. Continue reading >>

Lasse Schuldt

Abstract panic: On fake news, fear and freedom in Southeast Asia

In Southeast Asia, which is the world’s most dynamic laboratory of fake news legislation, the corona crisis has put previously created laws to practice and sparked additional legislative activity. The professed goal is to prevent public panic. Recent enforcement actions, however, demonstrate the complete irrelevance of any panic indicators. A falsehood’s panic potential is simply assumed. In short, an abstract panic threat is fought with very concrete measures: Arrests and criminal prosecutions. Cases from across Southeast Asia prove the trend, whereas two decisions in Singapore deserve particular attention. Continue reading >>

Vera Magali Keller, Florian Schöler, Marco Goldoni

Not a Safe Place?

In an unprecedented move, the Italian government has declared Italy’s ports “unsafe” due to the COVID-19-pandemic. It did so by issuing an executive decree late Tuesday last week, seemingly in response to the rescue of 150 shipwrecked by the Sea-Eye’s Alan Kurdi. This is not the first time that the Italian government has used decrees to close its borders for sea-rescue ships. However, given the extraordinary circumstances of this case in the midst of the on-going Corona-crisis and the novel argument made by the Italian government, the decision warrants closer examination. Continue reading >>

George Karavokyris

The Coronavirus Crisis-Law in Greece: A (Constitutional) Matter of Life and Death

Each time a crisis emerges, the law is entitled to seize the exceptional moment and contain it, within the limits of democracy and the rule of law. Legal normality, as a vague standard, is usually redefined by the legislator and the courts and rapidly adjusted to reality. The constitutional value of public interest comes into conflict with civil liberties and scholars begin to question the law. The saga of the (Greek) coronavirus crisis-law is, like everywhere, utterly reduced to the proportionality of the exceptional measures of the (Greek) State, but its moral and political implications seem far broader and ambiguous. Continue reading >>

Geoffrey Yeung

Fear of Unaccountability vs Fear of a Pandemic: COVID-19 in Hong Kong

When news began to circulate about a novel virus in December 2019, Hong Kong was in the midst of protests that had been going on for months. There were (and continue to be) widespread demands for accountability and democracy, accompanied by a significant degree of public distrust and dissatisfaction towards the Government. Pertinently, the Government had just invoked hugely controversial emergency powers to quell the protests. Hong Kong was also one of the hardest-hit regions during the SARS epidemic 17 years ago, and there was a collective determination not to repeat the tragedy. Continue reading >>

Aidan Harker, Jonas Deyda, Katharina Söker, Laurens Brandt

Versammlungsfreiheit in der Krise

Die fundamentale Bedeutung der Versammlungsfreiheit für den demokratischen Rechtsstaat, auch unter den Bedingungen der Corona-Pandemie, wird von den Verwaltungsgerichten bisher nicht verteidigt. In Zeiten, in denen eine schonende Abwägung zwischen Grundrechten und eine erhöhte Sensibilität für eine schleichende Grundrechtserosion notwendig ist, wird, anstatt der Versammlungsfreiheit zu ihrer Entfaltung zu verhelfen, die Bedrohung des Lebens von Gerichten als so überragend gewertet, dass für Versammlungen aktuell kein verwaltungsgerichtlicher Schutz zu erreichen ist. Dies ist fatal, denn die Versammlungsfreiheit ist kein Schönwetter-Grundrecht, sondern sie ist gerade bei weitreichenden Entscheidungen in Krisenzeiten für die Demokratie unentbehrlich. Continue reading >>

Claudia Maria Hofmann

Verhältnis­mäßigkeit mit der Holz­hammer­methode

Für viele ist Grundrechtseingriff im Kampf gegen die Corona-Pandemie nachvollziehbar angesichts der Vorstellung von Masseninfektionen in Pflege- oder Rehaeinrichtungen, von zu Triage gezwungenen Ärzt*innen und einem komplett überforderten Gesundheitssystems. Beeindruckt davon zeigen sich offenkundig auch die Gerichte, die einen Eilantrag nach dem anderen ablehnen unter Verweis auf legitime Zielsetzungen, auf die Einschätzungsprärogative staatlicher Akteure und vor allem auf die Folgenabschätzung, die bisher stets zu Ungunsten der Antragsteller*innen ausfiel. Exemplarisch sei hier die Situation in Bayern herausgegriffen. Continue reading >>

Alexander Brade

Im „Kreuzfeuer“ des Zweiten Senats

Die Entscheidungen des Ersten Senats, mit denen sich das BVerfG zum Garanten der Unionsgrundrechte aufschwang, waren nicht weniger als ein Paukenschlag. Im Schrifttum stieß die Neuausrichtung des Prüfungsmaßstabs der Verfassungsbeschwerde überwiegend auf Wohlwollen. Unbemerkt blieb dabei bislang, dass der Zweite Senat nicht geneigt scheint, dem zu folgen. Vorläufiger Höhepunkt dieser Entwicklung ist der am 8. April 2020 veröffentlichte Beschluss zu Blankettstrafvorschriften im Lebensmittel- und Futtermittelgesetzbuch. Continue reading >>

Hans Petter Graver

Fighting the Virus and the Rule of Law – A Country Report on Norway

Governments across Europe are quick to limit personal freedoms in the name of fighting the pandemic. The case of Norway, however, reveals how the process of adopting these measures can compromise democratic discourse and procedure. The main rule of law challenges we have seen here are an overreach of the authorities of their legal powers, a lack of transparency and exclusion of the public from public decision-making and battle over jurisdiction to regulate between the central government and local authorities. In the end, it is not just our health, but the rule of law that is under threat. Continue reading >>

Teresa Violante, Rui T. Lanceiro

Coping with Covid-19 in Portugal: From Constitutional Normality to the State of Emergency

As we write this report, it is unclear how the Covid-19 outbreak will unfold in Portugal. The country reacted quickly to adopt measures aimed at reducing social contact, including the closure of schools and a general ban on non-essential movement. Whether that will prove efficient to avoid the collapse of the national health system and prevent thousands of deaths, only time will tell. In this contribution, we describe and reflect on the action taken by public powers to address the Covid-19 pandemic, considering the situation as of April 9. Continue reading >>

Abdurrachman Satrio

Indonesia’s Fight against COVID-19: A Battle Over the Meaning of Emergency?

Indonesia is a perfect example of how poorly a country can handle the spread of coronavirus (COVID-19). In February, when Indonesia’s neighbouring countries such as Singapore were occupied with the restriction of the entry of foreigners into their territory after the announcement of the coronavirus outbreak in Wuhan, Indonesia’s government under the Presidency of Joko Widodo (Jokowi) introduced the opposite policy which made it easier for foreign tourists (including those from the mainland China) to travel to Indonesia. The purpose of this particular policy according to Jokowi’s government was to exploit the economic gaps which would arise from foreigners’ fears of travelling to Indonesia’s neighbours including Singapore and Thailand. Continue reading >>

Alan Greene

Ireland’s Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic

Like many countries around the world, Ireland has enacted emergency legislation to respond to the coronavirus pandemic. The scope of these powers are vast, impacting on almost every aspect of life in Ireland. Notably, no state of emergency has been declared in accordance with Ireland’s constitutional provisions or under Article 15 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). Continue reading >>

Melodie Labuschaigne, Ciara Staunton

COVID-19: State of Disaster in South Africa

As COVID-19 spread across the world, the first reported case in Africa was not until 27 February 2020 in Nigeria; six days later the South African National Institute of Communicable Diseases (NICD) confirmed the first case in South Africa. Since then, cases have increased steadily and the first death in South Africa was recorded on 27 March 2020. COVID-19 has shown its potential devastating impact elsewhere, but it is a particular cause for concern in South Africa. Continue reading >>

Ester Herlin-Karnell

Corona and the Absence of a Real Constitutional Debate in Sweden

Despite the horrors of the Corona disease, and indeed in order to combat it efficiently as a society, Sweden requires a robust and healthy constitutional and democratic debate. Corona is a human disaster and the suffering it spreads has yet to be accounted for. It is also an unprecedented challenge to our political and constitutional institutions and our almost nonexistent public discourse. Continue reading >>

Tamara Tulich, Marco Rizzi, Fiona McGaughey

Cooperative Federalism, Soft Governance and Hard Laws in Australia’s State of Emergency

To date, in Australia, there have been over 5,350 confirmed COVID-19 cases, 26 deaths and over 275,000 tests conducted. The majority of the confirmed cases were acquired overseas. Australia is a Federation with a national government and state and territory governments. This adds complexity to responding to a national crisis. So far, Australia’s response has been characterised by cooperative federalism, at least nominally, primarily through a newly formed National Cabinet. There has been a staged ratcheting up of border controls and executive powers to prevent and control the spread of COVID-19, and a ‘hibernation’ approach to the conduct of business and exercise of fundamental rights. In this post, we discuss the governance model through the National Cabinet, the hard law response at Federal and State and Territory level and the extensive economic interventions. Continue reading >>

Radosveta Vassileva

Bulgaria: COVID-19 as an Excuse to Solidify Autocracy?

On 23 March 2020, Bulgaria’s Parliament enacted a Law on the Measures and Actions during the State of Emergency Announced by Parliament on 13 March 2020 (hereby referred to as Law on Emergency for brevity). This was the second attempt to enact this piece of legislation after Bulgaria’s President vetoed some of its provisions. This new Law entered into force retroactively on 13 March 2020 when Parliament declared a state of emergency (izvunredno polojenie) in light of COVID-19. The peculiar situation that Parliament can declare a state of emergency, define its scope and provide guidance on the measures which could be taken later, and apply the law retroactively to justify measures and actions taken by the executive in the period before defining these terms is troublesome from a rule of law perspective. Moreover, some of the measures go beyond healthcare concerns and create opportunities for arbitrariness and human rights violations. B Continue reading >>

Sean Molloy

Covid-19 and Derogations Before the European Court of Human Rights

Many argue that derogations, permitted under many human rights instruments, provide a useful framework for assessing whether any human rights infringements that arise from emergency provisions adopted in response to Covid-19 are justified. Drawing on jurisprudence from the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR or the Court) in relation to Northern Ireland, this post argues that it is likely that the vast majority of cases exploring derogation will be found in a government’s failure. Continue reading >>

Marta Simoncini

The Need for Clear Competences in Times of Crisis

All Italian institutions established at different levels of government have been at the forefront in the health emergency to fight the spread of the coronavirus disease (see Diletta Tega and Michele Massa). Yet, they had to take action in the absence of a consistent legal framework establishing a clear division of competences and chain of command in the management of the emergency. The resulting legal uncertainties have been delaying the timely adoption and effective implementation of the containment measures which led to the national lockdown. Continue reading >>

Sébastien Platon

From One State of Emergency to Another – Emergency Powers in France

2 years and less than 5 months after the end of the two-year state of emergency triggered on the wake of the 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris, a brand new “state of health emergency” was activated in France on the 23rd March to cope with a new attack led, this time, by a small and invisible enemy, Covid-19. The so-called “state of health emergency” currently constitutes the legal framework and basis of the measures in force to cope with the epidemic, including nationwide lockdown. What is this new regime? Is it a threat to individual freedoms? What are its limits and guarantees? Was it legally necessary? Continue reading >>

Kim Lane Scheppele

Underreaction in a Time of Emergency: America as a Nearly Failed State

Not surprisingly, those of us who write about emergencies have been far more concerned about overreaction than underreaction and we have been far more concerned about politically caused emergencies rather than natural disasters. History is littered with the cautionary tales of overreaction to politically caused emergencies. But the dangers of state failure evident in underreaction are underestimated. Continue reading >>

Heiko Sauer

Expert*innen in der Krise

Die verfassungsrechtswissenschaftliche Begleitung der Corona-Krise als Metathema über zahlreichen Posts zu einzelnen Rechtsfragen ist ein wichtiges Thema für diesen Blog. Ich möchte hiermit zur Herangehensweise medial wie nie gefragter Expert*innen – täglich muss ja eine Vielzahl von Sondersendungen bestückt werden – drei kritische Beobachtungen anbringen. Continue reading >>

Anna Beckers

Towards Consti­tutionalizing Global Value Chains and Corporations

There exists a private state of exception that is shaping the current Coronavirus crisis. This private state of exception is negotiated within the doctrines of private law, but this pandemic also reveals how global private orders consisting of contracts allow lead firms in global commodity production to act as private sovereigns that can declare independently the presence of an exceptional situation. Continue reading >>

Päivi Leino-Sandberg

Solidarity and Constitutional Constraints in Times of Crisis

While important, European solidarity cannot take place at the expense of safeguarding citizens’ economic and social rights under the Constitution of Finland. For this reason, the Finnish Government needs to remain alert to the risks involved in the increasing financial commitments given by Finland. Depending on their exact features, the constitutional problems relating to “corona bonds” might only be overcome by a risky and time consuming constitutional amendment procedure. This is the result of two days of deliberations by the Constitutional Law Committee of the Finnish Parliament relating to the euro group agenda dedicated to the COVID19 crisis. Continue reading >>

Andreas Gutmann, Nils Kohlmeier

Versammlungsfreiheit Corona-konform

Die meisten zur Bekämpfung der Corona-Epidemie ergangenen Rechtsakte der Länder laufen – jedenfalls in der Auslegung zahlreicher Behörden und häufig gerichtlich bestätigt – auf ein generelles Versammlungsverbot hinaus. Diese sich abzeichnende Behörden- und Gerichtspraxis verkennt den Gewährleistungsgehalt des Art. 8 GG grundlegend und verkehrt ihn teilweise sogar in sein Gegenteil, was Anlass zur Sorge bietet. Dabei gibt es zahlreiche Möglichkeiten, die Versammlungsfreiheit Corona-konform zu gewährleisten. Continue reading >>

Nadiv Mordechay, Yaniv Roznai

Constitutional Crisis in Israel: Coronavirus, Interbranch Conflict, and Dynamic Judicial Review

The Covid-19 pandemic hit Israel in fragile political and constitutional times. After three consecutive national elections and during unprecedented and continuous constitutional crisis, it has deepened an interbranch conflict that has led to the High Court of Justice (HCJ) taking part, in real time, in a dynamic judicial review. The HCJ not only facilitated the functioning of the parliament but also expedited its oversight on the government’s use of emergency powers. Continue reading >>

Jeff King, Gavin Phillipson

A Prime Minister in Hospital: the Constitutional Implications

Following the news that the British Prime Minister, Boris Johnson, has been taken to hospital for treatment for COVID-19, there has been much discussion about what should happen if he should die or become incapacitated. Who would take over and how would such a successor be chosen? What is the role of Dominic Raab, the Foreign Secretary, who has been designated to deputise for him in his absence? And how do we find the answers to the above questions, given the UK has no codified Constitution to consult? Continue reading >>

Julinda Beqiraj

Italy’s Coronavirus Legislative Response: Adjusting Along the Way

With one of the highest death rate by population worldwide, Italy has undertaken a series of necessary but very intrusive measures resulting in strong limitations of fundamental rights and liberties. The Rule of Law (ROL) is considered to be “the basis of all genuine democracy” (Statute of the Council of Europe); and in times of emergency, respect for the ROL and adherence to its principles should still prevail. So, what safeguards have been put in place to ensure that the Italian legislative response to COVID-19 provides effective protection of public safety and complies with core Constitutional principles, international law obligations and the ROL? Continue reading >>

Emilio Peluso Neder Meyer, Thomas Bustamante

Authoritarianism Without Emergency Powers: Brazil Under COVID-19

One of the few heads of state that insist on denying scientific and epidemiologic facts concerning the spread of COVID-19 is the Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro. For Bolsonaro, politics comes before truth. Since the beginning of the pandemic of COVID-19, he is disseminating doubts on social media (although Twitter, Facebook and Instagram deleted some of his posts) to galvanize his radical supporters while creating a distraction for his government’s inability to implement social and economic aids to the low-income families affected by social distancing. For the moment, the president has failed to gather the public support that he needs for an extension of the emergency powers of the executive, like Orbán did in Hungary. But his authoritarian discourse has not disappeared from the horizon. On 31st March 2020, for instance, Bolsonaro celebrated the anniversary of the Coup of 1964 as a “great day for freedom”. Continue reading >>

Tobias Gafus

Schwarzer Peter im Mehrebenensystem

Seit Wochen wird daran gearbeitet, besonders schutzbedürftige Kinder aus der humanitären Hölle der griechischen Flüchtlingslager zu holen bevor das Coronavirus die Camps erreicht. Wenig ruhmreich agiert dabei das Bundesinnenministerium: Es schiebt die Verantwortung für die bisher gescheiterte Rettung der EU zu – und blockiert gleichzeitig selbst Rettungsbemühungen der Bundesländer. Continue reading >>

Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov

Humiliating the Court?

The Member States, dismissing an Advocate General before the expiration of her term of office on the Court, have demonstrated that they are ready to humiliate the Court of Justice by allowing post-Brexit frustrations take the place of the Primary Law of the EU. The Rule of Law stands replaced with political whim. As AG Sharpston’s tenure is left in suspense, what is the worth of the core aspects of EU Rule of Law and judicial independence, when the Member States are willing to alter the composition of the Court by a political declaration? Continue reading >>

Tamar Hostovsky Brandes

Israel’s Perfect Storm: Fighting Coronavirus in the Midst of a Constitutional Crisis

A notable characteristic of the Israeli management of the crisis is the growing reliance on the military and on national security agencies, with respect to both types of measures. The sections below will examine the measures taken, the concerns these measures raise, and the steps taken to address such concerns. Continue reading >>

Dean R Knight

Lockdown Bubbles through Layers of Law, Discretion and Nudges – New Zealand

New Zealand’s governmental response to Covid-19 has been, so far, dramatic and legally curious. As a South Pacific island nation, Covid-19 was late to infiltrate New Zealand, allowing the government time to shape its response in the light of experiences elsewhere. At the first sign of community transmission, the government moved to lockdown the country – shutting the border, keeping people in their household ‘bubbles’ and closing businesses other than those deemed essential. To effect the lockdown, the government relied on some ordinary legal powers and a handful of reserve emergency powers, supplemented by strong messaging from a charismatic prime minister. While providing a stopgap solution for the sudden move, the current legal framework is bit soft and fragile in places. It seems likely the government will move to sharpen and fortify the legal basis for the lockdown and put in place a more bespoke and enduring solution. Continue reading >>

Pui-yin Lo

Hong Kong’s Basic Law at 30: A Constitutional Experiment under Stress

On April 4, 2020, the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China (HK Basic Law) turned 30. The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region has been and continues to be confronted with many challenges, including those concerned with the implementation of the HK Basic Law. Ultimately, it will depend on the Chinese Central Authorities and the Hong Kong institutions if the HK Basic Law is to remain the centrepiece in the governance of Hong Kong. Continue reading >>