16 October 2023
Degrees of (In)Dependence
For years, there has been a debate about making the Polish Prosecutor's Office an authority that is arguably located between the classic uniformed services (the police), public administration (tax offices), and the judiciary. In Polish scholarly discourse, two positions prevail regarding the place of the prosecutor's office in the system of state organs - subordination to the executive, or quasi-independence based on an organic statute with the strong influence of parliament. In this blog, I will explain how PiS has exploited Poland's adoption of the former model, and evaluate the promise and perils of a proposal to cure the current defects by rendering Poland's prosecutor's office (more) independent. Continue reading >>
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Asylrechtliche Einzelfallgerechtigkeit und Demokratieprinzip
Zum zweiten Mal innerhalb kurzer Zeit wurde eine Entscheidung des Thüringer Verfassungsgerichtshofs durch das Bundesverfassungsgericht auf ihre Vereinbarkeit mit dem Grundgesetz überprüft. Nachdem die gegen die Verwerfung des Parité-Wahlrechts durch den Verfassungsgerichtshof eingelegte Verfassungsbeschwerde als unzulässig zurückgewiesen wurde, wählte die 3. Kammer des Zweiten Senats nun die verfahrensrechtliche Alternative der Nichtannahme zur Entscheidung wegen Unbegründetheit. Das eröffnet die Möglichkeit, zu den wesentlichen Streitfragen auch inhaltlich Stellung zu nehmen. Continue reading >>
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Market Power, Democracy and (Un)Fair Elections
In the last eight years Poland experienced an illiberal shift. Key elements of constitutional democracy were undermined. The story is well-known to public law scholars, particularly with respect to judicial reforms. However, off most people’s radar have been the changes which increased the role of state-controlled and state-owned firms (SOEs) in the Polish economy which have supported Poland’s illiberal tendencies. Pre-election period is illustrative in this respect, with the ruling majority benefitting from various kinds of support from SOEs which undermined a level playing field. The Polish experience arguably sheds light on constitutional democracies’ weaknesses in effectively addressing the links between political and market power which can further democratic backsliding. In this blogpost, I will highlight why the existing legal framework, in particular remedies available in law aimed at imposing limits on the use of market power, i.e. competition law, are insufficient to address this risk and why a broader debate in public law is necessary in this respect. Continue reading >>
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13 October 2023
Food Culture and the Far-Right
Dis-moi ce que tu manges, je te dirai ce que tu es. Brillat-Savarin’s words describe how what we eat and how we prepare it forms part of our identity. The Bolognese tortellini, the Swabian Spätzle and the Polish Łazanki are very much different from one another. What they have in common, however, is that they do not represent merely a dish, but an essential part of regional heritages. Under the nationalist slogan of 'food sovereignty', the Italian government presents itself as the protector of Italian culinary identity with a ban on cultivated meat. From an EU law perspective, the ban is a largely ineffective ‘talk show law’. Nevertheless, it puts on the table the politics underlying food regulation and the room left for national differentiation within harmonised areas of the internal market. Continue reading >>
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The Great Yes or the Great No
As we gear up for the most consequential elections in Poland since 1989, the situation on the ground after 8 years of the paranoid polarizing and no-holds-barred politics, forces all those concerned about the future, to ask where Poland is heading. On 14 October 2023, we must understand that POLEXIT is much more than a mere dispute over institutions, rule of law, judicial independence, etc. What is at stake now is incomparably greater. It is the defense of a certain way of life, values and belonging to a community of law and values, a civic Poland in Europe and Europe in civic Poland and finally of “Me and You” as part of Europe. Continue reading >>
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Wehrhafte Demokratie
Die Rede von der „wehrhaften Demokratie“ bezog sich ursprünglich auf die militärische Wehrhaftigkeit nach außen. Das änderte sich mit Karl Loewensteins Überlegungen zur „Militant Democracy“ (1937)“, in denen es um die notwendige Wehrhaftigkeit der Demokratie nach innen ging, gegen den Faschismus, der ihr den Krieg erklärt hatte. In dem seither vorherrschenden innengerichteten Sinn gilt das Prinzip der wehrhaften oder, weniger prägnant, der streitbaren Demokratie heute in Deutschland als Verfassungsprinzip. Inzwischen haben wir in Deutschland eine sich zunehmend radikalisierende der Partei, die „Alternative für Deutschland“, die vom Verfassungsschutz als Verdachtsfall der Verfassungsfeindlichkeit geführt und deren thüringischer Landesverband vom thüringischen Verfassungsschutz als gesichert rechtsextrem eingestuft wird. Continue reading >>Halbwegs raus aus dem Hinterzimmer
Wenn der Deutsche Bundestag heute in erster Lesung über den Entwurf für ein Stiftungsfinanzierungsgesetz (BT-Drs. 20/8726) berät, setzt der Gesetzgeber zum Schlussspurt in einem eigenverschuldeten Wettlauf gegen die Zeit an. Hinter der Ziellinie wartet gewiss (mindestens) eine Klage vor dem Bundesverfassungsgericht, dessen verfassungsrechtliche Kontrolle der Gesetzestext nicht bestehen dürfte. Umso mehr überrascht die Planlosigkeit, mit der die politischen Akteure die vergangenen Monate haben verstreichen lassen. Continue reading >>
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Obstinate Choices
Denmark is currently going through a full-blown intelligence scandal. It includes charges of illegal activity lodged by the Danish Intelligence Oversight Board (TET) against the Danish foreign intelligence service (FE), as well as a range of criminal cases brought against the former head of FE, a former minister of defence, and a former intelligence officer on charges of leaking classified information. In this post, I argue that these scandals can best be understood through the lens of a series of obstinate choices made by the Danish government and its representatives. Seemingly, because key decision-makers lacked trust and got fed up with leaks, the situation was handled aggressively from the start, as a matter of principle. I explain the complex scandal but focus on specifics only in the case against former minister of defence, Claus Hjort Frederiksen, as his case is the most clear-cut and observable for outsiders. Continue reading >>
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The Distorted Body
Ensuring the integrity of elections is a foundational concern for any democratic state. Yet, it faces a grave challenge in Poland, emanating from the Chamber of Extraordinary Control and Public Affairs of the Supreme Court. Created in 2018 following controversial changes to the national judicial system and tasked with reviewing the validity of parliamentary elections, the Chamber fails to meet the essential criteria of an independent court. Confirmed by rulings of the European Court of Human Rights and the Supreme Court itself, the Chamber’s flawed origin and staffing, dependent on political influence and in departure from established rules of law, undermines its capacity to authenticate the fairness and legitimacy of elections. This echoes beyond Poland’s borders as well, since the Chamber’s defective status fails to meet European standards of effective judicial protection, thus raising concerns in the context of European integration. This blog delves into the Chamber’s position, examines its role in validating electoral process and its impact on the democratic legitimacy of Poland’s Parliament. Continue reading >>
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Reviving a Corpse
The political co-optation of the Constitutional Tribunal has eliminated its role in Poland’s checks and balances. The judges, although associated with the ruling party, are conflicted and some of them refuse to rule, the number of proceedings has fallen dramatically, and the Tribunal's authority has all but disappeared. It is not enough now to pick it up, shake it off, straighten it out, and put it back to where it was in 2015. Instead, if the opposition wins the election, it must rebuild an institution that is both an effective constitutional player, capable of checking the government and a trustworthy and reliable avenue for Polish citizens to assert their constitutional complaints. Continue reading >>
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To Void or Not To Void
One of the most critical challenges in the process of restoring the rule of law in Poland after the period of ‘Law and Justice’ rule will be regulating the situation in the Constitutional Tribunal. After the unlawful election of three judges by the Sejm in November 2015 and the subsequent recognition of their judicial status by the new President of the Constitutional Tribunal, Julia Przyłębska, the Constitutional Tribunal lost its independence and authority. Instead of defending the Constitution and the rule of law, the Constitutional Tribunal often legitimizes controversial Government actions and openly questions the European standards. Rebuilding the Constitutional Tribunal's authority and restoring its proper functioning will undoubtedly be a challenging task. It must involve at least two actions: firstly, the removal of improperly elected individuals from adjudication and secondly, the regulation of the consequences of their judgments. In the following brief text, I will specifically address the latter issue, based on the report published by the Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights in June 2023. Continue reading >>
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A Hidden Success
Following the EU General Court’s dismissal of the complaint of WS and other asylum seekers against Frontex in its ruling on September 6, 2023, scholarly commentary has largely expressed disappointment. However, a more optimistic way of reading the judgement is also possible. By declaring the lawsuit admissible, the court confirmed that factual misconduct by Frontex can be addressed with action for damages claims – and this in itself is a major step forward in the system of fundamental rights protection in the European Union. Continue reading >>
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12 October 2023
Ruling by Bullying?
On September 8th, the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals of the United States partially upheld a decision that found several public officials had coerced social media companies into censoring speech protected by the First Amendment. Americans call this area of the law jawboning, in reference to the jawbone that is moved when we talk, which is the mechanism through which pressures of these sorts are exerted. It is an extremely complex area of law, in part because distinguishing when public officials cross that fuzzy legal line depends on assessing the nature actions that happen in private settings in light of vague and ambiguous criteria. In this piece, I explain why the occurrence of jawboning might be an inevitable feature of modern administrative governance, and outline both the unique challenge that underpins any attempt to legally regulate it as well as the urgency of doing so. Continue reading >>
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Judicial Transitology
The rule of law crisis in Poland consists of several elements – undermining the independence of courts, politicization of disciplinary proceedings against judges, and lack of legal certainty. None of them, however, raises so many doubts and concerns as the status of judges appointed or promoted upon the request of the politically captured National Council of Judiciary (NCJ). In this blog post, we analyse the diverse composition of the group of judges appointed or promoted upon the motion of the NCJ from 2018. We also discuss the relevant jurisprudence of national and international courts and the current state of debate concerning this problem and possible solutions. Continue reading >>
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The Election’s Aftermath
Reenergized by the former liberal prime minister and EUCO president Donald Tusk, Poland’s democratic forces are well positioned to deliver a stunning upset on Sunday. If this indeed materializes, we must resist the temptation to think of the critical post-election days and weeks as a regular democratic transfer of power. Instead, what will happen should be understood as an inherently perilous collapse of an authoritarian regime. Several legal and constitutional provisions are capable of being weaponized by the ruling PiS party to thwart the peaceful transfer of power. Continue reading >>
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11 October 2023
Ein populistischer Taschenspielertrick
Am Sonntag fanden in Bayern und Hessen Landtagswahlen statt. Im Vorfeld der Wahl forderten konservative und liberale Parteien mit zunehmender Schärfe, Geflüchteten künftig verstärkt Sach- statt Geldleistungen zukommen zu lassen. Dabei handelt es sich um eine populistische Nebelkerze, denn diese Forderung ist rechtlich fragwürdig, impraktikabel und nicht sachgerecht. Wem dieser Diskurs genutzt hat, dürfte anhand der Landtagswahlergebnisse deutlich geworden sein. Continue reading >>The French Republic’s (In)Divisibility
On Thursday 28 September 2023, French President Emmanuel Macron called, in front of the Corsican Assembly, for Corsica to be given ‘autonomy within the Republic’. The French government and Corsican elected representatives have six months to produce a text which, if approved by the Corsican Assembly, will serve as the basis for an amendment to the French Constitution. Nonetheless, the political reactivation of an old constitutional principle might get in the way. In particular, conservative parliamentarians can be expected to invoke the principle of the indivisibility of the Republic in the constitutional amendment process. Despite the principle’s long-standing presence in republican constitutional history, we argue that it cannot serve as a constitutional argument against Corsican autonomy, both because the Constitution allows amendments despite contradictory principles and because it has always tolerated a certain degree of divisibility. Continue reading >>
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Poland’s Sham ‘Migration’ Referendum
On June 15, 2023, Jarosław Kaczyński, leader of Poland's PiS party, announced a rare referendum, ostensibly to allow the public to weigh in on crucial elements of Polish immigration policy, alongside the general elections. Yet, in reality, the referendum had little to do with migration and the opposition parties largely ignored the referendum's questions to avoid its deployment as an electoral campaign tool. As such, whatever voters will decide on Election day, it will tell us little about the state of Polish migration politics. Continue reading >>
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Europe’s Sick Success Child
Poland's rule of law crisis, spurred by the ruling coalition under Jarosław Kaczyński, has caused severe damage to its legal system and democratic foundations. The European Union has responded with infringement proceedings and withholding of funds, leading to some concessions from the Polish government. Yet, Poland's legal community and civil society have shown resilience, challenging these attacks in courts, advocating for democratic values, and maintaining a robust private media. As parliamentary elections loom, the question arises: can this resilience lead to a restoration of the rule of law? Continue reading >>
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09 October 2023
Open letter from Israeli international law experts
The taking of hostages is a blatant violation of international law. We call for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages. Pending their release, they are all entitled to be treated with humanity and respect. This includes the receipt of proper medical care and supply of essential medication for those who need it, and the provision of information regarding the hostages and means of communication with them. We call upon the international community, including all states and relevant international organizations to pressure those holding the hostages to release them all immediately. Continue reading >>05 October 2023
Slicing Away at Regulatory Statutes
In its June 2023 decision in Sackett v. EPA, the U.S. Supreme Court interpreted the Clean Water Act of 1972 to significantly cut back its water pollution protections and to hand an important victory to private property owners. Sackett is not simply important for its impact on environmental protection. Although it may be among the Court’s less visible recent rulings, it follows the Court’s trend of anti-administrativist rulings and may add importantly to the Court’s kit of anti-regulatory interpretive tools. Continue reading >>
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Automated Decision-Making and the Challenge of Implementing Existing Laws
Who loves the latest shiny thing? Children maybe? Depends on the kid. Cats and dogs perhaps? Again, probably depends. What about funders, publishers, and researchers? Now that is an easier question to answer. Whether in talks provided by the tax-exempt ‘cult of TED’, or in open letters calling for a moratorium, the attention digital technologies receive today is extensive, especially those that are labelled ‘artificial intelligence’. This noise comes with calls for a new ad hoc human right against being subject to automated decision-making (ADM). While there is merit in adopting new laws dedicated to so-called AI, the procedural mechanisms that can implement existing law require strengthening. The perceived need for new substantive rules to govern new technology is questionable at best, and distracting at worst. Here we would like to emphasise the importance of implementing existing law more effectively in order to better regulate ADM. Improving procedural capacities across the legal frameworks on data protection, non-discrimination, and human rights is imperative in this regard. Continue reading >>
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03 October 2023
“Powered by the Supply Chain”
Der zehnwöchige Streik von LKW-Fahrern auf der Raststätte in Gräfenhausen hat in den letzten Wochen für bundesweite Aufmerksamkeit gesorgt. Die Arbeiter kommen größtenteils aus Tadschikistan, Georgien und Usbekistan und arbeiten alle für die polnische Spedition Mazur. Der Streik von Gräfenhausen zeigt exemplarisch, dass die gesellschaftlichen Kämpfe ‒ in diesem Fall: Arbeitskämpfe – die Grundlage juridischer Kämpfe sind, die in Bezug auf das Lieferkettensorgfaltspflichtengesetz (LkSG) bereits in vollem Gange sind. Continue reading >>
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02 October 2023
The Constitution Does Not Sleep
The South Korean government is embarking on a process to amend the current Assembly Act with the aim of enforcing stricter regulations on assemblies and demonstrations. Among other things, demonstrations at night are to be generally prohibited. I argue that the legislator’s plans disregard the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court and fail to comply with standards of international law. Continue reading >>
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The Comeback of the Mixed Chamber
Three years ago, in the wake of the Weiss judgment of the German Federal Constitutional Court, we proposed the creation of a “Mixed Chamber” in the Court of Justice of the European Union, to rule in last instance on judicial disputes on points of Union competence. The rationale of a Chamber so composed is not obvious. After all, in a Union in which EU Law has primacy over national law, in which the autonomy of EU law is all-pervasive and where the Court of Justice is the ultimate interpreter of EU law, why should a Mixed Chamber be needed? We believe there are at least three good reasons that make a Mixed Chamber as salient as ever. Continue reading >>01 October 2023
Europe’s Faustian Bargain
On Thursday, news broke that the German government had agreed to incorporating the previously rejected Crisis Regulation into the EU’s new asylum and migration pact. The decision was a radical change of course since Germany had previously consistently opposed its inclusion. Framed as allowing for more ‘flexibility’ in case of migratory surges, the Crisis Regulation’s adoption will, in effect, suspend the EU asylum system as we know it for the time being, given that recorded sea arrivals are currently nearing the 2015 levels. A crisis in need of regulation, if you will. In this blogpost, I highlight the dangerous fallacy that underpins our tolerance for the illegality that has come to characterize contemporary border control. In particular, our failure to oppose the constant expansion of the limits of the law that occurs in the name of crisis and political necessity rests on the mistaken assumption that we have nothing to lose in this race to the bottom. Continue reading >>False Hope for Democracy in Bosnia & Herzegovina
Bosnia & Herzegovina (B&H) is notoriously hard to govern. Scarred from a bloody war in the 1990s after the collapse of Yugoslavia, the country’s constitutional order emerged in international peace talks in the United States. What later became famous as the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) might have stopped the war but, in our opinion, sowed the seeds for complex democratic problems today. As we will show in this text, the ECtHR’s judgments represent a false hope for democracy in B&H, because ethnopolitical parties in B&H will not agree on how to implement the ECtHR’s judgments and the Office of the High Representative will not take a more active role in this context. We therefore argue against an earlier contribution on this blog by Woelk (2023), who suggested that the solution for the implementation of the ECtHR’s judgments should come from within the country, as we will show, ethnopolitical actors do not have a real interest in implementing these judgments. To put it bluntly, change from within is, alas, pie in the sky. It is much more likely that nothing changes and the powers that are remain the powers that will be. Continue reading >>30 September 2023
Für einen Menschenrechtspakt in der Flüchtlingspolitik
Als Wissenschaftler*innen aus dem Asylrecht und der Fluchtforschung, die seit Jahren die Flüchtlingspolitik untersuchen und kommentieren, sehen wir die jüngsten politischen Debatten und Forderungen mit großer Sorge. Die Debatte über Flucht und Asyl wird weitestgehend faktenfrei geführt. Dadurch werden Ängste geschürt und gesellschaftliche Probleme Schutzsuchenden angelastet. Zudem werden kurzerhand rechtsstaatliche und menschenrechtliche Minimalstandards für populistische Überschriften geopfert. Continue reading >>29 September 2023
„Pushbacks“ an den deutschen Grenzen: ja, nein, vielleicht?
Mittels Grenzkontrollen signalisiert die Politik auch dann ihre Handlungsfähigkeit, wenn diese praktisch wenig ändern. Die Forschung spricht von „Kontrollsignalen“, die die verunsicherte Bevölkerung beruhigen. Diese Signalwirkung nutzt nun auch Innenministerin Faeser, wenn sie anordnet, was die Opposition schon lange gefordert hatte: „flexible“ Kontrollen an den deutschen Grenzen zu Polen und Tschechien. Scheinbar ändert sich damit viel. Schließlich wurden nach Österreich im ersten Halbjahr knapp 4.500 Personen zurückgewiesen, im Jahr zuvor sogar mehr als 14 Tausend. Realisiert damit die Ampelkoalition, worüber Merkel und Seehofer im Jahr 2018 leidenschaftlich stritten? Und warum gilt das EuGH-Urteil vom 21. September für Deutschland nicht, das manche als Zurückweisungsverbot interpretieren? Continue reading >>28 September 2023
Religiöse Kleidung ohne Religionsfreiheit?
In Frankreich lodert erneut eine heftige Debatte über Verbote religiöser Kleidung. Ausgangspunkt ist ein Erlass des französischen Bildungsministeriums, der das Tragen von Abaya und Qamis an Schulen verbietet. Bei der Abaya handelt es sich um ein langes Überkleid mit weiten Ärmeln, das von muslimischen Frauen über der normalen Kleidung getragen wird. Der in der öffentlichen Debatte weniger beachtete Qamis ist das Pendant für Männer. Besagtes Kleidungsverbot ist am 07.09.2023 vom Conseil d’État, dem höchsten französischen Verwaltungsgericht, für zulässig erklärt worden. Continue reading >>
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Act Three for Climate Litigation in Strasbourg
Yesterday, on 27 September 2023, a historic hearing took place before the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights. The Court heard the Duarte Agostinho case, brought by six Portuguese children and young people against a whopping 33 Member States of the Council of Europe. Having heard two other climate cases this past March (the KlimaSeniorinnen v. Switzerland and Carême v. France cases, respectively), this was the Court’s final hearing before it issues its first-ever findings on climate change. It was also the Court’s first youth climate case. For several reasons, yesterday’s hearing was a historic one: Duarte Agostinho is the Grand Chamber’s biggest-yet climate case, both in terms of the substantive rights invoked and the number of States involved. Continue reading >>
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Recovery and Resilience Facility two years after – quo vadis EU money?
In 2020, at the height of the Covid crisis, the EU embarked on a new path. It extensively borrowed money at capital markets and handed it out to member states. After two years of implementation, it is now possible to make some preliminary conclusions about how that money is being spent. Reading the reports and listening to the hearings in the European Parliament, it becomes abundantly clear that most of it has very little to do with European policies. Rather, spending goes into mundane national budgetary expenditures that may be useful as such but have little genuine European value and little transformational potential. In a time with pressing common European needs, this is not how it should be. Continue reading >>27 September 2023
Verwaltung ohne Verantwortung
Mit Urteil vom 6. September 2023 hat das Gericht der Europäischen Union (EuG) in erster Instanz erstmalig über eine Schadensersatzklage geflüchteter Personen gegen die Europäische Agentur für die Grenz- und Küstenwache (Frontex) entschieden und die Klage abgewiesen. Politische und zivilgesellschaftliche Vereinigungen sowie die Wissenschaft weisen schon länger auf systemische Mängel bei der Geltendmachung von Rechtsverletzungen gegenüber Frontex hin. Die Entscheidung des EuG perpetuiert diese Mängel, weil sie Bewertungsmaßstäbe nicht berücksichtigt, die aus menschenrechtlicher Sicht geboten sind. Eine dogmatisch überzeugende Integration dieser Maßstäbe in das Unionsrecht würde die Rechte geflüchteter Personen wahren und so das unionale Recht auf effektiven Rechtsschutz stärken. Continue reading >>
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Wartime Elections as Democratic Backsliding
The topic of the next elections to the Verkhovna Rada (Parliament) of Ukraine unexpectedly surfaced in public discourse towards the end of spring this year. Julia Kyrychenko and Olha Ivasiuk’s recent article on Verfassungsblog outlines major legal and practical obstacles to holding wartime elections in Ukraine. In their illuminating analysis, the authors make a strong case against wartime elections, a viewpoint largely shared by civil society. My argument is a bit different. I will argue that (1) wartime parliamentary elections are expressis verbis inconsistent with the Ukrainian Constitution, and (2) wartime elections would undermine the legitimacy of democratic institutions and potentially lead to democratic backsliding. Continue reading >>
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25 September 2023
Failing the Test
In its recent concluding observations, the Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities identified significant shortcomings in Germany's implementation of the right to inclusive education (para. 53f.). This piece argues that these are rooted in Germany's history and the continued embrace of an outdated model of disability. Indeed, to the extent the latter remains the foundation for Germany's approach to inclusion, its current endeavours in terms of inclusive education are not only insufficient in light of its international obligations, but also in light of its own constitution. Continue reading >>No Voting Under Fire
Can Ukraine hold elections while it is in the midst of a full-scale invasion by Russia? This question has recently received international attention, including comments from US Senator Lindsey Graham advocating for elections during the war. However, holding elections during the current state of war faces not only factual but also legal obstacles. Genuine democratic elections cannot be conducted under fire from Russian troops. Continue reading >>
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24 September 2023
Parliamentary Decisions on its own Behalf and Spanish Constitutional Law
A phrase like "Parliament decisions on its own behalf" has not been codified in Spanish legal and political discourse. Nevertheless, it is acknowledged that there are certain issues where political parties within parliament possess distinct interests that may influence their legislative choices. To counter the potential hazards involved, various elements have demonstrated varying degrees of efficiency in ensuring that decision are being made for the common good, despite the influence of party-specific concerns. Continue reading >>
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23 September 2023
The Political Process in Search of a Judge
It must be acknowledged: in Italy, a judgment such as that delivered by the German Federal Constitutional Court on 24 January 2023 on party financing is currently constitutional science fiction. The Italian constitutional judges have never theorised, unlike their German colleagues, the need for closer scrutiny in certain matters where a ‘conflict of interest’ of the legislature can be discerned. This also partly reflects a different understanding of their own role within the constitutional system. Continue reading >>
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Be Careful What You Wish For
The European Court of Human Rights has issued some troubling statements on how it imagines content moderation. In May, the Court stated in Sanchez that “there can be little doubt that a minimum degree of subsequent moderation or automatic filtering would be desirable in order to identify clearly unlawful comments as quickly as possible”. Recently, it reiterated this position. This shows not only a surprising lack of knowledge on the controversial discussions surrounding the use of filter systems (in fact, there’s quite a lot of doubt), but also an uncritical and alarming approach towards AI based decision-making in complex human issues. Continue reading >>
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22 September 2023
A Leap Towards Federalisation?
On September 13th, co-rapporteurs Guy Verhofstadt (Renew, BE), Sven Simon (EPP, DE), Gabriele Bischoff (S&D, DE), Daniel Freund (Greens/EFA, DE) and Helmut Scholz (The Left, DE) presented in the Committee on Constitutional Affairs of the European Parliament (AFCO) a wide and ambitious project of Treaty change. This short contribution will highlight and evaluate the most important proposals of AFCO's project and argue that, if adopted, the reform would further the Union’s federalisation, thus potentially changing its legal nature. Continue reading >>Wackliges Parteienkartell
Die Formulierung „Entscheidungen in eigener Sache“ ist in Österreich weder in der Rechts- noch in der Politikwissenschaft gebräuchlich. Die damit umschriebenen Elemente der Rechtsordnung und des politischen Systems werden jedoch seit langem diskutiert, besonders im Kontext der Kombination von Konkordanzdemokratie und der dominanten Rolle der politischen Parteien, die für Österreich typisch ist. Seit den 1990er-Jahren verlieren diese beiden Elemente an Einfluss. „Entscheidungen in eigener Sache“ lassen sich nicht mehr bloß mit Verweis „auf die Rechtslage“ rechtfertigen. Continue reading >>
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21 September 2023
The Legal Art of Judging Art
In another round of the case "Metall auf Metall", the German Federal Court of Justice is asking the Court of Justice of the European Union how to define the concept of pastiche. The CJEU response will not only be crucial for the rules of artistic imitation, but also set the legal frame for the digital reference culture of millions, as expressed in Memes and GIFs every day. This Article takes the referral to the CJEU as an opportunity to recapitulate the proceedings with a sideways glance at the Supreme Court’s Warhol case. Its discussion of transformative use addresses the questions the CJEU will have to answer when defining “pastiche”. How should we deal with the art of imitation? Continue reading >>
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Kein Geld für Verfassungsfeinde
Die Ampel-Fraktionen diskutieren zur Stunde endlich über einen konkreten Entwurf für ein Stiftungsfinanzierungsgesetz (StiftFinG-E). Der aktuell diskutierte Entwurf enthält einen brauchbaren Instrumentenkasten, um der akuten Bedrohung durch die Desiderius-Erasmus-Stiftung zu begegnen. Das Gesetz muss jedoch auch für zukünftige, möglicherweise ganz andere politische Kräfteverhältnisse gewappnet sein und dafür die materiellen Bewertungen von den Einschätzungen des Verfassungsschutzes entkoppeln, Wissenschaft und Zivilgesellschaft mit einbeziehen und ein Verständnis der freiheitlich demokratischen Grundordnung verankern, das die Unteilbarkeit der Menschenwürde in den Mittelpunkt stellt. Continue reading >>Migrant Instrumentalisation: Facts and Fictions
The last two years have seen recurring efforts to introduce the concept of instrumentalisation of migration into EU asylum law on a permanent basis. This post will demonstrate why the ‘instrumentalisation of migration’ is an overly simplified and generalised term that does not capture the complexities of the situation on the ground. Its adoption into EU asylum law thus threatens both to undermine legal certainty and bear far-reaching consequences for the Rule of Law in the EU. Continue reading >>Österreich als Insel der Seligen?
In Deutschland findet schon seit Jahrzehnten ein Diskurs statt, der bei seinem österreichischen Nachbarn anklopft, aber nicht wirklich angekommen ist: Jener über Entscheidungen des Parlaments in eigener Sache. Der fehlende rechtspolitische Diskurs lässt auf den ersten Blick vermuten, dass österreichische Abgeordnete nicht in eigener Sache entscheiden, sondern stets zum Gemeinwohl aller. Nüchtern betrachtet offenbart sich jedoch ein anderes Bild. Continue reading >>
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20 September 2023
Poland’s Elections: Free, perhaps, but not Fair
Poland’s upcoming parliamentary elections will be the country’s most important vote since the historic elections of 1989. Indeed, the momentous character of the elections might be the only thing upon which the governing PiS (Law and Justice) party and the opposition might agree. If the elections in October were fair, PiS’ defeat might be plausible though by no means certain. Yet, the preceding sentence identifies a condition we already know will not occur. In this analysis, I map the multiple ways in which the system has been rigged in favour of the incumbents. While I will only describe the most striking aspects of this unfairness, they all form parts of a system and thus should not be looked at in isolation. Kaczyński is a shrewd politician. There’s a method to his (apparent) madness. For the opposition to win is thus a Herculean task. Herculeses do appear in politics – but not that often. Continue reading >>
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Passing Electoral Laws
Laws governing electoral issues (hereinafter electoral laws) are vital to representation in a democracy and its existence. This short post outlines why and how electoral laws should be subject to higher approval requirements and heightened judicial review. Continue reading >>
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Ist das Außenministerium humorlos?
Satire und Parodie staatlicher Amtsträger:innen haben ihren berechtigten Platz in unserer Demokratie. Einen pointiert-kritischen Beitrag im Diskurs können sie aber nur leisten, wenn man sie auch als solche erkennt. Immer häufiger werden Parodien aber so authentisch gestaltet, dass sie wie tatsächliche Auftritte von Amtsträger:innen wirken können. Diese Verschleierung der Parodie trägt nicht mehr satirisch zum Diskurs bei; stattdessen werfen sie Fragen des Schutzes durch die Meinungsfreiheit und der Abwehransprüche der Amtsträger:innen auf. Continue reading >>19 September 2023
Plebiszit gegen die Naturnahme
Der Abbau fossiler Brennstoffe erfordert einen rechtlichen Rahmen, der es ermöglicht, dass Bodenschätze angeeignet und kommerzialisiert werden. Die dazugehörigen Verwaltungsverfahren sind dabei regelmäßig technisch ausgestaltet und ermöglichen es kaum, strukturelle Fragen (etwa, ob trotz Klimakatastrophe weiterhin Erdöl gefördert werden soll) zu thematisieren. Eine Abkehr von diesen überkommenen Grundsätzen des rechtlichen Umgangs mit dem Rohstoffabbau war jüngst in Ecuador zu beobachten: Hier stimmten am 20. August 2023 knapp 59% der Wähler*innen bei einer nationalen Volksabstimmung dafür, die Ölbohrungen im amazonischen Yasuní-Nationalpark, einem Biodiversitätshotspot und Wohnort indigener Gruppen in freiwilliger Isolation, zu stoppen. Über 700 Millionen Barrel Öl sollen nun im Boden belassen werden. Es handelt sich um einen der weltweit seltenen Fälle der direktdemokratischen Entscheidung über den Rohstoffabbau. Indem sie die Frage der Zukunft der Erdölförderung im Yasuní zum Gegenstand offener politischer Debatte macht, erlaubt sie, dies in einem Kontext zu diskutieren, der über das konkrete Projekt hinausreicht. Continue reading >>
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Die Finanzierung parteinaher Stiftungen als „Entscheidung in eigener Sache“
Die Finanzierung parteinaher Stiftungen wird häufig als Beispielsfall für eine Entscheidung des Parlaments in eigener Sache angeführt. Ein detaillierter Blick auf die Stiftungsfinanzierung zeigt, dass der Begriff der „Entscheidung in eigener Sache“ zwar nicht gut gewählt ist, die Materie aber für die Politikfinanzierung typische Kontrolldefizite aufweist, die häufig unter diesem Label diskutiert werden. Diese Kontrolldefizite gehen Hand in Hand mit anderen verfassungsrechtlichen Defiziten. Continue reading >>
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