Ernesto Vargas Weil

Assembling Social Rights

In April 2021, Chile will hold elections for its first constitutional assembly. It will draft a new constitution to replace the current one, born in 1980 during Chile’s military dictatorship. One topic that will be at the center of the assembly’s debate is the status that ‘social rights’ shall have in the new constitution. The most debated issue in this regard is whether such rights should be directly enforceable. Despite the distance in time, space and culture, the drafting of Chile’s new constitution can learn important lessons from Germany’s constitutions of 1919 and 1949 in this field. Continue reading >>

Roman Petrov, Bohdan Bernatskyi

Pandemic and Fragile Government: A Year of COVID-19 Fatigue and Disorder in Ukraine

The pandemic has exposed all the weaknesses and shortcomings of the Ukrainian health protection system, which has been on a periphery of the national reforms agenda for many years. In many regards, the Ukrainian way to protect the population against infectious diseases remains ineffective and fragmented and based of outdated Soviet-time approaches and methods. To date, Ukraine is one of the unfortunate leaders among European countries in confirmed Covid-19 cases and coronavirus death tolls. There is still no clear national strategy on how to prevent the further spread of Covid-19 in Ukraine is in place. The President of Ukraine and the Ministry of Health of Ukraine forecasted the terms of vaccination under the WHO COVAX initiative. However, detailed arrangements are far from being in place. Continue reading >>

Lino Munaretto

Ein Recht auf Impfung?

Die verfassungsrechtliche Debatte um die gerechte Priorisierung bei den Corona-Schutzimpfungen verdeckt ein mittlerweile vorrangiges Problem, dem sich Gerichte annehmen sollten: vorhandene Impfdosen finden keine Abnehmer und bleiben ungenutzt. Die Frage der Rationierung des Impfstoffs würde entschärft, wenn zunächst einmal das Verfahren der Verteilung vereinfacht und durchlässiger gestaltet würde. Angesichts der steigenden Zahl ungenutzter Impfdosen sollten Gerichte ein Recht auf Kapazitätserschöpfung durchsetzen können, das nicht unter einem Vorbehalt des Möglichen steht. Ein solches Recht hat das Bundesverfassungsgericht bereits für die Verteilung von Studienplätzen anerkannt. Continue reading >>

Teresa Violante, Rui T. Lanceiro

The Response to the COVID-19 pandemic in Portugal: A success story gone wrong.

Following an initial comparatively successful handling of the pandemic, infection numbers began increasing consistently after September in Portugal and reached an alarming rate at the beginning of 2021. A second lockdown started on January 14, 2021, with record infection and mortality rates and the National Health Service near breakdown. On 21 January, the measures were tightened and included the closure of schools and universities. A year later, Portugal is back to square one, and, as the failure to control the growth of the pandemic seems evident, medical and moral despair dominate. The impact of the restrictions on the freedom of movement contributed to a decline in the country’s overall score of The Economist’s Democracy Index 2020, that now qualifies it as a “democracy with flaws”. Continue reading >>

Pui-yin Lo

Surviving Executive-Led Pandemic Control in Executive-Led Hong Kong

Hong Kong was one of the front urban regions that recorded COVID-19 cases in early 2020. One year later, there were recorded over 11,000 confirmed cases and 200 deaths. At the time of writing, this Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China is struggling with the fourth wave of infections, which is the most virulent thus far, due to the combination of community spread initiated a cluster of dancing instructors and students, and the infiltration of the coronavirus, finally, into the least hygienic environs of the built-up areas. Continue reading >>

Pernille Boye Koch

Harsh immigration policy leads to a historic impeachment trial in Denmark

In early February 2021, the Danish Parliament took the extraordinary step of initiating an impeachment trial against Inger Støjberg, Minister of Immigration between 2015 and 2019. In 2016, the Minister issued a directive about the separation of asylum-seeking couples, where one partner is under 18, without exception, and the administration carried it into effect. This directive was later declared clearly illegal according to both Danish administrative law and the European Convention on Human Rights. Continue reading >>

Edoardo Stoppioni

The Remains of the Days of Crisis: The Second Wave of Legislative COVID-19 Measures in Luxembourg

With the end of the first wave of COVID-19, the state of crisis was ended in June 2020 in Luxembourg. But its problematic features seem to have remained in the legislative action tackling the second wave. Two main differences appear between the legal approach adopted in March and the current one. Continue reading >>

John Morijn

Misjudging Judges

5231 magistrates from all over the EU had signed a letter to call the EU Commission to urgent action regarding the rule of law situation in Poland, Hungary and other member states. Unbelievably, Commissioners Reynders and Jourová, in their reply to the judges’ letter that transpired on 1 March, managed to make matters considerably worse.  Continue reading >>

Max Planck Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law

Heidelberger Salon digital: “Vaccine Nationalism” and Distributive Justice

A conversation with Alexandra Phelan, Maike Voss, Mark Eccleston-Turner, Pedro Villarreal, and Leticia Casado, moderated by Alexandra Kemmerer. Continue reading >>

Kristin Bergtora Sandvik, Hans Petter Graver, Peter Scharff Smith

The Pomp of Popular Constitutional Outrage

In January 2021, the Norwegian government decided to circulate a proposal for formally adding a curfew clause to the Act Relating to the Control of Communicable Diseases from 1994. The public reacted with an extraordinary expression of popular engagement and outrage. On 17 February 2021, in the face of strong public, commercial and political opposition, the proposal was shelved by the government. This case may show something both about the level of trust between the authorities and the public in Norway, and the reactions when one of the parties is perceived to break the “social contract” that is embedded in this relationship. Continue reading >>

Ratna Rueban Balasubramaniam

COVID-19: Malaysia’s Fragile Constitutional Democracy

The COVID-19 pandemic occasioned a de facto worldwide state of exception. In Malaysia, the beginning of the pandemic would coincide with political turmoil. In 2018, a democratic reformist government surprisingly rose to power after unexpectedly winning the general election. The victory ended six decades of ethnocratic and authoritarian rule under the United Malay National Organization (“UMNO”), a Malay nationalist party committed to a political doctrine of ethnic “Malay Dominance.” However, in March 2020, just as the WHO declared a global pandemic, a series of political machinations brought down the reformist government. Continue reading >>

Joan Barata

The Digital Services Act and the Reproduction of Old Confusions

While intended to refit the 20-year-old E-Commerce Directive, the Digital Services Act reproduces a central confusion in its predecessor: The interplay between a lack of knowledge or awareness of illegality remains a precondition to enjoy liability exemptions, however, the Digital Services Act encourages platforms proactive investigation of hosted content, which might trigger aforementioned knowledge or awareness. The inclusion of a Section 230-like ‘good Samaritan clause’, meant to facilitate proactive, own-initiative investigations of user speech by platforms, complicates matters further. Continue reading >>

Constantinos Kombos

Constitutional Improvisation and Executive Omnipotence: the Cypriot Handling of the Pandemic

The outbreak of COVID-19 caught the Cypriot legal order unprepared as regards the effective response in containing the spread of the virus. Contrary to the approach of other European states that declared a state of emergency, Cyprus opted for the adoption of executive measures based on pre-existing, primary legislation. In the absence of any contemporary legislation and with the conscious decision not to table legislation, the executive employed the provisions of colonial legislation, namely the Quarantine Law (Cap. 260) which was enacted in 1932 by the British. The said law intended to regulate the imposition of quarantine and provided for the prevention in the then colony of dangerous infectious diseases. Following the independence of Cyprus in 1960, colonial legislation – including Cap. 260 – remained in effect, as per article 188 of the Cypriot Constitution, subject to compliance with constitutional provisions.  Continue reading >>

Kai Ambos

„Solid jurisdictional basis“?

Am 5.2.2021 erging die langerwartete Entscheidung von Vorverfahrenskammer I zur Frage der Zuständigkeit des Internationalen Strafgerichtshofs für mögliche Kriegsverbrechen in den von Israel besetzen palästinensischen Gebieten seit 13.6.2014. Die Entscheidung erging auf Antrag der Anklagebehörde, die zwar von einem Anfangsverdacht iSv Art. 53 Abs. 1 IStGH-Statut ausgeht, vor der Fortführung der Ermittlungen die Zuständigkeitsfrage aber vorab geklärt haben wollte. Der Grund liegt darin, dass die Staatenqualität Palästinas höchst umstritten ist, irgendeine Form von Staatlichkeit aber Voraussetzung für die territoriale Zuständigkeit des Gerichtshofs ist. Continue reading >>

Kirill Koroteev

A Year of Zeros? Legal Responses to the COVID-19 Pandemic in Russia

As the end of the year 2020 approached, the Vice-President of the French Conseil d’État Bruno Lasserre commented on one line of the case-law that appeared in the pandemic year: urgent application judges had to decide on the legality of rules found in press-releases and interviews by first deciphering legal rules and their hierarchy from those texts. This reflected exactly my experience as a practitioner in 2020 Russia: advising a client having weighed whether a blog of the Speaker of the Moscow City Duma carried more authority than a televised interview of the Moscow Mayor. Continue reading >>

Felix Uhlmann, Odile Ammann

Switzerland and the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Look Back and a Look Into the Future

In our earlier blog contributions, we analysed whether the Swiss federal government (the Federal Council) acted within the bounds of the Swiss Constitution (hereinafter: Cst.) when enacting emergency ordinances in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic. We criticised the self-suspension of Parliament in March 2020, and we had a first glance at the interaction between the Confederation and the cantons. We are now, hopefully, halfway through the pandemic, which justifies a look back and a look into the future, especially into the ongoing vaccination efforts. Continue reading >>

Giovanni De Gregorio, Oreste Pollicino, Elena Perotti

Flexing the Muscles of Information Power

Since July 2020, the global news media industry has been looking at Australia’s draft code, that would force Google and Facebook to negotiate with news publishers, pay for news, share data and advertising revenues. Facebook, in response, decided to ban Australian publishers and users from sharing or viewing Australian as well as international news content. Soon after, the social media changed its view, once the Australian government decided to step back and negotiate with Facebook. This interaction is not just an example of how Facebook can influence public policies, but also shows how powers are relocated among different actors in the information society. Continue reading >>

Thulasi K. Raj

COVID-19 and the Crisis in Indian Democracy

In the recent global history of constitutional democracies, it is difficult to name a single crisis that has plagued them simultaneously, until the COVID-19 pandemic. The calamity brought in by the virus was universal. For governments, it presented an opportunity for crisis management without compromising rights guarantees. Some countries have marginally succeeded in this test while in others, concerns of democratic decline were amplified. Three features defined the Indian response to COVID-19: lack of transparency, executive monopoly and suppression of dissent. Continue reading >>

Alicia Cebada Romero, Elvira Dominguez Redondo

Spain: One Pandemic and Two Versions of the State of Alarm

The Spanish response to the waves of the COVID-19 pandemic that have affected the territory has so far largely relied on emergency powers. The measures were adopted on the basis of the pre-existing legal framework provided in article 116 of the Constitution and its legislative development, Ley Orgánica 4/1981 on state of alarm, exception and siege, adopted on 1 June 1981 (henceforth LO 4/1981). As explained below, two different approaches have characterised the response to the first and second wave. However, both have their legal basis on the same norms and are based on the same legal category, i.e., the state of alarm ('estado de alarma'). Continue reading >>

Max Planck Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law

Heidelberger Salon digital: Democracies Out of Sync?

A book launch conversation to mark the publication of ""Defending Checks and Balances in EU Member States. Taking Stock of Europe's Actions", with Adam Bodnar, András Jakab, Justyna Łacny, Christoph Möllers, Joseph Weiler et al. Continue reading >>

Eugenio Velasco

COVID-19 in Mexico: A Year in Review

Close to a year since its first confirmed case of COVID-19, several indicators place Mexico among the countries that have suffered the worst effects of the pandemic. This post offers a critical overview of the governmental responses to the outbreak. It begins by describing the actions taken by officials of the different branches and levels of government. This is followed by an assessment of the many omissions and deficiencies that have characterized the response of the Federal Executive. Lastly, it closes by offering an outlook for 2021. Continue reading >>

Hartmut Kühne

Corona und Bundesstaat

Welches Verfassungssystem hat sich im weltweiten Vergleich bei der Bekämpfung der Pandemie bewährt, welches eher Nachteile mit sich gebracht? Für Deutschland gilt: Die spezifischen Vorteile des Föderalismus werden weitgehend nicht genutzt. Insofern bleibt der deutsche Bundesstaat unter seinen Möglichkeiten. Dezentrale Lösungen gibt es wenige, ebenso wenig die hilfreiche, weil lehrreiche Konkurrenz unterschiedlicher Ansätze. Vor allem hat der deutsche Ansatz einen gravierenden Nachteil: er ist – wegen der Tagungen der Ministerpräsidentenkonferenz (MPK) hinter verschlossenen Türen- intransparent, sorgt nicht für klare Verantwortlichkeiten und kann deshalb nur schwer für das nötige Vertrauen in der Bevölkerung sorgen, das gerade in der Krise nötig ist. Continue reading >>

George Karavokyris

Constitutionalism and COVID-19 in Greece: The Normality of Emergency

In the first wave of the pandemic (March-June 2020) Greece has been widely praised for having taken all necessary actions to contain effectively the spread of the virus. Despite the reasonable concerns, a consensus among scholars about the constitutionality of harsh restrictions on rights was reached, along with a broad social acceptance, due to the priority of health public interest and the exceptional character of the measures. Set by an emergency mechanism, the framework of the “crisis-law” remains alive and binding, while the country is possibly entering, after the second and more lethal spike (November-January), the third wave of Covid-19. Continue reading >>

Fionnuala Ní Aoiláin, Thomas Bustamante, Joelle Grogan, Jakub Jaraczewski, Thulasi K. Raj, Martin Scheinin

Live Debate: Power and the Covid-19 Pandemic

Marking the launch of the 2021 "Power and the COVID-19 Pandemic" Symposium, this webinar will bring together five contributors to discuss the impact of the pandemic on legal systems globally, and offer initial assessments for the rule of law, democracy, and human rights. Continue reading >>

Ibrahim Kanalan

Weder revolutionär noch eine Besonderheit

Der Berliner Gesetzesentwurf für eine bevorzugte Einstellung von „Menschen mit Migrationshintergrund“ im öffentlichen Dienst ist zwar vorerst gescheitert, doch das Thema wird uns mit großer Wahrscheinlichkeit in den nächsten Jahren weiter beschäftigen. Die politischen und rechtlichen Kontroversen sind vorprogrammiert, denn solche Maßnahmen tangieren Ressourcen und Privilegien. Anders als pauschal behauptet, sind Fördermaßnahmen für Angehörige bestimmter sozialer Gruppen, die historisch und strukturell diskriminiert werden, nicht nur verfassungsrechtlich zulässig, sondern auch internationalrechtlich verpflichtend. Continue reading >>

Shirin Chua, Jaclyn L. Neo

COVID-19 as an Opportunity for Democratic Consolidation?

The Covid-19 pandemic has tested the legal, political, economic and public health systems of countries all over the world, and Singapore – particularly as it found itself having to hold a general election in the middle of the pandemic – is no exception. However, it does seem that the pandemic has created opportunities for consolidation of democracy in Singapore as a result of increased citizen-state interactions during this time. Continue reading >>

Sangeeta Mahapatra, Martin Fertmann, Matthias C. Kettemann

Twitter’s Modi Operandi

India is not only the world’s largest democracy, it also accounts for the largest number of internet shutdowns and take down requests to social media companies globally. The recent stand-off between Twitter and the Government of India (GoI) over suspending more than a thousand accounts supportive of farmers’ protests ended with Twitter falling in line with the GoI’s demands. This may set a dangerous precedent for digital platforms enabling other democratic governments to stifle online dissent. Continue reading >>

Iain Cameron, Anna Jonsson-Cornell

COVID-19 in Sweden: A Soft Power Approach

The Swedish political and legal response to the Covid-19 pandemic is best described as soft in terms of the character of the measures applied, and decentralized in terms of the division of powers and responsibilities. Swedish constitutional law does not provide for a state of emergency in a peace time crisis, such as a pandemic. Instead, the principle of statutory anticipation is used, which means that ordinary laws (with, in some cases, special provisions which can be activated) apply also in a time of crisis, e.g. the Public Order Act (POA), which allows the government to restrict the number of participants in public meetings or organized public events. Where these powers are deemed to be insufficient, the legislative procedure should be sufficiently flexible to allow new powers to be added relatively speedily. However, the events in 2020 showed that this approach suffers from several deficiencies. Continue reading >>

Carlo Fusaro

Draghi’s New Cabinet Sails but Italian Political Institutions Do not Risk Reforms

On 13 February 2021, the new Prime Minister Mario Draghi was sworn in with his ministers by President Mattarella. Draghi had received the task of forming the government on 3 February, ten days earlier. The second Conte government had resigned on 26 January. The new government won the confidence of the Senate on 17 February and that of the Chamber of Deputies on the 18th: the crisis was resolved within eighteen days (twenty-three if the two parliamentary votes are taken into account). It must be emphasized that in Italy the government does not take office after the parliamentary vote, but before, with the oath of office (Art. 93 It. Const.). This is fundamental to understand the role of the Head of State. Continue reading >>

Sabrina Ragone

Call Me by Mum’s Name

In a recent decision, the Italian Constitutional Court took up the question of the choice of surname for newborns. In the absence of legislative reforms, it has tried to adapt the Italian legal framework, which still adheres to traditional naming practices, to constitutional and international standards of equality. This step shows the Court’s intention to counter the Parliament’s inertia on the issue. Continue reading >>

Khemthong Tonsakulrungruang, Rawin Leelapatana

Breeding More Social Turbulence? – Thailand’s Unprepared Response to the Second Wave of COVID-19

COVID-19 posed one of the biggest challenges to the government of Prayuth Chan-ocha, the former junta leader and current prime minister. He successfully controlled the first round of pandemic, which spiked in mid-March by enforcing disproportionately harsh measures for unnecessarily prolonged period. [...] This article discusses the government’s failure to utilize emergency power to manage COVID-19 and assesses adverse effects brought about by the prolonged state of emergency. Continue reading >>

Martin Scheinin

Finland: Soft measures, respect for the rule of law, and plenty of good luck

In mid-April 2020 Verfassungsblog published my first take on Finland’s response to COVID-19, under the characterisation 'Best Practice and Problems'. Into February 2021, Finland has remained one of the few European champions in combating the epidemic, with 9,423 cases and 131 deaths (both per one million inhabitants and by 18 February 2021). Notably, Finland’s success has not followed from strict ‘draconian’ measures but from a combination of factors that include at least geographical location; cultural patterns that support physical distancing and even isolation; a well-functioning healthcare system; a good level of compliance; comparatively good levels of vitamin D; and sheer luck which would be related to the first factor, geographical location. Continue reading >>

Lukas Mitsch

Die Quantifizierbarkeit von Gefahr

Die deutsche Rechtsprechung zum subsidiären Schutz ist in mehrfacher Hinsicht europarechtlich bedenklich. Zu diesem Schluss kommt Generalanwalt Pikamäe in seinen Schlussanträgen im Vorabentscheidungsverfahren CF, DN gegen die BRD. Insbesondere die Feststellung des Generalanwalts, dass es sich bei der Asylentscheidung um eine Zukunftsprognose handelt, statistische Erhebungen aber vergangenheitsbezogen sein müssen und für sich genommen daher keine ausreichende Grundlage dafür sein können, die künftige Gefährdung bei einer unterstellten Rückkehr zu bewerten, rüttelt an einer Grundkonzeption der deutschen Asylrechtsdogmatik. Continue reading >>

Emilio Peluso Neder Meyer, Thomas Bustamante

COVID-19 in Brazil: A Sick Constitutional Democracy

In the first half of January 2021, Brazil had already counted more than 200,000 deaths and 8 million people diagnosed with COVID-19. Throughout 2020, the responses from the federal government, which should have taken on a coordination role considering the federalised National Health Service (SUS, Sistema Único de Saúde), were confusing and inefficient. Doubts and scepticism spread by the federal executive undermined the work of governors and mayors and, mirroring the American example, contributed to increase the number of cases and casualties. Continue reading >>

Katharina Meuer

Auf Schritt und Tritt

Anfang Februar hat das Bundesverfassungsgericht einen Beschluss veröffentlicht, in dem es die sogenannte elektronische Fußfessel für verfassungsgemäß erklärt – jedenfalls derzeit. Da auch zehn Jahre nach ihrer Einführung keine Langzeitstudien zum kriminalpräventiven Effekt der elektronischen Aufenthaltsüberwachung vorliegen, nimmt das Bundesverfassungsgericht den Gesetzgeber zu Recht in die Pflicht, die Maßnahme zu evaluieren. Wieso das Bundesverfassungsgericht auf die verpflichtende Einholung eines Sachverständigengutachtens zur Gefährlichkeitsprognose verzichtet, leuchtet vor dem Hintergrund des intensiven Grundrechtseingriffs, der mit der elektronischen Aufenthaltsüberwachung einhergeht, hingegen nicht ein. Continue reading >>

Marco Rizzi, Tamara Tulich

The Australian Response to COVID-19: A Year in Review

Australia’s legal and political response to the outbreak of COVID-19 has been marked by the formation of a new intergovernmental forum, the National Cabinet, to lead a coordinated national response to the pandemic, and the declaration of successive states of emergency at the federal and state levels activating extraordinary executive powers, including limitations on movement and border closures. Australia’s response has, to date, resulted in the successful curtailment of community transmission of COVID-19 in Australian States and Territories. However, the response to the pandemic has also involved the removal of existing mechanisms of executive accountability, suspensions of Parliament and little parliamentary scrutiny or other oversight of executive action. These democratic deficits present fresh challenges for Australia going forward, particularly as the National Cabinet structure becomes permanent and the states of emergency endure for the foreseeable future. Continue reading >>

Joelle Grogan

Power and the COVID-19 Pandemic – Introduction & List of Contributions

One year on how has the COVID-19 pandemic affected the law, and the way states govern? Should we be concerned about the ongoing use of emergency powers? How can we look forward to what lies ahead? Convened by Joelle Grogan, this Symposium is hosted by the Verfassungsblog and supported by Democracy Reporting International and the Horizon-2020 RECONNECT project. Continue reading >>