An Unholy Relic in the Greek Constitution? On the Peculiar Obsolescence of Article 3 para. 3
On a constant basis, church-state relations are a prominent topic in the Greek news. Currently, the new leader of the main opposition party repeatedly emphasizes that he strives to advance “church-state separation.” As far as the desiderata for constitutional reform are concerned, relevant discussions usually centre on Article 3 para. 1 of the Greek Constitution (cited as “Article 3,” but usually referring particularly to Article 3 para. 1), which defines the Orthodox Church as “the prevailing religion in Greece”. Often, yet to a lesser extent, debates focus on Article 16 para. 2, which lists “the development of [...] religious consciousness” as one of the goals of school education. Still rarer, the debates cite Article 105 dealing with the monastic communities of Mount Athos. Surprisingly, Article 3 para. 3 of the Greek Constitution is barely ever brought up in the debates. Yet, precisely this paragraph could – rather uncontroversially – be labelled as utterly peculiar and, above that, obsolete.
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The Brave New World of Areios Pagos
These are exciting times for Greek constitutionalists. In its capacity as electoral judge, the first section of the Greek Supreme Civil and Criminal Court (Areios Pagos) recently banned the participation of the neo-Nazi Hellenes National Party in the elections of 21 May. In order to accept the constitutionality of the legislative ban on Hellenes National Party, Areios Pagos had to provide not only a new interpretation of Greek constitutional provisions, but also a whole new vision of democracy, of the Greek and the European Constitution and of Greek constitutional politics. The brave new world of Areios Pagos is part of a new constitutionalist approach that is likely to affect the application of constitutional provisions in future cases, as the more recent decision concerning the elections of 25 June shows.
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A Return of Mainstream Politics?
The Greek election results of Sunday 21 May 2023 had a seismic effect, with many commentators juxtaposing them to the elections of 2015, when Syriza’s dramatic victory marked the overhaul of the pre-crisis political system. This time, the circle of crisis politics is said to be complete. Syriza’s devastating defeat with a margin just above 20% supposedly marks the end of a polarized era and the desire to return to ‘mainstream politics’. These elections made clear that there is currently no articulated, alternative vision of social ordering that could inspire and successfully challenge the current constellation of social forces.
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Greece’s Ambivalent Turn to Militant Democracy
On 2 May 2023, the Greek Court of Cassation (Areios Pagos) ruled on the certification of the candidate lists of the political parties that could lawfully participate in the Greek parliamentary elections of 21 May. It refused to certify the participation of the Hellenes National Party, the successor of the neo-Nazi Golden Dawn party. The refusal to certify the party breaks away from previous case law on political party certification and indicates a tentative, yet incomplete embrace of militant democracy by a jurisdiction that has traditionally been hostile towards its philosophy.
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Secrecy, Democracy, and the Greek Wiretapping Case
The Androulakis case not only challenged and altered the Greek political agenda, but also provoked substantial concerns about the protection of the right to secrecy of communications and in a wider sense the quality of rule of law in Greece.
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In Court for Saving Lives
The trial against human right defenders Séan Binder and Sarah Mardini was supposed to start on 18 November 2021 at the criminal Court on the Greek island of Lesvos. The core charge of the prosecution, the facilitation of irregular entry of third country nationals, is based on the EU Facilitator’s Package and Greek anti-smuggling laws, both of which are at variance with international law standards related to smuggling. The remaining charges pressed upon Binder and Mardini are excessive and likely to be proved unfounded for lack of sufficient evidence. The whole process is just another example of the ongoing criminalization of humanitarian assistance to refugees and asylum seekers in Europe.
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Constitutionalism and COVID-19 in Greece: The Normality of Emergency
In the first wave of the pandemic (March-June 2020) Greece has been widely praised for having taken all necessary actions to contain effectively the spread of the virus. Despite the reasonable concerns, a consensus among scholars about the constitutionality of harsh restrictions on rights was reached, along with a broad social acceptance, due to the priority of health public interest and the exceptional character of the measures. Set by an emergency mechanism, the framework of the “crisis-law” remains alive and binding, while the country is possibly entering, after the second and more lethal spike (November-January), the third wave of Covid-19.
Continue reading >>‘Police-Governed’ Universities
On 11 February, the Greek Parliament passed legislation that provides for the creation of a new police corps, permanently stationed on campuses. Ostensibly designed to maintain order at universities, the new law violates both academic freedom and the ‘self-governing’ legal status of the universities, as enshrined in the Greek Constitution. Particularly in light of allegations of increasing police violence and abuse of police power in the country, this new law and the nature and duties of the university police raise serious concerns.
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What Happened at the Greece-Turkey Border in early 2020?
Reports have documented allegations about those in need of international protection being physically prevented from entering into Greece, being subjected to severe forms of mistreatment and deprivation of their liberty, property as well as being collectively expelled from the country without having the opportunity to apply for asylum. Thus, it could be argued there are violations of the right to seek and enjoy asylum, right to life, prohibition of torture, right to liberty and security and right to an effective remedy. Yet this blog will only focus on the most relevant rights/issues.
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Ashen Sunset
Seven years ago today, Pavlos Fyssas was murdered by members of Greece’s Neonazi party Golden Dawn. It was only then, after the death of an ethnic Greek, that the authorities finally took action against the party and its members, having ignored violent acts against migrants, ethnic minorities, disabled persons, LGBT persons and others committed by party members for several years. On 7 October 2020, five and a half years and 453 hearings after the trial against 69 members of Golden Dawn began, judgment will be finally passed.
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Preserve the Ashes of Moria
The Kaiser Wilhelm Memorial Church on the Kurfürstendamm in Berlin has famously left in ruins after its bombing during World War II. If Moria too is left destroyed, it will at least provide the semblance of such a memorial for catastrophe. Unlike with the church, this will not be due to a grand political choice and a historical victory, but will nevertheless serve as a reminder, for those of us who look for it, of a torturous bureaucracy and a large revolt against it.
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Corona Constitutional #41: Apropos Hotspot
Während sich die mediale Aufmerksamkeit zurzeit hauptsächlich auf die neuesten Entwicklungen in der Corona-Pandemie und der Black-Lives-Matter-Bewegung richtet, droht die Situation an den EU-Außengrenzen derweil in Vergessenheit zu geraten. NIKI GEORGIOU und ROBERT NESTLER, die für die NGO „Equal Rights Beyond Borders” tätig sind, sprechen im heutigen Podcast-Interview mit Max Steinbeis über die unverändert angespannte Situation für Geflüchtete.
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Effective but Constitutionally Dubious
Although the pandemic is far from over, Greece has been praised so far for its fast and firm response to the crisis. The country’s efforts to contain the dissemination of the virus seem to have achieved а flattening of the curve, i.e. the slowing of the spread so that fewer people need to seek treatment at any given time. Greece owes much of its – to date – accomplishment to a number of dubious applications of the rules laid down in the Constitution.
Continue reading >>Die Herrschaft des Rechts an der EU-Außengrenze?
Herrscht an der griechisch-türkischen Grenze ein rechtlicher Ausnahmezustand, der Menschenrechte und rechtsstaatliche Gewährleistungen außer Kraft setzen kann? Die Antwort ist klar: Nein. Die Zustände an der griechisch-türkische Grenze und auf den Inseln in der nordöstlichen Ägäis sind keine humanitäre Katastrophe, die vom Himmel gefallen ist. Gewalt, pushbacks, Internierungen und elende Zustände in völlig überfüllten Lagern sind menschen- und staatsgemachte Verletzungen fundamentaler Rechte, die durch nichts gerechtfertigt sind.
Continue reading >>Unbegleitete Minderjährige in Idomeni
Idomeni ist ein Ort und ein Name, der zum Symbol wurde. Zeitweise lebten 13.000 Menschen in dem Lager an der griechisch-nordmazedonischen Grenze. Am vergangenen Donnerstag hat nun der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte Griechenland verurteilt. In einem Fall von fünf unbegleiteten minderjährigen Flüchtlingen, die sich u.a. in Idomeni aufgehalten hatten, sah der Gerichtshof eine unmenschliche und erniedrigende Behandlung.
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Gewolltes Recht
Anmerkungen zur Vereinbarung zwischen Griechenland und Deutschland zur Rücksendung von Asylsuchenden im Kontext der Binnengrenzkontrollen an der deutsch-österreichischen Grenze.
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Bumps on the Roadmap towards the Republic of Northern Macedonia?
Greece and the Republic of Macedonia are one step closer to re-naming R. Macedonia into the “Republic of Northern Macedonia” or “Republic of Upper Macedonia”. On 28 May 2018, the Foreign Ministers of both countries have announced significant progress towards the bilateral treaty regarding the name issue. At the same time, a road map for the name change of the Republic of Macedonia was announced that includes a binding referendum by the Macedonian people. But what happens if the treaty is already signed and binding, and the people of Macedonia vote against the name change in the referendum?
Continue reading >>Crossing the Rubicon
During the last weeks, a group of Greek anarchists that go by the name of Rubicon has attacked the Council of State and a number of other public buildings. So pervasive is the activity of this group of disruptors that it has become the background to a new normality in Greece. Rubicon is not a terrorist group, it is not a political party, it is not a group of vigilante Robin Hoods. It is the symptom of a disease. The disease is the brutalisation of a frustrated, enraged society that hates everyone and also hates itself.
Continue reading >>Memory Politics and Academic Freedom: Some Recent Controversies in Greece
An important area where law and historical memory intersect is the use of memory laws to express collective disapproval of crimes against humanity. These laws, although based on a compelling need to use the symbolic dimension of the law in order to condemn the lowest points of history, can have dangerous unintended consequences for freedom of speech.
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Losing to the European Union: A Review of Yanis Varoufakis‘ Book „Adults in the Room“
Varoufakis gives a detailed account of a saga that gripped international public opinion two years ago, propelled him to international stardom and ended in economic and social disaster for the Greeks. The book is readable and interesting, even if it is full of the author’s familiar hyperbolic statements. It will be of value to anyone with an interest the Eurozone crisis, and especially to British readers who are concerned about Brexit. The parallels between Varoufakis’ ideologically motivated clash with the EU and the British government’s similarly confrontational attitude with the EU are too obvious to miss.
Continue reading >>The EU as the Appropriate Locus of Power for Tackling Crises: Interpretation of Article 78(3) TFEU in the case Slovakia and Hungary v Council
The CJEU’s judgment in Slovakia and Hungary v Council of 6 September 2017 raises important instutional questions. As the Court implicitly recognises the EU as the appropriate forum for taking effective action to address the emergency situation created by a sudden inflow of third country nationals, it adopts its tendency towards purposive and effectiveness-oriented jurisprudence to asylum law.
Continue reading >>Family Life Temporarily not Available – Bilateral Limits on Family Unity within the Dublin-System
Germany and Greece bilaterally agreed upon slowing down the family reunification procedures of asylum seekers under the Dublin III Regulation. Now, many doubts and questions s