Secrecy, Democracy, and the Greek Wiretapping Case
The Androulakis case not only challenged and altered the Greek political agenda, but also provoked substantial concerns about the protection of the right to secrecy of communications and in a wider sense the quality of rule of law in Greece.
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In Court for Saving Lives
The trial against human right defenders Séan Binder and Sarah Mardini was supposed to start on 18 November 2021 at the criminal Court on the Greek island of Lesvos. The core charge of the prosecution, the facilitation of irregular entry of third country nationals, is based on the EU Facilitator’s Package and Greek anti-smuggling laws, both of which are at variance with international law standards related to smuggling. The remaining charges pressed upon Binder and Mardini are excessive and likely to be proved unfounded for lack of sufficient evidence. The whole process is just another example of the ongoing criminalization of humanitarian assistance to refugees and asylum seekers in Europe.
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Constitutionalism and COVID-19 in Greece: The Normality of Emergency
In the first wave of the pandemic (March-June 2020) Greece has been widely praised for having taken all necessary actions to contain effectively the spread of the virus. Despite the reasonable concerns, a consensus among scholars about the constitutionality of harsh restrictions on rights was reached, along with a broad social acceptance, due to the priority of health public interest and the exceptional character of the measures. Set by an emergency mechanism, the framework of the “crisis-law” remains alive and binding, while the country is possibly entering, after the second and more lethal spike (November-January), the third wave of Covid-19.
Continue reading >>‘Police-Governed’ Universities
On 11 February, the Greek Parliament passed legislation that provides for the creation of a new police corps, permanently stationed on campuses. Ostensibly designed to maintain order at universities, the new law violates both academic freedom and the ‘self-governing’ legal status of the universities, as enshrined in the Greek Constitution. Particularly in light of allegations of increasing police violence and abuse of police power in the country, this new law and the nature and duties of the university police raise serious concerns.
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What Happened at the Greece-Turkey Border in early 2020?
Reports have documented allegations about those in need of international protection being physically prevented from entering into Greece, being subjected to severe forms of mistreatment and deprivation of their liberty, property as well as being collectively expelled from the country without having the opportunity to apply for asylum. Thus, it could be argued there are violations of the right to seek and enjoy asylum, right to life, prohibition of torture, right to liberty and security and right to an effective remedy. Yet this blog will only focus on the most relevant rights/issues.
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Ashen Sunset
Seven years ago today, Pavlos Fyssas was murdered by members of Greece’s Neonazi party Golden Dawn. It was only then, after the death of an ethnic Greek, that the authorities finally took action against the party and its members, having ignored violent acts against migrants, ethnic minorities, disabled persons, LGBT persons and others committed by party members for several years. On 7 October 2020, five and a half years and 453 hearings after the trial against 69 members of Golden Dawn began, judgment will be finally passed.
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Preserve the Ashes of Moria
The Kaiser Wilhelm Memorial Church on the Kurfürstendamm in Berlin has famously left in ruins after its bombing during World War II. If Moria too is left destroyed, it will at least provide the semblance of such a memorial for catastrophe. Unlike with the church, this will not be due to a grand political choice and a historical victory, but will nevertheless serve as a reminder, for those of us who look for it, of a torturous bureaucracy and a large revolt against it.
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Corona Constitutional #41: Apropos Hotspot
Während sich die mediale Aufmerksamkeit zurzeit hauptsächlich auf die neuesten Entwicklungen in der Corona-Pandemie und der Black-Lives-Matter-Bewegung richtet, droht die Situation an den EU-Außengrenzen derweil in Vergessenheit zu geraten. NIKI GEORGIOU und ROBERT NESTLER, die für die NGO „Equal Rights Beyond Borders” tätig sind, sprechen im heutigen Podcast-Interview mit Max Steinbeis über die unverändert angespannte Situation für Geflüchtete.
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Effective but Constitutionally Dubious
Although the pandemic is far from over, Greece has been praised so far for its fast and firm response to the crisis. The country’s efforts to contain the dissemination of the virus seem to have achieved а flattening of the curve, i.e. the slowing of the spread so that fewer people need to seek treatment at any given time. Greece owes much of its – to date – accomplishment to a number of dubious applications of the rules laid down in the Constitution.
Continue reading >>Die Herrschaft des Rechts an der EU-Außengrenze?
Herrscht an der griechisch-türkischen Grenze ein rechtlicher Ausnahmezustand, der Menschenrechte und rechtsstaatliche Gewährleistungen außer Kraft setzen kann? Die Antwort ist klar: Nein. Die Zustände an der griechisch-türkische Grenze und auf den Inseln in der nordöstlichen Ägäis sind keine humanitäre Katastrophe, die vom Himmel gefallen ist. Gewalt, pushbacks, Internierungen und elende Zustände in völlig überfüllten Lagern sind menschen- und staatsgemachte Verletzungen fundamentaler Rechte, die durch nichts gerechtfertigt sind.
Continue reading >>Unbegleitete Minderjährige in Idomeni
Idomeni ist ein Ort und ein Name, der zum Symbol wurde. Zeitweise lebten 13.000 Menschen in dem Lager an der griechisch-nordmazedonischen Grenze. Am vergangenen Donnerstag hat nun der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte Griechenland verurteilt. In einem Fall von fünf unbegleiteten minderjährigen Flüchtlingen, die sich u.a. in Idomeni aufgehalten hatten, sah der Gerichtshof eine unmenschliche und erniedrigende Behandlung.
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Gewolltes Recht
Anmerkungen zur Vereinbarung zwischen Griechenland und Deutschland zur Rücksendung von Asylsuchenden im Kontext der Binnengrenzkontrollen an der deutsch-österreichischen Grenze.
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Bumps on the Roadmap towards the Republic of Northern Macedonia?
Greece and the Republic of Macedonia are one step closer to re-naming R. Macedonia into the “Republic of Northern Macedonia” or “Republic of Upper Macedonia”. On 28 May 2018, the Foreign Ministers of both countries have announced significant progress towards the bilateral treaty regarding the name issue. At the same time, a road map for the name change of the Republic of Macedonia was announced that includes a binding referendum by the Macedonian people. But what happens if the treaty is already signed and binding, and the people of Macedonia vote against the name change in the referendum?
Continue reading >>Crossing the Rubicon
During the last weeks, a group of Greek anarchists that go by the name of Rubicon has attacked the Council of State and a number of other public buildings. So pervasive is the activity of this group of disruptors that it has become the background to a new normality in Greece. Rubicon is not a terrorist group, it is not a political party, it is not a group of vigilante Robin Hoods. It is the symptom of a disease. The disease is the brutalisation of a frustrated, enraged society that hates everyone and also hates itself.
Continue reading >>Memory Politics and Academic Freedom: Some Recent Controversies in Greece
An important area where law and historical memory intersect is the use of memory laws to express collective disapproval of crimes against humanity. These laws, although based on a compelling need to use the symbolic dimension of the law in order to condemn the lowest points of history, can have dangerous unintended consequences for freedom of speech.
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Losing to the European Union: A Review of Yanis Varoufakis‘ Book „Adults in the Room“
Varoufakis gives a detailed account of a saga that gripped international public opinion two years ago, propelled him to international stardom and ended in economic and social disaster for the Greeks. The book is readable and interesting, even if it is full of the author’s familiar hyperbolic statements. It will be of value to anyone with an interest the Eurozone crisis, and especially to British readers who are concerned about Brexit. The parallels between Varoufakis’ ideologically motivated clash with the EU and the British government’s similarly confrontational attitude with the EU are too obvious to miss.
Continue reading >>The EU as the Appropriate Locus of Power for Tackling Crises: Interpretation of Article 78(3) TFEU in the case Slovakia and Hungary v Council
The CJEU’s judgment in Slovakia and Hungary v Council of 6 September 2017 raises important instutional questions. As the Court implicitly recognises the EU as the appropriate forum for taking effective action to address the emergency situation created by a sudden inflow of third country nationals, it adopts its tendency towards purposive and effectiveness-oriented jurisprudence to asylum law.
Continue reading >>Family Life Temporarily not Available – Bilateral Limits on Family Unity within the Dublin-System
Germany and Greece bilaterally agreed upon slowing down the family reunification procedures of asylum seekers under the Dublin III Regulation. Now, many doubts and questions surround the exact terms and conditions of the agreement. Who bears the responsibility of delayed transfers? And what can be done to prevent families from being separated longer than legally permitted?
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Genauer hinschauen: Der Beschluss des BVerfG zu einer Abschiebung nach Griechenland
Ob Grundrechte ausreichend geschützt sind, das ist unter Anschauung der Wirklichkeit festzustellen und nicht lediglich mit Blick auf eine Rechtsnorm. Weil das VG Minden das nicht tun wollte, hat das Bundesverfassungsgericht die Abschiebung eines in Griechenland bereits anerkannten Asylbewerbers nach Griechenland gestoppt. Die Rückführung auszusetzen, kann aber nur eine Notbremse sein, nicht aber die aktive Gestaltung der Verantwortungsteilung für den Flüchtlingsschutz in der EU ersetzen. Eine Möglichkeit dazu wäre der europäische Asylstatus.
Continue reading >>State Reform in Greece: Legal and Practical Considerations
For the Greek drama to be resolved on a long-term basis, the shift from the exclusive focus on finances to institutional arrangements is long overdue. Armin von Bogdandy and Michael Ioannidis convincingly set out the proposal’s significant advantages. At the same time, however, its implementation might raise a host of both legal and practical considerations.
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The Incompatibility of the Definition of Torture in Greece with International Law
In Greek criminal law, torture is defined primarily as the “planned” (μεθοδευμένη) infliction by a state official on a person of severe physical, and other similar forms of, pain. Under the established Greek case law and doctrine in order for the infliction of pain to be considered as “planned” it must be repeated and have a certain duration. This definition raises serious issues of compatibility with international human rights law.
Continue reading >>Can Greece lawfully extradite the eight Turkish soldiers to Turkey?
Turkey demands the extradition of eight Turkish soldiers who fled to Greece on Saturday 16 July after Friday’s failed coup, using an army helicopter. The key question is whether they would face a ‘real risk’ of ill-treatment contrary to Art. 3 ECHR. I tentatively conclude that such real risk is made out.
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Calling Europe into Question: the British and the Greek referenda
On this day last year, Greeks woke up facing a referendum result that very few had expected. Almost a year later, on the 24th of June 2016, British and other Europeans woke up overwhelmingly surprised by the ‘Leave’ vote. Despite their significant differences, the Greek and the British referenda have some important things in common. Reading them together might have something to teach us about referenda on the EU—especially now that more people seem to be asking for one in their own country.
Continue reading >>Rule of law in Greece buckles under institutionalised ill-treatment by law enforcement agents
Rampant police violence, institutionalized racism and a "culture of impunity": The Council of Europe Anti-Torture Committee's latest report on Greece reveals once again a shocking lack of respect for human rights and the rule of law in the Greek law enforcement system.
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Im Spiegelkabinett des Parlamentarismus – Macht und Ohnmacht der europäischen Bürgervertretungen
Einziger Tagesordnungspunkt des Bundestages auf seiner Sondersitzung am 19. August 2015 war die Zustimmung zum dritten Hilfspaket für Griechenland. Wieder einmal hat ganz Europa auf ein nationales Parlament geschaut und sich gefragt, ob es dem Weg zustimmen wird, den die Gubernativen Europas ausgehandelt haben. Dabei stellt sich die grundsätzliche Frage, welche Rolle Parlamenten überhaupt zukommen kann, zukommen soll, wenn die zugrundeliegenden politischen Projekte gekennzeichnet sind durch Inter- und Transnationalität, große Geheimhaltung und oftmals Zeitdruck. Die These ist: Es zeigen sich widersprüchliche Tendenzen in Europa. Einerseits gewinnen Parlamente an Bedeutung – während das Bundesverfassungsgericht eine Stärkung des deutschen Parlamentarismus vorgibt, stärkt sich das Europäische Parlament aus eigener Kraft. Die Wertschätzung für das Prinzip Parlamentarismus findet andererseits aber in der politischen Realität zur Zeit dort ihre Grenzen, wo die Bürgervertretung ein „Nehmer-Land“ repräsentiert.
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Greece: a constitutionalist’s two (euro)cents.
Greece is obviously at the forefront of many EU scholars’ minds over the past number of weeks. There has been an avalanche of commentary and analysis on the Greek bailout negotiations both from those with intimate knowledge of the situation and familiarity with Greek politics, the EMU and sovereign debt crises as well speculation from the sidelines from those of us more ignorant of these matters. Therefore as someone whose credibility in the debate (such as it is) is limited to the expertise of the constitutional lawyer with a good familiarity of EU law generally, I have limited my two (euro)cents on the topic to a number of (mostly factual) propositions related to the crisis for what they are worth. Most I think are obvious and (hopefully) few are contentious but I think that they are worth (re)stating in the context of the war of words and recrimination from all sides present in the debate in recent days.
Continue reading >>The Euro Summit deal: defeat or victory? A response to Robert Howse
Avoiding Grexit is, of course, the important achievement of the Agreement. But this counts as a success no more than surviving self-inflicted wounds: Concrete discussions on Grexit revived only in the last months and especially after the recent referendum. They are actually the product of the negotiation strategy itself. If we are looking for success then, we are left with debt relief and the new conditionality.
Continue reading >>Damned if you do, Damned if you don’t: Reflections on Brexit and Grexit
Greece might leave the Euro zone, the UK might leave the European Union, Scotland might leave the UK. The naif belief that the market will fix inequality and take care of political unity will have to face reality: Equality and solidarity are not provided by the market, nor are they to be expected without governing institutions. Either there is a clear vision that binds together countries by providing safety nets and solidarity. Or the union will break apart.
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The Deal on Greek Debt: Political Gamechanger for Europe, Tactical Retreat (not Surrender) by Tsipras
The conventional wisdom, delivered before anyone could really ponder the fine print of the Greek debt deal, is that Tsipras surrendered to the creditors in a humiliating defeat. His referendum and prior tenacity in negotiations proved futile,according to the predominant account that has emerged in the media and the twitter and blog worlds. Wrong on all counts. And here's why.
Continue reading >>„Haircut“ für Griechenland? (Un-)mögliche Frisuren eines Schuldenschnitts
Die Euro-Regierungschefs wollen Griechenland offenbar mit verlängerten Kreditlaufzeiten und niedrigeren Zinsen helfen, im Euro bleiben zu können. Solange eine Rückzahlungspflicht der Nominalschuld bestehen bleibt, ist eine solche Form des "Haircuts" wohl europarechtlich zulässig - anders als ein tatsächlicher Schuldenschnitt.
Continue reading >>Eine Schuldenrestrukturierung setzt keinen Grexit voraus!
Bundesfinanzminister Wolfgang Schäubles Behauptung, Griechenland könne wegen Art. 125 AEUV nur außerhalb der Eurozone seine Schulden gegenüber anderen Euro-Staaten und EFSF bzw. ESM restrukturieren, beruht auf einem Denkfehler, wenn nicht gar auf einem Taschenspielertrick. Die Pringle-Rechtsprechung des EuGH zeigt: Das Europarecht schaufelt sich nicht sein eigenes Grab. Man muss es nicht erst umgehen, um die Ziele der Union wahrhaft zu verwirklichen.
Continue reading >>The battle over Europe
In the Anglophone press and in some intellectual circles there appears to be a broad alliance favouring an “end to austerity”. What all these positions share is that they treat the crisis as a matter of theoretical dispute: If only the correct economic or philosophical view would prevail the appropriate course of action would be clear. The current situation might help to remind us, the theorists, that in the course of actions we can only watch and sometimes, like when Hegel saw Napoleon, get a glimpse of world history. It might also remind us that before theoria was invented as an eternal idea a different, more mundane view reigned: Heraclitus's reflection of polemos (war, fight, struggle) as the father of all things.
Continue reading >>Merkel, Tsipras und die Schwierigkeit, das offensichtlich Richtige zu tun
In dem aktuellen Drama um Griechenland sehen sich zwei europäische Politiker mit der Erwartung konfrontiert, etwas offensichtlich Richtiges, aber gleichzeitig offenkundig Unmögliches zu tun. Alexis Tsipras soll aus Griechenland endlich einen funktionalen Staat machen, Angela Merkel soll Griechenland endlich aus der Schuldenfalle rauslassen. Wenn das so offensichtlich ist, warum tun sie es dann nicht? Ein großer Teil der Öffentlichkeit übt sich in personalisierender Kompetenz- und Motivationsdiagnostik. Ich halte einen anderen Punkt für interessanter.
Continue reading >>How to Leave the Euro More or Less Legally
There is much speculation, some of it silly, about how to leave the euro if you want to. The ordinary way requires unanimity in the Council, so Greece (or anyone else) could veto the plan. So is there a way for Greece to exit the euro by qualified majority voting (QMV)? Here the logical thing to do is turn to the decision-making process that applies to joining the euro, and reverse the thrust.
Continue reading >>The EU elephant in the Greek room: What would EU citizens have voted for in the referendum?
July 5, 2015 will go down in history as a game changer for Europe, regardless of what you think, or would have voted for, in the Greek referendum. The future of the Eurozone is no longer a private affaire by EU leaders and creditors but – amid an ill-designed and largely unanticipated referendum – suddenly became the object of a transnational and pan-European political conversation about our collective future. For the first time, no single EU citizen – regardless of her passport – could credibly claim not to care about what was going on in another Member State.
Continue reading >>Why the Greferendum IS NOT a Problem under Greek Constitutional Law
Amongst mounting controversies surrounding the Greek bailout program and the referendum called by the Greek government, questions about the constitutionality of the initiative have been raised. The matter is of great importance, since the Council of the State will rule on the constitutionality of the bill this Friday. Given what is at stake, this might seem to be a totally peripheral question. That said, we will attempt a response, so as to clarify certain legal questions and also to point at the uses and abuses of constitutional arguments.
Continue reading >>Griechenland und die EU: Kann mal jemand auf uns Scheidungskinder hören?
Zu jeder richtigen Ehekrise gehört dazu, dass die beiden Partner an irgendeinem Punkt aufgehört haben, die Rekonstruktion der Wirklichkeit des jeweils anderen verstehen zu wollen. Spätestens seit dem letzten Wochenende scheinen mir Griechenland und der Rest der Eurozone in einem ebensolchen Zirkel angekommen zu sein. Und an "Freunden" und "Freundinnen", die den Streit nach Kräften befeuern, fehlt es auf beiden Seiten nicht. Ich fühle mich unterdessen wie das Kind des Scheidungspaares, das sich im Kleiderschrank versteckt.
Continue reading >>Greece: voting for or against Europe
A ‘no’ result in the Greek referendum next Sunday will set in motion the process of disengagement from the Eurozone. It is true that the EU cannot throw Greece out of the Euro. There is no legal mechanism for ‘Grexit’ as Syriza’s ministers say again and again. But this is irrelevant. The mechanism will work the other way round: the Greek government will beg for Grexit, when it finds out that it absolutely has to recapitalise its banks within a matter of days and discovers that the unilateral creation of a new currency is against EU law.
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Solidarität mit Griechenland: Gern, aber ich hätte da ein paar Fragen
Heute erreicht mich eine Mail, in der ich aufgefordert werde, einen Aufruf zur Solidarität mit der griechischen Regierung und ihrem geplanten Referendum zu unterstützen. Gleichheit, Gerechtigkeit, Solidarität, Demokratie – wer will da schon dagegen sein. Aber ich bin ehrlich gesagt ein bisschen durcheinander. Ich hätte da noch ein paar Fragen, bevor ich mich entscheide.
Continue reading >>Democratic Russian Roulette
It is inevitable to speak about Greece today. There is a generalized feeling of astonishment about the Greek government’s decision to hold a referendum on the Eurogroup’s second-to-last offer laid down on Thursday. The astonishment has basically two strands: some say it is economic and political suicide for Greece; some say it is the most dignified way out for the Greek people (and its government). I am personally not astonished. I am enraged.
Continue reading >>Helft Griechenland!
19 Intellektuelle aus Deutschland und Frankreich fordern, das Krisenland in der Euro-Zone zu halten. Nötig seien Reformen, eine Sonderwirtschaftszone und noch ein Hilfsprogramm.
Continue reading >>The Greek Crisis and the Need for Constitutional Reform in the Eurozone
As the handling of the Greek crisis is making clear, Greek citizens are unable to shape their destiny through the electoral process (since their wishes for a clear shift away from austerity have been thwarted). And if they were, this would imply that German citizens would be unable to shape their destiny through the electoral process (since their wishes for only limited financial support to Greece would be disrespected). The Eurozone is based on separate claims of national democracies that cannot be reconciled. And this is why the need for constitutional reforms of the Eurozone is more urgent than ever.
Continue reading >>Auf der Suche nach dem Ariadnefaden: von den rechtlichen Schwierigkeiten von Grexit und Graccident
Allenthalben verdichten sich die Anzeichen, dass Griechenland die Reformforderungen der Eurogruppe für die Auszahlung noch zur Verfügung stehender Hilfsgelder oder sogar für ein weiteres Hilfsprogramm nicht erfüllen will oder aus den unterschiedlichsten politischen Gründen nicht erfüllen kann. Die unmittelbare Konsequenz scheint offenkundig: Griechenland müsste, bewusst oder unabsichtlich, die Währungsunion verlassen. Doch das ist rechtlich äußerst problematisch. Sollte es dennoch zu "Grexit" oder "Graccident" kommen – die steuernde Kraft des Währungsrechts stößt mitunter an Grenzen – so würde dies eine Flut von Prozessen nach sich ziehen und auf Jahre erhebliche Rechtsunsicherheit in Griechenland mit sich bringen.
Continue reading >>Searching for the Ariadne‘s thread – The Legal Complexities of “Grexit” and “Graccident”
It seems more and more likely that Greece will not be able or willing to fulfill the reform demands by the Eurogroup, condition for the payment of available funds under the prolonged financial assistance programme, not to mention an additional programme. The immediate consequence seems obvious: Greece would, deliberately or not, have to leave the Euro. But that is tremendously problematic, legally. Should grexit or graccident still occur – the regulatory power of monetary law is sometimes limited – this would produce an aftermath of legal proceedings and generate legal uncertainty for years to come, at least in Greece.
Continue reading >>Veto Player and the Greek Constitution, Part 4
How we can shape things up through the electoral system
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Veto Player and the Greek Constitution, Part 2
Why long constitutions tend to be bad constitutions.
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Veto Players and the Greek Constitution
On June 20th, George Tsebelis delivered upon acceptance of an honorary PhD by the University of Crete a speech in which he applies the insights of his seminal "veto player" theory to the task of constitutional reform in Greece with a view to reducing the power of extremist parties. We document this speech in a four-part series.
Continue reading >>Karlsruhe stoppt vorläufig Zwangsvollstreckung gegen Griechenland
Das deutsch-griechische Verhältnis ist zurzeit auch so schon angespannt genug. […]
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Dismantle the University! The state of exception and neoliberal visions under Greek debt peonage
In the fall of 2013, Greek universities are on the verge of a terminal collapse. As the production of critical academic discourse and opposition to the neoliberal orthodoxies and the prevailing policies in Greece continues unabated, it is little wonder that a predominantly conservative, rightwing government would seize the opportunity of the debt crisis and the obligations to Greece’s lenders to give vent to its long-felt resentment and to teach the disobedient universities a disciplinary lesson.
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Bans of Political Parties and the Case of Golden Dawn’s Right Wing Extremism in Greece
Prosecution is pending in Greece against the Right Wing extremist party “Golden Dawn”. The accusations concern the criminal activity of the organization which is also a political party represented in Greek Parliament by 18 members. The accusation of having committed criminal acts is enough from the point of view of political liberalism for the criminal process to begin against them. Criminal prosecution for the accusation of acts and not only ideological discourse is justified and imposed under political liberalism since such acts directly harm others.
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Die verspätete strafrechtliche Verfolgung der „Goldenen Morgenröte“ und ihre verfassungsrechtlichen Folgen
In den letzten Wochen befindet sich der griechische Staat in einer beispiellosen verfassungsrechtlichen und politischen Lage: Die „Goldene Morgenröte“ (GM), eine parlamentarische Partei, die staatliche Finanzierung erhält (bis vor kurzem zumindest), besteht offenbar zum Teil aus einer kriminellen Vereinigung. Drei Abgeordnete dieser Partei sitzen bereits in Untersuchungshaft, sechs weitere wurden angeklagt. Alle werden schwerer Verbrechen beschuldigt. Zwar kennt die europäische politische Geschichte Beispiele von Abgeordneten, die in Strafverfahren verwickelt wurden, meist wegen ökonomischer Delikte. Es ist jedoch das erste Mal, dass in einer parlamentarischen Demokratie Abgeordnete, unter ihnen der Chef einer Partei, verhaftet werden, weil sie der Anklage zufolge Gründer und Anführer einer kriminellen Vereinigung sind, die Verbrechen bis hin zu Morden verübt hat. Dieser Beitrag beleuchtet kritisch den Weg bis zur Verhaftung der Leitungsgruppe von GM. Dabei wird berücksichtigt, dass rassistische und gewaltsame Ideologien, die der Kern des politischen Diskurses und der Praxis von GM bilden, weit verbreitet und in der griechischen Gesellschaft tief verwurzelt sind.
Continue reading >>Griechenland in der Krise
Rasante Veränderungen vollziehen sich in Griechenland derzeit täglich, mitunter gar stündlich. In solch einer volatilen Situation ist es unmöglich, eine endgültige Bilanz zu ziehen. Möglich und erstrebenswert ist es aber, die Geschehnisse zu dokumentieren und eine vorläufige Einordnung zu versuchen. Dies soll in den kommenden Wochen in einem Online-Symposium auf dem Verfassungsblog geschehen. Griechische Wissenschaftler_innen werden die Krise in Griechenland verfassungsrechtlich und politikwissenschaftlich beleuchten und ihre Einschätzungen vorstellen. Die Beiträge werden sich drei besonders einschneidenden und verfassungsrechtlich bedeutsamen Themen widmen: dem drohenden Kollaps des akademischen Systems, dem Umgang mit der neonazistischen Partei „Goldene Morgenröte“ und der Umgestaltung des Arbeitsrechts, die besonders auch den öffentlichen Dienst betrifft und verfassungsrechtlich angegriffen wird.
Continue reading >>Griechenland hat Wichtigeres zu tun als Beihilfen einzutreiben
In der Eurokrise ist bisweilen, was rechtens ist, nicht ohne […]
Continue reading >>The Faith of Crisis
By MARK SOMOS Last week’s “Athenian Legacies: European Debates on […]
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Warum das Asylrecht den Daseinsgrund der EU korrodiert
Die EU lebt vom Vertrauen: Ihre Mitglieder müssen einander […]
Continue reading >>Das Ende der Alternativlosigkeit
Warum finden alle Papandreous Ankündigung, die Euro-Rettung seinem Volk zur […]
Continue reading >>Ist Papandreou ein De Gaulle oder ein Bonaparte?
Dass Griechenland mitten in einer Revolution steckt, weiß jeder, der […]
Continue reading >>Asylrecht: Karlsruhe zieht sich kreativ aus der Affäre
Das europäische Asylrecht liegt in Trümmern, und das nicht erst […]
Continue reading >>BVerfG: Ein neues Asyl-Grundsatzurteil?
Für Griechenland kommt es zur Zeit ganz dick. Offenbar ist […]
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