Nathan de Arriba-Sellier

What is Low isn’t Free

Emmanuel Macron’s proposition to raise university tuition fees in France was met with much criticism, including that it would be unconstitutional. Yet, French case law is not very clear on this point. A recent decision of the highest administrative court, the Conseil d’Etat, opens a path for the government to dramatically increase tuition fees. That decision effectively amounted to overturning a landmark preliminary ruling of the French constitutional court, the Conseil Constitutionnel. Continue reading >>

David M. Driesen

The Death of Law and Equity

On the same day, the U.S. Supreme Court issued decisions governing requests for emergency stays of two rules protecting Americans from COVID 19. Both rules relied on very similar statutory language, which clearly authorized protection from threats to health. Both of them presented strikingly bad cases for emergency stays. Yet, the Court granted an emergency stay in one of these cases and denied it in the other. These decisions suggest that the Court applies judicial discretion unguided by law or traditional equitable considerations governing treatment of politically controversial regulatory cases. Continue reading >>

Moritz von Rochow

Wer Whistleblower nicht schützt, muss haften

Whistleblower in Deutschland haben es schwer. Bis zum 17. Dezember 2021 hätte der Bundesgesetzgeber Zeit gehabt, die „Whistleblower-Richtlinie“ in nationales Recht umzusetzen. Da er diese Frist untätig hat verstreichen lassen, entfaltet die EU-Richtlinie ihre Wirkung nun unmittelbar. Sie schützt Personen, die Verstöße gegen das Unionsrecht melden und kann zu weitreichenden Haftungsansprüchen gegenüber der Bundesrepublik führen. Continue reading >>

Andreas Fischer-Lescano

Warum der Rechtsextremist Jens Maier nicht wieder Richter werden darf

Unvorstellbar. Jens Maier – von 2017-2021 Bundestagsabgeordneter der AfD, selbsternannter „kleiner Höcke“, Breivik-Versteher und nach der Einschätzung des sächsischen Verfassungsschutzes Rechtsextremist – will zurück ins Richteramt in Sachsen. Continue reading >>

Bianca Selejan-Gutan

Who’s Afraid of the „Big Bad Court”?

The end of 2021 brought a new chapter in the saga of how should the primacy of the EU law be applied by Romanian courts. A press release of the Romanian Constitutional Court, issued on 23 December 2021, raised concerns about the conformity with the principles set forth in the case law of the CJEU regarding the primacy. The press release, albeit a non-legal document, might have a dissuasive effect upon the judges who would be, otherwise, willing to disapply some norms of internal law, according to the latest judgment of the CJEU on the matter. In Romania, the disregard of the decisions of the Constitutional Court can be a ground for disciplinary action against judges. Continue reading >>

Bogdan Iancu

Goat, Cabbage and Wolf

According to a flurry of recent news, snowballed in almost identical form in the Western press, the Romanian Constitutional Court has ruled, just before Christmas, to deny the primacy of EU law. More often than not, analogies with Poland were made, glossing on surface similarities. The juxtaposition is misleading. As the late János Kornai put it, simply because we [i.e., countries in the hinterland, ces pays là-bas] are in the same hospital, that does not mean we suffer from the same sicknesses.

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Iris Goldner Lang

Pushbacks against the Child’s Best Interests

The lack of a functional EU-level legal framework, designed for high immigration numbers, contributed to increasing recourse to practices of dissuading migrants away from the EU territory. This did not leave the European Court of Human Rights indifferent and it decided to give a legal green light to pushbacks under certain conditions. The Court applies its jurisprudence equally to all individuals and in all situations. In doing so, however, it violates the principle of the child’s best interests. A more nuanced approach should be taken, guaranteeing special protection to children, in accordance with the principle of the child’s best interests. Continue reading >>

Jonas Deyda

Nazis im Staatsdienst?

Der Sächsische Verfassungsgerichtshof hat Anfang November 2021 die rückwirkende Einstellung eines führenden Kaders der neonazistischen Kleinstpartei III. Weg zum Rechtsreferendariat angeordnet. Das Gericht hat in dieser Entscheidung einen neuen Maßstab für die Zugangshürden zum juristischen Vorbereitungsdienst gebildet und weicht damit stark von der Rechtsprechungslinie des Bundesverfassungsgerichts ab. Eine Antwort auf Neonazis und rechte Netzwerke im öffentlichen Dienst gibt er damit nicht. Continue reading >>

Mathias Hong

Die Corona-Triage und das Verbot der Diskriminierung wegen der Behinderung als Schutzpflicht

Das Bundesverfassungsgericht hat entschieden, dass Art. 3 III 2 GG gesetzliche Vorkehrungen zum Schutz behinderter Menschen vor Diskriminierung bei einer Corona-Triage verlangt. Vor allem stellt die Entscheidung klar, dass Art. 3 III 2 GG, wie alle Grundrechte, auch objektive Wertentscheidung und Schutzauftrag ist – ein Schutzauftrag, der sich zu einer gesetzgeberischen Schutzpflicht verdichten kann. Continue reading >>

Roman Lehner

Problem erkannt, Problem gebannt?

Der Gesetzgeber soll das Unregelbare regeln. Jedenfalls partiell. Mit seiner Triage-Entscheidung hat der Erste Senat des Bundesverfassungsgerichts der Legislative aufgegeben, Vorkehrungen zum Schutz vor Benachteiligungen Behinderter im Rahmen überlastungsbedingter intensivmedizinischer Behandlungstriagierungen zu treffen. Continue reading >>

Ece Göztepe, Silvia von Steinsdorff, Ertug Tombus

A Matter of Pragmatism rather than Principle

Taking into consideration that the backsliding of Turkish democracy during the last ten to fifteen years happened in a piecemeal and often erratic way, only partially based on constitutional amendments, the reverse process should also be possible by gradual legal and, eventually, constitutional changes. Political pragmatism, based on a clear commitment to basic democratic values and societal reconciliation, might be more important for the sustainable recovery of Turkish democracy than a radical constitutional restart. Continue reading >>

Richard Martin

Illiberal Britain

The right to peaceful protest in England and Wales is under graver threat than first feared. On 24 November 2021, new amendments were introduced to the already highly controversial Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill (PCSC) in the House of Lords. These are jaw-dropping measures that will expand police stop and search powers, increase restrictions on peaceful protests, create new criminal offences and banning orders, and expand delegated powers. What follows is a brief attempt to make sense of these illiberal proposals. If enacted, they will have severe implications for how the law strikes the balance between rights of protestors and the wider community. But even if not, their very proposal, and the means of legislating for them, are further evidence of a government with distaste, if not hostility, for constitutional norms of debate, scrutiny, and accountability inside and outside of Parliament. Continue reading >>

Beata Bakó

Why Throw a Constitution out of the Window Instead of Making it Work?

If the constitution-making and amending by Fidesz with their legally obtained two-thirds majority counted as illegitimate, constitutional revision with a simple majority cannot be acceptable. If the sudden redesign of institutions gave reason for serious concern eleven years ago, it cannot be welcomed now. Continue reading >>

Rimdolmsom Jonathan Kabre

The Interplay Between International and National Institutions in Fighting Corruption

The topic of corruption plays a particular role in the international investment regime, as is evidenced by the large number of corruption-based investment cases and the abundant literature on this topic. This blog post discusses the role of arbitral tribunals and local institutions (notably courts and bar associations) in addressing the challenges of corruption by focusing on the so called Piero Foresti, Laura de Carli & Others v. The Republic of South Africa case (hereinafter, the Foresti case). I argue that the reaction of the arbitral tribunal to the allegation of corruption is unsatisfactory and that international and national institutions should operate in complementarity given the transnational nature of the phenomenon of corruption. Continue reading >>

Lola Avril, Emilia Korkea-aho

The EU and its ‘Exes’

In September 2021, MEPs voted in favour of a new EU Ethics body to oversee movements of personnel between the public and the private sector and proposed an interinstitutional agreement to this end. Replacing the current Independent Ethical Committee, the new body would be responsible for proposing and advising Commissioners, MEPs and staff of the institutions on ethics rules. The new Ethics Body, however, is not the regulatory unicorn many are hoping for. The gaps and ineffectiveness of EU policies to address revolving door moves stem from a limited understanding of the issue, which in turn is a result of lack of research and interest. The EU cannot devise better policies unless more is known about the phenomenon. Continue reading >>

Bogdan Iancu

Handle with Care

I will, in what follows, seek to answer the overarching question of this symposium, starting from a cautionary Romanian rule of law (RoL) reform tale. Other things being equal, its lessons may be extrapolated to the specific case of hopefully post-Orbánite Hungary. The specific context of Hungary presents, at least apparently, the Romanian problem in reverse, namely, the transition from an authoritarian nationalist regime to a pluralist, European, rule of law order. Continue reading >>

Erik Tuchtfeld

Don’t shoot the Messenger

Die deutsche Politik hat Telegram als zentrales Problem für den gesellschaftlichen Frieden entdeckt. Die Nutzung von Telegram zur Verbreitung von Mordaufrufen und Beleidigungen, zur Organisation (auch) rechtswidriger Demonstrationen und schließlich zur Planung von Attentaten führte dazu, dass die neue Bundesinnenministerin Faeser (SPD) und auch Justizminister Buschmann (FDP) ein energisches Vorgehen gegen Telegram ankündigen. Weil die Kontrolle privater Kommunikation eine auch in anderen Kontexten immer stärker werdende Forderung in gesetzgeberischen Vorhaben ist, sollen noch einmal auf die äußerst engen verfassungsrechtlichen Voraussetzungen hierfür hingewiesen werden. Continue reading >>

Paolo Sandro

Constitutional Democracy and The Sound of (Academic) Silence

Many constitutions, and the liberal values that permeate them, constitute the reaction to the mass atrocities, often in the face of academic silence (if not full-blown endorsement). Therefore, a constitutional law scholar that does not denounce attempts to subvert the constitutional order as such is actually sacrificing the pursuit of legal knowledge at the altar of a misguided – and historically damned – attempt at ‘neutrality’. The sound of academic silence, in the face of constitutional regression, is deafening. Continue reading >>

Vladimir Bogoeski

Essential, and yet on the Margins

On 7 December 2021, the coalition parties of the recently inaugurated German government signed the Coalition Agreement. While the Agreement’s proposals regarding work and industrial relations have already been praised and criticised by unions and researchers, this post will address the Government’s plans with respect to seasonal (migrant) workers in agriculture, a topic that experienced increased public exposure since the onset of the pandemic. I argue that if the new Government intends to take the ‘essential worker’ label of seasonal migrant farmworkers seriously, it needs to go beyond the relatively modest ambitions expressed in the Agreement. Continue reading >>

Konrad Lachmayer

Effective Accountability Mechanisms in Austrian Constitutional Culture

Former Austrian chancellor Sebastian Kurz, who dominated the political arena in the last years, left politics at the begin of December 2021. The strengthening of two constitutional accountability mechanisms strongly contributed to this downfall: First, the competence to establish a parliamentary committee of inquiry without a parliamentary majority, and second, the strengthening of the public prosecutors' independence. Continue reading >>

András L. Pap

Four Recommendations for Constitutional Restoration in Hungary

For the first time ever in Hungary, a national primary was held to elect the prime ministerial candidate for the opposition, sparking discussions on constitutional restoration, in particular on amending or replacing the 2011 constitution, the Fundamental Law (FL). Following a brief description of the Hungarian institutional and constitutional landscape, I outline several suggestions as to how the question of constitutional restoration in Hungary might be addressed. Continue reading >>

Christine Landfried

Bürgerräte als Potential für die Handlungs- und Lernfähigkeit von Demokratien

Seit einigen Jahren entstehen in europäischen Ländern und in den USA neue Formen der Bürgerbeteiligung. Auch im neuen Koalitionsvertrag sind Bürgerräte vorgesehen. Sie könnten die aktuellen politischen Debatten wirksamer machen und Diskurse in einer fragmentierten Öffentlichkeit sinnvoll strukturieren. Das funktioniert allerdings nur unter gewissen Voraussetzungen, die sich aus den bisherigen Erfahrungen mit ähnlichen Formen von Bürgerräten ableiten lassen: Entscheidend sind transparente Ziele und Verfahren, eine inklusive Repräsentativität und die Umsetzung der sich daraus ergebenden Empfehlungen. Continue reading >>

Eva Maria Bredler

Heimgesucht

In den letzten Wochen gab es immer wieder Versammlungen vor den Privathäusern von Politiker:innen. Diese Demonstrationen richteten sich gegen die Corona-Maßnahmen, vor allem aber: gegen die Verantwortlichen höchstpersönlich. Die Versammlungen zielten nicht auf Teilhabe am demokratischen Meinungsbildungsprozess, sondern auf Einschüchterung im privaten Rückzugsbereich. Nach aktuellem Versammlungsrecht hätten sie verboten werden können. Sie sollten aber auch Anlass sein, generell über die Grenzen geduldeter Gewaltsymbolik im öffentlichen Raum nachzudenken. Continue reading >>

Daniel Brugger

Onlinekommentar.ch, die gemeinnützige Plattform für Open-Access-Kommentare

In der Schweiz erscheinen juristische Kommentare grundsätzlich als gedruckte Bücher. Zusätzlich schalten die Verlage eine digitale Version auf ihren Datenbanken auf, abrufbar hinter hohen Bezahlschranken. Bereits vor 13 Jahren, als ich als studentische Hilfskraft zum ersten Mal mit der Welt der Kommentare in Kontakt kam, dachte ich mir, es müsste im Internetzeitalter doch eine Möglichkeit geben, einen frei und kostenlos zugänglichen Kommentar zu schaffen. Continue reading >>

Fabian Michl

Verwandtschaft zum Zwecke der Freizügigkeit

In einem aktuellen Urteil behandelt der EuGH die Situation von Regenbogenfamilien, die in manchen Mitgliedstaaten rechtlich nicht anerkannt werden. Obwohl die EU für das Familienrecht keine Kompetenz hat, gelingt es dem Gerichtshof zumindest im Bereich der Freizügigkeit Diskriminierungen abzubauen. Ob seine Vorgaben auch umgesetzt werden, steht auf einem anderen Blatt. Denn, glaubt man den Mitgliedstaaten, steht nicht weniger auf dem Spiel als ihre „nationale Identität“. Continue reading >>

Anna Unger

Chekhov’s Gun

On 9 November, the Fidesz-majority in the parliament passed an amendment on the registration of permanent addresses in Hungary, which allows to register a permanent address without actually living there. In addition, creating a fictional address will no longer be a punishable crime, as the parliament also modified the Penal Code by deleting this specific case from the provisions of document falsification. This legislative step opens the floodgates of voter tourism for the Spring parliamentary elections creating legal but unfair and undemocratic possibilities for winning the most competitive Single Member Districts. Continue reading >>