Ukraine’s Constitutional Order in Wartime
Ukraine’s constitutional order is facing an unprecedented challenge due to Russia’s ongoing aggression. The war has forced the nation to navigate between maintaining democratic governance and ensuring national survival, all while operating under martial law. The looming expiration of presidential and parliamentary terms has sparked debates on legitimacy of the wartime governance. While wartime elections are neither feasible nor constitutionally required, legitimacy is upheld through constitutional provisions, political consensus, and international recognition.
Continue reading >>Territorial Concessions to the Aggressor
How can Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine be brought to an end? With recent proposals by the Trump transition team, a possible peace treaty with Ukraine and Russia is gaining renewed attention. Gregory Fox predicts that “territorial transfers […] would likely be at the heart of any agreement”. The rule on coerced treaties (Art. 52 VCLT) poses a major legal obstacle to territorial concessions to an aggressor state. Under that rule, a treaty is void if its conclusion has been procured by an unlawful threat or use of force. That notwithstanding, a treaty invalid under Art. 52 VCLT can be validated by the UN Security Council (UNSC), a solution that is also compatible with jus cogens.
Continue reading >>Merry Christmas, with Hope from Ukraine
In the depths of this dark winter, Shchedryk—the song born from Ukraine’s heart— shines as a gift to the world. It is a testament to Ukraine's resilience, its cultural spirit, and its undying hope for renewal and freedom. As the familiar chimes of Carol of the Bells ring through the air this Christmas, let us hear them not only as a celebration of holiday joy but also as a reminder of Ukraine’s fierce struggle for sovereignty and peace. Merry Christmas, with hope from Ukraine.
Continue reading >>Integrating Artificial Intelligence in Ukraine’s Courts
This post examines Ukraine’s recent steps toward AI integration in the courts, highlighting initiatives and plans for the future. While these efforts reflect a growing recognition of AI’s potential, they also reveal limitations. Concerns surrounding AI, such as data security and confidentiality, reliability, transparency, explainability, accountability, fairness, and bias, are just as significant in judicial contexts as they are in other areas.
Continue reading >>Who Let the Bots Out
As artificial intelligence revolutionizes modern warfare, systems like Israel’s Lavender and Ukraine’s Clearview AI are transforming combat with precision and efficiency. This advancement has sparked an urgent debate on the responsible use and governance of AI in military, with 57 countries signing the Political Declaration on AI’s military applications, urging adherence to international law. Central to this is the accountability – who is responsible when AI systems violate laws? This blog post argues that state responsibility for AI violations remains viable within existing legal frameworks.
Continue reading >>When Words Really Matter
It has been over 900 days since Russia launched its so-called ‘three-day crusade’ to capture Kyiv. The way we talk about Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has far-reaching implications, not only for public perception but also for international policy and accountability. How we label this conflict—whether we call it the ‘war in Ukraine’ or ‘Russia’s war against Ukraine’—influences how we understand responsibility, justice, and the path to peace.
Continue reading >>Wartime Constitutionalism and the Politics of Constitutional Review in Ukraine
On 18 July 2024, Ukraine’s Constitutional Court issued a decision concerning the rights of the accused in criminal proceedings under martial law. The extension of detention, the Court ruled, can only be issued based on a reasoned court decision—this applies even in times of war. In this blogpost, we examine how the war has influenced the ways in which various actors engage with constitutional complaints, before discussing the Constitutional Court's recent decision on Article 615.6 of the Criminal Procedure Code. We argue that this ruling exemplifies how the Constitutional Court can maintain the relevance and practical significance of its decision-making in wartime.
Continue reading >>Ukraine, the Netherlands and 26 Third States Without Russia Before the ECtHR
The hearing in the case of Ukraine, the Netherlands v Russia lasted four hours and twenty-five minutes. more than double than an “ordinary” Grand Chamber hearing. These four hours and twenty-five minutes are an important milestone in what is undoubtedly one of the most important set of cases in the history of European Convention on Human Rights. They cover more than ten years of Russian activities in Eastern Ukraine, including the open war of aggression since February 2022. The number of third parties involved in the proceedings likewise renders the case extraordinary.
Continue reading >>The EU’s Eastern Border and Inconvenient Truths
The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, alongside with the EU’s confrontation with Russia’s ally Belarus, however, has deeply impacted the securitisation of migration within the EU. Highly politicised conflict-related securitisation narratives have rarely found their way so swiftly into Member States’ domestic migration and asylum laws, leading to open and far-reaching violations of EU and international human rights law. Hardly ever before have ill-defined concepts and indiscriminate assumptions been so broadly accepted and used to shift from an individual-focused approach to blanket measures stigmatising, dehumanising and excluding entire groups. And rarely before have radical changes of this kind received so little criticism - a deeply unsettling and dangerous trend.
Continue reading >>The Curious Fate of the False Claim of Genocide
The International Court of Justice (ICJ) delivered another blow to Ukraine’s litigation strategy. The ICJ only confirmed its jurisdiction for considering Ukraine’s narrow claim that it had not committed genocide in Donbas. As we have previously argued, given the expected modest outcome of the case for Ukraine, it would make sense for Ukraine to expand its litigation strategy beyond the false claim of genocide. Ukraine may consider lodging a new lawsuit before the ICJ under the Genocide Convention, alleging that Russia breached the Convention by committing genocide against Ukrainians as a protected national group.
Continue reading >>Accountability for the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine
Two years have passed since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine – an act of aggression which 141 states of the UN General Assembly (UNGA) condemned as such shortly after. This crime of aggression has brought unimaginable suffering to the people of Ukraine. As this blog will highlight in the following, a reform of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) concerning the crime of aggression is necessary and long overdue. The current jurisdictional regime leaves accountability gaps, which have become painfully visible in the past two years. Plausible suggestions for the reform are already out there – it ultimately “all depends on the political will” of the 124 ICC state parties.
Continue reading >>A Shortcut at the Expense of Justice
On 31 January 2024, the International Court of Justice rendered its judgment on the merits of a case initiated by Ukraine against the Russian Federation in 2017. Ukraine alleged numerous violations by Russia of two treaties: the 1999 International Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism and the 1965 International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. This blog post provides a brief overview of the decision and argues that the Court sidestepped the task of reconstructing what has happened in reality via judicial fact-finding. This approach comes at the expense of several legal errors. The harsh realities of the conflict and, most importantly, the human suffering on the territories of Ukraine occupied by Russia seem far removed from the grandeur of the Peace Palace.
Continue reading >>The EU’s Faustian Bargain
Twelve years into the EU’s rule of law crisis, this week has demonstrated that EU leaders are still unwilling to confront their own complicity in Orbán’s rise and to do something about it. Is this sad spectacle a price worth paying in exchange for a symbolic gesture of goodwill to Ukraine? That is the wrong question to ask. The right question to ask is this: if the EU continues to treat the rule of law as a bargaining chip and to make promises it won’t keep, for how much longer will our Union remain a club worth joining?
Continue reading >>Fighting Impunity Through Intermediaries
The 24th of February 2022 lastingly altered Europe’s security architecture. The European Union and its member states have continued to support Ukraine in a multitude of ways, including direct financial assistance, political support in relevant international fora, far-reaching sanctions against Russian citizens and businesses, and massive arms supplies. What has, however, remained ambiguous is within which (legal) framework the EU has provided different means of support towards Ukraine. In other words: what legal principle – that may also be derived from its treaty framework – determined and guided EU support towards Ukraine? This contribution argues that at least certain streams of EU assistance for Ukraine in countering the Russian Federation’s aggression – namely those aimed at ending impunity for international crimes – have been organized within a distinct rule of law context.
Continue reading >>Wartime Elections as Democratic Backsliding
The topic of the next elections to the Verkhovna Rada (Parliament) of Ukraine unexpectedly surfaced in public discourse towards the end of spring this year. Julia Kyrychenko and Olha Ivasiuk’s recent article on Verfassungsblog outlines major legal and practical obstacles to holding wartime elections in Ukraine. In their illuminating analysis, the authors make a strong case against wartime elections, a viewpoint largely shared by civil society. My argument is a bit different. I will argue that (1) wartime parliamentary elections are expressis verbis inconsistent with the Ukrainian Constitution, and (2) wartime elections would undermine the legitimacy of democratic institutions and potentially lead to democratic backsliding.
Continue reading >>No Voting Under Fire
Can Ukraine hold elections while it is in the midst of a full-scale invasion by Russia? This question has recently received international attention, including comments from US Senator Lindsey Graham advocating for elections during the war. However, holding elections during the current state of war faces not only factual but also legal obstacles. Genuine democratic elections cannot be conducted under fire from Russian troops.
Continue reading >>Cluster Munition and International Law
In recent weeks, there has been intense discussion about the delivery of cluster munitions by the United States of America to Ukraine and the subsequent use of these munitions. The use of such ammunition can be an effective military tool, which is why Ukraine has specifically sought the supply of such ammunition from its allies in order to make its defence against Russia’s war of aggression more effective. This blog post sheds light on the international law dimension of the discussion and illustrates the consequences of the delivery of cluster munitions for allied states of Ukraine, which are parties to the Oslo Convention on Cluster Munitions.
Continue reading >>Streumunition und Völkerrecht
In den zurückliegenden Wochen ist intensiv über die Lieferung von Streumunition durch die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika an die Ukraine und den nachfolgenden Einsatz dieser Munition diskutiert worden. Der Einsatz solcher Munition kann ein wirksames militärisches Mittel darstellen, weswegen die Ukraine gezielt bei ihren Verbündeten nach der Lieferung solcher Munition nachgesucht hat, um ihre Verteidigung gegen den völkerrechtswidrigen russischen Angriffskrieg effektiver zu gestalten. Es kann aber nach den für eine Abwägung zwischen militärischer Notwendigkeit und Schutzstandards offenen Regeln des humanitären Völkerrechts Situationen geben, in denen Streumunition völkerrechtskonform von Staaten eingesetzt werden darf, die nicht Vertragsparteien des Osloer Abkommens sind. Dies wird insbesondere dann der Fall sein, wenn der Einsatz der Streumunition in einem Kontext erfolgt, bei dem zivile Opfer praktisch ausgeschlossen werden können.
Continue reading >>World War 2 Memories in Lithuania and Ukraine
On May 8, 2023, Lithuania and Ukraine, along with other European countries, meet the annual anniversaries of the end of World War 2 in Europe in 1945. Meanwhile, Russia holds a national holiday tomorrow on May 9 to commemorate the Soviet victory over Nazi Germany, which is the most important holiday in Russia and became a cult practice for uniting Russians after 2000. The anniversary finds Ukraine in the midst of fighting off present-day Russian aggression. Lithuania finds itself worrying about its defense, dealing with memory incidents and among the biggest supporters of Ukraine. Russia, however, finds itself more isolated than ever and scaling back the celebration: According to Moscow because of expected ‘drone strikes’, but more likely due to ‘fear of popular protests.’ This blog entry takes stock of legal measures by two nations to countervail Russia’s decades-long mnemo-political aggressiveness.
Continue reading >>Investing Immobilized Russian Assets, Monetarizing the Common Foreign and Security Policy
Again, the Commission and EU Member States are talking about new sanctions against Russia. The focus, according to Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, should be on tackling sanctions circumvention and loopholes. In a scoop, however, it was also uncovered that the Commission has drawn up a non-paper “on the generation of resources to support Ukraine from immobilized Russian assets”. The idea behind this non-paper is to invest the immobilized assets of the Russian Central Bank in EU Member States’ bonds and bills and use the proceeds to support the reconstruction of Ukraine. The plan, as the non-paper indicates, is fraught with a number of legal and technical issues. These do not only relate to the question of whether or not such an investment of immobilized assets is compatible with international law and EU law, but also to the question of who should undertake and oversee these investments.
Continue reading >>On the Side of International Law
This Wednesday, the United Nations General Assembly resumed its Emergency Special Session on Ukraine, amidst a turbulent week that witnessed US President Biden’s surprise trip to Kyiv, Russian withdrawal from the New START Treaty, and Chinese top diplomat Wang Yi’s visit to Moscow, amongst other things. On Thursday, the Assembly adopted resolution ES-11/6 (draft here) with 141 votes in favor, seven against, 32 abstentions and 13 countries not voting. If the Russian aggression last year was a watershed moment for the United Nations, then the organ to watch these days is the General Assembly, and not the Security Council.
Continue reading >>What can(’t) international criminal justice deliver for Ukraine?
One year ago, Russia began its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, committing an act of aggression in violation of the UN Charter. Many more incidents of international crimes followed, adding to an already large number of unaddressed crimes going back to 2014. While investigations are underway, the failures to pursue accountability for international crimes committed by Russia in the past still need to be addressed in this context.
Continue reading >>Was nutzen Panzer ohne Ziele?
Die Bundesrepublik wird Leopard-2-Kampfpanzer an Kiew liefern, ukrainische Soldaten in Deutschland trainieren sowie Exportgenehmigungen an Partnerländer ausstellen. Während die russische Führung über die angeblich erneute Bedrohung durch deutsche Panzer fabuliert, sind deutsche Entscheidungsträger*innen in erster Linie mit sich selbst zufrieden. In Deutschland nicht diskutiert, jedoch zentral für alle politischen Entscheidungen in diesem Konflikt ist die Frage: Unterstützung wofür?
Continue reading >>Enteignen für den Wiederaufbau?
Jeden Tag bringt der Krieg in der Ukraine unerträgliches und unvorstellbares menschliches Leid mit sich. Vor diesem Hintergrund fällt es schwer, schon heute einen nüchternen Blick auf die Zeit nach Beendigung der Kampfhandlungen in der Ukraine und einer Zurückdrängung des russischen Aggressors zu werfen. Das allerdings scheint notwendig, um moralisierender Politik notwendige rechtsstaatliche Rationalität entgegenzusetzen. Konkret geht es dabei um die Frage, ob es möglich ist, staatliches und/oder privates russisches Vermögen entschädigungslos zu enteignen, um so den Wiederaufbau der Ukraine zu finanzieren. Diese Überlegung liegt insbesondere der Erkenntnis zugrunde, dass die durch die russische Aggression verursachten Schäden in der Ukraine schon jetzt auf über eine Billion US-Dollar geschätzt werden.
Continue reading >>Is Criminality a Russian Virtue Worth Cultivating?
On 13 December 2022, the Russian State Duma unanimously approved, in the first reading, the bill on the imposition of Russian criminal law and criminal procedure upon the Donetsk, Kherson, Luhansk and Zaporizhzhia provinces of Ukraine. The Bill flagrantly infringes the Russian Constitution, criminal legislation and international law, essentially transforming the occupied territories of Ukraine into a lawless area. Yet again, the Bill underscores the imperial nature of the Russian war of aggression.
Continue reading >>A Ukraine Special Tribunal with Legitimacy Problems?
The call for a Special Tribunal for the Russian war of aggression in Ukraine ('UkrTrib') is also getting louder in the German political discourse. The proposal goes back to an initiative by the British international lawyer and writer Philippe Sands, who was quickly joined by a number of prominent politicians and international (criminal) lawyers), but this is misleading for several reasons, not least because the IMT was a consequence of the defeat of Nazi Germany and the following regime change, which in the case of Russia is unforeseeable.
Continue reading >>Ukraine-Sondertribunal mit Legitimationsproblemen?
Der Ruf nach einem Sondertribunal für den russischen Angriffskrieg in der Ukraine wird auch hierzulande im politischen Raum lauter. Der Vorschlag geht auf eine Initiative um den britischen Völkerrechtler und Publizisten Philippe Sands zurück, der sich innerhalb kürzester Zeit eine Reihe prominenter Politiker/innen und Völker(straf)rechtler/innen angeschlossen haben. Bisweilen wird ein Vergleich mit dem Nürnberger Militärgerichtshof gezogen, der aber aus mehreren Gründen hinkt.
Continue reading >>Фрагментарне реагування на загрозу свободі 3МІ в ЄС
Як відомо, шляхи польського та угорського урядів розійшлися щодо відповідей на російсько-українську війну. Однак на внутрішньому рівні обидві країни продовжують покладатися на схожі структурні зміни в медіа-середовищі, які допомагають їм впливати на виборців і підривають чесність виборів. Реакція ЄС на кризу свободи та плюралізму 3MI в Угорщині та Польщі була більш стриманою та якісно відрізнялася від реакції на кризу суддівської незалежності або загрози академічним свободам та правам меншин.
Continue reading >>A fragmented response to media freedom at risk in the Union
The Polish and Hungarian governments have famously parted ways over responses to the Russo-Ukraine war. However, internally, both continue to rely on similar structural changes in the media environment that help them target voters and undermine elections fairness. The EU’s response to the media freedom and pluralism crisis in Hungary and Poland has been more restrained and also qualitatively different from its answer to the judicial independence crisis or threats to academic freedoms and minority rights.
Continue reading >>Несподівані ускладнення: вплив російського вторгнення в Україну на кризу верховенства права в ЕС
Якби наприкінці 2021 року мене запитали, які події визначатимуть кризу верховенства права в Європейському Союзі у 2022 році, я б відповів, що вибори в Угорщині стануть найвідповідальнішим моментом у боротьбі за цінності ЄС. 24 лютого 2022 року Володимир Путін зробив застарілими майже всі прогнози щодо європейської політики. Невиправдане, брутальне вторгнення Росії в Україну не лише зруйнувало понад 30-річну парадигму безпеки на континенті, але й мало масштабні наслідки для багатьох аспектів європейського життя, включаючи кризу верховенства права у двох державах-членах ЄС: Угорщині та Польщі.
Continue reading >>Unexpected Complications: The impact of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on the rule of law crisis in the EU
If somebody had asked me in late 2021 what events would define the rule of law crisis in the European Union in 2022, I would have said that the elections in Hungary would be the most crucial moment for the struggle for EU values. On 24 February 2022, Vladimir Putin made almost all predictions concerning European politics obsolete. Russia’s unjustified, brutal invasion of Ukraine not only obliterated an over 30-year-old paradigm of security on the continent but also had massive ripple effects on many aspects of European life, including the rule of law crisis in two EU Member States: Hungary and Poland.
Continue reading >>Ризик тунельного бачення у боротьбі з російською дезінформацією
Протиставлення кінетичної війни, яка розпочалася після повномасштабного вторгнення Росії в Україну 24 лютого 2022 року, та зіткнень у цифровому просторі показує, що обидві арени війни мали різні наслідки для країн-членів НАТО та ЄС. Якщо західні держави змогли значною мірою утриматися від фізичних бойових дій, обмеживши свою участь наданням зброї та військових матеріалів українським силам, то в цифровій сфері таке утримання виявилося неможливим.