Divide and Rule
Last week, Italy’s judiciary went on strike. While clashes between judges and politicians are nothing new in Italy, this latest reform raises concerns that go beyond routine legal disputes. Though not a radical overhaul, the changes could significantly impact judicial independence and the separation of powers.
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A New Step in the Greening of the Right to Life
In Cannavacciuolo and Others v. Italy, the European Court of Human Rights unanimously found a violation of Article 2 ECHR on account of the State’s failure to protect the right to life of residents in an area of Southern Italy known as the “Land of Fires” (Terra dei Fuochi). This is the first judgment linking a violation of the right to life to the prolonged exposure to pollutants released into the environment. The decisive element for the applicability of the right to life has been a shift in the Court’s approach to the causal link requirement that triggers a violation of Article 2. The Cannavacciuolo judgment should therefore be seen as a turning point for climate and environmental justice.
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The Politics of Forgetting and Foreign Policy
The “politics of forgetting” – as I call the political strategy of omitting or marginalising key historical events in official memory – influences both domestic and foreign policy. Its effects on foreign policy are multifarious. Not remembering a historical event, or selectively forgetting parts of it, enables a certain foreign policy posture. A further issue arises when an event that is “forgotten” or marginalised in national narratives plays a major role in the political constructions of another country.
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At Risk of Capture?
On December 21st, the mandates of three judges of the Italian Constitutional Court will expire, creating a total of 4 vacancies. While Parliament is responsible for filling the seats, political parties are far from reaching an agreement on who should get appointed. The majority’s strategic obstruction of the appointment process in combination with Meloni’s assertions that it is up to her political majority to “deal the cards” for these elections raise the specter of the Court’s politicization. While the Italian legal system has several safeguards to preserve the impartiality and effectiveness of its Constitutional Court, these do not immunizes it against practices that could slowly and almost imperceptibly undermine its independence.
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Managing Migration the Italian Way
The Italy-Albania deal provides a new, some say innovative, approach to externalization in migration procedures. It differs from the current EU toolbox, raising issues related to these differences and the treatment of procedural rights. Where these issues arise and how they will be litigated nationally and/or in front of the ECJ is unclear but will shape migration discourses beyond Italy.
Continue reading >>European Media Freedom Act and the Jigsaw of the “Parliamentarized” Italian RAI
Italian public media broadcaster RAI faces challenges in depoliticization amidst the European Media Freedom Act obligations. Its “parlamentarized” governance model is a risk for political capture in a politically loaded environment.
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A Constitutional Reform in Italy to the Detriment of Systemic Balance
In Italy, an important reform of the Italian constitution is underway: the introduction of direct elections for the head of government. This is to take place together with the election of both chambers of parliament. In addition, the composition of the two chambers is to be significantly influenced by a new "majority bonus" to be anchored in the constitution. By strengthening the power of the prime minister at the expense of guarantor functions of the head of State, Italy would therefore gain nothing in terms of democratic stability but would lose a great deal in terms of checks and balances in the political system.
Continue reading >>Eine Verfassungsreform in Italien zulasten systemischen Gleichgewichts
Italien diskutiert gerade eine wichtige Reform seiner Verfassung: die Einführung der Direktwahl des Regierungsoberhaupts. Sie soll zusammen mit der Wahl beiden Parlamentskammern stattfinden. Zusätzlich soll die Zusammensetzung der beiden Kammern mit einem in der Verfassung neu zu verankernden „Mehrheitsbonus“ maßgeblich beeinflusst werden. Mit einer Stärkung der Macht des Ministerpräsidenten zulasten staatsoberhäuptlicher Garantiefunktionen würde Italien also nichts an demokratischer Stabilität gewinnen, dafür aber vieles an Ausgewogenheit und checks and balances im politischen System verlieren.
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The Proposed Psychological Tests for Judges in Italy
The recent proposal to introduce psycho-academic tests for access to the judiciary, which in Italy includes both the careers of judge and public prosecutor, has sparked heated clashes and debates between state powers and legal practitioners. But what are the reasons behind this proposal and why is it causing such a stir?
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Delegitimizing by Procrastinating
In countries where populist movements have garnered significant electoral support, their self-proclaimed role as the sole representatives of the true will of a unified people has led them to assert that their democratic legitimacy surpasses the technocratic authority of constitutional courts. The requirement of supermajorities in the election of Italy's constitutional judges has, in combination with a changed political landscape, led to political deadlocks, entailing the risk of jeopardizing the Court’s operability and partisanship-based appointments.
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Nigeria as a Safe Country of Origin?
On May 7th 2024 Italy updated its list of safe countries of origin (SCO) for the second time after the introduction of the notion in the national legal system in 2019. Notably, the latest update retained the most contentious addition to the list from last year, Nigeria. Until then, only Cyprus considered Nigeria as generally safe. The legal issues underlying this designation illustrate how country of origin information (COI), largely provided to Member States by the European Union Agency for Asylum (EUAA), is (mis)used to produce policy-based evidence rather than evidence-based policies.
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The First Italian Climate Judgement and the Separation of Powers
On 26th February 2024, in its Giudizio Universale decision, the Tribunal of Rome penned the first Italian climate judgement. Shortly after, on 9 April 2024, the ECtHR handed down its seminal trio of KlimaSeniorinnen v. Switzerland, Duarte Agostinho v. Portugal and Others and Carême v. France. In this monumental string of cases, the ECtHR set the new standard for climate litigation in Europe, also regarding separation of powers. This invites a critical assessment of Giudizio Universale’s stance.
Continue reading >>A Malfunctioning System
Party bans do not represent a serious threat to neo-fascist movements in Italy. Despite a constitutional provision and an ordinary law regulating the issue, their use has so far been limited to associations of minor size and relevance.
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Climate Litigation Reaches Italian Courts
With Giudizio Universale, climate litigation has found its way to Italy. This case has many aspects in common with the general transnational phenomenon, both in terms of the structure and content of the legal arguments used. The case highlights the difficulties that courts face in view of the high social expectations connected to this kind of proceedings.
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A Limping Militant Democracy
Images of hundreds of men gathering outside the former headquarters of the Italian post-fascist party (Movimento Sociale Italiano – MSI), giving the Roman salute in Acca Larentia (Roma) on the 8th of January 2024, have sparked numerous controversies in Italy. The Roman salute was paired with the Fascist ritual of the “roll call”, whereby a leader calls out the name of a fallen soldier and his comrades shout “presente!”. While one would expect the President of the Senate, facing an incident that stirred political controversy, to reason in more institutional terms rather than strictly legally, La Russa was partially correct in stating that the current Italian legal framework is (still) not sufficiently clear and coherent on the matter.
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Refoulement As A Crime
Last month, the Italian Court of Cassation upheld the (suspended) sentence of one year’s imprisonment of the shipmaster of the Italian ship Asso28. He was convicted of two offences of abandonment for returning and handing around 100 migrants over to the personnel of a Libyan patrol boat, including some unaccompanied minors and pregnant women, whom he had previously rescued in international waters within the Libyan SAR zone. The case constitutes the first time an individual was held criminally responsible for failing to fulfil the duty of non-refoulement. Until recently, the refoulement duty has only served to exclude the liability of shipmasters who had complied with it whenever they were accused of facilitating irregular immigration. This case indicates the emergence of a new function of the principle, namely that of grounding the criminal liability of those who violate it.
Continue reading >>As Good as It Gets
Contrasting the constitutional limitations on the freedom to establish political parties in Italy and Germany brings out two quite different conceptions of militant democracy: one is particularistic, retrospective, and provisional – preoccupied with the transition to democracy; the other is universalistic, prospective, and enduring – concerned with the degeneration of democracy. The Portuguese Constitution, true to its eclectic character and multiple influences, steers a seemingly middle course between these polar options.
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Climate Protests and City Bans
As climate protests are mounting across Italy, there is a corresponding escalation in repressive responses from public authorities. This trend is not unique to Italy but is rather widespread throughout Europe, as evidenced by frequent reports in national newspapers and posts on this blog. What sets Italy apart from other European nations is the spectacular increase in the use of preventive measures by the public security administration.
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Pushing Back
The CJEU has pending before it a crucial case on the criminalisation of seeking asylum and assistance to those seeking protection. At this critical juncture, this blog post highlights a sample of important decisions in which courts, giving effect to constitutional and international legal principles, set legal limits on this form of criminalisation. These cases reflect not only the appropriate legal limits, but also acknowledge the character of irregular migration and smuggling. Rather than framing individuals as dangerous illegal migrants and exploitative smugglers, they reassert the humanity of both those in search of refuge and opportunity, and those that assist them.
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No Benefit
On January 18, 2024, the German federal parliament (Bundestag) passed the controversial Repatriation Improvement Act which de facto criminalises humanitarian support for entry by land as well as entry of minors by sea, land, and air. The German provision resembles both in wording and substance Article 12 of the Italian Consolidated Immigration Act (TUI) whose compatibility with EU law the CJEU is set to rule on, following a preliminary reference procedure initiated in July 2023. While the effect of a pending referral is uncertain, in the current case, the German government should have suspended its legislative process.
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“Rented Uterus” as a Universal Crime
The principle of universal jurisdiction (UJ) has traditionally been grounded in the idea of a collective response to the most heinous crimes on a global scale. Italy, a country that currently lacks universal jurisdiction for international crimes, is amid deliberations on a proposed bill advocating for the use of universal jurisdiction in cases of surrogacy. This analysis contends that the underlying political motive behind this bill is to curb all forms of same-sex parenthood, inadvertently resulting in a criminal law framework that would specifically impact male-gay couples. Secondly, it draws a parallel with “memory law”, illustrating how legal mechanisms initially established in the enthusiasm of the ‘90s are now being repurposed as instruments for divisive political agendas.
Continue reading >>Prize and Premiership
Since the beginning of November, Italy has been discussing a constitutional reform that aims to radically change the Italian governmental system. The bill provides that the Prime Minister (more correctly: the President of the Council of Ministers) is elected by universal suffrage in a popular vote concurrent with the Chamber of Deputies and Senate elections. This move is often referred to in journalism as ‘Premiership’ (Premierato). n this post, I would like to focus less on the characteristics of the alleged ‘Premiership’ and more on the attempt to incorporate detailed electoral rules into the constitution. First, a brief history of the ‘majority prize’ will help the reader to better understand the context in which this reform was born. This will be followed by a critique of the proposal to enshrine the ‘majority prize’ in the constitution. I argue that, as currently drafted, the reform bill risks leading to an unconstitutional constitutional amendment.
Continue reading >>Paving the Way to Autocracy?
On November 3, 2023, the Italian Council of Ministers approved a Bill to amend the Constitution, encapsulating what Giorgia Meloni’s Cabinet advertises as a measure to enhance executive stability and streamline policy implementation for medium to long-term objectives. The real goal appears to be cementing the Prime Minister’s grip on power after general elections, as evidenced by the intention to enshrine the majority bonus in the Constitution. Yet, from a constitutional law perspective, the majority bonus raises a fundamental issue related to how the Italian Constitutional Court interprets the eternity clause in the Constitution.
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Between Recalibration and Distortion
In its current form, the project to change the form of government that the Italian government headed by Ms Giorgia Meloni is preparing to present to the Senate seems difficult to accept. The project claims to address the issue of unstable and short-term cabinets in Italy (65 in 75 years, one every 12 months from 1948 through 1994 when a new electoral law was applied; still one every 21 months thereafter). Unfortunately, it is both poorly drafted and contains contradictions that make it not only impracticable but of dubious functionality with respect to the very objectives it proposes to achieve. However, as it has been decades since the problem the draft says it wants to tackle has been acknowledged, I shall assume its proponents' good intentions and suugest how the text could be improved. Below I briefly describe the project, trace its distant and recent origins, indicate what it is lacking and how it should be changed.
Continue reading >>Offshoring Asylum the Italian Way
On 6 November 2023, the Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and the Prime Minister of Albania Edi Rama announced the signing of the Agreement for Strengthening of Collaboration in the Field of Migration. The agreement proposes a relocation of asylum seekers who are rescued at sea by Italian vessels to two centres that would be built in Albania and could host up to 3’000 people. This is part of a broader trend whereby European governments seek to move asylum procedures outside of their territory. At the same time, the agreement contains some innovations compared to previous proposals. Indeed, this move has been hailed as a “model and example for other collaboration agreements of this kind” by the Italian Prime Minister. This article contends that this is unlikely to be the case: the legality and feasibility of offshoring asylum procedures remain dubious at best.
Continue reading >>Looking at Berlin, Ending up on Capitol Hill
On 3 November 2023, the Italian Council of Ministers approved a constitutional reform bill to introduce the direct election of the Prime Minister in Italy. The reform would grant the Prime Minister significantly broader powers than those currently outlined in the Constitution. The proposal is now set to be evaluated by the Italian Parliament, and possibly submitted to a popular referendum if it is not approved by two-thirds of the members of both chambers. While it claims to ensure the continuity of governments – a known weak point of the Italian political system - it undermines the very foundation of parliamentary representation: the party system. Breathing the spirit of plebiscitary populism, this misguided reform, while seemingly looking towards Berlin for inspiration, risks in a worst-case scenario creating an atmosphere reminiscent of Capitol Hill on a fateful day a few years ago.
Continue reading >>Turning the Exception into the Rule
In January 2023, Italy’s new government adopted a reform that heavily curtailed immigrant rights to speed up return procedures. Between September and October, several judgments issued by the Catania Tribunal declared the reform in violation of EU law. The judgments led to backlash, with PM Meloni and other members of the government accusing them of being politically motivated. While such political attacks on judges must always be condemned, they are particularly unwarranted given that the Catania Tribunal’s judges were correct in finding the new Italian border procedures incompatible with EU law.
Continue reading >>Food Culture and the Far-Right
Dis-moi ce que tu manges, je te dirai ce que tu es. Brillat-Savarin’s words describe how what we eat and how we prepare it forms part of our identity. The Bolognese tortellini, the Swabian Spätzle and the Polish Łazanki are very much different from one another. What they have in common, however, is that they do not represent merely a dish, but an essential part of regional heritages. Under the nationalist slogan of 'food sovereignty', the Italian government presents itself as the protector of Italian culinary identity with a ban on cultivated meat. From an EU law perspective, the ban is a largely ineffective ‘talk show law’. Nevertheless, it puts on the table the politics underlying food regulation and the room left for national differentiation within harmonised areas of the internal market.
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The Political Process in Search of a Judge
It must be acknowledged: in Italy, a judgment such as that delivered by the German Federal Constitutional Court on 24 January 2023 on party financing is currently constitutional science fiction. The Italian constitutional judges have never theorised, unlike their German colleagues, the need for closer scrutiny in certain matters where a ‘conflict of interest’ of the legislature can be discerned. This also partly reflects a different understanding of their own role within the constitutional system.
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The Leopard Paradox?
In early May, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni hosted a roundtable to discuss institutional reforms designed to improve “the stability of governments and legislatures, and respect for citizens’ votes at the ballot box.” A central campaign promise of hers, the reforms are meant to address Italians’ exacerbating distrust of political institutions, rooted in the fact that Italy’s administrations are among the most short-lived in Europe. This adds to its comparatively low levels of ‘clarity of responsibility’. Three options emerged from the discussion. I will briefly discuss the potential and challenges of each option.
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Attention Is All You Need
Das Verbot ChatGPTs durch die italienische Datenschutzbehörde bietet Gelegenheit einen Klassiker neu aufzulegen: Eine bahnbrechende, Technologie aus dem Silicon Valley zerschellt am harten Beton des Brüsseler Datenschutzregimes. Während einige technikkritische Stimmen laut applaudieren, prügeln andere auf das vermeintlich innovationsfeindliche Datenschutzrecht ein. Doch gibt ChatGPT tatsächlich Anlass für derart fundamentale datenschutzrechtliche Bedenken im Hinblick auf generative KIs?
Continue reading >>Squaring the Circle
The Italian Data Protection Authority banned ChatGPT for violating EU data protection law. As training and operating large language models like ChatGPT requires massive amounts of (personal) data, AI's future in Europe, to an extent, hinges upon the GDPR.
Continue reading >>The New Populism is Responsible for the Massacres in the Mediterranean
The tragedy of the 73 people left to drown, without help, a few meters away from the beach near Cutro and the Italian government's pathetic attempts at justification for their inaction forcefully raise again the ‘migrants question’.
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The Italian “No Jab, No Job” Law Passes Constitutional Muster
The Italian legal system has known some unprecedented measures during the pandemic, including the lockdown regime, “green pass” system etc. Such measures have been probed by ordinary and administrative judges and by the Italian Constitutional Court (ICC). Notwithstanding some limited corrections, these measures stood up to scrutiny overall. This is also true for COVID-19 vaccine mandates. Now, with three judgments, the ICC dismissed all the challenges against it.
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Constitutionalising Insularity
A few days ago, the Islands Commission General Assembly of the Conference on Peripheral Maritime Regions, a French-based think tank lobbying the EU, gathered to discuss “A Pact for EU Islands” to be advocated in the upcoming Spanish Presidency of the Council of the EU, starting in the second half of 2023. So far, with the exception of a resolution passed by the European Parliament on 7 June 2022 and heralded by a 2021 study, in the past five years, insularity has been largely ignored in the European Union's political discourse.
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Klagewelle im Sonnenuntergang?
Im August 2022 hat ein Investor-Staat-Schiedsgericht Italien zu einer Entschädigungszahlung von 190 Mio. Euro plus Zinsen an das britische Öl- und Gasunternehmen Rockhopper verurteilt. Rechtsgrundlage war der Energiecharta-Vertrag), aus dem Italien bereits 2016 ausgetreten ist. Aufgrund einer Klausel im ECT könnte sich Italien – ebenso wie die vielen anderen Staaten, die sich derzeit vom ECT verabschieden – jedoch noch viele Jahre lang Klagen unter dem Vertrag ausgesetzt sehen. Die Entscheidung wirft somit Schlaglichter auf die Fragen, ob Italiens eigenmächtiger Austritt aus dem ECT als Vorbild für andere Vertragsstaaten dienen sollte, und welchen Spielraum der ECT für klimafreundliche Energiepolitiken gewährt.
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Meloni’s Illiberal Anti-Rave Law
Only ten days after it was sworn in and a week after it received the confidence vote from the Parliament, the new Italian government led by Giorgia Meloni presented its first decree-law containing numerous provisions on a variety of issues: health, justice, and security. The decree-law was the first legislative act presented by the new radical right-wing government. Members of the opposition argued that the decree, in particular the anti-rave norm, is a danger to the freedom of assembly of the Italian citizens and that is a law that Putin could have written.
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Waiting for Godot
The words of the President of the European Commission during her keynote speech at Princeton University on 22 September have caused quite a stir. Responding to a question about the (then) upcoming elections and the prospect of a right-wing government comprising members related to Putin, Ursula von der Leyen (VDL) surprised everyone with a reference to the well-known situations in Hungary and Poland. Now that the formation of a new Italian government is well underway, this contribution reconsiders the fears fueled by VDL’s statements in light of the past and current context to draw some more general conclusions on the institution’s duty to respect and promote the EU’s founding values.
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The Wind Doesn’t Fall – it Drops
Excessiveness can be actually measured in many ways, but it is always time sensitive, and path dependent. As the Global financial crisis in 2008 has clearly demonstrated, excessive profits by banks in the first decade of the century were by far offset with the immense losses coming after, and the Governments were urged to grant subsidies and grants to the very same companies they overtaxed just some years before. The conclusion in this respect is that any judgment of excessiveness depends on the timespan considered. Both the Italian and the European legislator seem to have forgotten this aspect.
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What’s Next, Bro?
On September 25th, nearly 51 million Italians were called to the polls to elect the 19th Parliament of the Republic since 1948. All domestic and international media focused their attention on the two main novelties of this election: a landslide victory by a post-fascist, nationalistic, anti-European right-wing party and the paradox of the first female Prime Minister advocating a hyper-conservative view of women in society. Politically, these are no doubt major news. At the same time, Mrs. Meloni and her government-to-be is an unwritten piece of paper.
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The Shadow of the Past, the Challenges of the Future
The outcome of Italy's election has caused worried reactions and general alarm both across Italy and internationally. It is the first time since the dark days of fascism that a right-wing party has won the general election and will likely head the government. It is undoubtedly a turning point in Italian politics and history, a radical shift in the political spectrum. Is Italy’s constitutional system resilient enough to deal with the post-fascist legacy of Brothers of Italy? Is Italian democracy in danger? Three days after the elections we have to be cautious with any such predictions, but I think some preliminary answers are possible already at this early stage.
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No Institutional Upheaval in Sight in Italy
Will the new right-wing government in Italy under Giorgia Meloni attack the constitutional institutions? The program of the coalition and the numbers in Parliament both make that seem rather unlikely.
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Child Protection, Sexuality and Feindstrafrecht
Across EU Member States, we are witnessing the growing use of criminal law for punishing behaviors related to the sexualization of minors, which do not directly imply the abuse of actual minors. This use of criminal law presents many reasons for perplexity.
Continue reading >>A Parliament Shaped by the ‘Worst Election Law Ever’
The campaign for the next Italian general election, scheduled for [...]
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The Italian Surname Saga
On May 31, 2022, the Italian Constitutional Court (ICC) finally rendered its much-awaited decision (ICC, decision no. 131/2022) about domestic legislation on surname attribution. The judgment deserves closer attention for two main reasons. Next to fostering gender equality, it also exemplifies the new role of the ICC within the Italian constitutional order.
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Compensation Without Recognition
The German-Italian dispute over civil liability for Germany’s crimes during World War II has developed into a veritable saga. This saga, however, might come to an end soon. By passing the Decree-Law of 30 April 2022, No. 36, the Italian government has temporarily blocked the distraint of properties of Germany located in Rome. Furthermore, the Decree-Law has established a fund through which the Italian government aims to definitively close the issue by paying compensation to the victims in place of Germany. Even if in the future Germany decides to contribute to those compensations, such a solution would fail to acknowledge that historical justice is not just about financial compensation. It is about listening and recognition.
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An Inappropriate Memorial Day
The Italian Parliament recently approved a statute that institutes a Memorial Day for the sacrifice of the Alpine Troops in the battle of 26th of January 1943, during WWII. The battle took place in Nikolajewka, a village which is now in Ukraine. This decision is confusing for a couple of reasons, and yet there has not been much of a public debate or opposition. A possible explanation is that this statute is part of the process of building up a ‘shared memory’ among political parties to legitimize the current political system.
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All Needs to Stay As It Is so All Can Change
The terms of office of Italian President Sergio Mattarella and German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier will end within few weeks from one another. Yet the two countries could not experience the two deadlines more differently. While the German President's re-election in the first round is certain, in Italy a sort of collective psychodrama has been going on for months.
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Maßnahmen zur Terrorismusbekämpfung als Mittel zur Migrationskontrolle
Seit den Anschlägen vom 11. September ist der öffentliche Diskurs [...]
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Counterterrorism measures as a migration control device
While concerns over terrorism have not shaped Italian migration policy in a comprehensive way, the increased use of the administrative measure of expulsion of foreigners for counter-terrorism purposes must be questioned. It poses serious challenges to fundamental rights and rule of law principles and might foster a shift from a punitive to a preventive approach in the field of migration control.
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Two Almost Identical Chambers Doing the Same Job Twice
On July 8th, the Italian Parliament adopted in the last reading an amendment to the constitution which lowers the voting age in Senate elections from 25 to 18 years. At first glance, an ode to democracy: the amendment eventually grants the right to vote for the upper chamber of the national Parliament to some 4 million young citizens. In reality, the amendment is the (so far) last step of a fragmented and schizophrenic set of reforms that are gradually dismantling the logic of the constitution of 1948 without proposing an alternative constitutional strategy.
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Visibility and Crime at Sea
On 30th June 2021, search-and-rescue activists from Sea-Watch witnessed a brutal attack by the so-called Libyan Coast Guard against a migrant vessel carrying 64 during an attempted pushback. Now, prosecutors in Sicily have launched an investigation against the Libyan Coast Guard for “attempted shipwreck.” This the first time, a European court opens an investigation against the Libyan Coast Guard, and the fact that an Italian court should do so bears legal and political importance.
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The Italian “No Jab, No Job” Law
While the world tackles the thorny issues of vaccine passports and “no jab, no job” policies, on April 1st 2021 Italy became (to the best of my knowledge) the first country to enact a law specifically prescribing COVID-19 vaccination for healthcare workers, with non-compliance entailing removal from healthcare activities or, when this is not possible, suspension from work and wage. This may appear as an infringement of the constitutionally protected right to health as a matter of self-determination. But in fact, given the case-law of the Italian Constitutional Court, the newly enacted obligation seems to meet the requirements of the Italian Constitution.
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Coping with Disloyal Cooperation in the Midst of a Pandemic: The Italian Response
The activity of the coalition Government between the Five Star Movement (5SM), the Democratic Party and other centre-left junior allies to tackle COVID-19 has been praised by some and severely criticized by others. Looking back at this first year of pandemic, a crucial problem of the Italian management of the disease and the related economic and social crises has been the lack of loyal cooperation; a principle entrenched into the Constitution (Art. 120, second para, Const.), with regard to the relationship amongst the different levels of government.
Continue reading >>Draghi’s New Cabinet Sails but Italian Political Institutions Do not Risk Reforms
On 13 February 2021, the new Prime Minister Mario Draghi was sworn in with his ministers by President Mattarella. Draghi had received the task of forming the government on 3 February, ten days earlier. The second Conte government had resigned on 26 January. The new government won the confidence of the Senate on 17 February and that of the Chamber of Deputies on the 18th: the crisis was resolved within eighteen days (twenty-three if the two parliamentary votes are taken into account). It must be emphasized that in Italy the government does not take office after the parliamentary vote, but before, with the oath of office (Art. 93 It. Const.). This is fundamental to understand the role of the Head of State.
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Call Me by Mum’s Name
In a recent decision, the Italian Constitutional Court took up the question of the choice of surname for newborns. In the absence of legislative reforms, it has tried to adapt the Italian legal framework, which still adheres to traditional naming practices, to constitutional and international standards of equality. This step shows the Court’s intention to counter the Parliament’s inertia on the issue.
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LawRules #2: We need to talk about Judicial Nominations
It's easy to agree that judicial independence is important – but who gets to be a part of the judiciary, who gets promoted to which court and who enters the highest ranks is a decision that has to be taken by someone, and a lot depends on who that someone is. Controlling judicial nominations is one of the key elements in all authoritarian takeover strategies which have been implemented in recent years in Poland, in Hungary and elsewhere. This is what we will discuss with the president of the European Network of Councils of the Judiciary, a member of the board of the Polish independent judges’ association IUSTITIA, and a German judge at the Bundesgerichtshof.
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Constitutional Dullness
Should the number of Italy’s Members of Parliament (MPs) be reduced from 945 to 600? Italian citizens will decide on that question in a constitutional referendum that will take place in less than two weeks. While other referendums in Italian history have been vectors of remarkable civic mobilisation, this one fails to capture the constitutional imagination of Italian citizens. What could – and should – be a radical public debate about Italy’s political system and the current order, in fact revolves around pettiness and trivial constitutional engineering.
Continue reading >>The Italian Government Enforces Gender Parity in Regional Elections
On 23 July 2020, the Italian government formally warned Apulia that if the region did not introduce gender parity election rules by 28 July 2020, it would do so in its place. Apulia failed to adopt a regional statute in that time frame. Thus, on 31 July 2020, the Italian government adopted Decree Law 86/2020 which essentially introduced a mechanism of “double gender preference” for the regional Parliament elections to be held on 20-21 September 2020. What is clear is that this summer’s events around the Apulia election are yet another example of the “irresistible rise of gender quotas in Europe”, where Germany increasingly stands out as the proverbial exception.
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With Tragedy Comes Farce
The Italian Prime Minister has recently adopted the the so-called ‘Step 2’ measures. They aim to prudently alleviate the severe limitations on personal liberty imposed so far, but result in obvious uncertainty as for what exactly is forbidden – which adds to their slender ties with parliamentary legislation in exposing the legitimacy deficit of the overall crisis discipline. Particularly, the notion of ‘congiunto’ as a person that one can go visit is likely to cause tragicomic, yet remarkable, turmoil.
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Not a Safe Place?
In an unprecedented move, the Italian government has declared Italy’s ports “unsafe” due to the COVID-19-pandemic. It did so by issuing an executive decree late Tuesday last week, seemingly in response to the rescue of 150 shipwrecked by the Sea-Eye’s Alan Kurdi. This is not the first time that the Italian government has used decrees to close its borders for sea-rescue ships. However, given the extraordinary circumstances of this case in the midst of the on-going Corona-crisis and the novel argument made by the Italian government, the decision warrants closer examination.
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The Need for Clear Competences in Times of Crisis
All Italian institutions established at different levels of government have been at the forefront in the health emergency to fight the spread of the coronavirus disease (see Diletta Tega and Michele Massa). Yet, they had to take action in the absence of a consistent legal framework establishing a clear division of competences and chain of command in the management of the emergency. The resulting legal uncertainties have been delaying the timely adoption and effective implementation of the containment measures which led to the national lockdown.
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Corona Triage
Triage - this is the sorting of patients in groups to be treated preferentially or subordinately when the mass of patients vastly exceeds the available resources. It has always been a delicate and stressful procedure. The Italian Society for Anesthesia, Analgesia, Resuscitation and Intensive Care Medicine (SIAARTI) has recently given recommendations to intensive care physicians who are currently no longer able to provide lung ventilators to all Covid-19 patients in need. The aim of those recommendations was to relieve the practitioners of the burden of taking personal responsibility for the selection decisions and to make the criteria explicit and communicable. The criteria, or so the authors propose, should also be made accessible to those affected and to their families to maintain trust in the public health service. If the criteria are now made public, one must however be allowed to comment on them. This is what I intend to do here.
Continue reading >>Corona-Triage
Triage – das ist die Sortierung von Patienten in Gruppen vor- und nachrangig zu Behandelnder bei einem die verfügbaren Ressourcen weit übersteigenden Massenanfall von Bedürftigen. Das ist schon immer ein heikler und belastender Vorgang gewesen. Die italienische Gesellschaft für Anästhesie, Analgesie, Reanimations- und Intensivmedizin (SIAARTI) hat den Intensivmedizinern, die derzeit nicht mehr allen bedürftigen Covid-19-Patienten Beatmungsgeräte bereitstellen können, dazu kürzlich Empfehlungen an die Hand gegeben. Man wolle auf diesem Wege die Praktiker davon entlasten, die Auswahlentscheidungen persönlich verantworten zu müssen, und man wolle die Kriterien explizit und kommunikabel machen. Wenn die Kriterien öffentlich gemacht werden, muss man sie freilich auch kommentieren dürfen. Das möchte ich hier tun.
Continue reading >>Coronavirus Emergency and Public Law Issues: An Update on the Italian Situation
The emergency caused by the “new” Coronavirus disease (that we discussed here) reached a new peak in Italy in the last few days, since cases have tripled compared to just a couple of days ago. Italy is now the second most affected country after China. This situation induced Italian public authorities to take new, stricter measures to try to contain the expansion of the virus. From a constitutional law perspective, the Coronavirus sheds light on the need to reconsider Italy’s “emergency constitution” .
Continue reading >>The Island of Hope in a Sea of Misery
On 17 January 2020, the Italian Court of Cassation (‘Court’) ruled that Carola Rackete, captain of the Sea-Watch 3, was not criminally liable for hitting an Italian Guardia di Finanza vessel and allowing 40 shipwrecked to disembark in Lampedusa in July 2019. The judgment is remarkable for its unequivocal stance on the right to disembark.
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Private (Transnational) Power without Authority
On 9 September 2019 Facebook banned from its platforms all pages and profiles related to the Italian far-right organization “CasaPound”, for the violation of its Community Standard no. 12 (hate speech and incitement to violence). On 11 December 2019, the Tribunal of Rome (ToR) adopted the precautionary measure ordering Facebook Ireland Ltd. to restore the pages and their content and to pay the losses. The decision raises significant issues in several respects and might serve as a model to courts beyond Italy.
Continue reading >>The Italian Constitutional Court Opens Up to Hear the Voice of Civil Society
On January 8 2020, the Italian Constitutional Court gave civil society a voice on the issues discussed before it. The Court amended the regulations governing the conduct of proceedings before it and puts itself in a position where it is able take account of expert opinions as well as civil society stakeholders.
Continue reading >>Doch noch ein Verfassungsreferendum in Italien
Die Verkleinerung des italienischen Parlaments wurde im vergangen Oktober beschlossen, jedoch haben sich knapp vor Ablauf der Frist genügend Parlamentarier zusammengeschlossen, um die Entscheidung doch dem Wahlvolk durch ein Verfassungsreferendum zu überlassen. Die traditionelle Scheu der italienischen Wähler vor Verfassungsänderungen dürfte diesmal durch eine Annahme dieses „Reförmchens“ höchstwahrscheinlich überwunden werden. Nichtdestotrotz bestätigt das Vorgehen die Richtigkeit einer Verfassungsbestimmung, die für konstitutionelle Novellierungen einen breiten Konsens vorsieht, damit die Verfassung nicht Spielball der Tagespolitik wird.
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Shying Away from Strasbourg
Last week, the Italian Constitutional Court published its reasoning on a judgment regarding the so-called ergastolo ostativo (life sentence without parole). The challenged provision excludes persons convicted of serious crimes – primarily mafia-type – from a series of benefits (for example, permits and conditional release) in the event that they do not want to collaborate with the authorities. Italy’s Constitutional Court now held that this provision is not in line with the constitution but missed a chance to give full effect to the case law of the European Court of Human Rights.
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Constitution Before Administration
On 5 December 2019, Italy’s Constitutional Court nullified regional legislation which made it extremely difficult for religious minority groups to set up places of worship. The provisions in question vested the administrative authorities with nearly unfettered discretion in deciding on the approval of applications. The Constitutional Court has now made clear that the constitutionally guaranteed freedom of religion cannot be circumvented by administrative procedures.
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Menschenrechte im Mittelmeer
Was bedeutet es Rechte zu haben? Diese Frage bekommt drängende Relevanz, wenn es um die Reichweite menschenrechtlicher Verantwortung geht, so im Fall S.S. und andere gegen Italien, der vor dem Europäischen Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte anhängig ist. Der EGMR hat zu entscheiden, inwiefern die Unterstützung der libyschen Küstenwache und Koordination von Rettungsaktionen eine Verantwortung Italiens nach der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention auslöst.
Continue reading >>The Erosion of Italian Regionalism
Elections in the small, peaceful, politically stable region of Umbria in central Italy normally go rather unnoticed. This didn’t change when the direct election of regional presidents was introduced in 1995, making Italy the only European country with a presidential system at regional level. The stunning victory of the right not only brought Umbria into the spotlight of national politics but also cast light on the erosion of regionalism in Italy.
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Es hat viel gedonnert, aber kaum geregnet
Mit dem Beschluss der Abgeordnetenkammer vom 8. Oktober 2019 hat das italienische Parlament entschieden, sich selbst um ein gutes Drittel der Sitze zu verkleinern. Aus 945 Parlamentariern sollen künftig 600 werden. Obwohl die von der Fünf-Sterne-Bewegung angestrebte Reform in der italienischen Verfassungsdebatte nicht neu ist, beschränkt sie sich auf eine rechnerische Verkleinerung, ohne Rolle und Kompetenzen der Volksvertretung in der Gegenwart ernsthaft zu hinterfragen.
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“Constitutional Paternalism” and the Inability to Legislate
On 25 September 2019, the Italian Constitutional Court (ICC) has made clear that assisted suicide is not punishable under specific conditions. The judgment came one year after the ICC had ordered the Italian Parliament to legislate on the matter – which it did not do. The entire story is indicative of the inability of Parliaments to respond to social demands as well as the current trend of high courts to act as shepherds of parliaments rather than as guardians of the constitution.
Continue reading >>Italia Viva, Party System Reform Morta
Until a decade ago or even less, Italian politics appeared a matter of its own political idiosyncrasies and was dismissed as a peculiar case which is cause more for an amused smile but serious political analysis. This is not the case anymore. The sad truth is that parliamentary regimes based on a functioning majority in Parliament do not seem to be able to deliver sufficiently stable and effective governments these days.
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Resentment, Populism and Political Strategies in Italy
After Matteo Salvini announced his plan of holding snap elections, the former Italian prime minister (Presidente del Consiglio), Matteo Renzi launched the idea to postpone elections by forming a transistional government supported by the Partito democratico and the MoVimento 5 stelle, amongst others. Renzi knows that, according to the polls, Salvini’s political party (the Lega) could win the elections and form a government with Fratelli d’Italia, a post-fascist and still far-right party or with Forza Italia, the party created by Silvio Berlusconi. But would this move prevent a populist government?
Continue reading >>Pre-Modern Understandings of Rule-Making
Since his entering into office a year ago, Italy’s Minister of Interior Matteo Salvini has proved to be the true leader of the governmental coalition between the Five Star Movement and the Lega, run by Salvini himself. His populist approach looks far closer to that of Orbán than to the confused ideology of the Five Star Movement. Contrary to the latter, Salvini always gives the impression of knowing exactly what he wants. Being far more predictable than his allies, he has succeeded both in seizing control of Italy’s political agenda and in gaining a huge electoral consent, not least because he knows how to fuel the popular anxiety.
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Ende einer Irrfahrt
Die deutsche Kapitänin des Rettungsschiffes „SeaWatch 3“, Carola Rackete, wird beschuldigt, sich durch die unerlaubte Einfahrt in italienische Küstengewässer, durch die Nichtbeachtung des Anlegeverbots im Hafen von Lampedusa und durch das Rammen eines „Kriegsschiffs“ bei der Einfahrt in den Hafen strafbar gemacht zu haben. Ihr drohen Freiheitsstrafen bis zu zehn Jahren. Nach italienischem Straf- und Verfassungsrecht sind die Vorwürfe indessen haltlos.
Continue reading >>Verbrechen der Menschlichkeit?
Carola Rackete, Kapitänin der Sea-Watch, droht ein Strafverfahren in Italien. Bei diesem Verfahren steht nicht nur für das italienische, sondern für das gesamte europäische Recht viel auf dem Spiel. Wenn ein weithin als moralisch richtig oder gar geboten angesehenes Verhalten sich als strafbar erweist, dann gefährdet das die Akzeptanz und Autorität von Recht.
Continue reading >>Mini-BOTs, complementary currencies and the European monetary malaise
On May 28th, the Italian Chamber of Deputies approved a resolution requiring the government to issue the so-called mini-BOTs. Under such a name, reference is made to Treasury bills issued in small denominations (in Euros), bearing no interest, with no expiry date, and which the Italian Exchequer would accept as a means of payment of taxes. The proposal has been predictably met with marked skepticism by European institutions and by the Italian Minister of Economy and Finance. However, the wisest move, in prudential, political and economic terms, would be that European institutions would embrace experimentation with complementary currencies, in genuine federal spirit.
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Not to be Pushed Aside: the Italian Constitutional Court and the European Court of Justice
A few days ago, with the decision no 20/2019, the Italian Constitutional Court (ICC) has set a new cornerstone in its relationship with EU law and, in particular, with the judicial treatment of issues covered by both national fundamental rights and the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. In so doing, the Consulta shows the intention to act as a pivotal institution in the field of judicial protection of fundamental rights.
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Citizenship Revocation in Italy as a Counter-Terrorism Measure
A 2018 Italian Decree Law allows the revocation of citizenship based on a decision of the Minister of the Interior when a person has been convicted for terrorist offences. However, this provision specifically addresses immigrants and their children who became Italian citizens.
Continue reading >>Rationalising political representation within the European Parliament: the Italian Constitutional Court rules on the threshold for the European elections
In December 2018, the Italian Constitutional Court found the national 4% threshold for elections to the European Parliament to be constitutional. Unlike the Bundesverfassungsgericht, which focused in-depth on the European state of affairs at a given stage, the Corte costituzionale has pointed to a gradual evolutionary development towards “a rationalisation of the representation of political forces within the European parliamentary assembly”. According to this interpretation, both the national parliaments and the European Parliament face similar challenges.
Continue reading >>Playing the chicken game: The conflict over Italy’s draft budget reveals a construction flaw in the EMU
The next period of nightlong European summits and standoffs between the European institutions and one of its member states is looming: Italy and the EU are at odds about its new budget proposal. This is a result of the setup of the Economic and Monetary Union, which will continue to produce such stalemates as long as dominant countries make common rules for their own sake and others try to circumvent them.
Continue reading >>The Italian Budget Drama – Brussels and Rome on Collision Course
The EU Commission has, for the first time, rejected a budget plan of a member state. While the Italian government drums its chest and the markets get increasingly nervous, the situation remains deadly serious. It is moreover deeply symptomatic of the potential, limits and fundamental shortcomings of the current architecture of Eurozone fiscal governance.
Continue reading >>The Italian President and the Security of the European Project
In a previous post, I have argued that the recent decision of the Italian President Mattarella to refuse to appoint as Finance Minister Paolo Savona, was constitutional. Many have argued either in favour or against Mattarella’s decision, either from legal or political perspective, or both. My argument is as follows: (a) the decision to refuse Savona’s appointment is not only legal, but also legitimate, as confirmed by the legal-historical context, in which the Italian form of government has developed; (b) the reasons behind Mattarella’s decision are deeply linked with the “security of the European project”, a rationale which has been a constant feature of European integration. Yet conflicts and contradictions have been concealed for too long and should be addressed more directly.
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Refugees in Orbit – again!
Matteo Salvini, Italy’s new far-right home secretary, tweeted “Vittoria!” after news broke that the 629 persons stranded aboard the M.S. Aquarius would be forced to proceed to the Spanish city of Valencia rather than being allowed to disembark at much closer ports in Sicily. But for whom was it a “victory”?
Continue reading >>A Crisis Made in Italy
The recent crisis surrounding the Italian President’s refusal to appoint a Finance Minister considered likely to pursue an agenda of ‘Italexit’ has sparked a great deal of constitutional commentary. Two particular threads of opinion are identified here and some doubts cast about them. On the one hand, there are those who consider legitimate the President’s discretionary use of power, partly in light of the pressure that would be brought to bear by the financial markets should Italy opt for exiting the single currency. On the other hand, there are those who doubt its wisdom, and offer a broader indictment of the pressure brought to bear on the Italian government as a result of being in an overly rigid Eurozone. This gets closer to diagnosing the condition, but in its ambiguity about the pressure point, fails to underscore that this is essentially a crisis made in Italy, and, if at all, to be resolved there, including a full and frank debate about membership of the single currency and even the European Union.
Continue reading >>Two Courts, two Languages? The Taricco Saga Ends on a Worrying Note
The epic story of the confrontation between the Italian Constitutional Court (ICC) and the European Court of Justice (ECJ) that has become known under name Taricco has come to an end at last – somewhat different than expected, but nevertheless. On May 31 the ICC has handed down its final judgment. The hatchet between the Courts is buried. But the way it was done by the ICC is by no means conciliatory.
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The “Savona Affaire”: Overconstitutionalization in Action?
As is well known, Italy is undergoing an institutional crisis sparked by President Mattarella’s veto on the composition of the prospective Italian government. Following Dieter Grimm, we claim that the events here analysed reveal the extent to which the EU legal framework is overconstitutionalised and the democratic costs and risks inherent in this legal and political order.
Continue reading >>Why the Italian President’s Decision was Legitimate
The new Italian government is unlikely to find a majority in Parliament; it will probably be a short-term, neutral caretaker, until the new elections, which may take place as soon as next autumn. The impeachment procedure against the President – should it start at all – will end in nothing, although it might stir the electoral propaganda.
Continue reading >>The People vs. the Elite: Italian Dialectics and the European Malaise
Has the Italian President power of veto over the choice of the ministers of the government? Some argue that the Constitution does not allow Mattarella to go against the indications of the winning parties and should respect the will of the majority of the electorate, and should abstain from interfering with the political choices of the future Prime Minister. These considerations are not correct and follow from a superficial reading of the Constitution.
Continue reading >>State Secrecy in Counterterrorism: Different Judicial Standards of Review – The Abu Omar Case before Italian Courts
State secrecy provides an interesting viewpoint on national and supranational [...]
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Constitutional Rights First: The Italian Constitutional Court fine-tunes its “Europarechtsfreundlichkeit”
Only a few days after the Court of Justice of the European Union buried the hatchet in the so-called Taricco saga, the Italian Constitutional Court issued a decision that may inaugurate the most significant shift of its jurisprudence in European affairs since 1984, when the Constitutional Court fully accepted the principle of primacy of EU law and blessed the disapplication of national legislation incompatible with EU law.
Continue reading >>Doppelpass in Südtirol?
In ihrem Regierungsabkommen nehmen die ÖVP und die FPÖ in Aussicht, „den Angehörigen der Volksgruppen deutscher und ladinischer Muttersprache in Südtirol (...) die Möglichkeit einzuräumen, zusätzlich zur italienischen Staatsbürgerschaft die österreichische Staatsbürgerschaft zu erwerben”. Es ist unwahrscheinlich, dass es je zum Doppelpass kommen wird. Zu zahlreich, zu verzwickt sind die rechtlichen Schwierigkeiten. Dabei ist Italiens eigene Staatsbürgerschaft-Politik selbst alles andere als fehlerfrei.
Continue reading >>Belittling the Primacy of EU Law in Taricco II
The Taricco II judgement handed down by the CJEU on 5 December 2017 is a telling and worrying example of a weakly reasoned court decision and the high price at which such weakness comes. It is a judgement that disregards legally problematic questions, seemingly subordinating argumentative consistency to the constraints of legal policy in a climate increasingly critical towards EU law and institutions. The (potential) collateral damage of this approach is considerable.
Continue reading >>Defusing the Taricco Bomb through Fostering Constitutional Tolerance: All Roads Lead to Rome
As Mauro Cappelletti perceptively wrote in 1986, ‘unlike the American Supreme Court and the European Constitutional Courts, the Court of Justice has almost no powers that are not ultimately derived from its own prestige, intellectual and moral force of its opinions’. In other terms, the Court of Justice (‘ECJ’) cannot take obedience to its judgments by Member States and the respective authorities as granted or constitutionally-mandated since, in Weiler’s words, this is a voluntary obedience which goes hand in hand with the exercise of constitutional tolerance in the Member States. In other words, there is a time for the enforcement of the radical primacy of EU law as in Melloni and Taricco I, and a time for internalizing the counterlimits, as in the Taricco II decision (M.A.S. and M.B. case) handed down today by the ECJ.
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Playing the Referendum Game in Northern Italy
Three weeks after Catalonia, two of Italy’s wealthiest regions are going to the polls over similar issues related to autonomy. On Sunday, the northern regions of Lombardy and Veneto will vote on a one-question query on whether to demand greater autonomy from Rome. Despite their apparent simplicity, both questions are formulated in such a way as to be misleading. Few months before the national election, the referendum may be considered as a test for Northern League, or even a rehearsal in view of a political campaign based on the promise of a greater return on taxes.
Continue reading >>Bewunderung ohne Liebe und die Kunst des Übertreibens: die italienischen Reaktionen auf die deutsche Bundestagswahl
Dramatisierung, Angst vor neuen Härten für Italien und Abneigung gegen große Koalitionen - so lassen sich die italienischen Reaktionen auf die Bundestagswahlen im geschätzten, aber nicht geliebten Nachbarland im Norden zusammenfassen.
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The EU as the Appropriate Locus of Power for Tackling Crises: Interpretation of Article 78(3) TFEU in the case Slovakia and Hungary v Council
The CJEU’s judgment in Slovakia and Hungary v Council of 6 September 2017 raises important instutional questions. As the Court implicitly recognises the EU as the appropriate forum for taking effective action to address the emergency situation created by a sudden inflow of third country nationals, it adopts its tendency towards purposive and effectiveness-oriented jurisprudence to asylum law.
Continue reading >>The Opinion of Advocate General Bot in Taricco II: Seven “Deadly” Sins and a Modest Proposal
The wind of populism is blowing across Europe and courts (including constitutional and supreme courts) are not immune therefrom. Within this context, the enforcement of the constitutional identity clause to contrast the application and, sometimes, the primacy of EU law would be a powder keg waiting to be lit. In the latest act in the Taricco saga, Advocate General Bot in his opinion in Taricco II does nothing to defuse it – on the contrary.
Continue reading >>Das italienische Wahlrecht nach deutscher Art reformieren – oder nicht?
Das deutsche Wahlsystem soll Vorbild sein für die Reform des Wahlrechts in Italien. Was hat es mit diesem Vorbildcharakter auf sich, und wie passt das deutsche personalisierte Verhältniswahlrecht zu den Vorgaben der italienischen Verfassung?
Continue reading >>No Consensus – but Hope at Villa Vigoni
The Colloquium on the judgment of the Italian Constitutional Court [...]
Continue reading >>Suggesting Solutions: Do the Right Thing
This short presentation distils the conclusions of the panel regarding [...]
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Suggesting Solutions: A European Way?
The conveners asked the third panel of the conference to [...]
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Suggesting Solutions: What about Concessions to be Made by Both Sides?
In the following I will briefly give you an overview [...]
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Suggesting Solutions: Providing Compensation to the Victims as a Moral and Legal Duty
The first panel dealt intensively with the question as to [...]
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A clever and dangerous move – or: a Roman Court goes Lutheran
2 ½ years after it was rendered, Sentenza 238/14 of [...]
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After Sentenza 238: A Plea for Legal Peace
1. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS This post summarizes some of the key [...]
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Judgment 238/2014 and the importance of a constructive dialogue
I will focus here on two facets of Judgment 238/2014 [...]
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Italian Concerns after Sentenza 238/2014
Judicial practice may be a means to overcome the opposition [...]
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Italian concerns after sentenza 238/2014: possible reactions, possible solutions
Introduction 1. International legal thinking has long been dominated by [...]
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German concerns after Sentenza 238/2014: Possible reactions – possible solutions
Jurisdictional Immunities, or: A Formally Strong German Position On the [...]
Continue reading >>Introduction: In search for conciliation
Sentenza 238/2014 of the Italian Constitutional Court created a legal [...]
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How Could the ECJ Escape from the Taricco Quagmire?
The Taricco saga shows how difficult has become the coexistence between the doctrines that have been developed so far by the ECJ on one side and the national Constitutional or Supreme Courts on the other side. The ECJ and the Constitutional Courts, in all their isolated splendour (or splendid isolation), preferred so far to follow parallel lines, whose meeting could only take place ad infinitum. However, if the parallelism collapses, the two lines are doomed to crash.
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The Italian Constitutional Court in re Taricco: “Gauweiler in the Roman Campagna”
The Italian Constitutional Court’s Tarrico judgement is worded in apparently much milder terms than the BVerfG’s preliminary reference in Gauweiler. The content of the ICC’s decision, though, seems loaded with much more dynamite. In Gauweiler, the CJEU was called to interpret an act of another EU institution. In Taricco, the CJEU is called to reinterpret its own decision, after the ICC essentially asked “please, say it again?”
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Stable Majorities in Italy: an Interview with FRANCESCO CLEMENTI
Last week, the Italian Constitutional Court has declared the electoral law reform constitutional in most respects. Francesco Clementi explains why it will still be extremely difficult to form stable majorities in both chambers of Parliament.
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The Taricco Decision: A Last Attempt to Avoid a Clash between EU Law and the Italian Constitution
Is Italy obliged by EU law to pursue criminal acts longer than provided by Italian law? This question might cause a fundamental clash between the Italian Constitutional Court and the European Court of Justice. Unlike the CJEU, the Italian Constitutional Court interprets a retroactive suspension of the limitation period as a matter of principle of legality, and thereby as a matter of a core principle of Italian constitutional law. By referring the case to the CJEU, the Italian Constitutional Court gives the European Court a chance to revisit its jurisdiction while avoiding the identity language of the German Constitutional Court - good news for cooperative constitutionalism in Europe.
Continue reading >>Nothing left to do but vote – The (almost) untold story of the Italian constitutional reform and the aftermath of the referendum
A cloud of uncertainty hovers over the future of Italian politics after the failure of the constitutional referendum. The degree of uncertainty is increased by the pending proceeding before the Constitutional Court where the electoral law adopted in 2015 (Italicum) has been challenged as unconstitutional.
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After the Italian Referendum
So much was at stake for Italy, its political class and its economy, and for the European Union (EU) and its member states in the country’s failed referendum on constitutional reform. In the EU, Germany is a particularly sensitive case. The relations between Germany and Italy are a focal point in Europe. They used to be in an asymmetric, albeit comforting, equilibrium.
Continue reading >>Italy before the Constitutional Referendum: “I do not see any Armageddon Scenario”
On Sunday, Italy will vote on the largest constitutional reform in recent history. Francesco Clementi, constitutional lawyer from the University of Perugia and one of the staunchest supporters of the reform, answers our questions about what will happen in case of a NO or a YES victory.
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Stabilität als Fluchtpunkt der italienischen Verfassungsreform – auf welchem Weg und um welchem Preis?
Die Wahlkarten sind versandt, die Fernsehanstalten haben Für und Wider in Dutzenden Debatten abgewogen, die staatliche Fluggesellschaft offeriert vergünstigte Tickets für die Anreise – alles scheint gerichtet für das Verfassungsreferendum in Italien am 4. Dezember dieses Jahres. Ministerratspräsident Matteo Renzi verspricht nicht weniger als den Wandel zum „stabilsten Land Europas.“ Wird das gelingen? Und wenn ja, um welchen Preis?
Continue reading >>Die ‚Anderen‘ an den Tisch holen: Ein Vorschlag für ein inklusiveres Südtirol
Südtirol, eine autonome und vorwiegend deutschsprachige Provinz in Norditalien, gilt als eines der erfolgreichsten Beispiele der Konkordanzdemokratie – ein politisches System der Machtteilung, in dem die Bevölkerung aus ethnischen, sprachlichen oder anderen Gründen gespalten ist. Eines der Rechte, das deutschsprachige, italienischsprachige und ladinischsprachige Einwohner der Provinz genießen, ist ihre proportionale Repräsentation in Regierungen auf Provinz- und Gemeindeebene. Es ist an der Zeit, auch ‚anders Erklärende‘ zu berücksichtigen, also jene, die sich keiner Sprachgruppe angehörig fühlen, bzw. sich nur einer der drei offiziellen Sprachgruppen zuordnen. Dieser Schritt würde den Wandel von einem ‚corporate model‘ der Konkordanzdemokratie hin zu einem liberaleren Modell in der Provinz unterstützen.
Continue reading >>Italian Constitutional Referendum: Voting for Structural Reform or Constitutional Transformation?
As the distance between political elites and the population in Europe increases, Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi's plans of constitutional reform further impoverish political representation in Italy – both with respect to input and output of the process. That is why the opponents of the reform are gaining ever more traction among Italian voters and could in the end prevail.
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“Vote Yes for a Safe Italy” or “Vote No to Defend the Constitution”: Italian Constitutional Politics between Majoritarianism and Civil Resistance
In the run-up to the constitutional referendum in October, the Italian government meets considerable resistance towards its plans for a comprehensive reform of the Constitution of 1948. Both Prime Minister Matteo Renzi and Constitutional Reform Minister Maria Elena Boschi regularly sustain that in case of a ‘No’ vote, chaos will rule. Public debate seems trapped in a Manichean game between yes-proponents that accuse the opposition of conservatism, and no-proponents that accuse the government of authoritarian leanings.
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Freedom of Religion vs Islamophobia: Lombardy’s “Anti-Mosque Law” is Unconstitutional
While islamophobia is on the rise after the carnages of Paris and Bruxelles, recent developments in Italy may foster the confidence in the freedom of religion of European Muslims. In a ground-breaking decision, the Italian Constitutional Court has nullified a regional “anti-mosques law” enacted by the Lombardy Region one year ago, discriminating the Muslim community of this rich and populated area of Northern Italy.
Continue reading >>Verfassungsreform in Italien: der entscheidende Schritt
Italien erlebt gerade den umfangreichsten und ambitioniertesten Prozess zur Reform seiner Verfassung seit Beginn der Republik. Die Regierung beabsichtigt, das schwerfällige, träge und ineffiziente Gesetzgebungssystem fundamental zu reformieren. Der Senat wird zu einer Kammer der Regionen mit sehr schwachen gesetzgeberischen Kompetenzen umfunktioniert. Das kurzfristige Ziel scheint aber im Moment eher zu sein, ein Zeichen der Reformbereitschaft zu setzen, als dem Land eine gut durchdachte und funktionierende neue Verfassung zu schenken.
Continue reading >>Straßburg zu Lampedusa: Menschenwürde muss krisenfest sein
Das Urteil kommt zur rechten Zeit: Flüchtlinge haben ein Recht auf Achtung ihrer Menschenwürde, auch wenn sehr viele in sehr kurzer Zeit ankommen und das Ankunftsland darauf sehr schlecht vorbereitet ist. Das ist die Quintessenz des heutigen Lampedusa-Urteils des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte. Die "Krisen-" und "Notstands"-Argumente, mit denen der Aufnahmestaat sich verteidigt, mögen noch so berechtigt sein – gegen die Menschenwürde richten sie nichts aus.
Continue reading >>“Italian-style” secession and the semi-indifference of national politics
On April 28th, the Italian Constitutional Court will hold a public hearing on the constitutionality of the planned independence referendum in the northern Italian region of Veneto. Unlike its Scottish and Catalan counterparts, the Veneto secession case has been largely ignored on the national political level in Italy. From a legal point of view, the unconstitutionality of an independence referendum seems hard to deny. But politically, nevertheless, treating regional separatism as a taboo could endanger the very thing it seeks to protect, the one and indivisible Republic of Italy.
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The “Anti-Mosques” Law of Lombardy and Religious Freedom in Italy
Lombardy, Italy’s most populous region, has just enacted a law that seems to be designed to make life for Muslims as hard as possible. On January 27th, the Council of the Lombardy Region has enacted amendments to the Regional Law that regulates the planning of buildings and other structures for religious purposes. These amendments make it extremely cumbersome to build new places of worship for all non-established religious denominations, particularly Muslims – while the still dominant Catholic Church remains exempted from the regulation. Discrimination is not the only aspect of the new law that makes its constitutionality look more than questionable.
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A Fresh Start: How to Resolve the Conflict between the ICJ and the Italian Constitutional Court
Three months ago the Italian Constitutional Court decided that it would infringe the fundamental rights of Italians to follow the International Court of Justice and uphold state immunity as a barrier for individual claims of war crime victims (decision no. 238 of 2014). First commentators have pointed out the conflict between the two courts and the regime collision between international and domestic law. Germany’s possible reaction to the Italian breach of international law has also been taken into consideration. Finally, the possible role of the Italian Constitutional Court’s reasoning in the further development of international law with regard to state immunity in cases of serious human rights violations, which amount to the breach of a jus cogens rule, has been the focus of some contributions. I would suggest making a fresh start in this debate. What we need right now are procedural mechanisms to harmonize for the future, as far as possible, the claim of sovereign immunity and access to the courts, in case a state happens to be in a better position to settle the dispute at the international level in the interests of the victims.
Continue reading >>Liberalisierung der Leihmutterschaft: Straßburg legt nach
Staaten, die Leihmutterschaft bekämpfen und verbieten wollen, dürfen das tun – aber sie dürfen diesen Kampf nicht auf dem Rücken des Kindes austragen. Im letzten Sommer hat der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte entschieden, dass die Staaten vor lauter Empörung nicht so tun dürfen, als habe ein von einer Leihmutter ausgetragenes Kind nicht einmal einen biologischen Vater mehr. Und erst im Dezember hat der Bundesgerichtshof daraus für Deutschland die Konsequenzen gezogen. Heute hat der Straßburger Gerichtshof eine Kammerentscheidung veröffentlicht, die zeigt, wie weit der Gerichtshof diese Linie zu treiben bereit ist.
Continue reading >>“We had something in mind, which then changed and became something different” – interview with Oreste Pollicino, co-founder of Diritti Comparati
You founded Diritti Comparati in 2010. What motivated you to [...]
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Let Not Triepel Triumph – How To Make the Best Out of Sentenza No. 238 of the Italian Constitutional Court for a Global Legal Order
The Italian Constiutional Court’s decision no. 238 of 22 Oct. 2014 (unofficial [...]
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Damage-assessment on the building of international law after the Italian Constitutional Court’s decision no. 238 of 2014: no structural damage, just wear and tear.
This symposium invites reflections on the intercourse between national courts [...]
Continue reading >>No custom restricting state immunity for grave breaches ‒ well why not?
In a recent judgement (discussed here and here), the Italian [...]
Continue reading >>The Italian reform of bicameralism: is the time ripe?
Italy's unique "perfect bicameralism" has often been criticized for its inefficiency. The latest attempt to reform it, brought forward by Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, is still debated in parliament. The destiny of the Italian bicameralism and the resolution of the Italian oxymoron lies on the thin line of the agreement between the main political forces, which seems quite frail and uncertain at the moment.
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I know it’s wrong but I just can’t do right: First impressions on judgment no. 238 of 2014 of the Italian Constitutional Court
On 22 October 2014, the Italian Constitutional Court (CC) delivered its judgment on state immunity and tort claims by Italian citizens against Germany. This ruling reignited the fire of Ferrini (a 2004 judgment of the Italian Supreme Court), which kept burning under the ashes, after the intervention of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) had seemingly put it off for good. It is only possible to appreciate the import of the CC’s judgment in perspective, as the last (or latest) act of a legal melodrama that would be entertainingly captivating if it were not real.
Continue reading >>Italien im Dilemma zwischen Verfassungs- und Völkerrechtstreue
Das italienische Gesetz zur Vollstreckung der UN-Charta ist verfassungswidrig, soweit es gemäß Artikel 94 der UN-Charta Italien verpflichtet, das Urteil des Internationalen Gerichtshofs von 2012 zur Staatenimmunität zu befolgen. Außerdem ist die vom IGH im konkreten Fall festgestellte völkerrechtliche Gewohnheitsrechtsnorm zur Staatenimmunität nicht Teil der italienischen Rechtsordnung: Stefan Raffeiner zur Entscheidung des italienischen Verfassungsgerichtshofs.
Continue reading >>Verfassungsreform in Italien: Der Trend geht zur kompetenzarmen Zweitkammer
Italien wird seinen Senat radikal zurückstutzen. Es ist nicht das einzige Land in Europa, das seine zweite Kammer reformiert.
Continue reading >>Geschlechtsumwandlung und Zwangsscheidung: zwei bahnbrechende Klärungen des italienischen Verfassungsgerichtshofes
Die Ehe bleibt gleichgeschlechtlichen Partnern in Italien verwehrt. In seinem jüngsten, bahnbrechenden Urteil zur Zwangsscheidung nach Geschlechtsumwandlung fordert der italienische Verfassungsgerichtshof aber vom Gesetzgeber, ihnen endlich eine eingetragene Lebensgemeinschaft zu ermöglichen.
Continue reading >>Das neue italienische Wahlrecht: immer noch verfassungsrechtlich fragwürdig?
Silvio Berlusconis "porcellum" genanntes Wahlgesetz hat der italienische Verfassungsgerichtshof für verfassungswidrig erklärt. Der neue italienische Ministerpräsident Matteo Renzi hat im Bund mit Berlusconi ein neues Gesetz vorgelegt, das die Verfassungsprobleme aber nur unzureichend löst und sogar noch neue schafft. In January, Silvio Berlusconi's electoral law "porcellum" had been declared unconstitutional by the Italian Constitutional Court. The new Prime Minister Matteo Renzi is now, along with Berlusconi, trying to push a new law through parliament that fails to solve the problems adressed by the Constitutional Court and introduces even new ones.
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EGMR zur FIAT-Affäre: Ein Bußgeld ist Strafe genug
Sie nannten ihn l'avvocato, den Anwalt: Giovanni Agnelli, der legendäre FIAT-Chef und verhinderte Jurist, hätte sich vielleicht über den Sieg gefreut, den seine früheren Geschäftsfreunde vor dem Europäischen Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte (EGMR) errungen haben. Weil sie von der Börsenaufsicht bereits mit einem Bußgeld wegen Marktmanipulation belegt wurden, darf gegen sie in der selben Sache kein weiteres Strafverfahren angestrengt werden, urteilte eine EGMR-Kammer in einer gestern veröffentlichten Entscheidung.
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Wahlrechtsurteil: Italiens Verfassungsgerichtshof ersetzt die Politik
Anfang Dezember wurde bekannt, dass Italiens Verfassungsgerichtshof Silvio Berlusconis berüchtigtes Wahlgesetz für verfassungswidrig erklären würde. Jetzt liegen die Urteilsgründe vor - und die greifen tief in das Verfassungsgefüge der Republik ein: So installiert der Gerichtshof in dem Verfahren erstmals eine Art individuellen Rechtsschutz gegen verfassungswidrige Gesetze. Francesco Palermo, Verfassungsrechtsprofessor und Südtiroler Mitglied im italienischen Senat, erläutert Folgen und Hintergründe des Urteils.
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Kein Vollstreckungsschutz für insolvente Kommunen
Der EGMR in Straßburg hat letzte Woche eine Entscheidung veröffentlicht, [...]
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Wie eine aussichtslose Verfassungsklage Berlusconi die Karriere retten könnte
Silvio Berlusconi will trotz seiner Verurteilung im Senat bleiben und droht die Regierungskoalition zu sprengen. Geht das rechtlich überhaupt? Francesco Palermo, Senator aus Südtirol und Verfassungsrechtsprofessor aus Verona, erklärt im Interview, wie die Verfassungs- und Gesetzeslage aussieht und welche politischen Optionen daraus folgen.
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Italian Constitutional Court says Berlusconi had to be loyal
The Constitutional Court remains true to itself providing, once again, [...]
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Italian institutions between crisis and reform
The political turmoil in Italy during the last months hasn’t [...]
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Wenn nicht mit euch, dann halt ohne euch
27 Mitgliesstaaten hat die EU (ab Juli 28), und überall [...]
Continue reading >>All you need is law: Same-sex marriage in Italian courts
The Italian Corte di Cassazione (CdC) has delivered a judgment [...]
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Die EU spricht auch Italienisch – aber nur im Prinzip
Die EU hat im Regelfall, soweit irgendwie möglich, in sämtlichen [...]
Continue reading >>Wahlrecht für Gefangene: EGMR will die Wogen glätten
Der EGMR liegt, wie hier und anderenorts schon ad nauseam [...]
Continue reading >>EuGH nimmt sich der Rechte von Drittstaats-Ausländern an
Unser famoser Innenminister findet es gemeinsam mit seinem französischen Kollegen [...]
Continue reading >>Constitutional paths not taken: Germany vs. Italy before the ICJ
by CHRISTIAN DJEFFAL On 3 February 2012 the International Court [...]
Continue reading >>Vom Menschenrecht, nicht inmitten von Müllbergen zu leben
Wir erinnern uns alle noch an die Berge stinkenden und [...]
Continue reading >>Politessenbeschimpfung ist auch für Abgeordnete strafbar
Es tut mir ja leid, aber immer, wenn in diesem [...]
Continue reading >>Ein Filetstückchen von einem Fürstentum
Italien hat die Opera Buffa hervorgebracht, und deshalb ist es [...]
Continue reading >>EGMR: Frei von laizistischem Eifer
Ein Kruzifix im Klassenzimmer ist kein Menschenrechtsverstoß. Dies hat die [...]
Continue reading >>Italien: Homo-Ehe bleibt verboten
Der italienische Oberste Gerichtshof will das Homo-Ehe-Verbot nicht für verfassungswidrig [...]
Continue reading >>EuGH: Mafia ist keine höhere Gewalt
Das Müll-Desaster vom Neapel hat ein europäisches Nachspiel für Italien: [...]
Continue reading >>Italien: Wo der Spaß aufhört
Eins muss man Silvio Berlusconi lassen: Der Mann hat Humor. [...]
Continue reading >>Kruzifix-Urteil: Italien legt Rechtsmittel ein
Gegen das Kruzifix-Urteil des EGMR hat Italien, wie bereits angekündigt, [...]
Continue reading >>EGMR: Kruzifix-Urteil reloaded
Bald eineinhalb Jahrzehnte ist es her, dass das BVerfG für [...]
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