Managing Migration the Italian Way

The Italy-Albania deal provides a new, some say innovative, approach to externalization in migration procedures. It differs from the current EU toolbox, raising issues related to these differences and the treatment of procedural rights. Where these issues arise and how they will be litigated nationally and/or in front of the ECJ is unclear but will shape migration discourses beyond Italy.

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European Media Freedom Act and the Jigsaw of the “Parliamentarized” Italian RAI

Italian public media broadcaster RAI faces challenges in depoliticization amidst the European Media Freedom Act obligations. Its “parlamentarized” governance model is a risk for political capture in a politically loaded environment.

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A Constitutional Reform in Italy to the Detriment of Systemic Balance

In Italy, an important reform of the Italian constitution is underway: the introduction of direct elections for the head of government. This is to take place together with the election of both chambers of parliament. In addition, the composition of the two chambers is to be significantly influenced by a new "majority bonus" to be anchored in the constitution. By strengthening the power of the prime minister at the expense of guarantor functions of the head of State, Italy would therefore gain nothing in terms of democratic stability but would lose a great deal in terms of checks and balances in the political system.

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The Proposed Psychological Tests for Judges in Italy

The recent proposal to introduce psycho-academic tests for access to the judiciary, which in Italy includes both the careers of judge and public prosecutor, has sparked heated clashes and debates between state powers and legal practitioners. But what are the reasons behind this proposal and why is it causing such a stir?

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Delegitimizing by Procrastinating

In countries where populist movements have garnered significant electoral support, their self-proclaimed role as the sole representatives of the true will of a unified people has led them to assert that their democratic legitimacy surpasses the technocratic authority of constitutional courts. The requirement of supermajorities in the election of Italy's constitutional judges has, in combination with a changed political landscape, led to political deadlocks, entailing the risk of jeopardizing the Court’s operability and partisanship-based appointments.

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Nigeria as a Safe Country of Origin?

On May 7th 2024 Italy updated its list of safe countries of origin (SCO) for the second time after the introduction of the notion in the national legal system in 2019. Notably, the latest update retained the most contentious addition to the list from last year, Nigeria. Until then, only Cyprus considered Nigeria as generally safe. The legal issues underlying this designation illustrate how country of origin information (COI), largely provided to Member States by the European Union Agency for Asylum (EUAA), is (mis)used to produce policy-based evidence rather than evidence-based policies.

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The First Italian Climate Judgement and the Separation of Powers

On 26th February 2024, in its Giudizio Universale decision, the Tribunal of Rome penned the first Italian climate judgement. Shortly after, on 9 April 2024, the ECtHR handed down its seminal trio of KlimaSeniorinnen v. Switzerland, Duarte Agostinho v. Portugal and Others and Carême v. France. In this monumental string of cases, the ECtHR set the new standard for climate litigation in Europe, also regarding separation of powers. This invites a critical assessment of Giudizio Universale’s stance.

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Climate Litigation Reaches Italian Courts

With Giudizio Universale, climate litigation has found its way to Italy. This case has many aspects in common with the general transnational phenomenon, both in terms of the structure and content of the legal arguments used. The case highlights the difficulties that courts face in view of the high social expectations connected to this kind of proceedings.

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Refoulement As A Crime

Last month, the Italian Court of Cassation upheld the (suspended) sentence of one year’s imprisonment of the shipmaster of the Italian ship Asso28. He was convicted of two offences of abandonment for returning and handing around 100 migrants over to the personnel of a Libyan patrol boat, including some unaccompanied minors and pregnant women, whom he had previously rescued in international waters within the Libyan SAR zone. The case constitutes the first time an individual was held criminally responsible for failing to fulfil the duty of non-refoulement. Until recently, the refoulement duty has only served to exclude the liability of shipmasters who had complied with it whenever they were accused of facilitating irregular immigration. This case indicates the emergence of a new function of the principle, namely that of grounding the criminal liability of those who violate it.

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“Rented Uterus” as a Universal Crime

The principle of universal jurisdiction (UJ) has traditionally been grounded in the idea of a collective response to the most heinous crimes on a global scale. Italy, a country that currently lacks universal jurisdiction for international crimes, is amid deliberations on a proposed bill advocating for the use of universal jurisdiction in cases of surrogacy. This analysis contends that the underlying political motive behind this bill is to curb all forms of same-sex parenthood, inadvertently resulting in a criminal law framework that would specifically impact male-gay couples. Secondly, it draws a parallel with “memory law”, illustrating how legal mechanisms initially established in the enthusiasm of the ‘90s are now being repurposed as instruments for divisive political agendas.

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Prize and Premiership

Since the beginning of November, Italy has been discussing a constitutional reform that aims to radically change the Italian governmental system. The bill provides that the Prime Minister (more correctly: the President of the Council of Ministers) is elected by universal suffrage in a popular vote concurrent with the Chamber of Deputies and Senate elections. This move is often referred to in journalism as ‘Premiership’ (Premierato). n this post, I would like to focus less on the characteristics of the alleged ‘Premiership’ and more on the attempt to incorporate detailed electoral rules into the constitution. First, a brief history of the ‘majority prize’ will help the reader to better understand the context in which this reform was born. This will be followed by a critique of the proposal to enshrine the ‘majority prize’ in the constitution. I argue that, as currently drafted, the reform bill risks leading to an unconstitutional constitutional amendment.

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Paving the Way to Autocracy?