Juristische Ausbildung in Zeiten der Klimakrise
Während die Fragestellungen der sozial-ökologische Transformation wohl in die meisten unserer Lebensbereiche vorgedrungen sind, bleibt ein Bereich bisher noch überraschend unberührt: die juristische Ausbildung. Dabei ist weder die Rechtswissenschaft noch die juristische Ausbildung ganz unbeteiligt. Gerade in den Details der Transformation und ihrer Hintergründe wird deutlich, warum auch die Rechtswissenschaft am Thema der sozial-ökologischen Transformation nicht vorbeikommt.
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Volksfeste ohne Cannabis
In Bayern wurde in der vergangenen Woche ein Gesetzentwurf der Fraktionen CSU und FREIE WÄHLER für ein sogenanntes Cannabisfolgenbegrenzungsgesetz angenommen. Da die Mehrheit des Bayerischen Landtags eine (Teil-)Legalisierung des Umgangs mit Cannabis zum Eigenkonsum in der Öffentlichkeit ablehnt, schöpft der Landesgesetzgeber mit dem Entwurf seine Gesetzgebungskompetenz so weit wie möglich aus, um den Cannabiskonsum entgegen dem Konzept des Bundesgesetzgebers aus dem öffentlichen Raum zu verdrängen. Verboten wird dabei unter anderem das Rauchen, Erhitzen und Verdampfen von Cannabisprodukten auf Volksfestplätzen und an weiteren öffentlichen Orten.
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Germany’s Filibuster
Filibuster and debt brake contribute to legislative failure on both sides of the Atlantic. This failure is one of the causes of anti-democratic tendencies. The developments of recent years in the USA should serve as a warning to everyone in the democratic spectrum. Those who, in light of these developments, prioritize a symbolic balanced budget over addressing the real challenges of the 21st century are paving the way for German Trumpists. The European election was just a warning shot.
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The Stakes of the Unwritten Constitutional Norms and Principles Debate in Germany
Focussing on “writtenness” can sharpen our sensibility of how liberally the German legal system allows the Federal Constitutional Court, as well as other courts, to acknowledge legal norms or principles whose textual basis in the Grundgesetz is far from obvious – which in other jurisdictions might be put into the area of norm-free, principle-oriented argumentation, i.e. whose constitutional quality is being problematized.
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Die Moral und die Grundmandatsklausel
Das neue Wahlgesetz, das im März 2023 beschlossen wurde, hat viel Kritik auf sich gezogen. Insbesondere die dort implementierte Abschaffung der Grundmandatsklausel findet eine erbitterte Gegnerschaft. Gregor Gysi bezeichnete das Vorgehen der Ampel schlicht als „unmoralisch“. So fremdartig der Vorwurf der „Unmoral“ im Kontext einer verfassungsrechtlichen Debatte erst einmal zu sein scheint, so bringt er den Kern des weitverbreiteten Unbehagens am neuen Gesetz gut auf den Punkt. Denn nicht nur das Gesetz könnte „falsch“ sein, sondern einige Akteure könnten auch aus den „falschen“ Motiven gehandelt haben.
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A Comparative Analysis between the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive and the French and German Legislation
This blog post offers an initial comparative glimpse of the most important changes that the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) will bring for the respective mandatory human rights and environmental (HREDD) legislation in Germany and France. While both the French Duty of Vigilance Law and the German Supply Chain Act already require effective HREDD, the CSDDD goes a long way in strengthening the requirements and bringing them more in line with international standards.
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Polizei und Taser
Immer mehr Landesgesetzgeber führen den Taser als weiteres polizeiliches Einsatzmittel neben Pfefferspray, Schlagstock und Schusswaffe ein. Dabei ist die fortschreitende Ausrüstung aus einer Reihe von Gründen, die im Diskurs oft zu kurz kommen, abzulehnen. So birgt der Beschuss einer Person mit einem Elektroimpulsgerät praktisch nur schwer zu kontrollierende gesundheitliche Risiken und endet in der Praxis immer wieder tödlich. Außerdem ist zu befürchten, dass Beamte die Geräte künftig extensiv nutzen und sich damit eine Form erheblicher polizeilicher Gewaltanwendung schleichend normalisiert – nicht zuletzt deshalb, weil deren Einsatz in den meisten Ländern bislang nicht eigens geregelt ist.
Continue reading >>Why the Provisional Measures Order in Nicaragua v. Germany severely limits Germany’s ability to transfer arms to Israel
In an application before the International Court of Justice brought by Nicaragua against Germany, Nicaragua requested that the ICJ indicate provisional measures as a matter of extreme urgency with respect to Germany’s ‘participation in the ongoing plausible genocide and serious breaches of international humanitarian law and other peremptory norms of general international law occurring in the Gaza Strip’. While Nicaragua did not get any of the provisional measures requested, the request for provisional measures may nevertheless have achieved its aim of preventing Germany from providing arms to Israel for use in the Gaza Strip.
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Without a Doubt
The German Federal Court of Justice recently announced that the exclusion of functional immunity for foreign state officials in cases of international crimes is “without a doubt” part of customary international law. Like many others in academic literature, we agree with this conclusion – the German government would be well advised to embrace it and put an end to its long-standing ambiguous position on the matter.
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Wir fahren zusammen, aber streiken müssen wir allein
Am 1. März 2024 streikten die Beschäftigten des öffentlichen Personennahverkehrs für bessere Arbeitsbedingungen, während gleichzeitig Aktivist*innen von Fridays for Future für den Ausbau des öffentlichen Nahverkehrs demonstrierten. Daraufhin kam die Diskussion auf, ob ein solcher Streik nicht ein rechtswidriger politischer Streik sein könnte. Wann und unter welchen Umständen diese Differenzierung und das Verbot des politischen Streiks entstanden sind und ob die rechtsdogmatische Herleitung überzeugt, ist nicht nur für das Verständnis der Genese des deutschen Streikrechts interessant.
Continue reading >>Rethinking the Law and Politics of Migration
2023 was, to put it mildly, a terrible year for (im)migrants and their human rights. With the declared end of the Covid pandemic came an end to the exceptional border policies it had led to which had further restricted already weakened migrants’ rights. Yet governments have largely chosen to replace them with legal frameworks that incorporated many of the same rights negating policies and ideas- except for this time they put them on a permanent legal basis. Liberated from their initial emergency rationales, asylum bans have now joined outsourcing and overpopulated mass detention camps as standard methods of migration governance. What is the role of legal scholarship and discourse at a time where governments seem increasingly comfortable to eschew many long-standing legal rules and norms, often with majority support?
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Measuring with Double Legal Standards
Less than two hours after Israel had closed its pleadings, the German Government released a press statement, announcing its intent to intervene as a third party under Article 63 of the Statute of the ICJ (ICJ Statute). Therefore, it can be assumed that Germany did not take sufficient time to conduct a comprehensive assessment prior to its decision. At all costs, it sought to be perceived as being on Israel’s side. Germany’s decision may not appear startling given that it had previously intervened in both genocide proceedings against Russia (Ukraine v Russia case) and Myanmar (Rohingya case). However, in the latter case, Germany joined Gambia in upholding a purposive construction of Article II Genocide Convention, which would seem to present a serious obstacle to support Israel. Thus, this contribution investigates whether Germany, in its intervention in the "Genocide in the Gaza Strip case", would be able to abandon its previous submissions in the Rohingya case and instead adopt a more restrictive construction of the Article II Genocide Convention.
Continue reading >>Germany Blocks Europe-Wide Protection of Women Against Violence
Gender-based violence has dramatically increased in the European Union (EU) in recent years. In particular women are widely affected by rape. On 8 March 2022, the Commission presented a Draft Directive for comprehensive, effective and enforceable protection against gender-based violence in all EU Member States. The main point of contention in the negotiations, which could ultimately prevent the adoption of the Draft Directive, is the introduction of the common definition of the criminal offence of rape. The Directive aims to harmonize across Europe the definition of rape as a violation of the consent-based sexual act. Yet, twelve Member States, with Germany and France at the forefront, are not convinced that the EU has a sufficient legal base to regulate that issue. This article highlights the arguments for a common regulation of the criminal offence of rape in the EU under Art. 83 (1) TFEU against the doubts raised by the German Federal Ministry of Justice.
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Der Bund als Retter in der Flut?
Bereits jetzt ist absehbar, dass die Hochwasserschäden in mehreren Bundesländern, insbesondere in Niedersachsen, hohe Wiederaufbaukosten nach sich ziehen werden. Auf die Frage, ob die aktuelle Situation ein abermaliges Aussetzen der Schuldenbremse rechtfertige (im Hinblick auf die Ahrtal-Flutkatastrophe 2021 unlängst auch von Robert Pracht diskutiert), stellte Regierungssprecher Steffen Hebestreit klar, dass sich der Bund – zu gegebener Zeit – „vor seiner Verantwortung nicht drücken“ werde, „wenn ein Schadensereignis von nationalem Ausmaß mit hohen Schadenssummen zu bewältigen wäre.“ Der vorausgehenden Frage, ob überhaupt eine Kompetenz des Bundes zur Finanzierung flutbedingter Wiederaufbauhilfe besteht, wurde in der aktuellen Debatte bislang nicht nachgegangen. Nach hier vertretener Ansicht muss dies auf Grundlage der bundesstaatlichen Kompetenzverteilung in den meisten Fällen verneint werden.
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Can Germany Remain Silent?
Is Germany legally obligated to condemn violations of international humanitarian law? This argument was recently put forward in an article on Verfassungsblog. Elsewhere it was claimed that Germany, along with other States failing to utilize their full repertoire of diplomatic options (including “[calling] for a permanent ceasefire”), is in breach of its own IHL-responsibilities. Admittedly, international law does have a say when organs of States speak. Nevertheless, the intricacies of this matter go beyond first impression. I submit that such a duty is not as easy to derive in the present case as is suggested by opposing views.
Continue reading >>The Economic Distortions of the Federal Constitutional Court’s Debt Brake Decision
Germany is not facing a debt crisis, but rather a serious budget crisis triggered by the ‘debt brake’ ruling of the Federal Constitutional Court (FCC). This crisis is deeper than the 60 billion in unused "Corona debts" being shifted to a climate fund, as reported in the media. More fundamentally, the court has mandated that the federal budget strictly adhere to the "principle of annuality" (Jährlichkeit). This is the most significant impact of the court's ruling, and from an economic perspective, it is quite perplexing.
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(State) Immunity for Palestine?
On December 11, 2023, the Berlin Public Prosecutor's Office decided to discontinue investigations against Mahmoud Abbas, the President of the Palestinian National Authority. The declared reason for doing so lies in his immunity pursuant to Section 20 para. 1 of the German Courts Constitution Act (GVG). The decision is instructive with regard to Germany's understanding of sovereign immunity and Palestine's role in international relations.
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‘Steadfast and Unreserved’
On 24 November 2023, the Barcelona City Council passed a resolution, suspending diplomatic ties with Israel, until a permanent ceasefire is established. While this may not reflect the stance of the Spanish government, it has nevertheless condemned ‘the indiscriminate killing of innocent civilians’. As more EU States (such as Belgium, France, and Ireland) have raised their concerns regarding Israel’s continuous military operations in Gaza, Germany has remained steadfast in its ‘unwavering’ and ‘unreserved’ support for Israel. To the extent that Israel has failed to comply with international humanitarian law (IHL), Germany’s position might amount to a breach of its obligation under common Article 1 (CA1) of the 1949 Geneva Conventions (GC) to ‘ensure respect’ for IHL. While this obligation is incumbent on all States parties to the GC, this post focuses on Germany due to its particularly affirmative position with respect to Israel’s conduct.