18 March 2024

Controversies over Methods in EU Law

Methodological issues pervade contemporary debates in EU law. There are many reasons for this. Some are specific to the subject matter of EU law itself. The multiple crises that the European Union is experiencing lead EU law scholars to question their classical conception of EU law: a law of integration that should more or less naturally lead to a constitutional or federal order. These crises may also lead scholars to question their relationship with the European institutions, which have been central to the development of the core concepts of EU law and of EU law as a disciplinary field. 

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14 March 2024

Shortcomings of the AI Act

After the much-awaited vote of the 13th March 2024 by the European Parliament, it is time to begin evaluating the state of fundamental rights in light of the AI Act. In this blog post, three areas of potential inconsistencies and risks are examined: differentiation of provider and deployer, biometrics used in real-time and post-factum, and the standards of biometric recognition in the areas of immigration.

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CILFIT in Strasbourg

On 19 February 2024, the European Court of Human Rights decided not to answer the Estonian Supreme Court’s request for an advisory opinion on the basis of Protocol 16 (P16). For the first time, it dismissed a request because it did not concern a question of principle concerning the interpretation and application of ECHR rights. The decision is significant because the ECtHR provides clear contours as to what types of questions courts should (not) ask.

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Waffenlieferungen als Staatsräson?

Rüstungsexporte nach Israel dürfen nicht genehmigt werden. Das ist der Tenor eines Urteils des niederländischen Berufungsgerichts in Den Haag vom 12. Februar diesen Jahres, das der niederländischen Regierung aufträgt, den Export von Bauteilen für F-35 Kampfjets nach Israel zu untersagen. Auch deutsche Kriegswaffenexporte nach Israel verstoßen gegen völkervertragsrechtliche Normen. Sie sind außenpolitisch bedenklich und sollten im Einklang mit nationalem Außenwirtschaftsrecht nicht aufrechterhalten werden.

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11 March 2024

A Constitutional Dignitary Conceived in the Orbán-Regime

On 26 February, Tamás Sulyok, the former President of the Hungarian Constitutional Court, was elected Head of State by the Parliament. The election of Tamás Sulyok as a member of the Constitutional Court and then as its president was part of the process during which Fidesz took over the Constitutional Court. Sulyok’s presidency (2016-2024) was a testimony to the fact that the Constitutional Court has become subservient to the Fidesz-dominated political branches, and there is no sign that he has actively tried to do anything against it. Based on what we have seen so far, therefore, Tamás Sulyok is part of the Orbán-regime, and nothing suggests that he will exercise greater autonomy and independence in his role as Head of State.

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09 March 2024

Ecocide à la Bruxelloise

Belgium's new ecocide provision has been hailed as a resounding victory for environmental activists, particularly so for the burgeoning Stop Ecocide campaign. But is the widespread excitement justified? Can the new law deliver on the lofty expectations? And how does it fit within the soon-to-be adopted revision of the Environmental Crime Directive at the EU level? Despite constituting a highly symbolic step, I argue that the Belgian law’s constrained scope makes it a toothless tool to punish environmental outlaws in practice.

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07 March 2024
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The Digital Services Act as a Global Transparency Regime

On both sides of the Atlantic, policymakers are struggling to reign in the power of large online platforms and technology companies. Transparency obligations have emerged as a key policy tool that may support or enable achieving this goal. The core argument of this blog is that the Digital Services Act (DSA) creates, at least in part, a global transparency regime. This has implications for transatlantic dialogues and cooperation on matters concerning platform governance.

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Mehr Transparenz, aber vorläufig keine weitreichende Entlastung

Am 27. Februar hat das Europäische Parlament nun einer Reform der Zuständigkeiten des EuGH zugestimmt. Die vorgeschlagenen Änderungen der Satzung (EuGH-Satzung nF) sollen einerseits die Arbeitsbelastung des EuGH vermindern und andererseits der Transparenz der Verfahren dienen. Letzteres stellt einen entscheidenden Beitrag zur Offenheit des Gerichtshofs dar. Ob die Reform allerdings zu einer echten, langfristigen Entlastung des EuGH führen wird, lässt sich angesichts der geringen Anzahl erfasster Verfahren sowie der vorgelagerten „Triage“-Entscheidung beim Gerichtshof bezweifeln.

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05 March 2024
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Ein stabiles Parlament (auch) für Europa

Die (Wieder-)Einführung der Sperrklausel bei den Wahlen des Europäischen Parlaments (EP) in Deutschland hat eine wichtige Hürde genommen: Das Bundesverfassungsgericht steht einer unionsrechtlich verbindlich vorgegebenen Zwei-Prozent-Sperrklausel nicht im Weg. Anträge der Partei DIE PARTEI und ihres Vorsitzenden gegen die Zustimmung Deutschlands zu einer verbindlichen Sperrklausel im EU-Direktwahlakt (DWA) verwarf das Gericht in seinem Beschluss vom 6.2.24 mangels hinreichender Begründung eines Eingriffs in die deutsche Verfassungsidentität als unzulässig. Und das lag nicht nur am begrenzten Prüfungsmaßstab des Gerichts. Der von der Zustimmung der Mitgliedstaaten abhängigen Reform des DWA sollte nun von deutscher Seite nichts mehr in die Quere kommen.

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04 March 2024

Re-Imagining the European (Political) Community through Migration Law

The constant portrayal of migration as an exceptional and problematic phenomenon fuels public anxieties and makes deterrence and harshness seem like the only effective political approaches to managing global migration. By contrast, positive visions of how a society of immigration needs to look like for all members of society to benefit are scarce. Yet to counter apocalyptic scenarios, we need not only such a positive vision but also a theory of societal action that helps to realize it. This blog post offers such a vision and theory that is grounded in the normative and legal framework of the European Union. It argues that we should conceptualize the European society as an inclusive, participatory, and self-reflexive community that is based on constitutional principles as enshrined in Art. 2 TEU. To realize this vision, we must understand practices of claiming and defending human rights not as an overreach into the political latitude of the legislator but as a joint practice of (political) community-building.

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29 February 2024
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Pushing Back

The CJEU has pending before it a crucial case on the criminalisation of seeking asylum and assistance to those seeking protection. At this critical juncture, this blog post highlights a sample of important decisions in which courts, giving effect to constitutional and international legal principles, set legal limits on this form of criminalisation. These cases reflect not only the appropriate legal limits, but also acknowledge the character of irregular migration and smuggling. Rather than framing individuals as  dangerous illegal migrants and exploitative smugglers, they reassert the humanity of both those in search of refuge and opportunity, and those that assist them.

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No Benefit

On January 18, 2024, the German federal parliament (Bundestag) passed the controversial Repatriation Improvement Act which de facto criminalises humanitarian support for entry by land as well as entry of minors by sea, land, and air. The German provision resembles both in wording and substance Article 12 of the Italian Consolidated Immigration Act (TUI) whose compatibility with EU law the CJEU is set to rule on, following a preliminary reference procedure initiated in July 2023. While the effect of a pending referral is uncertain, in the current case, the German government should have suspended its legislative process.

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Humanitarian Externalisation

Why are the reasons given in support of the declared aim of the current asylum policies in the UK, EU and USA of breaking the business model of smugglers expressed in humanitarian terms? It is, no doubt, tempting to simply dismiss this humanitarian rhetoric as hypocrisy, as the compliment that vice pays to virtue. Yet however justified that dismissal may be in particular cases, to turn away too quickly from this phenomenon would be to miss something of political significance in its form and to fail to register the historical entanglement of humanitarianism and border externalisation.

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No Backdoor for Mass Surveillance

Bulk data retention is the evergreen of European security policy. On February 13, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) – once again – ruled in Podchasov on Russia’s collection of and access to citizens’ private communication. The Court made it clear that weakening the encryption of all citizens cannot be justified. This sends an important message not only to the Russian state, but also to other European governments that contemplate installing “backdoors” on encrypted messenger services like Telegram, Signal or WhatsApp.

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28 February 2024

The Future of Legal Struggles

The year 2023 was not a good year for the rights of asylum seekers. The decision about a new legal framework for the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) was described as a "historic moment" (Ylva Johansson), but in fact works as a programme of disenfranchisement. If the pursuit of progressive positions are blocked in the political arena, actors shift their strategies to the judicial field. Even before the summer of migration 2015, successful legal struggles had a significant impact on European migration policy. Push-backs on the high sea were prohibited and transfers of asylum seekers to inhumane conditions under the Dublin system were prevented. The draft for the new CEAS are characterised by attempts to circumvent the consequences of these judgements. In this blogpost, I will discuss what the future of legal struggles within the framework of the new CEAS might look like.

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Asylum-Seekers’ Right to Free Movement

Restricting the freedom of movement of unwanted asylum seekers is the conceptual core of the CEAS reform package politically agreed upon by the EU’s legislative institutions in December 2023. Large groups of the people seeking international protection in the EU will be subject to so-called border procedures. Their claims will be processed while being ‘kept at or in proximity to the external border or transit zones’ (Commission proposal) in order to prevent their onward movement and to facilitate ensuing deportations. Introducing such confinement measures will be mandatory for all Member States, provided that an asylum seeker meets certain criteria, in particular a low rate of success of earlier protection claims made by his or her fellow nationals, calculated on an EU-wide average. Why did we fail to make asylum-seekers’ right to free movement relevant in context of the CEAS reform?

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27 February 2024
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Understanding European Border Management

This contribution highlights how European border management disrupts conventional state-centric understandings thereof, while fostering impunity for human rights violations in its enforcement. EU borders are increasingly controlled in a supranational fashion by a panoply of different actors with different legal mandates and obligations, expanding within and beyond the physical frontiers of Member States. In addition, new technologies and the political turn to the logic of ‘crisis governance’ are contributing to changing the traditional practice of border controls, with a multiplicy of actors being involved in a complex dynamic of securitization. The actors, practices and the legal framework governing European border controls are rapidly changing; yet underlying linear and territorial assumptions and liability regimes remain unchanged perpetuating serious human rights shortcomings.

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Chasing Shadows

The Net Zero Industry Act (NZIA) was touted as the European Union’s big response to the US Inflation Reduction Act. A year ago, the Biden administration’s new green subsidy program spooked the EU into a flurry of industrial policy announcements. Now, the political dust has settled, and the EU’s main green industry initiatives will finally hit the legislative books. So, what has become of the EU’s new green industry agenda, and what can we learn from it about Europe’s role in the new global age of industrial policy? 

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The EU’s Eastern Border and Inconvenient Truths

The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, alongside with the EU’s confrontation with Russia’s ally Belarus, however, has deeply impacted the securitisation of migration within the EU. Highly politicised conflict-related securitisation narratives have rarely found their way so swiftly into Member States’ domestic migration and asylum laws, leading to open and far-reaching violations of EU and international human rights law. Hardly ever before have ill-defined concepts and indiscriminate assumptions been so broadly accepted and used to shift from an individual-focused approach to blanket measures stigmatising, dehumanising and excluding entire groups. And rarely before have radical changes of this kind received so little criticism - a deeply unsettling and dangerous trend.

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How the EU Death Machine Works

Since 2015, more than 27.500 innocent people died or ‘went missing’ in the Mediterranean. They drowned by themselves thanks to villain smugglers, the Council submits; accountability for the death toll is a complex matter, the Court of Justice finds; besides the geopolitical times are complex – the Commission is right. But what an accident: mare nostrum, a great thoroughfare, turned itself into a racialized grave. Yet, these deaths at EU borders, just as mass abuse and kidnappings by EU-funded and equipped thugs in Libya do not happen by chance. The EU-Belarus border is another locus of torture and violence. All this is a successful implementation of well-designed lawless policies by the Union in collusion with the Member States. In this post, we map key legal techniques deployed by the designers of the EU’s death machine.

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26 February 2024

Rethinking the Law and Politics of Migration

2023 was, to put it mildly, a terrible year for (im)migrants and their human rights. With the declared end of the Covid pandemic came an end to the exceptional border policies it had led to which had further restricted already weakened migrants’ rights. Yet governments have largely chosen to replace them with legal frameworks that incorporated many of the same rights negating policies and ideas- except for this time they put them on a permanent legal basis. Liberated from their initial emergency rationales, asylum bans have now joined outsourcing and overpopulated mass detention camps as standard methods of migration governance. What is the role of legal scholarship and discourse at a time where governments seem increasingly comfortable to eschew many long-standing legal rules and norms, often with majority support?

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On Citing Van Gend & Citing it Correctly

There are multiple common misunderstandings that have, over time, taken on the status of established truths. For example, to Sherlock Holmes is often attributed the quote “Elementary, my dear Watson”, which never appears in the Conan Doyle novels. Neither did Voltaire ever confide to anyone that he “disagreed with what you say, but will defend to the death your right to say it”. In EU law, there exists a similar widespread misconception, albeit tiny in nature. Simultaneously, it does concern the probably most famous ruling ever delivered by the European Court of Justice, so the comparative weight is substantial.

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23 February 2024

A2D for Researchers in Digital Platforms

Over the past decade, access to data (A2D) in digital platforms has emerged as a significant challenge within the research community. Researchers seeking to explore data hosted on these platforms encounter growing obstacles. While legal policies in the US have generally focused on establishing safeguards for researchers against the restrictions on access imposed by private ordering, the recent EU Digital Service Act (DSA) introduces a legal framework, which enables researchers to compel platforms to provide data access. These complementary legal strategies may prove instrumental in facilitating A2D for research purposes.

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22 February 2024
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A Systemic Approach to Implementing the DSA’s Human-in-the-Loop Requirement

Policymakers and the public are increasingly concerned about a lack of transparency and accountability in content moderation. Opaque and incontestable content moderation decisions have potential impacts on freedom of expression and media freedom, and well-known issues of discrimination and bias. Our focus here is on how Article 20 DSA can and should be interpreted going forward. Specifically, does Article 20 require a human content moderator to review every content moderation decision on request? And should it?

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21 February 2024

Autocratic (Il)legalism

It is a common myth that since the Fidesz-KDNP coalition has almost always had a two-thirds parliamentary majority since 2010, the Orbán-government could pass its illiberal legislative reforms in a legally correct manner. In reality, however, many laws that constitute the pillars of Orbán’s illiberal regime were enacted in violation of the procedural requirements of the rule of law. The European Commission’s country visit to Hungary provides an opportunity to remind the EU bodies of their responsibility to enforce all requirements of the rule of law without compromise.

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Human Rights Outsourcing and Reliance on User Activism in the DSA

Article 14(4) of the Digital Services Act (DSA) places an obligation on providers of intermediary services, including online platforms hosting user-generated content (see Article 3(g) DSA), to apply content moderation systems in “a diligent, objective and proportionate manner.” Against this background, the approach taken in Article 14(4) DSA raises complex questions. Does the possibility of imposing fundamental rights obligations on intermediaries, such as online platforms, exempt the state power from the noble task of preventing inroads into fundamental rights itself? Can the legislator legitimately outsource the obligation to safeguard fundamental rights to private parties?

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20 February 2024

The CJEU’s Feminist Turn?

In Case C-621/21, the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) held that women in general and women facing domestic violence in their country of origin in particular, qualify as a protected ‘social group’ under EU Directive 2011/95 and thus avail themselves for refugee status or subsidiary protection in the Common European Asylum System. This contribution applies the perspective of feminist approaches to international law to critically analyze what this decision means for women and victims of gender-based violence – in- and outside of the European Union.

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19 February 2024

A Hobgoblin Comes for Internet Regulation

Recent laws in the US, along with the Digital Services Act (DSA), seek to provide “due process” for individual content moderation decisions. Due process, understandably enough, often contains a component of treating like cases alike. It seems to follow, then, that if two relevantly similar users are treated differently, there is a problem of inconsistency, and that problem might be addressed by requiring more “due process” in the forms of appeals and clear rules and explanations of those rules to offenders. But it is said that consistency is the hobgoblin of small minds. In internet regulation, it is a damaging goal if taken as a mandate to make individual decisions uniformly consistent with each other.

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From the DMCA to the DSA

On 17 February 2024, the Digital Services Act (DSA) became fully applicable in Europe. The DSA's new approach fundamentally reshapes the regulation and liability of platforms in Europe, and promises to have a significant impact in other jurisdictions, like the US, where there are persistent calls for legislative interventions to reign in the power of Big Tech. This symposium brings together a group of renowned European and American scholars to carry an academic transatlantic dialogue on the potential benefits and risks of the EU’s new approach.

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16 February 2024

Polish Re-Democratisation as “Building Back Better”

Since the new Polish government took power, it has taken first steps to restore the rule of law. These have been quite different in nature, from the soft appeals to comply with the case law of the CJEU to more uncompromising and confrontational measures, like taking control of the public broadcasting TVP. It is clear that restoring a damaged liberal democracy requires a different mindset than fighting its demise. While the latter aims to strategically delay the anticipated undemocratic endeavours, the former must constructively rebuild. I call this ‘Building Back Better’, akin to the UN risk-reduction approach employed to avoid future disasters.

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Advancing Accountability

In Alkhatib and Others v. Greece, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has condemned Greece for yet another instance of human rights violations in border management. By underlining the importance of clear regulations and adequate evidence within border operations, the Court showed avenues to enhance the accountability framework for violations perpetrated at Europe’s borders. Its decision contrasts favourably with the approach taken in the EU at large, where both legislators and national and supranational courts generally disregard the opacity in regulations governing border operations and the difficulty of collecting evidence for migrants.

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13 February 2024

Das Bundeskriminalamt als überdimsensionierte Plattformpolizei

Das von der Bundesregierung vorgeschlagene Digitale-Dienste-Gesetz (DDG-E) soll im Bundestag bis zum März abschließend verhandelt werden und dann schon im April in Kraft treten. Ein wichtiger Aspekt des Gesetzentwurfs erhält bisher zu wenig Aufmerksamkeit: Was genau soll eigentlich das Bundeskriminalamt (BKA) nach § 13 DDG-E - der nationalen „Begleitgesetzgebung” zu Art. 18 Digital Services Act (DSA) - machen? Ist diese Rolle im gegenwärtigen Entwurf hinreichend abgesichert? Und bedarf es dafür wirklich - wie geplant - 450 Stellen?

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12 February 2024

Warum der Konflikt um das EU-Lieferkettengesetz eines haftungsrechtlichen Mittelwegs bedarf

Die Abstimmung im Rat der Europäischen Union um ein EU-Lieferkettengesetz ist auf ungewisse Zeit aufgeschoben. Nach Deutschlands Enthaltung kamen wie erwartet auch andere Staaten ins Zweifeln. Auslöser für die plötzliche – und für viele Mitgliedstaaten überraschende – Kehrtwende der Bundesrepublik ist eine Blockade durch die FDP. Die Minister Buschmann und Lindner fürchteten, „dass Unternehmen für Pflichtverletzungen in der Lieferkette in erheblicher Weise zivilrechtlich haften würden.“  Die sich unter anderem am Thema Haftung entzündende Kontroverse – so die These dieses Textes – ist jedoch auflösbar.

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Consolidating Group-Based Refugee Protection

Two pending cases before the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) provide an opportunity for the CJEU to consolidate group-based refugee protection. At the heart of the cases is a concern with granting refugee protection to groups of persons based on their inherent characteristics, in this case women and girls from Afghanistan. However, as the joined cases of AH and FN highlight, this is often due to an apprehension amongst asylum decision makers over the grant of protection to large groups of persons based on sex and misconceptions surrounding gender-based violence and discrimination.

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08 February 2024
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Nachhaltig nicht-nachhaltig

Im Rahmen der Energiewende wächst der europäische Bedarf nach Rohstoffen. Zahlreiche der für die Energiewende benötigten Rohstoffe befinden sich auf den Gebieten indigener Völker, was häufig zu Konflikten führt. Vor diesem Hintergrund ist es erstaunlich, dass das geplante Abkommen zwischen der EU und den Mercosur-Staaten keine Vorschriften bezüglich Beteiligung und Schutz indigener Völker beinhaltet. Ein Verweis auf solche Vorschriften, insbesondere aus der ILO-Konvention 169, wäre völkerrechtlich geboten und trüge dazu bei, die Konflikte und Widersprüche des Nachhaltigkeitsbegriffs aushandelbar zu machen.

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07 February 2024
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Examining the EU’s Artificial Intelligence Act

Finally, consensus on the EU Artificial Intelligence Act. The academic community is thus finally in a position to provide a (slightly) more definitive evaluation of the Act’s potential to protect individuals and societies from AI systems’ harms. This blog post attempts to contribute to this discussion by illustrating and commenting on the final compromises regarding some of the most controversial and talked-about aspects of the AI Act, namely its rules on high-risk systems, its stance on General Purpose AI, and finally its system of governance and enforcement.

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06 February 2024

Zur notwendigen Annahme der CSDDD durch den EU-Rat

In unterschiedlichen Disziplinen forschen, lehren und beraten wir zu Fragen der nachhaltigen Transformation der Wirtschaft. Die aktuellen Pläne gegen eine Annahme der im Trilog abgestimmten EU-Lieferkettenregulierung (Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive – CSDDD) durch den EU-Rat, initiiert von den FDP-geführten Ministerien für Finanzen und Justiz (Christian Lindner und Dr. Marco Buschmann), nehmen wir mit großer Sorge wahr. Sie stellen nicht nur das Gelingen der CSDDD, sondern auch die Nachhaltigkeitstransformation der Wirtschaft in der EU nach dem EU-Green-Deal-Projekt in Frage. Wir finden: die CSDDD bedeutet nicht nur Aufwand, sondern sorgt für Rechtssicherheit für Unternehmen mit internationalen Lieferketten.

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05 February 2024

Vater-in-waiting

Kommt ein Kind auf die Welt, ist das schön – macht aber Arbeit. Das hat der Unionsgesetzgeber erkannt und den sogenannten Vaterschaftsurlaub zur Entlastung nach der Geburt normiert. Den nationalen Gesetzgeber konnte das bislang – trotz abgelaufener Umsetzungsfrist und Vertragsverletzungsverfahren – nicht zum Handeln bewegen. Das ist nicht nur ärgerlich für Eltern und unionsrechtswidrig, sondern offenbart auch ein tiefergreifendes Unvermögen, Zeitinteressen von Eltern normativ angemessen zu berücksichtigen. Es ist daher dringend an der Zeit, dass der Gesetzgeber sein Handeln an einem verfassungsrechtlichen zeitlichen Existenzminimum misst – gerade wenn es um einen so überschaubaren Zeitraum wie zehn Tage geht.

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Unveiling Democracy

On 11 January, Advocate General Richard de la Tour delivered his Opinions in two cases, against the Czech Republic and Poland, which cautiously uncover part of the core of the EU value of democracy. The Commission launched these infringement cases against the two Member States back in November 2012 and April 2013 respectively. Now that the rule of law is a well-established principle of EU law, these cases present themselves as a chance to focus on a less explored value enshrined in Article 2 TEU. They allow the Court to construct a foundation to address prospective questions regarding democratic principles.

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31 January 2024

Keine Blockade, sondern eine Frage der Kompetenz

Ein „Offener Brief“ an den Bundesjustizminister vom 29. Januar, den „über 100 namhafte Frauen aus Politik, Kultur und Wirtschaft“ unterzeichnet haben, fordert diesen auf, seine „Blockade-Haltung“ gegenüber einem Vorhaben der Europäischen Kommission aufzugeben. Die Kommission setzt sich für eine Richtlinie ein, die der Bekämpfung von Gewalt gegen Frauen und häuslicher Gewalt dienen soll. Unter anderem ist eine Vereinheitlichung im Sexualstrafrecht vorgesehen, nämlich beim Tatbestand der Vergewaltigung (Art. 5). Die zentrale Frage ist, inwieweit die Gestaltung von Strafrecht in die Kompetenz der EU fällt. Die Verfasserinnen des „Offenen Briefs“ scheinen davon auszugehen, dass die EU alles könne und dürfe und nur der widerborstige Bundesjustizminister ein Hindernis sei. Die Rechtslage sieht anders aus.

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30 January 2024

Shielding Frontex 2.0

In Hamoudi v Frontex, the General Court dismissed another action that could have clarified if, when, and how independent or joint human rights responsibility would arise when Frontex is engaged in shared operational conduct with the Member States. This time not on the basis of an obscure re-interpretation of the Applicant’s claim, but instead, on the basis of an unattainably high and unrealistic burden, standard and method of proof. In doing so, the General Court again eschews from clarifying the nature, conditions and consequences of both independent and joint human rights responsibility of Frontex. Taken together, these cases raise the question whether there are any viable forms of judicial recourse for fundamental rights violations committed or contributed to by the EU’s Border and Coastguard Agency.

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29 January 2024
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A Way Forward?

While included in the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights (CFR), academic and scientific freedom were for years hardly a focus for the EU. This no longer holds true. On 29 November 2023, the European Parliament invited stakeholders to discuss the state of academic freedom in Europe (STOA conference), including the role of the EU in its legal protection. The conference intertwines with two important developments, both driven by the EP. First, on 22 November 2023, the EP adopted its proposals for the amendment of the Treaties, with some relevant for academic freedom protection. Earlier this month, on 17 January 2024, the EP approved the Report calling on the Commission to initiate a legislative proposal on the promotion of the freedom of scientific research in the EU and providing recommendations on its content. In this blog post, we briefly discuss these two EP calls aimed at enhanced protection of academic and scientific freedom to assess to what extent they address the concerns raised by various stakeholders.

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26 January 2024

Too Little, Too Late

All signs indicate that the various procedures and instruments invented and used by the European Commission to improve the situation of the rule of law in Hungary have so far not been successful. In fact, apart from a few sham measures, democracy and rule of law, in their simplest definitions (the possibility to overthrow the incumbent government through free and fair elections, and the limitation of political power by law) are in a worse situation in Hungary today than when the various mechanisms for protecting the rule of law were launched or payments were suspended. Why have the tools used by the European Union so far proven ineffective? Finding the causes of a complex phenomenon is never easy, but the experience of recent years makes it possible to identify some that can explain this failure.

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23 January 2024

Orwell’sche Gleichgültigkeit und Europäische Demokratie

Stolz wurde am 9. Dezember 2023 verkündet, dass „der KI-Deal steht“ – so ließe sich die damalige Pressemeldung des Rates paraphrasieren. Mittlerweile ist allerdings Besorgnis im Hinblick auf die weitere Ausformung des erzielten Kompromisses angebracht. Nachdem die Institutionen bei einem langwierigen letzten Treffen innerhalb der Trilog-Verhandlungen zwischen Parlament, Rat und Kommission zu einem „provisional agreement“ fanden, das den langen wie gewundenen Weg der (angeblich) „weltweit ersten“ KI-Regulierung zu einem Ende bringen könnte, scheint sich der für Ende Januar erwartete konkrete Textentwurf des AI Acts in mehrerlei Hinsicht von den dortigen Festlegungen zu entfernen. In der Sache lassen sich gewichtige rechtliche Einwände gegen den konkreten Regulierungsansatz vorbringen; noch schwerwiegender lastet allerdings das bedeutsame wie kritische Defizit der demokratischen Legitimierung dieser wichtigen regulatorischen Entscheidung auf den aktuellen Entwicklungen des AI Acts.

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19 January 2024

Datenschutzgrundverordnung gilt für parlamentarische Untersuchungsausschüsse

Der EuGH hat sich in einer lange erwarteten Entscheidung mit der Frage auseinandergesetzt, ob die DSGVO auf parlamentarische Untersuchungsausschüsse anwendbar ist. In der Rs C-33/22 (Österreichische Datenschutzbehörde) hat der EuGH am 16. Jänner 2024 in einem österreichischen Fall entschieden, dass die DSGVO auf parlamentarische Untersuchungsausschüsse grundsätzlich anwendbar ist. Dadurch haben Untersuchungsausschüsse in Ausübung ihrer parlamentarischen Kontrollrechte auch das Recht auf Datenschutz von Auskunftspersonen zu achten. Dies betrifft essenzielle verfassungsrechtliche Fragen zum Umgang mit diesem zentralen demokratischen Kontrollinstrument bzw Kontrollrechten allgemein und dem Verhältnis zum Datenschutz  und geht weit über den Ausgangssachverhalt hinaus. Die österreichische Judikatur und Praxis, wonach die Gesetzgebung von der Anwendbarkeit der Datenschutz-Grundverordnung (DSGVO) ausgenommen ist, wird nach diesem EuGH-Urteil nicht aufrechterhalten werden können.

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18 January 2024
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Private Rechtsetzung und fragile Staatlichkeit

Mit der Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) will die EU europäische Unternehmen für die Auswirkungen ihrer Tätigkeit auf Umwelt und Menschenrechte in die Pflicht nehmen und so vor allem die Lebens- und Arbeitsbedingungen im globalen Süden verbessern. Wo staatliche Rechtsetzung und -durchsetzung nicht effektiv genug sind, um Umwelt, Menschen- und Arbeitnehmerrechte zu schützen, sollen private Unternehmen mit eigenen Regelwerken Mindeststandards setzen. Die Praxis zeigt jedoch, dass sie kein Ersatz für eine funktionierende Staatlichkeit sind. Die CSDDD übersieht, dass die tatsächlichen Rahmenbedingungen gerade in jenen Ländern des globalen Südens, in denen eine Verbesserung der Lebens- und Arbeitsbedingungen besonders nötig wäre, auch die Wirksamkeit von Lieferkettenregulierung mindern.

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15 January 2024
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Legislating fiction

Members of Parliament in the UK will on 16 and 17 January 2024 debate the Safety of Rwanda (Asylum and Immigration) Bill, which ‘gives effect to the judgement of Parliament that the Republic of Rwanda is a safe country’ for asylum-seekers. The Supreme Court unanimously ruled in November 2023 that Rwanda was manifestly not safe as asylum seekers sent to the country would face a real risk of ill-treatment due to insufficient guarantees against refoulement. The Bill thus aims to use law to determine a factual situation for as long as the law is in force. This blog discusses the risks inherent in creating such a ‘legal fiction’ and how the Bill could be revised to mitigate this risk, before assessing the chances of it becoming law in the currently turbulent political context.

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13 January 2024

Ein Blockierer als Vorsitzender

Ungarn übernimmt am 1. Juli 2024 den Vorsitz im Rat der EU. Das stößt auf Widerstand, denn zentrale Teile von Ungarns Verfassungspolitik stehen mit rechtsstaatlichen Grundsätzen nicht im Einklang. Das Land gilt in Europa als Außenseiter und Quertreiber, es betreibt eine Blockadepolitik. Zuletzt hat Ungarns Ministerpräsident auf dem Dezember-Gipfel des Europäischen Rates erneut seine Fähigkeiten als Veto-Spezialist unter Beweis gestellt. Und solch ein Land soll den Ratsvorsitz übernehmen? Rechtlich lässt sich das kaum verhindern, denn der Vorsitz ist gemäß dem Primärrecht festgelegt und kann Ungarn ohne Rechtsverstöße nicht entzogen werden. Politisch wäre ein Entzug unklug, weil Ungarn ihn zum Anlass nähme, weniger kompromissbereit zu sein.

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09 January 2024
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Time to talk about academics’ role in Qatargate

Two years ago, we discussed the problems associated with revolving doors at the European level on this platform. One year ago, Qatargate was on the agenda. Confronted with a slew of ‘gates’ that challenge the legitimacy of EU decision-making and the ethics of its politicians and staff, EU institutions rushed to propose a series of reforms to prevent future scandals. We could discuss in detail the causes and consequences of these scandals, what they teach us about the state of European democracy, and the inadequacy of the reforms undertaken. Instead, we have chosen to redirect our focus inward, contemplating the broader scholarly community. We believe this introspective analysis is what EU institutions should have done, rather than hastily shifting to the technicalities of reform proposals.

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08 January 2024

Putting X’s Community Notes to the Test

All of the biggest social media platforms have a problem with disinformation. In particular, a flood of false information was found on X, formerly Twitter, following the terrorist attack by Hamas on 7 October 2023 and the start of the war in Ukraine. The EU Commission therefore recently initiated formal proceedings against X under Art. 66 para. 1 of the Digital Services Act (DSA). One of the subjects of the investigation is whether the platform is taking sufficient action against disinformation. Despite these stakes, X takes an approach different to all other platforms: As can be inferred from the X Transparency Report dated 03.11.2023 posted information is not subject to content moderation, but solely regulated through a new tool: The Community Notes.

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Community Notes auf dem Prüfstand

Die größten Social Media Plattformen haben ein Problem mit Desinformation. Insbesondere auf X, vormals Twitter, war nach dem Terroranschlag der Hamas am 07.10.2023 und dem Beginn des Krieges in der Ukraine eine Flut an Falschinformationen feststellbar. Daher hat die EU-Kommission vor Kurzem mitgeteilt, dass sie ein förmliches Verfahren nach Art. 66 Abs. 1 Digital Services Act (DSA) gegen X eingeleitet hat. Gegenstand der Untersuchung ist unter anderem, ob die Plattform hinreichend gegen dieses Problem vorgeht. X setzt dabei alles auf eine Karte: Wie aus dem X Transparency Report vom 03.11.2023 geschlossen werden kann, unterliegen Desinformationen nicht der sog. Content Moderation, sondern ihnen soll allein durch den Einsatz eines neuen Tools entgegengewirkt werden. Das heißt, dass die Nutzerinhalte auf X von Seiten des Betreiberunternehmens weder durch Algorithmen noch durch dazu beauftragte Personen auf Falschinformationen kontrolliert werden.

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04 January 2024

The European Game

The long-awaited judgement of the Court of Justice of the European Union in Case C-333/21 - European Super League Company has finally arrived. There is a lot to unpack, especially with respect to developments in competition law. Constitutional lawyers will, however, find particular interest in how the Grand Chamber dismissed Advocate General Rantos’ pitch for a constitutional recognition of the European sports model based on Article 165 TFEU. This post focuses on this aspect of the European Super League judgment. It argues that while the Advocate General’s construction was rejected, the Court still used this judgement to further define its own constitutional understanding of the European sports model, as well as to solidify its role as the primary interpreter of that model.

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21 December 2023

Same, Same but Different?

The Commission’s decision to release a significant amount of EU money is a testament to some serious pitfalls in the mechanism, which governs the unblocking of frozen EU funds. To recall, Hungary’s endowments are blocked via two different channels, based on two different conditionality criteria, which have some overlapping points. Both prescribe reforms to preserve the independence of the judiciary, which according to the Commission’s justification has been successfully accomplished by Hungary.  The Commission has, however, never published a detailed plan that would attach a specific amount to be released to every sufficiently satisfied conditionality criterion. In this blog post, I showcase that the overlap between the two conditionality mechanisms and the absence of a robust ex-ante blueprint for releasing frozen funds make the unblocking process highly obscure. This lack of transparency both decreases the efficiency and robustness of conditionality, and increases the tendency for inter-institutional conflicts.

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Constitutional Identity vs. Human Rights

In two recent Latvian cases concerning the Russian-speaking minority decided respectively in September and November 2023, the ECtHR made clear that protection of constitutional identity has now been elevated to a legitimate aim for a differential treatment under the Convention. This post explores how the protection of constitutional identity has been deployed to enable a collective punishment by association with a former occupier, and how the ECtHR’s reasoning has effectively endorsed such a punishment, which is unbefitting of a liberal democratic system the ECHR aspires to represent. Until the three cases were decided, no liberal European democracy could argue without losing face that suppressing a large proportion of its population was its constitutional identity – one of the goals of its statehood. Today, this claim is seemingly kosher, marking a U-turn in the understanding of what the European human rights protection system is for minorities in Europe.

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20 December 2023

Militant Rule of Law

To protect the rule of law based legal system against abusive use of the loopholes, imperfections, contradictions of the law, to avoid legal inertia legal positivist arguments are needed to convince and mobilize the legal mind. The same applies when the blind fortune of democracy provides the opportunity to erase the legally enthroned injustice and domination of illiberal regimes. When it comes to legal enactments that serve legal cheating the rule of law must respond to systemic abuse of the law, and that requires and justifies a rule of law based exceptionalism and a systemic remedy.

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Not Just Abortion

On 14 December 2023, the European Court of Human Rights ruled in the case M.L. v. Poland. The ECHR decided that the restrictions on abortion rights that Poland had violated Article 8 (right to respect for private and family life) of the European Convention on Human Rights. Contrary to the hopes of the initiators of the case, this is not a European Roe v. Wade moment. The ECHR again refused to affirm that Article 8 can be interpreted as conferring a right to abortion. Nevertheless, the ECHR made significant findings regarding Polish rule of law violations.

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A Duty to Rescue

Reports of migrants drowning in the Mediterranean have, unfortunately, become more and more frequent in recent years. A recently published MSF report has highlighted the role ‘pushbacks and systematic non-assistance to those at risk of drowning proliferate’ play in this regard. The report refers specifically to two events that happened in 2023 in which national authorities failed to launch rescue operations despite receiving the information on migrants in distress at sea hours before the tragedy. In this blogpost, we assess whether a coast guard’s failure to act in situations of migrants in distress might violate an incumbent criminal law duty to rescue. We map the core elements of the duty to rescue under criminal law and how they might apply to such a chain of events, using the abovementioned event of 14 June as an example.

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19 December 2023

The EU’s Pacing Problem

The EU regulators face a pacing problem. This has been demonstrated several times during the legislative process of the AI Act itself: for example, the initial Commission proposal from 2021 did not include a definition of General Purpose AI (GPAI). The proposal did not anticipate the rise of Large Language Models like ChatGPT and GPT-4 but only addressed AI systems designed for specific purposes. This lacuna in the original proposal has haunted the EU Parliament, Council and Commission in the past final weeks of the trilogue negotiations, where the inclusion of so-called Frontier Models has been hotly contested. This blog post explores potential boosters for the EU's capacity to regulate AI: delegated legislation, soft law, and a centralized AI office.

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One Step Forward, Two Steps Back

This blogpost unpacks some of the ‘democratic paradoxes’ that come with the ‘Defence of Democracy’ package (DoD package), which the European Commission published on Tuesday, 12th of December. While a Recommendation on promoting civic engagement and citizen participation (Civil Society Recommendation) reflects positive changes in the Commission’s conception of democracy, the ‘Directive establishing harmonised requirements in the internal market on transparency of interest representation carried out on behalf of third countries’ (Foreign Funding Directive) directly contradicts this emphasis on a more citizen-centred model and is illustrative of a broader dilemma: how to defend democracy in the EU’s multi-level constitutional space, while keeping the sensitive legal tools for doing so out of the hands of the enemies of democracy that are already – and for the time being irreversibly – on its inside.

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“This Is Not a Foreign Agents Law”

On Tuesday, 12 December 2023, the Commission adopted its long-awaited Defence of Democracy package, which includes a Proposal for a Directive on Transparency of Interest Representation on behalf of Third Countries. Dubravka Šuica, Commissioner for Democracy and Demography seemed eager to clarify what the Directive is not. Šuica emphasised that the Directive “is not a foreign agents law”. But the more a statement is repeated, the less credible it appears. Rather, the opposite appears to be true. And so, the devil is not in the name, it lies in enforcement. Despite the Commission’s assertion that full harmonisation of the Directive prevents Member States from gold-plating or potentially worse activities, the Commission has limited control over how Member States apply and enforce their national laws. This is the biggest risk of the proposal.

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17 December 2023

The EU’s Faustian Bargain

Twelve years into the EU’s rule of law crisis, this week has demonstrated that EU leaders are still unwilling to confront their own complicity in Orbán’s rise and to do something about it. Is this sad spectacle a price worth paying in exchange for a symbolic gesture of goodwill to Ukraine? That is the wrong question to ask. The right question to ask is this: if the EU continues to treat the rule of law as a bargaining chip and to make promises it won’t keep, for how much longer will our Union remain a club worth joining?

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15 December 2023

Orbán’s Veto Play – The Subsidiarity Card

Viktor Orbán is known to use veto threats in the European Council to get his way. This time, he was keen to see that after months of tense exchanges with the Commission, Hungary gets access to EU funds that had been blocked in order to achieve compliance with the rule of law and fundamental rights conditionality. So, PM Orbán saw it fit to loudly contest Ukraine’s accession and the financial aid package of 50 billion Euros. This may be PM Orbán’s strongest veto play to date.

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Daten, Werte und der AI Act

In der letzten Woche erschien hier ein Text mit dem unterstützenswerten Anliegen, auf die Problematik von Ethics-Washing in der Diskussion um die Regulierung Künstlicher Intelligenz und Datenschutz hinzuweisen. Wir meinen, dass dazu andere Fragen gestellt werden müssen, als diejenigen, die der Beitrag aufwirft, und zweitens die angesprochenen Aspekte differenziert werden sollten. Angesichts zahlreicher legislativer Desiderate des KI-Verordnungsvorschlags und des nicht abgeschlossenen Gesetzgebungsprozesses sind diese Diskussionen zu Grundlagen von Technologie-Regulierung aktuell auch dringend geboten. Wir plädieren dafür, Ethik und Werte nicht als Gegensätze zu einer demokratischen Gesetzgebung zu verstehen, sondern als notwendige Komponenten einer informierten regulatorischen Debatte.

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Same Old, Same Old

Following the General Affairs Council on 12 December 2023, the Spanish presidency issued its conclusions on the evaluation of the Annual Rule of Law Dialogue (ARoLD). The overly positive assessment that transpires from the conclusion fails to convince, due to the continued reliance on confidentiality and the lack of any tangible standards. Moreover, the improvements suggested by the Presidency fall overwhelmingly short of addressing the issues that plague this instrument, confirming it as a weak exercise in posturing with no real stakes involved.  

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14 December 2023

To Score Is to Decide

Can the act of assigning a score to someone constitute a decision? This, in essence, is the question the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) had to answer in Case C-634/21. And the Court’s answer is yes, following in the footsteps of the Advocate General’s opinion on the case. Rendered on 7 December, this ruling was eagerly awaited as it was the first time the Court had the opportunity to interpret the notorious Article 22 of the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) prohibiting decisions “based solely on automated processing".

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The Future of the Rule of Law in the EU

With systemic threats to and violations of the rule of law not subsiding, notwithstanding the expected end of backsliding in the case of Poland, the future of the rule of law in the EU is likely to be one of retrenchment accompanied by increased gaslighting to mask an increased gap between EU rhetoric and EU action. This means that the Commission’s decision to unlock € 10 bn of EU funding previously frozen on rule of law grounds to “sway Viktor Orbán on Ukraine” should not be seen as a once-off aberration but as prefiguration of a new abnormal normal.

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13 December 2023

What’s Missing from the EU AI Act

The AI Act negotiators may still have been recovering from the political deal that was struck during the night of December 8 to 9 when two days later Mistral AI, the French startup, open sourced its potent new large language model, Mixtral 8x7B. Though much smaller in size, it rivals and even surpasses GPT 3.5 on many benchmarks thanks to a cunning architecture combining eight different expert models. While a notable technical feat, this new release epitomizes the most pressing challenges in AI policy today, and starkly highlights the gaps left unaddressed by the AI Act: mandatory basic AI safety standards; the conundrum of open-source models; the environmental impact of AI; and the need to accompany the AI Act with far more substantial public investment in AI.

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Taking Revenge for Dissent

Hungary’s latest judicial reform in May 2023 came in response to  EU decisions to suspend the country’s access to funds due to serious rule of law concerns. The reform aimed, among other things, to strengthen the independence of the Kúria, the Supreme Court of Hungary. Experience to date shows that while on the level of formal legal rules, some improvements towards the rule of law have been made, in actual daily practice, the opposite is happening: While steps have been taken to restore the independence of the Kúria, the Chief Justice is working on further eroding the independence of individual judges.

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12 December 2023
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Why Poland Should Join the European Public Prosecutor

After the Polish parliamentary elections, the question of rebuilding the rule of law in Poland has been frequently raised in academic debate. The discourse is largely dominated by the status of the so-called neo-judges and the legal effects of rulings of the politically appropriated Constitutional Tribunal. We would like to highlight another problem that the new government will have to deal with – the functioning of the public prosecutor's office occupied by people associated with the Law and Justice party. There is a great risk that high-level prosecutors may effectively block or obstruct investigations into the irregularities committed under the PiS government. We believe that a partial solution to this problem might come from Poland's quick accession to the European Public Prosecutor’s Office planned by the democratic opposition.

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07 December 2023

Protecting the Fairness of European Parliament Elections via Preliminary Ruling

Supreme or constitutional courts regularly step in to protect the democratic process by deciding election disputes. It is remarkable that the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) has so far barely been engaged concerning the European Parliament (EP) elections. Using Hungary as an example, I will argue in the following that the CJEU is institutionally well-positioned to help protect the integrity of the 2024 EP elections via preliminary ruling procedures. Hungarian democracy has been in decline, according to the EP, the Commission and various democracy indices. The problems include the lack of a level playing field, targeted action by authorities against opposition parties, overlaps between the activities of the government and the governing party, state funding of campaigning and party financing in general, lack of media pluralism, and the different means of voting for citizens living abroad (postal vote for some and not for others). I argue that the CJEU could and should be engaged to protect the fairness of the EP elections in Hungary.

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Beating a Dead Horse

With the view of potentially revising how the EU Council’s Annual Rule of Law, the Spanish Presidency of the Council had sent out a “questionnaire for the Member States on the evaluation of the Council’s annual rule of law dialogue. The provided answers will inform conclusions to be adopted following the General Affairs Council scheduled for 12 December 2023. Following the disclosure of the MS’ answers to this questionnaire, this post will discuss the added value of this discursive and secretive tool to address systemic threats to or violations of the rule of law. I argue that the answers reveal the dialogue to be an ultimately toothless and partially incoherent exercise that relies excessively on the good faith of its participants and lacks accountability by design.

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05 December 2023

Daten und Werte

Grundsätzliche Fragen zum Verhältnis von Künstlicher Intelligenz und Datenschutz sind noch immer ungeklärt. Die geplante KI-Verordnung wird diese Probleme nicht lösen, sondern weiter vertiefen. Denn der europäische Gesetzgeber hat bislang davon abgesehen, das Verhältnis von KI- und Datenschutz-Grundverordnung eindeutig zu regeln. Die dort formulierten Pflichten für die Entwicklung und den Einsatz sogenannter Hochrisiko-KI-Systeme sollen bereits bestehende Regelungen ergänzen, nicht ersetzen. Nun zeichnet sich - paradoxerweise im Rahmen unionaler Bemühungen Recht zu setzen - ein Trend weg von positiv gesetzten, bestimmbaren Recht an. Regulatoren, Wissenschaft und Lobby reden stattdessen naturrechtlichen Ideen und einer 'KI-Ethik' das Wort, die letztlich vor allem auf eines hinausläuft: bloß keine strengen Regeln.

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10 November 2023
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Europe and the Global Race to Regulate AI

The EU wants to set the global rule book for AI. This blog explains the complex “risk hierarchy” that pervades the proposed AI Act, currently in the final stages of trilogue negotiation. This contrasts with the US focus on “national security risks”. We point out shortcomings of the EU approach requiring comprehensive risk assessments (ex ante), at the level of technology development. Using economic analysis, we distinguish exogenous and endogenous sources of potential AI harm arising from input data. We are sceptical that legislators can anticipate the future of a general purpose technology, such as AI. We propose that from the perspective of encouraging ongoing innovation, (ex post) liability rules can provide the right incentives to improve data quality and AI safety.

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09 November 2023
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We Don’t Need No Education?

Artificial Intelligence doesn't know what's 'true'. Especially, generative AI models like chatbots veer from the truth, i.e. “hallucinate”, quite regularly. Chatbots simply invent information at least 3 percent of the time and sometimes as high as 27 percent. Given the (future) use of such systems in nearly all domains, we might want such systems to follow more stringent rules of accuracy. And those truth-related rules are not the only rules for AI systems that warrant societal scrutiny. How those systems are trained will be crucial. In this blog post, we argue that a new perspective is key to tackle this challenge: “Hybrid Speech Governance”.

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03 November 2023
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Defusing an Atomic Bomb

The sigh of relief was audible throughout Europe. In Brussels and other European capitals, the victory of the opposition bloc in the Polish elections sparked hope that the imminent change in government would end the illiberal course of the past. While years of democratic backsliding have left lasting marks on Poland’s political and legal landscape, the newly elected government is clearly committed to leading Poland back onto the path of democracy and the rule of law. However, one pertinent institutional issue remains to be resolved: the still pending procedure against Poland under Art 7 TEU.

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The Right To Die Like The Trees: Standing

My name is dr. Dániel András Karsai. I am a human rights attorney. I am also terminally ill. In August 2022, I was diagnosed with ALS. ALS is a so-called motor neurone disease. ALS leads to an extremely humiliating life situation, increasingly depriving you of independence. For reasons unknown to medical science, this disease causes nerve cells that move the muscles to deteriorate, leading to muscle atrophy and ultimately complete paralysis. At the end of the disease, respiratory functions also cease, resulting in death by asphyxiation. The final stage of the disease is virtually a vegetative existence, without any possibility of conscious activity or communication. For me, this form of existence is devoid of all meaning and dignity. In this situation, I firmly believe in the arguable claim to demand the right to end my life with dignity instead of enduring meaningless suffering.

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Fighting Impunity Through Intermediaries

The 24th of February 2022 lastingly altered Europe’s security architecture. The European Union and its member states have continued to support Ukraine in a multitude of ways, including direct financial assistance, political support in relevant international fora, far-reaching sanctions against Russian citizens and businesses, and massive arms supplies. What has, however, remained ambiguous is within which (legal) framework the EU has provided different means of support towards Ukraine. In other words: what legal principle – that may also be derived from its treaty framework – determined and guided EU support towards Ukraine? This contribution argues that at least certain streams of EU assistance for Ukraine in countering the Russian Federation’s aggression – namely those aimed at ending impunity for international crimes – have been organized within a distinct rule of law context.

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31 October 2023

Strasburg Weighs In On Political Persecution In Turkey

In a pivotal judgment delivered by the Grand Chamber, the European Court of Human Rights held that the conviction of a former teacher Yüksel Yalcinkaya violated Articles 6,7 and 11 of the Convention. The applicant Yalcinkaya was a teacher who was dismissed with an emergency decree enacted during the state of emergency rule between 2016 and 2018 and was subsequently prosecuted and convicted for his use of the ByLock app and for his membership in a teachers’ union and an association which were also closed down with an emergency decree. In Erdogan’s ever more repressive Turkey, usage of said app or membership in organizations and unions may lead to arrest. Especially anything that appears remotely related to the oppositional Gulen movement carries the risk of persecution.

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26 October 2023
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To Hell, on a White Horse

Slovakia voted on the final day of September 2023. The electoral rhetoric, results and subsequent coalition-building give grounds to expect illiberal constitutional changes. More attention is needed towards the Constitutional Court’s capacity to resist such illiberalization, as Slovakia may join Hungary in a revamped illiberal Visegrad alliance.

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24 October 2023

Politisches Microtargeting vs. Rechtsaufsicht

In der letzten Woche ist bekannt geworden, dass die EU-Kommission, konkret der amtliche Account der Kommissarin für Inneres, Microtargeting auf X (vormals Twitter) nutzte, um Schwung in ein festgefahrenes Gesetzgebungsvorhaben zu bringen. Es handelt sich um eine gezielte Beeinflussung der gesellschaftlichen Debatte rund um die sogenannte „Kinderschutzverordnung“, auch bekannt als „Chatkontrolle“ durch datenbasierte Zielgruppenansprache (zur Berichterstattung und Analyse). Diese Posts sollten Druck auf mitgliedsstaatliche Regierungen ausüben, um doch noch eine Mehrheit für das Vorhaben zu beschaffen. Dieser Vorgang ist auch abseits der inhaltlichen Debatte um die „Chatkontrolle“ bemerkenswert, schließlich zeigt er neben den systemischen Risiken von Plattformen und dem Bedürfnis nach effektiver Durchsetzung von Plattformregulierung auf, dass die Kommission sich in einem Spannungsverhältnis der Funktionen als Aufsichtsbehörde und als politische Akteurin befindet und somit das systeminhärente Risiko besteht, dass sie ihre Funktion als Aufsichtsbehörde zugunsten politischer Ziele vernachlässigt.

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Who Decides What Counts as Disinformation in the EU?

Who decides what counts as “disinformation” in the EU? Not public authorities, because disinformation is not directly sanctioned in the Digital Service Act (DSA) or other secondary legislation. Nor Very Large Online Platforms (VLOPs) and Very Large Online Search Engines (VLOSes), which avoid editorial decisions to maintain their legal status as intermediaries with limited liability. Instead, the delicate task of identifying disinformation is being undertaken by other private organisations whose place of administration and activity, purpose, funding and organizational structure appear problematic in terms of the legitimacy and even legality of the fight against disinformation. This blog post maps out the relevant (private) actors, namely the ad industry, fact checking organizations and so-called source-raters.

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23 October 2023

Who Speaks on Behalf of the European Union?

“It’s a cacophony. It’s ridiculous”. This is how an EU diplomat described the flow of EU statements following the outbreak of the war between Israel and Hamas. The divergent reactions reveal the existence of institutional tensions about the Union’s external representation, which undermine the coherence and credibility of the EU’s external action. The war between Israel and Hamas concerns issues of foreign and security policy. Whether one likes it or not, this is an area where the Commission has a more limited role – also with respect to external representation. A certain restraint or, at the very least, closer coordination with the Member States and the European External Action Service could have been expected.

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19 October 2023
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Post-populist Populism

Good news for democracy from Poland? It appears that in the recent general elections, the right-wing populist Law and Justice party (PiS), won most seats but not enough to allow it to form a coalition. Donald Tusk's Civic Coalition has a better chance of forming a coalition, which might put an end to PiS' eight years of rule. This, prima facie, seems like a victory of democracy over populism. While this is certainly true, in this post we wish to flag certain warning signs that this possible democratic rotation is not the end of the struggle for democracy but merely the beginning of this process. This is because even when populists are voted out of office, their legacy - at least partially - persists.

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18 October 2023

At a Snail’s Pace

By 1 April 2018, member states had to transpose an EU Directive on ‘the strengthening of certain aspects of the presumption of innocence and of the right to be present at the trial in criminal proceedings’. Bulgaria has not fully transposed it to this day, and consistently undermines it. Now, finally, the Commission has launched infringement proceecings. Preceding the announcement, the Commission rejected Rasosveta Vassileva's reasoned complaints on the same issue, as late as 2022. Her odyssey is a concerning tale on how EU institutions handle citizen alerts.

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A Step Forward in Fighting Online Antisemitism

Online antisemitism is on the rise. Especially since the recent terror attack by Hamas in Southern Israel, platforms like X are (mis)used to propel antisemitism. Against this backdrop, this blog post analyses the legal framework for combatting online antisemitism in the EU and the regulatory approaches taken so far. It addresses the new Digital Services Act (DSA), highlighting some of the provisions that might become particularly important in the fight against antisemitism. The DSA improves protection against online hate speech in general and antisemitism in particular by introducing procedural and transparency obligations. However, it does not provide any substantive standards against which the illegality of such manifestations can be assessed. In order to effectively reduce online antisemitism in Europe, we need to think further, as outlined in the following blog post.

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13 October 2023

The Great Yes or the Great No

As we gear up for the most consequential elections in Poland since 1989, the situation on the ground after 8 years of the paranoid polarizing and no-holds-barred politics, forces all those concerned about the future, to ask where Poland is heading. On 14 October 2023, we must understand that POLEXIT is much more than a mere dispute over institutions, rule of law, judicial independence, etc. What is at stake now is incomparably greater. It is the defense of a certain way of life, values and belonging to a community of law and values, a civic Poland in Europe and Europe in civic Poland and finally of “Me and You” as part of Europe.

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Obstinate Choices

Denmark is currently going through a full-blown intelligence scandal. It includes charges of illegal activity lodged by the Danish Intelligence Oversight Board (TET) against the Danish foreign intelligence service (FE), as well as a range of criminal cases brought against the former head of FE, a former minister of defence, and a former intelligence officer on charges of leaking classified information. In this post, I argue that these scandals can best be understood through the lens of a series of obstinate choices made by the Danish government and its representatives. Seemingly, because key decision-makers lacked trust and got fed up with leaks, the situation was handled aggressively from the start, as a matter of principle. I explain the complex scandal but focus on specifics only in the case against former minister of defence, Claus Hjort Frederiksen, as his case is the most clear-cut and observable for outsiders.

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A Hidden Success

Following the EU General Court’s dismissal of the complaint of WS and other asylum seekers against Frontex in its ruling on September 6, 2023, scholarly commentary has largely expressed disappointment. However, a more optimistic way of reading the judgement is also possible. By declaring the lawsuit admissible, the court confirmed that factual misconduct by Frontex can be addressed with action for damages claims – and this in itself is a major step forward in the system of fundamental rights protection in the European Union.

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05 October 2023
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Automated Decision-Making and the Challenge of Implementing Existing Laws

Who loves the latest shiny thing? Children maybe? Depends on the kid. Cats and dogs perhaps? Again, probably depends. What about funders, publishers, and researchers? Now that is an easier question to answer. Whether in talks provided by the tax-exempt ‘cult of TED’, or in open letters calling for a moratorium, the attention digital technologies receive today is extensive, especially those that are labelled ‘artificial intelligence’. This noise comes with calls for a new ad hoc human right against being subject to automated decision-making (ADM). While there is merit in adopting new laws dedicated to so-called AI, the procedural mechanisms that can implement existing law require strengthening. The perceived need for new substantive rules to govern new technology is questionable at best, and distracting at worst. Here we would like to emphasise the importance of implementing existing law more effectively in order to better regulate ADM. Improving procedural capacities across the legal frameworks on data protection, non-discrimination, and human rights is imperative in this regard.

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02 October 2023
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The Comeback of the Mixed Chamber

Three years ago, in the wake of the Weiss judgment of the German Federal Constitutional Court, we proposed the creation of a “Mixed Chamber” in the Court of Justice of the European Union, to rule in last instance on judicial disputes on points of Union competence. The rationale of a Chamber so composed is not obvious. After all, in a Union in which EU Law has primacy over national law, in which the autonomy of EU law is all-pervasive and where the Court of Justice is the ultimate interpreter of EU law, why should a Mixed Chamber be needed? We believe there are at least three good reasons that make a Mixed Chamber as salient as ever.

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01 October 2023

Europe’s Faustian Bargain

On Thursday, news broke that the German government had agreed to incorporating the previously rejected Crisis Regulation into the EU’s new asylum and migration pact. The decision was a radical change of course since Germany had previously consistently opposed its inclusion. Framed as allowing for more ‘flexibility’ in case of migratory surges, the Crisis Regulation’s adoption will, in effect, suspend the EU asylum system as we know it for the time being, given that recorded sea arrivals are currently nearing the 2015 levels. A crisis in need of regulation, if you will. In this blogpost, I highlight the dangerous fallacy that underpins our tolerance for the illegality that has come to characterize contemporary border control. In particular, our failure to oppose the constant expansion of the limits of the law that occurs in the name of crisis and political necessity rests on the mistaken assumption that we have nothing to lose in this race to the bottom. 

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False Hope for Democracy in Bosnia & Herzegovina

Bosnia & Herzegovina (B&H) is notoriously hard to govern. Scarred from a bloody war in the 1990s after the collapse of Yugoslavia, the country’s constitutional order emerged in international peace talks in the United States. What later became famous as the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) might have stopped the war but, in our opinion, sowed the seeds for complex democratic problems today. As we will show in this text, the ECtHR’s judgments represent a false hope for democracy in B&H, because ethnopolitical parties in B&H will not agree on how to implement the ECtHR’s judgments and the Office of the High Representative will not take a more active role in this context. We therefore argue against an earlier contribution on this blog by Woelk (2023), who suggested that the solution for the implementation of the ECtHR’s judgments should come from within the country, as we will show, ethnopolitical actors do not have a real interest in implementing these judgments. To put it bluntly, change from within is, alas, pie in the sky. It is much more likely that nothing changes and the powers that are remain the powers that will be.

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30 September 2023
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Für einen Menschenrechtspakt in der Flüchtlingspolitik

Als Wissenschaftler*innen aus dem Asylrecht und der Fluchtforschung, die seit Jahren die Flüchtlingspolitik untersuchen und kommentieren, sehen wir die jüngsten politischen Debatten und Forderungen mit großer Sorge. Die Debatte über Flucht und Asyl wird weitestgehend faktenfrei geführt. Dadurch werden Ängste geschürt und gesellschaftliche Probleme Schutzsuchenden angelastet. Zudem werden kurzerhand rechtsstaatliche und menschenrechtliche Minimalstandards für populistische Überschriften geopfert.

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28 September 2023

Act Three for Climate Litigation in Strasbourg

Yesterday, on 27 September 2023, a historic hearing took place before the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights. The Court heard the Duarte Agostinho case, brought by six Portuguese children and young people against a whopping 33 Member States of the Council of Europe. Having heard two other climate cases this past March (the KlimaSeniorinnen v. Switzerland and Carême v. France cases, respectively), this was the Court’s final hearing before it issues its first-ever findings on climate change. It was also the Court’s first youth climate case. For several reasons, yesterday’s hearing was a historic one: Duarte Agostinho is the Grand Chamber’s biggest-yet climate case, both in terms of the substantive rights invoked and the number of States involved.

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Recovery and Resilience Facility two years after – quo vadis EU money?

In 2020, at the height of the Covid crisis, the EU embarked on a new path. It extensively borrowed money at capital markets and handed it out to member states. After two years of implementation, it is now possible to make some preliminary conclusions about how that money is being spent. Reading the reports and listening to the hearings in the European Parliament, it becomes abundantly clear that most of it has very little to do with European policies. Rather, spending goes into mundane national budgetary expenditures that may be useful as such but have little genuine European value and little transformational potential. In a time with pressing common European needs, this is not how it should be.  

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27 September 2023

Verwaltung ohne Verantwortung

Mit Urteil vom 6. September 2023 hat das Gericht der Europäischen Union (EuG) in erster Instanz erstmalig über eine Schadensersatzklage geflüchteter Personen gegen die Europäische Agentur für die Grenz- und Küstenwache (Frontex) entschieden und die Klage abgewiesen. Politische und zivilgesellschaftliche Vereinigungen sowie die Wissenschaft weisen schon länger auf systemische Mängel bei der Geltendmachung von Rechtsverletzungen gegenüber Frontex hin. Die Entscheidung des EuG perpetuiert diese Mängel, weil sie Bewertungsmaßstäbe nicht berücksichtigt, die aus menschenrechtlicher Sicht geboten sind. Eine dogmatisch überzeugende Integration dieser Maßstäbe in das Unionsrecht würde die Rechte geflüchteter Personen wahren und so das unionale Recht auf effektiven Rechtsschutz stärken.

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23 September 2023

Be Careful What You Wish For

The European Court of Human Rights has issued some troubling statements on how it imagines content moderation. In May, the Court stated in Sanchez that “there can be little doubt that a minimum degree of subsequent moderation or automatic filtering would be desirable in order to identify clearly unlawful comments as quickly as possible”. Recently, it reiterated this position. This shows not only a surprising lack of knowledge on the controversial discussions surrounding the use of filter systems (in fact, there’s quite a lot of doubt), but also an uncritical and alarming approach towards AI based decision-making in complex human issues.

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22 September 2023

A Leap Towards Federalisation?

On September 13th, co-rapporteurs Guy Verhofstadt (Renew, BE), Sven Simon (EPP, DE), Gabriele Bischoff (S&D, DE), Daniel Freund (Greens/EFA, DE) and Helmut Scholz (The Left, DE) presented in the Committee on Constitutional Affairs of the European Parliament (AFCO) a wide and ambitious project of Treaty change. This short contribution will highlight and evaluate the most important proposals of AFCO's project and argue that, if adopted, the reform would further the Union’s federalisation, thus potentially changing its legal nature.

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21 September 2023
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The Legal Art of Judging Art

In another round of the case "Metall auf Metall", the German Federal Court of Justice is asking the Court of Justice of the European Union how to define the concept of pastiche. The CJEU response will not only be crucial for the rules of artistic imitation, but also set the legal frame for the digital reference culture of millions, as expressed in Memes and GIFs every day. This Article takes the referral to the CJEU as an opportunity to recapitulate the proceedings with a sideways glance at the Supreme Court’s  Warhol case. Its discussion of transformative use addresses the questions the CJEU will have to answer when defining “pastiche”. How should we deal with the art of imitation?

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12 September 2023

Sex Workers in Strassburg

A few years ago, France banned buying sex. In M.A. and Others v. France the European Court on Human Rights (ECtHR) now held that a motion of sex workers against that ban is admissible. The Court did not rule on the merits at this stage – this will follow in a subsequent judgement. Nevertheless, this admissibility decision marks a milestone as, for the first time, the Court will examine whether a sex purchase ban violates the rights of sex workers as guaranteed in the European Convention on Human Rights. The ruling appears eagerly anticipated due to its legal precedent within Member States that have passed similar legislation.

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The Price of Transatlantic Friendship

While the citizens of most EU Member States enjoy visa-free travel to the US, citizens of Bulgaria, Romania and Cyprus do not. Following the Commission’s repeated refusal to activate the reciprocity mechanism in EU visa law to remedy this inequality in access to visa-free travel, the European Parliament asked the CJEU whether the Commission was under an obligation to do so. The Court answered in the negative, holding instead that the Commission had wide discretion in this regard. Its reasoning centers the sensitive political nature that visa retaliation vis-á-vis the US implies, while failing to instill a sense of urgency in working towards equal treatment of EU citizens. This threatens to perpetuate a situation in which the advantages of supranational integration in the context of the Schengen acquis are permanently withheld from nationals of Romania, Bulgaria and Cyprus.

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09 September 2023

Shielding Frontex

In a landmark case, the EU General Court ruled this week on liability claims against Frontex for human rights violations - and rejected the damage claims. The case was the first of its kind concerning human rights responsibility of Frontex and had all the ingredients to prompt the General Court to finally clarify a number of pervasive and urgent questions concerning Frontex responsibility for complicity in unlawful human rights conduct. Instead, by conflating the wrongful conduct under scrutiny, the Court prevents a critical examination of Frontex’s conduct altogether. The significance of the case thus lies in the adopted approach by the Court, which, in effect, contributes to the systematic shielding of Frontex from any responsibility for contributions to human rights harms.

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08 September 2023

An Interdisciplinary Toolbox for Researching the AI-Act

The proposed AI-act (AIA) will fundamentally transform the production, distribution, and use of AI-systems across the EU. Legal research has an important role to play in both clarifying and evaluating the AIA. To this end, legal researchers may employ a legal-doctrinal method, and focus on the AIA’s provisions and recitals to describe or evaluate its obligations. However, legal-doctrinal research is not a panacea that can fully operationalize or evaluate the AIA on its own. Rather, with the support of interdisciplinary research, we can better understand the AIA’s vague provisions, test its real-life application, and create practical design requirements for the developers of AI-systems. This blogpost gives a short glimpse into the methodological toolbox for researching the AI-act.

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06 September 2023

Europe’s Digital Constitution

In the United States, European reforms of the digital economy are often met with criticism. Repeatedely, eminent American voices called for an end to Europe’s “techno-nationalism.” However, this common argument focusing on digital protectionism is plausible, yet overly simplistic. Instead, this blog post argues that European digital regulations reflect a host of values that are consistent with the broader European economic and political project. The EU’s digital agenda reflects its manifest commitment to fundamental rights, democracy, fairness, and redistribution, as well as its respect for the rule of law. These normative commitments, and the laws implementing those commitments, can be viewed in aggregate as Europe’s digital constitution.

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05 September 2023

Reinventing a Broken Wheel

On 16 July, the European Commission and the Tunisian government signed a new strategic partnership on migration, sparking outrage by European parliamentarians, researchers and civil society actors given Tunisia’s autocratic turn since 2021 and the recent flaring up of racial and xenophobic violence. The deal is emblematic of the blind spots of trans-Mediterranean migration cooperation over the past decades: First, a growing reliance on informality and symbolic politics at the expense of accountability; and second, a persistently Euro-centrist perspective that overlooks the dynamics South of the Mediterranean, with dire policy consequences.

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22 August 2023

Not With a Bang But a Whimper

The European Union’s smallest Member State saw a significant decree delivered on primacy last month. Yet, even domestically, this bomb exploded in the middle of a desert; little to no noise came of it nationally or at the EU level. On the face of it, this is undoubtedly a major legal development – the first of its kind since Malta’s EU accession in 2004. The flawed interpretation offered by the Court says much about the fundamental importance of constitutional reform and is not, as such, a sign of institutional anti-EU sentiment… yet. However, as the main (and practically only) media report on the case concluded, what happens next is anyone’s guess. Constitutional reform in Malta must be put squarely back on the table before it’s too late.

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21 August 2023

Team Europe’s Deal

On 16 July 2023, the European Commissioner for Neighbourhood and Enlargement and Tunisia’s Secretary of State of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Migration and Tunisians Abroad signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU) on a ‘strategic and global partnership’ between the European Union (EU) and Tunisia. The signing followed a meeting in Tunisia between Tunisian President Kais Saied and ‘Team Europe’ (European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, and Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte). The deal is part of the growing trend to externalise migration control. Against this background, this blog post first clarifies what was agreed before explaining why the agreement is problematic both in terms of substance and form.

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18 August 2023

One Act to Rule Them All

Soon Brussels' newest big thing - the Artificial Intelligence Act - will enter the Trilogues. In order to better understand what’s at stake, who are the main actors and their motivations, and how to make one’s mind about all the conflicting claims we need to dive into the legal, economic and political aspects of the AI Act. The aim of this piece is to contextualize major milestones in the negotiations, showcase some of its critical features and flaws, and present challenges it may in the near future pose to people affected by “smart” models and systems.

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16 August 2023
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The Strasbourg Court Goes Astray

On 1 June 2023, the Grand Chamber of the ECtHR concluded a saga that even experts of the Strasbourg Court might have overlooked. In the Grosam case, the alleged shortcomings in the disciplinary procedure involving a Czech enforcement officer (bailiff) have been addressed. The Grosam chamber judgment was certainly not a routine case. The chamber judgment went to the core of the role of the ECtHR and, if it would have been allowed to stand, it could have seriously undermined the legitimacy of the whole system of the Strasbourg protection.

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14 August 2023
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How to Respond to the Far Right

Across the European continent, far-right parties are soaring in opinion polls. As the far right continues establishing its presence on the mainstream political stage, the urgency to address its rise and normalisation cannot be overstated. But which strategies are effective when and why?

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How Cohesion Became the EU’s Vehicle for Economic Policy

In Brussels, something remarkable has happened in the last four years. Cohesion policy—which had heretofore been a policy backwater, aimed at addressing regional disparities—has emerged as the EU’s primary vehicle for reshaping economic and related fiscal policies in the Member States. As a result, any economic or fiscal policy measure that can be plausibly described as a structural reform (primarily an area of Member State competence, subject to Union coordination) can now be reframed as a measure of EU cohesion policy (a shared competence) that can be supported by EU funds to incentivize compliance. How did this happen?

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10 August 2023

Widerspruchsresponsive Nachhaltigkeit

Am 09. Juli 2023 haben die Europäische Union und Aotearoa Neuseeland ein umfangreiches Freihandelsabkommen abgeschlossen, das die Europäische Kommission mit Blick auf Nachhaltigkeitsfragen als ambitioniertestes Abkommen aller Zeiten bezeichnet. Bei genauerem Hinsehen zeigt sich, dass der Regelungsumfang in vielerlei Hinsicht umfassender und progressiver ist als in anderen Abkommen. Dennoch sind Defizite bei der Ausgestaltung des Streitbeilegungsverfahrens auszumachen, die auch darin begründet liegen, dass das Nachhaltigkeitskapitel es nicht vermag, einen für seine Widersprüche sensibilisierten, kritischen Nachhaltigkeitsbegriff zu etablieren.

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03 August 2023

Out of the Woods?

Large-scale deforestation not only accelerates climate change and biodiversity loss, it is also a serious threat to human rights. While the EU has pursued strategies to combat illegal logging since the early 2000s, it has mostly turned a blind eye to the adverse human rights effects of deforestation. The new EU Regulation on Deforestation (EUDR) acknowledges that human rights and the protection of forests are inextricably linked, but is this really a “major step for ‘deforestation-free’ trade”? This post provides a brief introduction to the EUDR, its most salient features, and critically, its weak points.

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25 July 2023

A Scandal on AI in Administration, Again

After the infamous Dutch benefits scandal, the Netherlands are yet again the scene of wrongful application of an algorithm by the government. This time, the main actor is the Dienst Uitvoering Onderwijs (DUO), the Dutch agency responsible for the allocation and payment of student loans to those enrolled in Dutch higher education. Specifically, DUO used an algorithm in their enforcement task, namely to verify whether the student loans have been rightfully allocated. In 2012, DUO commenced the use of this ‘in-house’ algorithm, which the Minister of Education – under whose responsibility DUO falls – halted on 23 June. The developments in the Netherlands epitomize the promises and pitfalls of further integrating automated decision-making (ADM) into public administration. On the one hand, ADM – sometimes labelled ‘artificial intelligence’ – is cheap and promises efficiency gains. On the other hand, ADM systems may be error-prone when facing the complex realities of societal life and legal ambiguity.

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21 July 2023

Rechtsgut Datenschutz?

Während materielle Schadensersatzansprüche für Datenschutzverletzungen in der Praxis eine untergeordnete Rolle zu spielen scheinen und verhältnismäßig einfach festzustellen und zu beziffern sind, bereitet die in Art. 82 DSGVO vorgesehene Ersatzfähigkeit immaterieller Schäden den Gerichten Kopfzerbrechen. Eine richtungsweise Entscheidung zu immateriellen Schadensersatzansprüchen für DSGVO-Verletzungen fällte der EuGH Anfang Mai 2023 in der Rechtssache C‑300/21. Es ist das erste Urteil aus einer langen Reihe an Vorabentscheidungsersuchen zur Auslegung des Art. 82 DSGVO. Nach wie vor interpretationsbedürftig bleibt jedoch, wie ein immaterieller Schaden nun konkret festzustellen und zu bemessen ist. Nach einer kurzen Zusammenfassung der Kernaussagen des EuGH befasst sich dieser Beitrag daher mit diesem praxisrelevanten Problem und möchte – insbesondere unter Berücksichtigung etablierter Instrumentarien der deutschen und österreichischen Rechtspraxis – Lösungswege für die mitgliedstaatlichen Gerichte aufzeigen.

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20 July 2023

A Hidden Battlefield

The platform work directive proposal presents important implications for the implementation of social security schemes (e.g. those relating to unemployment or incapacity). In particular, it required digital labour platforms to declare and inform social protection authorities of the work performed through the platform and to share with them relevant data, among other aspects. It is important that these implications are maintained in a final instrument, as suggested by the Parliament in its position for trilogue negotiations.

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19 July 2023

Securitizing the Economy

In June 2023, the European Commission presented the European Union’s first Economic Security Strategy. Its publication is in itself a Zeitenwende  in the EU’s foreign and economic policy, despite undeniable shortcomings, in particular the lack of a clear definition which opens the door for overly protectionist measures under the guise of security concerns. To succeed, however, it is critical to view economic security as a public good which can benefit the EU, its Member States, and its citizens.

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18 July 2023

A Timid Proposal

With the Council position of 12 June on the proposal for a EU Directive on improving working conditions in platform work, a presumption of employment status for digital platform work is now becoming the subject of trilogue negotiations. A lot could be said about the proposal, the process, and the innovation that would come with an EU Directive on platform work as such. This comment focuses on one central part of the proposal: the presumption of employment. The Commission’s and Council’s proposals suggest a well meant, but timid instrument. Given the already limited scope of te proposals in their definition of “digital labour platforms”, only the Parliament’s position that does not condition the presumption to any additional criteria is able to convince.

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Judges and Organized Crime

Scandalous arrests of judges taking millions in bribes continue to make headlines. For purging the judiciary from corruption, vetting the integrity of judges through internationally supported commissions has become one of the most promising tools. In July 2023, the ECtHR has upheld the dismissal of yet another prominent judge – who had served, both, at the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court of Albania (Thanza v. Albania). While it is obvious that a judge should be dismissed for engaging in organised crime, this case may be the first in the world to raise another, rather unusual question: Can a judge be dismissed simply for having contact with organised crime, even if he has never committed any offence?

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Changing Tides in European Election Law

On 15 June, the Bundestag approved a minimum percentage threshold for elections to the European Parliament (EP). Shortly before the summer break, the Bundesrat (Federal Council) also agreed to the clause. German lawmakers already failed twice in this endeavour before the Federal Constitutional Court (Bundesverfassungsgericht, short BVerfG). This time, the German legislator can refer to a binding EU legal act backing its reform efforts. This means the electoral threshold must now be treated (also by the constitutional court) as determined by EU law – with all consequences. However, even a 2% hurdle is not 100% safe from the BVerfG.

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The Definition of ‘Digital Labour Platform’ in the Proposed Platform Work Directive

On 9 December 2021, the European Commission announced its proposal for a Directive on improving working conditions in platform work—the ‘Platform Work Directive.’ The Directive’s main goals are to reduce false self-employment among persons performing platform work, to regulate algorithmic management on digital labour platforms, and to provide legal certainty for platforms. This blog post focuses on an element of the proposed Directive that has gone relatively unremarked in the scholarly and policy debates so far: the definition of ‘digital labour platform.’

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14 July 2023
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Vorzeichenwechsel im Europawahlrecht

Der Bundestag hat am 15. Juni einer Sperrklausel für die Wahlen zum Europäischen Parlament zugestimmt. Kurz vor der Sommerpause schloss sich auch der Bundesrat an. Der deutsche Gesetzgeber unternimmt auf ein Neues, womit er schon zweimal vor dem Bundesverfassungsgericht gescheitert ist. Dieses Mal hat der deutsche Gesetzgeber bei der Einführung der Sperrklausel einen verbindlichen EU-Rechtsakt im Rücken. Damit geht allerdings einher, dass die Sperrklausel nun (auch verfassungsgerichtlich) mit allen Konsequenzen als determiniertes Unionsrecht behandelt werden muss. Doch auch eine 2 %-Hürde ist nicht zu 100% sicher vor dem BVerfG.

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07 July 2023

Competition law as a powerful tool for effective enforcement of the GDPR

It looks like a good week for data protection. On Tuesday, the Commission presented a new proposal for a Regulation on additional procedural rules for the GDPR, and a few hours later, the ECJ published its decision C-252/21 on Meta Platforms v Bundeskartellamt (Federal Cartel Office). While the Commission's proposal to improve enforcement in cross-border cases should probably be taken with a pinch of salt, the ECJ ruled on some things with remarkable clarity. The first reactions to the ruling were quite surprising; few had expected the ECJ to take such a clear stance against Meta's targeted advertising business model. It does however represent a consistent interpretation of the GDPR in the tradition and understanding of power-limiting data protection.

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06 July 2023

Reform the European Union for Enlargement!

External shocks such as the financial and migration crises, the Coronavirus pandemic, as well as internal and external security threats from terrorism as well as Russia's war against Ukraine emphasise that the EU, which has developed to be more heterogeneous, has become increasingly fragile. In line with a reduced willingness and ability of Member States to integrate further, the EU is becoming incapable of action and therefore is in danger of losing the trust of its citizens. Against this background, it is important not to gloss over the problems and to develop constructive solutions. This blogpost offers several possible solutions.

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03 July 2023

A Taxonomy of Standing

On June 21, the General Court handed down its order in T-628/22 René Repasi v the European Commission. Repasi had challenged the validity of the Commission Delegated Regulation 2022/1214, a complementary taxonomy regulation on nuclear energy and natural gas. The General Court dismissed the action due to lack of standing.  To surmount the notoriously strict standing requirements before the CJEU, Repasi relied on his position as a Member of Parliament (MEP) and argued that a claim of a wrong choice of the legal basis that leads to deviation from the ordinary legislative procedure (OLP) gives an MEP standing before the EU courts. The difficulties that MEPs encounter while fulfilling their legislative responsibilities make Repasi’s argument appealing. However, creating a new semi-privileged standing category through the Union courts could also present its own set of difficulties.

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A Constitution without Constitutionalism

“Digital constitutionalism” has attracted a good deal of scholarly attention in recent years, much of it enthusiastic, some more sceptical. Just what constitutionalism means, and how this meaning can be transposed into a realm of private ― albeit increasingly regulated ― interactions rather than traditional public law, is part of the debate between the enthusiasts and the sceptics. All agree, however, that it is a normatively charged idea, a shorthand reference to certain values which include ― whether or not they are limited to ― respect for certain human rights. In this post, I argue that while we can indeed think of internet regulation in constitutional terms, we must first understand what I shall call the constitution of cyberspace. A descriptive effort must precede any normative projects directed at imposing values allegedly inherent in the notion of constitutionalism onto cyberspace. And further, understanding the constitution of cyberspace should at least make us wary of digital constitutionalism’s normative ambitions.

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30 June 2023
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Politicians don’t dance? AI doesn’t either!

“Why don’t politicians ever dance? – Because they have too many steps to backtrack on!” Chat-GPT answered this when we asked the program to tell a political joke. While this example is somewhat worrying since the underlying assumption might perpetuate existing stereotypes about politics and politicians, the joke also highlights that AI has become witty and incredibly good at behaving in a way we perceive as human. Thus, we take the recent advancements of generative AI as a motivation to analyze its potential effects on political campaigns and democratic elections.

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28 June 2023

Digitale Beweise im EU-/US-Datenschutzkonflikt

In der vergangenen Woche hat das Europäische Parlament nach fünfjährigen Verhandlungen der E-Evidence-Verordnung zugestimmt. Hierdurch erhalten die Ermittlungsbehörden der Mitgliedstaaten das Recht, die US-Unternehmen auch zur Herausgabe von Daten, die in den USA gespeichert sind, zu verpflichten. Kann die Europäische Kommission bei den derzeitigen Verhandlungen um ein EU-/US-Abkommen über digitale Beweise verhindern, dass die US-Ermittler:innen umgekehrt ungehinderten Zugriff auf Daten in der Europäischen Union erhalten?

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25 June 2023
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Human Rights Violations to Deflect Refugees

The Council of the European Union (EU) recently reached a negotiating position (‘mandate’) on two significant elements of the ‘reform’ of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). The vision hailed as a ‘historic’ agreement by national governments is a direct threat to the right to asylum. The Council not only maintains all structural flaws of the CEAS intact but proposes a quagmire of asylum procedures marred by unworkable, unnecessarily complex rules, that are in clear violation of key human rights standards.

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23 June 2023

Can the Hungarian Council Presidency be Postponed – Legally?

By now, it is commonly agreed that Hungary is no longer a democracy. I will offer in this blogpost some legal underpinnings to the argument that occupying the Council presidency must rotate only among those states that are in compliance with Article 2 TEU values including the rule of law, those that are fully fledged representative democracies in line with Article 10 TEU, that have been in line with Article 49 TEU at the time of accession and never regressed.

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Addressing Legal Myths about the Proposed EU Nature Restoration Law

In June 2022, the EU Commission adopted a Proposal for a Nature Restoration law which aims to restore the degraded levels of biodiversity within the European Union. The proposed instrument has been misinterpreted, in part by an active agroindustry lobby, seeking to prevent the adoption of the restoration law. These scientific and economic myths have been contested. Yet, legal myths, oversimplifications or concerns often remain unaddressed.

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19 June 2023
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On the Pylos Shipwreck  

Only 104 out of the 750 passengers who travelled on the fishing boat, which capsized on June 14 and sank in the Ionian Sea, were rescued. The bodies of 80 have been recovered so far and the remaining passengers, an estimated total of as many as 500 people, including large numbers of women and children, remain missing. The boat had departed from Libya the previous Friday and was heading towards Italy. The tragic shipwreck, which immediately became yet another icon of the never-ending catastrophe of asylum seeking in the Mediterranean, occurred on the high seas, 87 kilometres from the Greek Coast. As long as the overarching policy aim is to deter racialized migrants from entering the EU, tragedies like the one in Pylos are bound to continue.

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16 June 2023

EU-Recht bricht Völkerrecht? Der Trugschluss der europäischen Calvo-Doktrin

Am 27. Juli 2023 wird der BGH drei Urteile in Rechtssachen verkünden, die alle um eine Frage kreisen: geht EU-Recht in internationalen Schiedsgerichtsverfahren zwischen EU-Investoren und EU-Mitgliedstaaten immer vor, selbst wenn dadurch ein multilateraler völkerrechtlicher Vertrag, der immer und auf alle Vertragsparteien bezogen Rechte begündet, berührt wird? Diese scheinbar rein rechtsdogmatische Frage hat völkerrechtshistorisch, wirtschaftspolitisch und rechtspolitisch weitreichende Folgen. Es geht um nicht weniger als um die Frage, ob die Bundesrepublik Deutschland sowie die EU und alle ihre Mitgliedstaaten weiterhin bereit sind das Völkerrecht zu achten, und zwar gerade in einer Zeit, in der die Notwendigkeit der Wirksamkeit völkerrechtlicher Rechtsbindungen nicht hoch genug gewertet werden kann.

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The GDPR’s Journalistic Exemption and its Side Effects

On 25 May 2023, we mark the fifth anniversary of the General Data Protection Regulation’s (GDPR) full application in the European Union (EU). While the Regulation is primarily known for its impact on business, it also fostered significant changes to data processing by media outlets, which are often overlooked in discussions about data protection. This blog post analyzes what is commonly called the ”journalistic exemption” under Article 85 of the GDPR that requires Member States to regulate the extent to which GDPR applies to journalists and others writing in the public interest. Further, this contribution reflects on how exactly that journalistic exemption is implemented across the Member States, and considers the problematic consequences of the GDPR’s uneven application to the media sector, including instrumentalization of GDPR in the strategic litigation (SLAPPs) against journalists.

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15 June 2023

Walking A Democratic Tightrope

That was fast. On 8 June, only 11 days after the Polish so-called ‘Lex Tusk’ was signed into force, the Commission launched an infringement procedure against Poland. For the first time, the Commission is relying on the principle of democracy in Art. 10 TEU as an autonomous plea, dropping another bombshell shortly after the first direct invocation of Art. 2 TEU in infringement proceedings against Hungary earlier this year. This contribution discusses both the perks and potential perils of the direct enforcement of the principle of democracy in Art. 10 TEU. On the one hand, a shift from what is arguably better called ‘militant rule of law’ towards more literally EU militant democracy is a positive development, as it better captures the nature and range of the principles which are de facto under threat in several EU Member States. On the other hand, the present infringement action illustrates the principled challenge of militant democracy to preserve the possibility of democratic regime change, all whilst not lapsing into a form of institutional conservatism.

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Fast-Tracking Law Enforcement at the Expense of Fundamental Rights

Five years in the making, the EU’s e-evidence Regulation was finally adopted by the European Parliament on June 13. The Regulation will allow law enforcement authorities to directly compel online service providers operating in the EU to preserve or produce e-evidence in the context of criminal proceedings. This is achieved through applying the principle of mutual recognition to cooperation with online service providers, thereby skipping judicial control in the Member State where the service provider is established. Whilst these innovations have been lauded for facilitating access to data in cross-border cases, this blogpost will detail how the Regulation’s emphasis on speed and efficiency comes at the expense of safeguarding suspects’ fundamental rights.

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SLAPPs, Daphne’s Law, and the Future of Journalism

Media freedom has many dimensions. Whereas the EMFA deals directly with media oversight bodies and the likes, the proposed anti-SLAPP (strategic lawsuits against public participation) directive weighs into a more niche but crucially important topic: the silencing of journalists through bogus litigation. Such bogus litigation - or SLAPPS - does not intend to „win” cases but to slowly but steadily dry out journalists financially, emotionally, and socially. Currently, the Council of the European Union and the European Union Parliament are working on their proposals of the directive. It is crucial that the Commission’s proposal will not be watered down.

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Interaction Without Affection?

The EU's legislative activity in the area of media and platform regulation is currently unfolding at an unprecedented pace. The thematically broad EMFA builds in many places on recently adopted legal acts whose interpretation is still unclear. This leads to parallelisms and overlaps as well as unclear and convoluted references, which can only be briefly outlined here and should be clarified in the trilogue negotiations.

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14 June 2023

EMFA and its Uphill Battle for Media Freedom and Democracy in the EU

The European Media Freedom Act, primarily designed to safeguard the EU media market, can also serve as an important tool in preserving the rule of law in member states such as Hungary and Poland, that have experienced an alarming assault on media freedom and pluralism in the past decade. This contribution critically evaluates the potential of the proposed European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) for addressing the ongoing issues in media freedom in Poland and Hungary.

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“A Bit of Fun. A Bit of Truth.”

The extent of (private) media regulation depends on the willingness to trade private for public power. This blogpost takes the Commission's EMFA proposal as an opportunity to question the assumptions about media, markets, and politics behind it. It finds that the Commission’s approach treats private like public media: First, it functionalizes the fundamental rights of private individuals and companies in terms of their public benefit; second, it imagines the conditions of qualitative journalistic work as those of civil servants.

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13 June 2023

Enforcing Democracy

On the 8th of June, the Commission announced the opening of an infringement procedure against Poland in relation to the so-called ‘Lex Tusk’ or ‘anti-Tusk’ law. The principle of democracy is the first alleged violation specified by the Commission, based on Articles 2 and 10 TEU. Although proposed back in 2020 by observers of the Rule of Law crisis (see here and here), using this combination of articles to protect democracy is an unprecedented step by the institution. In a way, this follows the successful actions brought against Poland based on Articles 2 and 19 TEU (with ‘successful’ referring to the Court upholding the Commission’s complaints). It also recalls similarities with the Commission’s decision to invoke Article 2 TEU as a stand-alone provision in the infringement proceedings against Hungary’s ‘anti-LGBTQ’ law. The Commission is now testing out the legal waters to see if Article 10 TEU can be the trigger for ‘democracy’ in the same way Article 19 TEU is the trigger for ‘rule of law’.

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Without Enforcement, the EMFA is Dead Letter

Besides important substantive provisions, the EMFA proposal contains various mechanisms concerning the role of national regulatory authorities, the newly established European Board for Media Services (Board) and the Commission. However, this blogpost argues that the proposed tools fail to effectively improve the already available enforcement mechanisms in EU law. We offer three recommendations to improve enforcement of media law and policy in the EU, while remaining within the boundaries of the competences as established by the EU Treaties.

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Why the Words “But” and “However” Determine the EMFA’s Legal Basis

Enacting a regulation, which is directly applicable throughout the EU, with such a focus would undoubtedly entail a far-reaching interference with the cultural sovereignty of the Member States, documented inter alia in Art. 167(4) TFEU and the Amsterdam Protocol concerning public service broadcasting. This requires a careful concretisation of existing obstacles to the internal market, their actual overcoming by the proposed rules and a consideration of cultural interests and traditions of the Member States. In its current shape, the EMFA, irrespective of its noble goal, does not meet these requirements. Therefore, most of the EMFA’s substantive rules do not solidly rest on a legal basis, making the proposal partly incompatible with Union law.

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11 June 2023

Doing Justice to Poland’s Muzzle Law

On 5 June 2023, the Court of Justice issued its fourth infringement judgment in relation to yet another Polish piece of legislation – informally known as the muzzle law – which aimed to dissuade or punish Polish judges for applying and upholding EU rule of law requirements. As anyone with any basic understanding of EU law could have predicted, the law rushed into force by Poland’s ruling coalition in December 2019 did not survive judicial scrutiny in Luxembourg. As long as the Commission fails to demand full compliance with CJEU case law and decisively address the issue of judicial usurpers, however, just chipping away at the arbitrary disciplinary changes Polish authorities have made will always fail to solve Poland’s fundamental and systemic issues.

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09 June 2023

Regulating the Sustainability Transition

The European Parliament’s adoption of its position on the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) last week marks a breakthrough for transnational corporate regulation. At a moment when the EU Green Deal was facing open opposition from within the European People’s Party Group (EPP), rapporteur Lara Wolters (S&P) withstood lobbying efforts until the final minute and secured a majority for her report. With a strong mandate for the Parliament in the upcoming Trilogue, the EU has come a big step closer to passing the most ambitious due diligence legislation worldwide.

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08 June 2023

YouTube Updates its Policy on Election Misinformation

Last Friday, YouTube announced that it ‘will stop removing content that advances false claims that widespread fraud, errors, or glitches occurred in the 2020 and other past US Presidential elections’. This development has upsides and downsides, a few of which are worth sketching out, and all of which further accentuate why the US constitutional framework regarding online platform regulation requires updating. The nature of this update requires transcending a governance approach of overreliance on expecting good faith self-regulation by companies providing these intermediaries.  

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07 June 2023

An Inconvenient Constraint

On 1 July 2024, Hungary is set to take over the Presidency of the Council of Ministers. The European Parliament and the Meijers Committee issued reports questioning whether Hungary should be blocked from doing that. These proposals raise questions of political feasibility, however, especially as one may doubt if a Hungarian Council Presidency can do much practical damage to the EU. In addition, they also raise questions of legal feasibility. A logical prerequisite for preventing Hungary from holding the Presidency as long as it breaches the rule of law is that doing so is consistent with the EU’s own rule of law. I doubt it is.

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05 June 2023

Strasbourg’s Coming Out

On June 1st, in Maymulakhin and Markiv v. Ukraine, the ECtHR determined for the first time in clear terms that the general absence of legal recognition for same-sex couples is discriminatory and violates Article 14 of the European Convention of Human Rights. This marks a significant addition to the Court’s case-law concerning the rights of same-sex couples with implications for future litigation on this subject.

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03 June 2023

Institutional Corsets and the Question of Timing

There has been a lot of noise around whether Hungary should, and legally could, be blocked from taking over the Council presidency in the second half of 2024, considering the state of the rule of law in the country. On 1 June, the European Parliament adopted a resolution, questioning Hungary’s ability to “credibly fulfill” the tasks of a Council presidency and asking the Council to “find a proper solution as soon as possible”, else Parliament could take “appropriate measures”. Such concerns are legitimate, but another question seems to be sidelined in the debate: How much practical damage can the upcoming Council presidency under Hungary actually do in the EU?

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01 June 2023
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An Honest Broker?

A characteristic of the functioning of the EU is that the Presidency of the Council of Ministers rotates between Member States every six months according to a previously agreed order. The EU Presidency is responsible for driving forward the Council’s work on EU legislation. In the second half of 2024, Hungary will take over the Presidency, followed by Poland in the first half of 2025. Given their rule of law record, it is highly questionable whether they will act in the Council’s general interest. In order to avoid damage, there are three avenues available to the Council and the Member States.

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31 May 2023
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Durchschlagskraft für Sorgfaltspflichten

Die bevorstehende Verabschiedung der EU-Richtlinie über die Sorgfaltspflichten von Unternehmen im Hinblick auf Nachhaltigkeit (Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive, CSDDD) könnte die Regulierung der Waffen- und Rüstungsindustrie in Europa drastisch verändern. Während sich das EU-Parlament, die Kommission und der Rat darauf vorbereiten, in den so genannten „Trilog“ einzutreten, um einen endgültigen Text zu verabschieden, ist noch offen, ob sie auch den Waffenhandel in den Geltungsbereich der Richtlinie einbeziehen werden. In diesem Beitrag beleuchten wir einige Accountability-Defizite in derzeitigen europäischen Regelungen über die Ausfuhr von Feuerwaffen. Die CSDDD könnte dazu beitragen, jene Defizite zu beheben und gleichzeitig den illegalen Handel und die Umleitung von Waffen zu verhindern.

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25 May 2023

Media Pluralism in KRRiT-ical Condition

In April 2023, the Polish National Broadcasting Council, the so-called KRRiT, imposed a high fine on an indipendent media outlet. It was not the first fine of this kind to independent media organisations. The growing number of KRRiT decisions targeting independent media in Poland is the result of the political nature of the procedure for appointing members of the KRRiT and the broad, unclear legal basis for imposing fines. Since 2005, the decisive voice in the composition of the KRRiT was that of the ruling political majority. This blogpost analyzes and criticizes the vague legal framework for KRRiT and the institution's apparent political capture in recent years.

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Showdown zur Asylpolitik in Brüssel

In Brüssel beginnt in Kürze der Endspurt für die EU-Asylrechtsreform. Heftige Kritik erfährt hierbei die deutsche Verhandlungsposition. Nun könnte man die rhetorische Eskalation als typisches Phänomen des Twitter-Zeitalters abtun und meine Einwände – „BVerfG sieht es anders“ – als professorale Besserwisserei. Doch es geht um mehr: Die politische Mitte darf nicht die Fähigkeit verlieren, in der Migrationspolitik widerstreitende Zielvorgaben auszugleichen. Die pragmatische Lösungssuche droht zwischen den binären Alternativen faktisch offener Grenzen und einer gewaltsamen Abschottungspolitik zerrieben zu werden.

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24 May 2023

Data After Life

Contract law in Europe currently has little grasp on the balancing of interests of social media users, their heirs, platforms, and society at large, which means that platforms play a key role in determining how digital legacies are handled. A human rights perspective can offer starting points for reforms that do more justice to the protection of digital identities of social media users.

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Monetising Harmful Content on Social Media

The possibility to profit from the dissemination of harmful content triggering views, engagement, and ultimately monetisation does not only concern the contractual relationship between social media and  influencers, but also affects how other users enjoy digital spaces. The monetisation of harmful content by influencers should be a trigger, first, to expand the role of consumer law as a form of content regulation fostering transparency and, second, to propose a new regulatory approach to mitigate the imbalance of powers between influencers and users in social media spaces.

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23 May 2023

Rethinking the Regulation of Financial Influencers

The growth of social media has led to an unprecedented rise in financial influencers, so-called finfluencers, who share investment ideas and opinions with a global audience, even if they are not qualified or licensed to provide financial advice. This can be particularly dangerous for retail investors with low levels of financial literacy. The regulation of financial influencers is a complex and multifaceted issue that demands a comprehensive approach; the current regulatory framework may not be adequate.

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A New European Enforcer?

As a key piece of the European Commission’s digital agenda, the Digital Services Act (DSA) is drawing a lot of attention from civil society, industry, and regulators. One particularly interesting development in that regard is the Commission’s current transformation from being the institution leading the DSA’s negotiations to the one enforcing it. This article explores the challenges faced by the Commission in this transformation.

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Pay to Play

The rise of subscription-based business models in social media is part of a broader trend that can be observed in many industries. Against this background, it is necessary to adapt European consumer law to the new risks of the subscription economy.However, it is not enough to give consumers rights on paper. Nor is it sufficient to inform consumers about their rights in the small print. Effective consumer protection in digital markets requires a user interface design that enables consumers to exercise their rights with a simple click.

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22 May 2023

The Shape of Personalisation to Come

While targeted advertising is still a money-making machine for social media platforms, its motor has begun to sputter. However, with artificial intelligence, the potential is even greater for companies to discover and exploit biases and vulnerabilities in consumers that they themselves may not be aware of. The point of this dive into economic engineering of personalised environments on digital platforms is to highlight the intentional creation of algorithmically curated choice sets for consumers. How can the law ensure their fairness?

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A Non-Binary Approach to Platform-to-Business Transactions

Social media is a disruptive technology that has challenged fundamental distinctions in contract law, as social media contracts don't adequately reflect complex relationships between platforms, businesses, and consumers, among others. Contract law has the potential for greater sensitivity to contract classifications because different types of contractual relations invoke different values and trade-offs. Courts can better posit them in the spectrum between business and consumer contracts, while securing business users‘ unique interests

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19 May 2023

The Contractual Rights and Obligations of Prosumers on Social Media Platforms

How can contract law contribute to a fair balance between the rights of prosumers and social media platforms? This contribution assesses the values that contract law should reflect, proposing the recognition of use value alongside the exchange value of products on the market. It then considers which mechanisms in contract law could be employed to do justice to both values.

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Including the Arms Sector in the EU Corporate Due Diligence Directive

The imminent passage of the EU Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) into law could drastically change the regulatory makeup of the civilian firearms industry in Europe. As the EU Parliament, Commission and Council prepare to enter the so-called ‘trilogues’ to adopt a final text, an open question is whether they will include the arms industry within the scope of the Directive. If so, the resulting provisions could include corporate due diligence obligations for downstream elements of the value chain, thus reinforcing monitoring and accountability. This post highlights the accountability deficit in the current European firearms export regime and shows how the CSDDD could help redress this situation while preventing trafficking and diversion.

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Digesting the (Not So) Free Lunches of Social Media

It has become common wisdom that “there is no such thing as free lunch.” Social media shows us daily how true this observation remains until today. The ‘conventional’ business model of these platforms focuses on data exploitation, and, increasingly, ‘freemium’ models. While it is obviously worthwhile to explore objectionable business practices in e-commerce and on social media, as 'freemium' models gain traction, this contribution suggests that the discourse on ‘dark patterns’ is somewhat sketchy and incomplete – and in need of more specificity.

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Medienfreiheit als europäische Tradition

Über den Entwurf des Europäischen Medienfreiheitsgesetzes (EMFA) und seine Auswirkungen auf die Unabhängigkeit der Nationalstaaten im Bereich der Medien wird derzeit lebhaft diskutiert. Ein Vorwurf war besonders häufig zu hören: Der Entwurf des EMFA sei der neuste Versuch Brüssels, die Souveränität östlicher Mitgliedstaaten mit Rechtsstaatlichkeit-Defizitzu unterminieren. Dieser Beitrag stellt sich diesem Vorwurf entgegen. Oft wird nämlich vergessen, dass die Regulierung europäischer Medien zwecks Sicherung des Medienpluralismus weder eine neue Forderung ist, noch historisch einen engen Bezug zu den östlichen Mitgliedstaaten aufweist. Im Gegenteil, das Streben nach einer Harmonisierung des Medienpluralismus und der Medienfreiheit ist ein seit Jahrzehnten immer wiederkehrendes Vorhaben in der EU. Die EMFA als ‚neuesten‘ Versuch Brüsseler Einflussnahme auf Osteuropa darzustellen ist daher schlicht ahistorisch.

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18 May 2023

From Contract Law to Online Speech Governance

For years, contract law has been a hidden protagonist in the in the discourse on platform governance. he sound of this silence is especially salient against the backdrop of recent European case law that uses the contractual toolbox to infuse social media terms of service with fundamental rights, in particular the freedom of expression. In this way, contract law has produced – somewhat counterintuitively – one of the most telling responses to the key constitutional issue of social media: how to reconcile freedom of expression as a public value with the private nature of social media platforms.

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The Magic Bullet That Isn’t!

Article 17 of the European Union's Copyright Directive fails to effectively safeguard copyright exceptions, which can gravely undermine users’ freedom of expression in the digital public sphere. Against this backdrop, the enactment of Article 14 of the Digital Services Act offered fresh hope. Could it be the eagerly awaited ‘magic bullet’ that ensures effective protection of user rights to rely copyright exceptions to parody and quotation on social media platforms? The possibility of such an outcome is doubtful.

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17 May 2023

Personalized Law and Social Media

Personalization — a paradigm that has been widely and successfully embraced in other areas of human activity, and primarily on social media — may be ready for the law. Social media as a data source to support personalized law is only suitable for a few areas if life. In those areas, however, personalized standards bear enormous potential.

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The Invisible Contract

Many users do not realize that by creating a social media account, they are entering into a legally binding agreement with the platform. It might thus be time to radically rethink the principle of contractual informality online. Social media contracts may regain their importance, and users might become more aware of the contractual implications of clicking on the ‘I Agree’ button.

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Social Media Contracts – The Quest for Fairness and the Need for Reform

The social media landscape is changing. The ‚public forum‘ is now filled with citizens selling products, promoting services, charging for subscriptions, and sometimes seeking attention in ways which may not be socially desirable. We ask: How can a space that is becoming increasingly commercialised, monetised, and is a source of income for many nevertheless be fair?

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16 May 2023

The National Case for Reforming the EU Treaties

Four arguments of either explicit or implicit importance in encouraging states to engage in Treaty reform in this ‘reform period’ are of decisive importance again now. Many of these arguments have already found their way into political discourse (for example into the cautious opening of the German government to Treaty reform) while others have not. The key to making the national case for Treaty reform may therefore lie in demonstrating to the Member States that these factors make opening-up the Treaties in their national interest.

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12 May 2023

Trading Rights for Responsibility

The newly published compromise text of the Asylum Procedures Regulation (APR) suggests to render border procedures mandatory in some cases, while also permitting first-entry states to derogate from them once their “adequate capacity” is reached. This adaptable approach to the use of border procedures seeks to resolve a long-standing disagreement between central EU countries and first-entry states. While the former consider the obligatory use of border procedures necessary to prevent onwards or  ‘secondary’ movement of asylum-seekers, southern EU states argue that their mandatory use would place a further strain on their resources and overburden their capacities for processing asylum claims. This blogpost first explains the problems with border procedures, reviews their role in increasing responsibility of first-entry states, and explains why the new compromise Draft is unlikely to resolve the disagreement between first-entry states and other Members States.

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Squaring the triangle of fundamental rights concerns

Ex ante, the July 2022 ruling by the Court of Justice of the EU on Passenger Name Records had a very specific scope — the use of passenger name records by government agencies. Upon closer inspection, however, it has important implications for the governance of algorithms more generally. That is true especially for the proposed AI Act, which is currently working its way through the EU institutions. It highlights, ultimately, how national, or in this case European, legal orders may limit the scope for international regulatory harmonization and cooperation.

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Automated predictive threat detection after Ligue des Droits Humains

The Ligue des droits humains ruling regarding automated predictive threat detection has implications for the European Travel Information and Authorisation System (ETIAS) Regulation and the EU Commission’s proposal for a Regulation on combating online child sexual abuse material (CSAM). Both legal instruments entail the use of potentially self-learning algorithms, and are spiritual successors to the PNR Directive (the subject of Ligue des droits humains).

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11 May 2023

EU Privacy and Public-Private Collaboration

Core state functions, such as law enforcement, are increasingly delegated to private actors. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the development and use of security technologies. This public-private collaboration harbours detrimental consequences for fundamental rights and the rule of law; in particular, for the principle of legality. The policy outcomes which result from this collaboration are not democratically accountable, and allow human rights to be superseded by private, profit-driven interests.

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Challenging Bias and Discrimination in Automated Border Decisions

In Ligue des droits humains, the Court of Justice of the European Union explicitly addresses the fact that the use of AI and self-learning risk models may deprive data subjects of their right to effective judicial protection as enshrined in the Charter. The importance of this judgment cannot be understated for non-EU citizens and at the European borders more generally.

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10 May 2023
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Betrayal

Various EU bodies have started to appreciate the threat the anti-constitutional challenge poses to fundamental rights and the entire EU. The Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA), the body primarily tasked with watching over fundamental rights, chose a different path and committed to collaboration and to legitimizing an illiberal regime. As earlier contributors to FRA reports on Hungary, we felt the responsibility to call attention to this unfortunate development: The FRA recently committed to rely on reporting from two governmental-controlled institutions, the National University of Public Service and the Hungarian ombudsperson.

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Foreseeability and the Rule of Law in Data Protection after the PNR judgment

The rule of law cannot be reconciled with the existence of secret laws, unclear laws and laws which cannot be obeyed. However, this may be difficult to realise in practice, where full transparency is at odds with the legislative goals; where a certain degree of flexibility of rules is necessary to address changing circumstances, in which these rules function; and where a disconnect occurs between the visions of the lawmaker and reality created by modern technologies that are utilized to pursue them. The CJEU's ruling in Lige des droits humains on Passenger Name Record Directive underscores the difficulty of foreseeability of algorithmic measures and the rule of law.

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The European Legal Architecture on Security

As the European legal architecture on internal security is being built around large-scale databases, AI tools and other new technologies, the relationship between the public and private sectors has become increasingly complex. We examine one aspect of the Court of Justice of the European Union’s recent judgment in Ligue des droits humains, namely the data protection rules applicable to cooperation between the public and private entities in personal data sharing. The judgment enhances the ‘personal data autonomy’ of individuals and requires public authorities to justify to a high standard any obligations it seeks to place on the private sector to share personal data related, directly or indirectly, to travel by air.

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Taiwan’s Participatory Plans for Platform Governance

Platform regulation is not limited to Europe or the United States. Although much debate currently focuses on the latest news from Brussels, California, or Washington, other important regulatory ideas emerge elsewhere. One particularly consequential idea can be found in Taiwan. Simply put, Taiwan wants to, tacitly, democratize platform governance. Concretely, Taiwan wanted to establish a dedicated body that would potentially facilitate far-reaching civil society participation and enable ongoing citizen involvement in platform governance. This article explains what discourses about platform governance can learn from Taiwan and how vivid democratic discourse shapes platform governance beyond traditional regulatory models.

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09 May 2023

Caution: Safeguards may appear more robust than they are

At a time when the European security architecture is evolving, and when national lawmakers must pay greater attention to an evolving set of common standards and safeguards to prevent disproportionate government access to data, it is essential to shed critical light on their implementation in actual practice. As different as the EU PNR Directive and the German legal framework are, they both include provisions that seek to prevent disproportionate government access and to ensure effective and independent review of data collection and subsequent data processing.

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Passengers Name Records and Security

The EU Passenger Name Records Directive is based on the logic of preventive security. Th CJEU ruling, Ligue des droits humains, offers an opportunity for national judges to question more radically the idea of generalised preventive security that seeks to anticipate human behaviour through the creation of risk profiles and statistical correlations (instead of causality).

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08 May 2023

Machine learning and profiling in the PNR system

Automated processing of personal data, which is what Passenger Name Record data are, can lead to forms of profiling; certain individuals or groups of people are more likely to be excluded based on the transfer of their data than others. In its Passenger Name Record judgment, the CJEU extensively discusses discrimination risks, and it set a number of conditions to prevent them. Unfortunately, not all of its considerations are perfectly clear and some of the solutions the CJEU proposes are not entirely satisfactory.

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Automated predictive threat detection after Ligue des Droits Humains

On 21 June 2022, the Court of Justice of the European Union released its judgment regarding the compatibility of the EU Directive on Passenger Name Record Data with the rights to privacy and personal data protection. Ligue des droits humains has already qualified as a landmark decision, where the Court had the opportunity, among other aspects, to provide comprehensive guidelines on how large-scale predictive policing should take place. The ruling could be used as an inspiration for the legal assessment of various new security law instruments which require automated predictive threat detection instruments.

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The Future of the European Security Architecture: A Debate Series

This debate series is dedicated to Ligue des Droits Humains – a case in which the Court of Justice of the European Union decided on the fate of one of the main drivers of this development: the Directive on on the use of passenger name record (PNR) data for the prevention, detection, investigation and prosecution of terrorist offences and serious crime. The PNR Directive, being one of the first major EU-wide examples of predictive policing, is not just interesting in itself. It exemplifies the emergence and gradual consolidation of a new security architecture in Europe.

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27 April 2023

The Ukrainian Grain Imports Saga

Poland and Hungary, later joined by Bulgaria, Slovakia and Romania, decided to unilaterally halt the imports of grain and other food products from Ukraine to protect their domestic farmers. The European Commission quickly announced that “trade policy is of EU exclusive competence and, therefore, unilateral actions are not acceptable”. At the same, however, the Commission’s spokesperson also considered that it was “too early” to comment on the legal implications of the Member States’ actions. Instead, the Commission adopted a pragmatic approach. It quickly announced a new support package for EU farmers affected by the increased supply of Ukrainian agricultural products and proposed additional measures to ensure the transit of Ukrainian grain exports to destinations outside of the Union. Significantly, it also added that this package “is subject to Member States lifting their unilateral measures”. This creates a very cynical situation, in the sense that an infringement of EU law may be instrumental to reach a better deal.

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26 April 2023

Flexible Responsibility or the End of Asylum Law as We Know It?

On March 21 2023, the Council released a revised draft proposal for an Asylum and Migration Management Regulation (AMMR). It reintroduces the concept of ‘flexible responsibility’ — or ‘adaptable responsibility’ — into the EU’s migration management. Already included in the controversial Instrumentalisation Regulation of 14 December 2021, flexible responsibility is the idea that Member States should be allowed to derogate from normally applicable asylum standards when faced with sudden migratory pressures. While the Instrumentalisation Regulation was rejected in December 2022, this post will detail how the new AMMR draft threatens to reintroduce the idea of flexible/adaptable derogations — including, potentially, those originally foreseen in the Instrumentalisation Regulation — into the EU’s asylum framework and why we should reject it.

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If the EU Picks Baby Genes

Which genes should children not inherit? This is a fundamental question. It arises acutely in medically assisted reproduction, such as in-vitro fertilization (IVF) or artificial insemination. One must frequently choose between different donors, sperm, eggs or embryos. The EU wishes to draw this line. However, Its proposed Substances of Human Origin Regulation (‘SoHO’) treads into delicate ethical and political territory, without properly addressing, or even mentioning, crucial ethical questions. This leads the EU to silently take three controversial positions: the proposal excludes most ethical considerations; it draws the line vaguely and below existing ethical standards; and it makes genetic selection mandatory in genetically assisted reproduction.

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25 April 2023

Investing Immobilized Russian Assets, Monetarizing the Common Foreign and Security Policy

Again, the Commission and EU Member States are talking about new sanctions against Russia. The focus, according to Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, should be on tackling sanctions circumvention and loopholes. In a scoop, however, it was also uncovered that the Commission has drawn up a non-paper “on the generation of resources to support Ukraine from immobilized Russian assets”. The idea behind this non-paper is to invest the immobilized assets of the Russian Central Bank in EU Member States’ bonds and bills and use the proceeds to support the reconstruction of Ukraine. The plan, as the non-paper indicates, is fraught with a number of legal and technical issues. These do not only relate to the question of whether or not such an investment of immobilized assets is compatible with international law and EU law, but also to the question of who should undertake and oversee these investments.

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20 April 2023

Intersectionality in Climate Litigation

The ECtHR held a hearing in the case KlimaSeniorinnen v Switzerland. It is one of the first gender-based climate cases worldwide. The case offers novel perspectives on a range of issues. Crucially, it highlights new potential avenues for standing in human rights cases and pinpoints how age, health, gender, and climate change intersect.

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19 April 2023
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Achmea Goes to Washington

Recently, a US District Court trashed a Dutch company's arbitral award against Spain. Why? Because investor-state arbitration within the EU violates European law. Yet, many tribunals keep issuing arbitral awards - especially under the infamous Energy Charta Treaty. Challenging those awards in domestic courts outside the EU, like here in Washington D.C., might work as corrective to the continuing illegal assumption of jurisdiction and blatant disregard for the EU Treaties by arbitral tribunals.

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Closure and Continuity

Trade, sovereignty, rights and freedoms, courts, and constitutional change are lenses through which we can examine how two politically, culturally, and linguistically inextricably linked common law countries have defined their diverging relationship with the EU. 50 years on the divergence is complete. The UK is now a third country, charting a future outside the EU, while Ireland remains one of 27 Member States reporting high levels of trust and support for the EU. Hence 50 years on we have both the desire for closure (for the UK) and continuity (for Ireland). In fact, we argue that closure and continuity are necessary for the relations between both states and their relationship with the EU now and in the next half century.

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18 April 2023

New Digital Gates for Fortress Europe?

On March 29th, the Permanent Representatives Committee approved the EU Council's negotiating mandate for a Regulatory proposal to digitalize the Visa procedure. Proponents argue that this move will improve security and reduce administrative costs for both EU Member States and interested travellers. However, I argue that the Draft Regulation raises many concerns about the effective protection of the fundamental rights of Schengen visa applicants. If adopted, it threatens to perpetuate the subordination of fundamental rights to security and efficiency concerns that characterizes the increasing digitalization and datafication of EU migration management operations.

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14 April 2023

Attention Is All You Need

Das Verbot ChatGPTs durch die italienische Datenschutzbehörde bietet Gelegenheit einen Klassiker neu aufzulegen: Eine bahnbrechende, Technologie aus dem Silicon Valley zerschellt am harten Beton des Brüsseler Datenschutzregimes. Während einige technikkritische Stimmen laut applaudieren, prügeln andere auf das vermeintlich innovationsfeindliche Datenschutzrecht ein. Doch gibt ChatGPT tatsächlich Anlass für derart fundamentale datenschutzrechtliche Bedenken im Hinblick auf generative KIs?

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12 April 2023

Democracy, Sovereignty and Europe

Fifty years after Ireland and UK joined the EEC together in January 1973, the two states find themselves on radically different European trajectories. Both are common law countries with shared traditions of parliamentary governance and strong cultural links to the wider Anglosphere. However, in Ireland there is broad elite and popular support for maintaining alignment with the requirements of EU and ECHR law – while, in the UK, such European influences trigger a sharp allergic reaction. What explains this dramatic divergence? The answer perhaps lies partially in the differing ‘constitutional imaginaries’ of Ireland and the UK, and how EU and ECHR alignment is understood to impact on the exercise of popular sovereignty in both states.

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Wie die EU durch das Spitzenkandidatensystem ihre illiberalen Regime in Ungarn und Polen bekämpfen könnte

Die Europäische Union scheint unfähig zu sein, gegen die illiberalen Regime in Polen und Ungarn erfolgreich vorzugehen. Dabei hält sich der Irrglaube, dass die EU keine rechtlichen Mittel zur Verfügung habe, um gegen diese undemokratischen Staaten anzukämpfen. Dies ist nicht der Fall. Die EU hat und hatte schon immer die nötigen Mittel zur Hand, die jedoch auch tatsächlich genutzt werden müssten. Der notwendige Schritt, um dies zu garantieren, ist so einfach wie wirksam. Die EU muss das Spitzenkandidatensystem für die Europäische Kommission wiedereinsetzen.

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07 April 2023

Short Detention, Long Shadow

Several videos show the arrest of Clara Ponsatí last Tuesday in the streets of Barcelona, a Member of the European Parliament (MEP). Separatist politicians have forcefully condemned the arrest as an ‘attack on democracy’, ‘political violence’, ‘repression’ and ‘abuse of power’, while also asserting an egregious violation of an MEP’s immunity. This piece argues that the arrest warrant issued by the Tribunal Supremo on 28 March 2023 does not hold up against established constitutional principles.

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Squaring the Circle

The Italian Data Protection Authority banned ChatGPT for violating EU data protection law. As training and operating large language models like ChatGPT requires massive amounts of (personal) data, AI's future in Europe, to an extent, hinges upon the GDPR.

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04 April 2023

In Law as in Life?

On New Year’s Day in 2002, my late uncle, visiting us in Kerry at the time, walked to the local shop and came back with a pristine €5 note for everyone in the house. Spend it, keep it, do whatever you like with it; but this, he said, is history. Ireland adopting the euro as its currency marked one of the most significant divergent choices in the history of British and Irish membership of the European Union. The dense and complicated ties between the two states were otherwise reflected in so many ways across their EU membership profiles, from their coterminous application paths to shared exemptions from certain legal obligations.

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Frozen

After years of inaction, the European Commission and Council jointly acted to freeze EU funds totaling more than €28.7 billion for Hungary and more than €110 billion for Poland at the end of 2022, citing rule-of-law violations. Surprisingly, the decisions were taken not just (or even primarily) using the new Conditionality Regulation designed for that purpose. Instead, they used a variety of other legal tools to which rule-of-law conditionality was attached. It remains somewhat mysterious, however, precisely which funds and what proportion of those funds have been suspended, and how those suspensions have been legally justified. This post, a shorter version of a SIEPS paper that will be published soon, describes what we know about the complex set of funding suspensions intended to make EU Member States pay for their rule-of-law violations.

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03 April 2023

Die private Durchsetzung des Unionsrechts

Welche Ansprüche bestehen bei Verstoß gegen unionsrechtlich fundierte Normen, die keine eigenen Rechtsfolgenanordnungen vorsehen – diese Frage ist seit einigen Jahren zu einem zentralen Thema (auch) des Privatrechts geworden. Im Kern geht es um ein Problem, das sich in allen föderal organisierten oder supranational beeinflussten Rechtsordnungen stellt: Wie kann trotz der Ebenentrennung von (unionalen) Rechten („rights“) und (nationaler) Rechtsdurchsetzung („remedies“) eine wirksame Durchsetzung der Regeln der höheren Ebene durch die niedrigere Ebene gewährleistet werden – und welche Rolle spielt in diesem System das Privatrecht? Die Diesel-Entscheidung C-100/21 der Großen Kammer des EuGH gibt neue Impulse für eine Debatte, die das Privatrecht noch lange beschäftigen wird.

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A Fond Embrace?

As with any relationship, significant anniversaries offer us an opportunity to take stock. Looking backwards allows us not only to appreciate how far we have come, but also, perhaps, to reflect on the direction in which we might be heading. To date, upwards of 2,200 judgments of the Irish courts have considered EU or Community law in some form. Against this context, this short contribution reflects on the reception of EU law in the Irish courts since 1973.

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30 March 2023

Number Crunching EU Law and the Irish Legal Order

In this short piece, I will outline a few of the extremes of the Irish relationship with Europe that I have personally studied or encountered and its impact in my view. Many years ago, I wrote a dissertation on the relationship between EU law and the Irish legal order, on the unravelling dynamic since accession, focussing upon the preliminary reference data. I felt it was a deserving topic precisely because there was so little interest as to the relationship between EU law and Ireland. Ireland was uniformly always excluded from major US and EU political science studies that have been iconic in shaping views on EU integration.

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29 March 2023

How EU Membership Transformed Ireland’s Socio-Legal Norms: The Case of Abortion

In 1973, Ireland joined what would become the European Union (EU) in the first ever enlargement of the project of European integration. To say that 50 years of EU membership have been transformative for Ireland is an understatement. By all benchmarks considered, Ireland is a radically different country today than it was when it joined the EU. Abortion provides the best example of this.

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Die Deutschen und ihr Auto

Am 23. September 2015 trat Martin Winterkorn als Vorstandsvorsitzender von VW wegen des sog. Abgasskandals zurück. Man möchte meinen, dass fast acht Jahre später dessen juristische Aufarbeitung abgeschlossen oder zumindest weit vorangeschritten ist. Doch mit seiner vergangene Woche verkündeten Entscheidung stellt der EuGH die bisherige rechtliche Beurteilung des Bundesgerichtshofs und diverser Oberlandesgerichte grundlegend in Frage. Wie ist es dazu gekommen? Der Beitrag will versuchen, darauf eine weniger dogmatische, sondern primär privatrechtstheoretische Antwort zu geben. Meine These ist, dass hier hintergründig ein spezifisch privatrechtliches mit einem unionsrechtlichen Systemdenken konfligiert.

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28 March 2023

Navigating Uncharted Waters?

This contribution will briefly assess Ireland’s participation in the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) after ‘Brexit’. It will first review the way in which the ‘opt-in/opt-out’ arrangements still apply to Ireland, before considering how Ireland’s position might have evolved after Brexit. In this respect, it will feature some recent cases of the CJEU. Although Ireland considers the UK to be a safe third country for refugees, it is likely that their respective asylum policies will diverge even further, owing to their now very different positions with respect to EU law and especially the CEAS.

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27 March 2023

Limitations of the Transnational ne bis in idem Principle in EU Law

No-one shall be tried or punished twice for the same offence. This principle is part of the fundamental law protection in the EU, but can be limited under certain conditions. In Case C-365/21, decided on 23 March 2023, the ECJ has confirmed the validity of an important limitation of the transnational ne bis in idem guarantee. Another case which arose in the context of the Diesel scandal involving German automobile producer Volkswagen and is still pending before the European Court of Justice gives the Court a new opportunity to set new standards regarding limitations of the ne bis in idem principle in cases involving different Member States and to strengthen this principle which is of great importance for the completion of a genuine area of freedom, security and justice.

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The Quality of Sovereignty

It can generally be agreed that the purpose of sovereignty is to enable a government to protect the best interests of its citizens. To what extent did UK membership of the EU preclude this? In the context of the EU, the discussion on sovereignty tends to focus on quantity – the greater the scope of action of the EU and its institutions, the lower the sovereignty of the member states. From this perspective, sovereignty is a zero-sum affair – less means less. However, sovereignty can also be assessed from a qualitative perspective, with a focus on its quality, or character, rather than its scope.

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23 March 2023

Political Advertising and Disinformation

Over a year ago, the European Commission presented its Proposal for a Regulation on the transparency and targeting of political advertising (COM(2021) 731 final). Recently, the Council presented its General Approach, followed by the position of the European Parliament (EP). While stakeholders are waiting for the trilogue negotiations to shape the final text of the legislation, critical voices are raising concerns. Concerns are that under the future regulation online platforms might have to de-amplify such independent content

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An Interactive Relationship

In reflections on fifty years of membership, the employment of women is often identified as a tangible example of how membership changed Ireland. Concretely, in the years immediately following accession, the state was required to enact legislation on equal pay and equal treatment for women and men in employment. This narrative tends to place emphasis on EU law as a cause of law reform in Ireland. 50 years on, both Irish and EU equality law have expanded significantly.

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22 March 2023

Constitutional Identity, Ireland and the EU

Costello v. Government of Ireland and others is one of the most significant recent Irish Supreme Court rulings concerning EU law. The case involved a member of parliament seeking to restrain the Irish government from ratifying the 2014 EU-Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) on grounds of alleged unconstitutionality. Costello’s most long-lasting impact is likely to be its introduction of the concept of constitutional identity into Irish constitutional jurisprudence.

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15 March 2023

Too Much for Others, too Little for Us

The draft of the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) published last September appears to constitute, in part, an attempt to respond to the systematic erosion of media freedom in Hungary since 2010. The European Commission seems to be aware of how unsuccessful it has been in addressing the problem. Thus, even though the rule of law proceedings against Hungary found a serious violation of media freedom, the conditionality procedure and the Charter of Fundamental Rights eligibility criteria inquiry failed to address the issue. Against this backdrop, this blogpost will analyse the draft EMFA’s capacity to respond to the unique challenges posed by the Hungarian media freedom landscape.

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14 March 2023

Inter* Personen im menschenrechtlichen Warteraum

Bei Fällen aus dem LGBTIQ*-Themenkreis vor dem Europäischen Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte (EGMR) lässt sich ein gewisses Muster erkennen: In dem jeweils ersten Beschwerdefall (sei es das Adoptionsrecht für homosexuelle Personen, sei es die Frage der Anerkennung der Geschlechtsidentität von trans* Personen), erkennt der EGMR zunächst keine Verletzung eines Konventionsrechts an. Häufig erklärt er aber auch, dass diese Einschätzung sich ändern kann. So könnte es auch bei der Frage des Personenstatus von inter* Personen kommen.

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Drive to Survive

On 9 March 2022, the Council of the EU included Nikita Mazepin, the Russian Formula 1 driver competing in the 2021 season, on the list of sanctioned people. Almost one year later, on 1 March 2023, this measure was suspended by the Order of the President of the General Court as an interim measure in the appellation proceedings against the Council decision initiated by Mazepin. In this blog post, I argue that the President of the General Court made a mistake in the factual assessment of the position of Nikita and took a too lenient approach to his request.

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13 March 2023

Politische Werbung und Desinformation

Zum Verordnungs-Entwurf der Europäischen Kommission über die Transparenz und das Targeting politischer Werbung (COM(2021) 731 final) liegt inzwischen die Gemeinsame Ausrichtung des Rats der Europäischen Union als auch die gemeinsame Position des Europäischen Parlaments vor. Nun beginnen die abschließenden Trilog-Verhandlungen. Dem VO-Entwurf geht es um die Eindämmung von Gefahren durch politische Online-Desinformationskampagnen. Aufhorchen lassen Stimmen aus der Zivilgesellschaft, die eine zu weitgehende Erfassung auch privater oder unabhängiger politischer Meinungskundgabe fürchten.

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06 March 2023
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Feminist Foreign Trade Policy is a Demand of the EU Treaties

there is a strong basis for feminist trade policy in EU primary law. Arguably, any external action of the EU ought to be in compliance with basic considerations of feminist foreign policy. The key question is not if EU external action should comply with feminist foreign policy, but rather, how.

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01 March 2023

Georgia’s Bill on Foreign Agents and the Limits of the EU’s Soft Power

On February 20, 2023, the Parliament of Georgia registered the bill "On the transparency of foreign influence" that introduces the category of an "agent of foreign influence" – any private legal entity which gets more than 20% of its entire budget from a "foreign force". These facially innocent "monitoring" functions harbour a potentially totalitarian instrument of control. In Georgia, which underwent Stalinist purges of the 1930s, where family members (anonymously) denounced each other to the NKVD (secret police) and innocent people were rounded and summarily executed on charges of being a "foreign agent", this rings a much louder alarm bell, than elsewhere. 

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27 February 2023
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Action Recommended

The DSA will have a say in what measures social media platforms will have to implement with regard to the recommendation engines they deploy to curate people’s feeds and timelines. It is a departure from the previous narrow view of content moderation, and pays closer attention to risks stemming from the amplification of harmful content and the underlying design choices. But it is too early to celebrate.

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24 February 2023

A Unique Identification Number for Every European Citizen

On 3 June 2021, the European Commission issued a proposal for a European Digital Identity Regulation, which seems to not have raised much discussion among legal scholars, even though digital identity raises several fundamental rights implications. The introduction of a unique and persistent identifier may be understandable from a practical point of view, but cannot be accepted due to its risks and the fact that it potentially infringes the German prohibition on general unique identifiers.

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23 February 2023

Departing from Hostile Refugee Landscapes

In December 2022, the Swedish Migration Agency estimated that the Taliban’s conquest of Afghanistan has made the lives of Afghan women and girls so difficult that it counts as persecution based on gender. Against this background, the Migration Agency announced that all women and girls from Afghanistan are eligible to refugee status and a three-year residence permit in Sweden. These policies represent a major departure from the wide range of restrictive amendments that Denmark and Sweden, over the past decades, have introduced to their asylum laws with the aim of becoming less attractive target countries for asylum seekers.

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21 February 2023

Der Brüsseler Testballon

Über das Amtsblatt der Europäischen Union vom 13. Februar 2023 eröffnete die Kommission den Blick auf eine gegen Ungarn eingereichte Klageschrift. Im Vertragsverletzungsverfahren begehrt sie die Feststellung eines Unionsrechtsverstoßes durch das vom ungarischen Parlament in 2021 verabschiedete Gesetz über ein strengeres Vorgehen gegen pädophile Straftäter und die Änderung bestimmter Gesetze zum Schutz von Kindern. Die Kommission schlägt mit der Klageschrift einen neuen Weg ein, da sie den vorgebrachten Verstoß in einem Punkt auf Art. 2 EUV als solchen, das heißt auf die isolierte Bestimmung, stützt.

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16 February 2023

A Dormant Struggle Reaches Critical Mass

Developments in Europe and beyond mark a changing landscape of (constitutional) space law – an unsustainable upsurge in the numbers of satellites and resulting light and debris pollution, the entry into the market of new actors with conflicting interests, and the fragmentation of domestic systems’ approach to space law mean that the current quasi-constitutional system is under the immense risk of being entirely disregarded. For the sake of the future, there are good reasons to keep a constitutional basis to space endeavours. We have to discuss ways of doing so now. Europe appears willing, and I would argue should, lead the way.

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14 February 2023

Allister and Peeples

The ruling in Allister and Peeples of 8 February 2023 serves as a potent reminder that the UK has yet to fully say goodbye to Brexit. The matter being scrutinised was the Northern Ireland Protocol and questions surrounding its constitutionality within the famously uncodified UK constitution. Critically, the UK Supreme Court appears to have poured cold water on the idea that certain Acts of the UK Parliament have a constitutional character (the constitutional statutes doctrine). It is my suggestion, however, that the doctrine has not entirely been consigned to history.

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13 February 2023
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The platform-media relationship in the European Media Freedom Act

The European Media Freedom Act proposal takes aim at very large online platforms’ gatekeeping power over access to media content and aims to reshape the relationship between media and platforms. By providing media organisations a special position on platforms, however, the EMFA risks changing the media’s role and relationships with other actors in ways that run counter to its overall objective to secure media freedom.

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10 February 2023

Kompetenzausschuss statt Kompetenzgericht

Der Konflikt um die Kompetenzverteilung zwischen der Europäischen Union und ihren Mitgliedstaaten sowie der Entscheidungsmacht darüber hat bereits diverse Reformvorschläge hervorgebracht. Diese reichen von einem separaten Europäischen Kompetenzgericht über eine gemischte Kammer am EuGH mit Beteiligung nationaler Richterinnen und Richtern hin zu einem umgekehrten Vorlageverfahren. Während bislang vor allem gerichtliche Lösungen diskutiert wurden, eruiert dieser Beitrag das Potenzial einer Lösung im politischen Prozess durch einen neu zu schaffenden, parlamentarisch besetzten Kompetenzvermittlungsausschuss.

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07 February 2023

Die Störerhaftung ist tot, lang lebe die Störerhaftung

In der rechtswissenschaftlichen Debatte melden sich erste Stimmen, die den Urteilen in den Verfahren YouTube II und Uploaded III entnehmen, dass der BGH die Störerhaftung für sämtliche Vermittlungsdienste abgeschafft habe. Mit anderen Worten könnten nun etwa auch Access Provider, Domain Registrare oder DNS-Dienste als Täter von Urheberrechtsverletzungen ihrer Nutzer haften. Diese Lesart der beiden Urteile zur Haftung von Sharing-Plattformen ist nicht nur rechtlich fernliegend, die Ausweitung der Haftung neutraler Diensteanbieter droht die Grundrechtseinschränkungen, die bereits an der Störerhaftung kritisiert wurden, zu potenzieren.

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04 February 2023
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Es war einmal in Straßburg

Ein Märchenbuch für Kinder, in dem gleichgeschlechtliche Beziehungen dargestellt werden, (vorübergehend) aus dem Verkehr zu ziehen und es anschließend als „schädlich für Kinder unter 14 Jahre“ zu kennzeichnen, verstößt gegen das in Art. 10 EMRK gewährleistete Recht auf freie Meinungsäußerung. Dies hat die Große Kammer des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte (EGMR) in ihrer richtungsweisenden Entscheidung Macatė v. Lithuania festgestellt. Der Gerichtshof betonte außerdem, dass die gleiche und gegenseitige Anerkennung von Personen unterschiedlicher sexueller Orientierungen der gesamten Konvention inhärent ist.

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03 February 2023

Separatisten vor dem EuGH

Mit dem Urteil vom 31.01.2023 hat der EuGH der bisherigen Geschichte zur Auslieferung der führenden Politiker:innen der katalanischen Autonomiebewegung nach Spanien ein weiteres Kapitel hinzugefügt. Gleichzeitig entwickelt der Gerichtshof seine Rechtsprechung zu den Ausnahmen des gegenseitigen Vertrauens bei Gefahren für ein faires Verfahren fort, die dem Betroffenen nach der Vollstreckung eines Europäischen Haftbefehls im Ausstellungsstaat drohen – mit noch offenen Folgen für den Auslieferung der katalanischen Politiker:innen.

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02 February 2023

Why Declaring the Iranian Revolutionary Guards a Terrorist Group is a Trickier Business Than One May Think

The EU did not follow the European Parliament’s call to designate Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a terrorist group on the EU’s recent sanctions list. The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell, justified this decision with the lack of a court decision finding that the IRGC is indeed a terrorist group. Is an EU court decision a pre-condition for sanctioning terrorist groups? Not necessarily. Nevertheless, Borrell does have a point.

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Qatargate: A Missed Opportunity to Reform the Union

When the news broke about the arrest of EU Parliament’s Vice-President Eva Kaili in flagrant offence for corruption and money laundering, many observers instantly qualified Qatargate as the largest and the most damaging scandal affecting the European integration process since its inception. Since then, this prediction proves truer day by day, revelation after revelation. Yet, despite unprecedented media coverage and a shocked public, this scandal has not yet generated within the EU and national political class a good enough response to mitigate its damaging effects. EU leaders can hardly afford to miss this unique opportunity to prepare a convincing answer to the question many citizens will soon be asking: Why vote in the next EU Parliament’s election in 2024?

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01 February 2023

The rise of Article 122 TFEU

The last decade, and especially the past year, saw a marked increase in the EU’s reliance on Article 122 TFEU. This legal basis was used to adopt a series of measures aimed to address the health and energy crises following the COVID pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. At least two of those measures are now subject to direct challenges before the General Court and the Court of Justice. From a constitutional perspective, however, it is unfortunate that these two cases will probably not invite the Courts to address the more fundamental constitutional questions raised by the Council’s recent recourse to Article 122 TFEU.

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31 January 2023
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Adapt or Die?

The year 2022 will be remembered as one of ‘terrible violence and seismic change in Europe’, in the words of the High Level Reflection Group established by the Council of Europe to consider the organisation’s future. The Council of Europe has issued a public call for ideas, inviting input from international organisations, national human rights institutions, civil society organisations, academics, human rights defenders and others. The deadline for submissions is imminent – 20 February – and the need for radical thinking has never been greater.

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Battling the hydra in EU anti-discrimination law

Can a company refuse to conclude or renew a contract with a self-employed person because he is gay? And may contractual freedom prevail over the prohibition of discrimination in such a situation? A short answer stemming from the recent ECJ judgment in J.K. v. TP would be a resounding no. Yet, a further analysis is in order because the judgment also brings a significant shift in the ECJ’s anti-discrimination case law.

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27 January 2023

No New Rights in Fedotova

In Fedotova and others v Russia issued on 17 January 2023, the ECtHR held that Russia had breached its positive obligation to secure the applicants’ right to respect for their private and family life under Article 8 of the Convention by failing to provide any form of legal recognition and protection for same sex couples. The ground-breaking aspect of the judgment is the clear rejection by the Court of the justifications advanced by the Contracting State.

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24 January 2023

The many troubles of the Fedotova judgment

On 17 January 2023, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights ruled in Fedotova v Russia that the absence of any legal recognition and protection for same-sex couples amounts to a violation of Art. 8 of the Convention. For 30 Member States of the Council of Europe (CoE), this judgment changes nothing since their legal orders already allow same-sex couples to enter into marriage or into other forms of legally recognised relationships. For the remaining countries, however, the Fedotova judgment amounts to an external judicial pressure to change their legal landscape in a politically very sensitive area of LGBT+ rights. Fedotova is probably the most political judgment of all times.

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The Council of Europe Creates a Black Box for AI Policy

The Council of Europe Committee on AI has made a startling decision to carry forward future work on the development of an international convention on AI behind closed doors, despite the Council’s call for the Democratic Governance of Artificial Intelligence in a 2020 resolution. It is a surprising move from an international organization that has been at the forefront of efforts to promote greater transparency and accountability for the technology that is transforming the world.

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20 January 2023
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Understanding and Regulating ChatGPT, and Other Large Generative AI Models

Large generative AI models are shaking up the research community and society at large, rapidly changing the way we communicate, illustrate, and create. What has rarely been noticed, however, is that the EU, since the spring of 2022, has quietly been preparing far-reaching rules to explicitly regulate these models. We make three concrete proposals.

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#DefendingTheDefenders – Episode 6: The European Union

In the sixth episode of our rule of law podcast #DefendingTheDefenders with Deutscher Anwaltverein, we talk about the European Union and the state of the professional freedom of attorneys there. We want to hear from attorneys professional organisations as well as from regulators, and have spoken to both sides.

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19 January 2023

Internet collapse made in Europe

Nothing has changed since the last time there was a debate regarding the relationship between telecommunication providers and online content providers. Nevertheless, the European Commission is willing to take a massive gamble and entertain the possibility of regulation to oblige online services to pay their "fair share" towards increased bandwidth consumption. This regulatory shift could risk an Internet collapse in Europe.

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13 January 2023

Tougher Integrity Rules for the European Parliament

The current scandal at the European Parliament might trigger an overdue discussion: Foreign officials should be either prohibited to lobby on legislation or be subject to rigorous disclosure rules.

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12 January 2023

Das Postfaktische über Korruption in der Europäischen Union

Auch wenn es dem Europäischen Parlament in den letzten Jahren gelungen ist, eine Mehrheit zu finden, um die Mitgliedstaaten Ungarn, Polen, Rumänien, die Slowakei, Bulgarien und Malta wegen Korruption zu schelten, ist es weitaus schwieriger, seine eigenen Mitglieder zu kontrollieren. Das Europäische Parlament ist der absolute Herrscher über seine eigene Integrität. Wenn es seine Möglichkeiten einschränken will, indem es volle Transparenz bei Sitzungen, Zugang, Ausgaben und Reisen bietet, kann es das tun - gute Vorschläge liegen schon seit Jahren vor.

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10 January 2023

The Dutch Asylum Policy for Russian Draft Evaders

In a one page letter of 13 December, the Dutch state secretary for immigration Eric van der Burg explained to Dutch parliament how asylum claims made by Russian draft evaders will be dealt with. The new Dutch policy makes a distinction between Russian conscripts and Russians reservists who attempt to evade the mobilisation which the Russian president announced last September. Conscripts will continue to enjoy a form of temporary protection in the Netherlands. Asylum claims of Russians who evade mobilisation will, however, be decided on an individual basis. Importantly – and controversially – the state secretary suggests that claims of the latter category may now be denied because the Russian mobilisation has been completed.

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Qatargate: The tip of the iceberg?

It is strange that the European Union, which is so insistent that Member States and third countries should comply with the rule of law, does not yet have a binding global framework for implementing the principles of transparency and good administration. Unfortunately, thirteen years after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, legislative transparency is far from being ensured and Article 298 TFEU on good administration has only been triggered this year for the first time.

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05 January 2023

Preserving Procedural Fairness in The AI Era

AI systems have been used and challenged by individuals affected by their output. In the absence of a regulatory framework, national courts in Europe have been called upon to address claimants’ demands for fairness and legal protection. While they have been activists in preserving individuals’ procedural rights by setting requirements for AI systems, the courts' role is, however, doomed to change when the AI Act enters into force.

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30 December 2022
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#DefendingTheDefenders – Episode 4: Turkey

In the fourth episode of #DefendingTheDefenders we talk about the situation of lawyers in Turkey with Veysel Ok. He is an attorney in Istanbul and the Co-Director of the Media and Law Studies Association, a non-profit which monitors and defends freedom of expression cases against journalists.

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24 December 2022

A fragmented response to media freedom at risk in the Union

The Polish and Hungarian governments have famously parted ways over responses to the Russo-Ukraine war. However, internally, both continue to rely on similar structural changes in the media environment that help them target voters and undermine elections fairness. The EU’s response to the media freedom and pluralism crisis in Hungary and Poland has been more restrained and also qualitatively different from its answer to the judicial independence crisis or threats to academic freedoms and minority rights.

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22 December 2022

Much Ado About Nothing

On 15 December, the European Commission adopted a European Declaration on Digital Rights and Principles for the Digital Decade. It builds upon primary EU law instruments, and the question inevitably arises of what additional value and effect the Declaration may have.

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20 December 2022

EU-Ukraine sanctions: Is it time for deeper convergence?

The European Union has been addressing the war in Ukraine against Russia in various ways. To name only a few, the EU has allocated additional funds to support Ukraine, Member States are sending weapons and arms equipment, Brussels is leading the international campaign to hold Russian war criminals accountable and, last but not least, the EU has imposed the largest sanctions package in its history to harm Russia’s ability to wage aggressive war.

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The Right to be Forgotten in 2022

On 8 December 2022, the Court of Justice of the European Union delivered its latest landmark judgment on the ‘right to be forgotten’. Despite the largely incremental character, the continuing legal manifestation of the right to erasure/be forgotten/de-referencing raises more fundamental questions on the governance of the datafication of society in the EU.

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The Post-Truth about Corruption in the European Union

Even if the European Parliament has in recent years managed to get a majority to scold member states Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Bulgaria and Malta on corruption it has a far more difficult time in controlling its own members. The current Qatar gate so far involves just a few MPs alongside EP vice-president PASOK Eva Kaili. However, Qatar paid luxury trips for several MEPs, although a few refused, and some more MPs had offered public endorsement to Qatar already. The European Parliament is the absolute sovereign of its own integrity. If it wants to cut opportunities by offering full transparency on meetings, access, expenses and travel, it can- good proposals have been laying around for years.

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15 December 2022

The Qatar Scandal and Third Country Lobbying

The EU was given the worst kind of early Christmas present: a corruption scandal that has rocked the Union to its core giving ammunition to anti-EU populist actors and drawing attention and schadenfreude from outside the EU. The facts of the case remain under investigation, but the case has already been approached from many angles.Qatar has been given the role of an international villain in this story, and the EU has used the opportunities to frame the case as malign third country efforts to corrupt the EU. While there is no denying the corrupting role of a third country, the EU’s framing enables it to pose as a victim, which, as I argue in this blogpost, is intellectually dishonest and harmful.

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14 December 2022

Twitter – Wie der Digital Services Act willkürlichen (Ent-)Sperrungen und der „Generalamnestie“ eine Absage erteilt

Die Willkür Elon Musks auf Twitter sorgt für Entsetzen. Er hat durch willkürliche (Ent-)Sperrungen von Nutzer*innen zur Unsicherheit und Polarisierung des Online-Diskurses beigetragen. Derartiger Willkür bei der Mitgliedermoderation wird der neue Digital Services Act der EU einen Riegel vorschieben.

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13 December 2022

Schutz vor Verletzung von Persönlichkeitsrechten und „Desinformation“ in sozialen Medien unter Bedingungen der politischen Polarisierung

Für den Schutz vor Persönlichkeitsverletzungen in Medien wie Twitter und Facebook gilt im Wesentlichen und kaum verändert das auf den Schutz des Individuums eingestellte Äußerungsrecht, wie es seit vielen Jahrzehnten besteht. Das deutsche NetzDG und der europäische Digital Services Act (DSA) ergänzen dies um eine quantitative kollektive Dimension: Für den Schutz gegen die große Zahl der rechtswidrigen Äußerungen im Internet wird eine Art Rasenmäher-Prinzip entwickelt, das vor allem schnelle Löschungen durch Provider erzwingen soll. Dies ist nicht der richtige Ansatz.

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09 December 2022
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An early Christmas Gift from Karlsruhe?

The 6 December Karlsruhe ruling on the constitutional complaints against the ‘Act Ratifying the EU Own Resources Decision’ will be received by many as a Saint Nicholas present. This time, the Federal Constitutional Court avoided the head-on collision with the EU it caused with its PSPP judgment two and a half years ago. Instead, it opted for a seemingly constructive assessment of the EU’s pandemic recovery instrument. In particular, it found that the ORD did not manifestly exceed the competences conferred on the EU – i.e., it was not ultra vires – and did not affect the constitutional identity of the Basic Law. While the ruling is not as constraining as some might have feared, it does not give card blanche for a more permanent EU fiscal capacity.

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#DefendingTheDefenders – Episode 3: Afghanistan

When the Taliban took over power in Afghanistan in the summer of 2021, it was a disaster for women. Immediately, they were stripped of their rights, in particular their political rights. In the third episode of #DefendingTheDefenders, a podcast by Deutscher Anwaltverein and Verfassungsblog, we talk to Shabnam Salehi about the human rights situation in Afghanistan and the rights of women in particular and to Matthias Lehnert about the German and European Migration Law system.

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No Rainbow without Rain?

On 6 December 2022, Latvian National Electronic Mass Media Council (NEPLP) revoked the broadcasting licence of the independent Russian TV channel ‘TV Rain’. The measures taken against TV Rain in Latvia raise intricate legal questions from an EU law point of view: Is the crackdown on the anti-war Russian TV channel compatible with EU-wide rules on audiovisual media? Can the Latvian government lawfully request YouTube to make TV rain’s channel inaccessible in Latvia? This blogpost argues that EU law is powerless when confronted with possibly unjustified national restrictions against media outlets and their growing spillover into the Internet sphere.

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Nikolaus 2.0

Unter der Überschrift „Corona“ wurde letztlich lange Geplantes politisch durchgesetzt – ohne Vertragsänderung. Insofern ist es kein Wunder, dass die Frage nach der Primärrechtskonformität von NextGenerationEU aufgeworfen wurde. Ebensowenig ist die Befassung des BVerfG erstaunlich, denn der Rechtsweg zum EuGH ist schwierig, wenn die Beteiligten einig sind, ein Programm ins Werk zu setzen, auch dann, wenn die Einigung kompromisshafte Züge hat.

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08 December 2022

The Hungary Files

The battle over the rule of law in Hungary is coming to a head. Two separate but related dossiers landed on the EU Council’s agenda on Tuesday, 6 December: firstly, whether to suspend 7.5 billion Euros in funds under the EU’s cohesion policy under the new rule of law conditionality mechanism; and secondly, whether to approve the Hungarian national recovery and resilience plan. Both files are currently stuck in a political limbo as the member states cannot agree on a common course of action, complicated by the fact that Orbán is holding his veto over Brussel’s head on an aid package for Ukraine and a global corporate tax, both of which require unanimity in the Council. Now the question is: Who will move first, Orbán or the other member states?

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06 December 2022

The Commission’s missed opportunity to reclaim competition law for the Rechtsstaat

On 30 November 2022, the European Commission took two important decisions to protect the EU budget against possible breaches of the rule of law in Hungary. First, the Commission concluded that the conditions for applying the Conditionality mechanism in Hungary remain and Hungary needs to take further and more credible action to eliminate the remaining risks for the EU budget. Second, the Commission has assessed Hungary’s Recovery and Resilience Plan and froze the disbursement of the RRF until the full and effective implementation of 27 ”super milestones” has taken place. Unfortunately, with these measures, missed opportunity to reclaim the importance of competition law in the Rechtsstaat.

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Transparenz? Ja, aber bitte nicht für alle

Mit Urteil vom 22. November 2022 hat der Europäische Gerichtshof entschieden, dass Informationen über wirtschaftlich Berechtigte von Unternehmen nicht über ein öffentliches Transparenzregister zur Verfügung gestellt werden dürfen. Die Zivilgesellschaft erhält über Journalisten und NGOs aber weiterhin umfassenden Zugriff auf diese Informationen, die essenziell sind, um wirtschaftliche Strukturen im Rahmen von Recherchen nachvollziehen und prüfen zu können. Befürchtungen dieser Gruppen, von den Informationen abgeschnitten zu werden, sind daher unbegründet.

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02 December 2022

The Autonomy of Sport and the Degeneration of an Ideal

The Football World Cup in Qatar is but the tip of the iceberg of the mounting problems for UEFA/FIFA. Scandals. Corruption. Cozying up to the autocrats and feeling right at home in their company. Arrogance bordering on ignorance coming from the very top of the governing bodies. The list of serious ailments that beset the system of football governance goes on. As a result, one might argue that not much of substance can be added to the topic. Yet, as will be argued here, there is still a constitutional and discursive potential to push forward the discourse on the broken system of football governance. There is important space for constitutionalists to fill by offering a voice of critical reflection, insights and by pointing out signposts for the future.

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01 December 2022
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The Good, the Bad and the Ugly

The Commission needs to get its message out to Hungarians loud and clear that it is trying to fight corruption in Hungary so that EU money can be used to benefit the Hungarian people and not just Orbán’s circle of cronies. Hungarians would definitely appreciate that if they knew it. But the Commission’s press release today has been drowned out by Orbán’s use of state funds to flood the zone with his message that the Commission doesn’t care about the Hungarian people and is responsible for all of the economic pain they feel.

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Restitutionsbegehren, Recht und Provenienzforschung

Die Frage der Restitution sowohl von sog. menschlichen Gebeinen als auch von sog. Raubkunst hat in den letzten Jahren zunehmend mehr Aufmerksamkeit bekommen. Unter Restitution versteht man dabei die Verpflichtung, den Zustand wiederherzustellen, der vor der Rechtsverletzung bestand, z.B. durch die Freisetzung widerrechtlich gefangen gehaltener Personen, aber eben auch in Form von Rückgaben von Gegenständen. Der Workshop „Restitutionsbegehren vor deutschen Gerichten“ am European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHR) hat Wissenschaftler*innen verschiedener Disziplinen zusammengebracht, um darüber nachzudenken, welche Rolle das Recht für die Aufarbeitung von kolonialem Unrecht und Kolonialverbrechen spielt.

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Demokratie in der Supra-EU

Heute soll CETA, das Umfassende Wirtschafts- und Handelsabkommen der EU mit Kanada, durch den Bundestag gebracht werden. Die absehbare Zustimmung von Bundestag und Bundesrat zu CETA darf nicht dazu führen, die verfassungsrechtliche und demokratietheoretische Problematik der „Ausschüsse“ einfach ad acta zu legen. Die EU ist dabei, das Regieren mittels transnationaler Ausschüsse oberhalb der EU systematisch auszubauen, insbesondere im Rahmen umfassender Freihandelsverträge. Dies bedarf dringend klarer Leitplanken und Stoppschilder seitens des Bundesverfassungsgerichts.

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30 November 2022

The Pitfalls of Enhanced Cooperation

There has been a public debate among academics and politicians on whether Hungary should be required to join the European Public Prosecutor’s Office as a condition to receive EU funds according to the different milestones. Joining the EPPO would send a clear message that Hungary takes ending public corruption seriously and a more general sign that it wishes to be a part of the European family. However, this proposal will not be legally possible to implement, thus illustrating the key problem with enhanced cooperation as a form of European integration.

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29 November 2022
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Weder Festung Europa, noch Gefängnis Europa

Werden in der Europäischen Union bald nicht nur ausländische Direktinvestitionen in die EU (inbound), sondern auch Investitionen europäischer Unternehmen in Drittstaaten (outbound) einer hoheitlichen Investitionskontrolle unterzogen? Während die EU-Kommission erste Andeutungen hierzu macht, läuft in den USA die Diskussion bereits heiß – bis ins Weiße Haus.

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28 November 2022
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In Hungary, the Law Changes Every Day but It Doesn’t Get Better

The EU Commission has agreed with us that the laws that we have analyzed in our series of four blogposts did not in fact constitute an effective anti-corruption plan. And the Commission has attached a €13.3 billion price tag to non-compliance. Now the Hungarian government is scrambling to unlock this cash by introducing two additional laws that attempt to address the Commission’s concerns. But these new laws repeat the errors of the prior laws. They create the appearance of an independent corruption-fighting system while digging in political allies at all of the chokepoints and tying up whistleblowers and anti-corruption fighters in red tape. The new laws do not make things better and they may even make things worse.

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25 November 2022
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#DefendingTheDefenders – Episode 2: Belarus

In the second episode of Defending the Defenders, we talk to Dmitri Laevski about the rule of law and human rights in Belarus. Dmitri is a criminal attorney turned human rights lawyer in the wake of the 2020 presidential elections. He takes us through the recent history of the rule of law in Belarus, from realising that the concept he learned about in university didn't really exist in practice to the organisation of the legal professions in the last decade to the rule of law crackdown in 2020 and ever since.

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Protecting Media Content on Social Media Platforms

On 16 September 2022 the European Commission released a proposal for a Regulation establishing a common framework for media services in the internal market, also known as the European Media Freedom Act. The proposal includes safeguards against political interference in editorial decisions, and includes a series of provisions targeting online services and establishing additional obligations and regulatory powers in this field.

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23 November 2022

Trojan Horses and Constitutional Identity

In Costello v Ireland the Irish Supreme Court upheld a constitutional challenge by a Green Party MP to the Government’s proposed ratification of the CETA. By a majority of 4:3, the Court held that ratification would breach Irish juridical sovereignty. Beyond CETA, the greater significance of Costello may lie in its endorsement of constitutional identity as a doctrinal device that controls Ireland’s domestic legal engagement with its international law obligations. The new status accorded to constitutional identity, however, may provide future Irish courts with the doctrinal tools to recalibrate the relationship between the Irish and EU legal orders.

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18 November 2022
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The Reform That Isn’t

As states are set to vote on the reform of the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT) at a Conference in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia, on 22 November, concerns regarding the treaty's impact on states' climate policies remain significant. In our assessment, the proposed reform fails to provide the treaty’s contracting parties with the necessary regulatory freedom to implement their climate commitments. Scheduled for the week after COP27, the vote comes at a crucial time, as scientists agree that this is the decisive decade to limit global warming to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels. Meanwhile, several EU Member States, including Germany, France, Spain, Poland, the Netherlands, and Slovenia have announced unilateral withdrawals from the treaty, stating that the proposed reform fails to meet their expectations.

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Trusting Hungary with Billions of Euros

It’s crunch time for the Conditionality Regulation at the European Commission. In its College meeting on 22 November, the Commission is scheduled to discuss whether Hungary has actually made the 17 changes it proposed in order to avoid cuts to its Cohesion Funds. What the Commission chooses to do will depend on whether it believes that Hungary’s anti-corruption program will in fact allow Hungary to be entrusted with billions of Euros without having a sizeable fraction of those Euros pocketed by cronies. We believe that Hungary’s reforms are designed to be ineffective and will not even begin to halt the massive corruption that is the hallmark of Hungary’s kleptocracy.

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17 November 2022
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Picking Primacy over Procedural Autonomy

On 8 November, the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice of the European Union (‘the Court’) decided that national courts are required to ascertain of their own motion whether detention of an illegally staying foreign national or asylum seeker is lawful. This judgment is an example of the ever-growing impact of EU law on national procedural rules, especially in the migration law area. The judgment is also noteworthy because of the difference in approach between, on the one hand, the Court and, on the other hand, the Dutch referring courts and AG Richard de la Tour.

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Nature Restoration and Fundamental Rights

This year’s most heated topic of constitutional contestation in Finland is likely to be the Commission’s recent proposal for nature restoration. While nature restoration has an innocent sound, the matter actually involves a broad spectrum of constitutional issues. In this debate, political undesirability has turned into claims about the EU’s lacking competence in regulating forests and a general failure to respect the principle of subsidiarity. Last Friday the Finnish Parliament’s Constitutional Law Committee approved an interesting statement of principle, which is likely to affect the country’s stance on EU (fiscal) integration far beyond the question of nature restoration.

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Extradition and the Regrettable Influence of Politics upon Law

Amongst the ECtHR jurisprudence giving rise to political disgruntlement in the United Kingdom have been judgments on extradition and deportation. Attempts to remove individuals from the UK through one of these avenues have occasionally been frustrated on human rights grounds. In the context of the UK government’s ill-disguised hostility to human rights the Grand Chamber on 3 November issued Sanchez-Sanchez v. UK (App.no. 22854/20). The case considered the application of article 3 of the ECHR prohibiting torture and inhuman and degrading treatment and punishment where an accused drug trafficker was sought by way of extradition by the United States where he faced the possibility of an irreducible life sentence of imprisonment.

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15 November 2022

Der Energiecharta-Vertrag im Kreuzfeuer der Kritik

Kaum ein anderer völkerrechtlicher Vertrag aus dem Bereich des internationalen Wirtschaftsrechts hat in den letzten Jahren so sehr die politischen Gemüter bewegt, wie der Energiecharta-Vertrag (Energy Charter Treaty – ECT). Am 11. November 2022 hat auch die Bundesregierung erklärt, aus dem Energiecharta-Vertrag auszutreten. Zur Debatte steht jedoch, ob die Gründe dafür überzeugen können. Denn ob man es politisch will oder nicht, mit einem Rücktritt vom Energiecharta-Vertrag sind komplexe rechtliche Probleme verbunden.

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The post-Brexit Breakdown of the Rule of Law in the UK

The sad reality is that Brexit has contributed to an emerging breakdown of the Rule of Law in the United Kingdom. The famous slogan: ‘Take Back Control’ left open what a post-Brexit society should become. As a result, of course, what Brexit meant had to be worked out after the referendum, and here is where the tensions with the Rule of Law began in earnest, because ‘taking back control’ became, in effect, the only principle and anything that stood in the way of achieving that result was to be sacrificed, including the Rule of Law.

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14 November 2022
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Are Hungary’s EU Funds Being Cut (or Not)?

The news about whether Hungary will receive EU funds (or not) these days is confusing. One day, we hear that the European Commission is proposing to lower the boom on Hungary by cutting a large chunk of its Cohesion Funds under the general EU budget. The next day, we hear that the Commission is nearing an agreement to approve Hungary’s Recovery Plan in order to greenlight the release of funds. Is the Commission using or surrendering its financial leverage to require that the Hungarian government honor the rule of law? Will the Hungarian government negotiate its way out of funding cuts by really loosening its autocratic grip on power, or would any reform be illusory?

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Klagewelle im Sonnenuntergang?

Im August 2022 hat ein Investor-Staat-Schiedsgericht Italien zu einer Entschädigungszahlung von 190 Mio. Euro plus Zinsen an das britische Öl- und Gasunternehmen Rockhopper verurteilt. Rechtsgrundlage war der Energiecharta-Vertrag), aus dem Italien bereits 2016 ausgetreten ist. Aufgrund einer Klausel im ECT könnte sich Italien – ebenso wie die vielen anderen Staaten, die sich derzeit vom ECT verabschieden – jedoch noch viele Jahre lang Klagen unter dem Vertrag ausgesetzt sehen. Die Entscheidung wirft somit Schlaglichter auf die Fragen, ob Italiens eigenmächtiger Austritt aus dem ECT als Vorbild für andere Vertragsstaaten dienen sollte, und welchen Spielraum der ECT für klimafreundliche Energiepolitiken gewährt.

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Nicht genug geärgert für immateriellen Schadensersatz

Die in Art. 82 Abs. 1 DSGVO vorgesehene Ersatzfähigkeit immaterieller Schäden aus DSGVO-Verletzungen sorgt vor den Gerichten der Mitgliedstaaten für beträchtliche Unsicherheiten, was sich in gegenwärtig neun Vorabentscheidungsersuchen an den EuGH zu dieser Thematik äußert. In dem am weitesten fortgeschritten Verfahren wurden am 06.10.2022 die Schlussanträge von General Generalanwalt Sánchez-Bordona veröffentlicht, die bedauerlich wenig zur Debatte beitragen, teils an der Sache vorbei argumentieren und den Gerichten schlicht keine praktikable Lösung zu den gestellten Vorlagefragen liefern.

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11 November 2022
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#DefendingTheDefenders – Episode 1: Poland

We Need to Talk About the Rule of Law is back for a second season that focuses on the impact of rule of law erosions on attorneys. In the first episode, we talk to MIKOŁAJ PIETRZAK. He is an attorney and the Dean of the Warsaw Bar Association, which is the oldest professional legal association in Poland and the administrative association of attorneys in Warsaw.

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10 November 2022

Mut zur Selbstkorrektur in Straßburg

Die Aussicht, in den USA zu lebenslanger Haft ohne Aussicht auf eine spätere Überprüfung verurteilt zu werden, ist nicht unbedingt ein Auslieferungshindernis. Das hatte der EGMR bisher noch anders gesehen – jetzt hat er seine Linie ausdrücklich korrigiert. Der Gerichtshof zeigt sich damit offen für einen Dialog mit den Gerichten der Konventionsstaaten, der auch für Deutschland im Streit um das Beamtenstreikverbot schon bald relevant werden könnte.

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09 November 2022

Meloni’s Illiberal Anti-Rave Law

Only ten days after it was sworn in and a week after it received the confidence vote from the Parliament, the new Italian government led by Giorgia Meloni presented its first decree-law containing numerous provisions on a variety of issues: health, justice, and security. The decree-law was the first legislative act presented by the new radical right-wing government. Members of the opposition argued that the decree, in particular the anti-rave norm, is a danger to the freedom of assembly of the Italian citizens and that is a law that Putin could have written.

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Will the DSA work?

The DSA has many components but, in its essence, it is a digital due process regulation bundled with risk-management tools. But will these tools work? My main concern about the DSA resides also in its strength – it relies on societal structures that the law can only foresee and incentivize but cannot build; only people can. These structures, such as local organisations analysing threats, consumer groups helping content creators, and communities of researchers, are the only ones to give life to the DSA’s tools.

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08 November 2022

Why the DSA could save us from the rise of authoritarian regimes

The rise of extremist right-wing governments, as observed recently in Italy, is closely linked to the business models of large digital platforms such as Facebook and YouTube. Their algorithms polarise debates and stir up emotions because that enables them to keep people on their screens for longer and show them advertising. The European Union’s Digital Services Act is the framework to address this dangerous development.

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The DSA fails to reign in the most harmful digital platform businesses – but it is still useful

While the DSA has just been crafted carefully enough to avoid major damage to digital rights in the EU, it has focussed so much on who must delete what kind of content within which time frame, that it missed the bigger picture: no content moderation policy in the world will protect us from harmful online content as long as we do not address the dominant, yet incredibly damaging surveillance business model of most large tech firms.

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07 November 2022
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With or Without Hungary

By December 2022, the Council must vote on the Commission's proposal to withdraw EU budgetary funds from Hungary under the Rule of Law Conditionality Regulation. Without a legal basis for its exclusion, Hungary will cast its vote on that proposal. Obviously, the participation of a Member State in a vote that decides on the consequences of its own rule of law violations seems paradoxical. There should be a general Treaty rule that prevents a Member State from voting in the Council when their own alleged misconduct is at stake.

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The EU’s new Digital Services Act and the Rest of the World

The European Union’s Digital Services Act (DSA) is a major milestone in the history of platform regulation. Other governments are now asking themselves what the DSA’s passage means for them. The DSA is a far better law than most that have been proposed in other parts of the world. I have encouraged U.S. lawmakers to emulate it in many respects. But lawmakers around the world should view it as a starting point, rather than an end point, in considering potential regulations in their own countries. T

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If You Build It, They Will Come

Content moderation is not only an Internet governance problem; it is also, unavoidably, a form of de facto adjudication. When observed in detail, the “procedure before substance” approach of the DSA leaves many questions unanswered. The final text of the Regulation contains compromises and blind spots.

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04 November 2022

Regulating influence, timidly

The DSA considers advertising and recommender systems as deserving of regulatory attention, and not immutable facets of an online world. But even as the regulation furthers current standards in disclosures around online advertising, it insulates advertising business models and consolidates platform efforts to sidestep the operative question that characterizes online advertising: how and why advertisements reach who they reach, in less abstract terms.

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Uniform Interpretation and Primacy of Union Law in the Dialogue of the Courts

The issue of uniform interpretation and primacy of Union law raises a fundamental question concerning the allocation and distribution of judicial power in the European Union. From the point of view of Union law practice, however, the discussion, which is now beginning with renewed vigor, seems strangely out of touch with the times. Without offering any solutions or "last words" in this debate, some remarks on the current EU treaty law and its interpretation are in order.

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Now What

The question of the DSA's enforcement has already been getting considerable attention, with one of the main concerns being that the resources put forth by the European Commission are too humble when compared to the DSA’s far-reaching goals. More concerningly, the DSA leaves loopholes and grey areas in respect to native advertising and the influencer economy.

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03 November 2022

Remedying Overremoval

The DSA provides a whole set of notice and action mechanisms to address online harms. The codified mechanisms, together with detailed procedures, are foreseen for content that is illegal but also for content incompatible with platforms’ terms and conditions. But the DSA has also another goal, to ensure that the new rules respect fundamental human rights. While definitely a good step towards more effective protection of users’ rights, the true effect of the provided remedies will depend on their practical implementation. Some elements of the new regime may be a bold experiment the result of which is not fully predictable.

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Contextualisation over Replication

The EU is notorious for using regulatory solutions like the DSA to dominate and pre-empt global digital standards. Often, the major conversations on the international impacts of EU laws have oscillated between capture and actually providing normative leadership on thorny aspects of digital regulation. African countries should develop their own content regulation rules by paying more attention to their contexts and consider aspects of the DSA only where they will improve such local rules.

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02 November 2022

The DSA as a paradigm shift for online intermediaries’ due diligence

The DSA adopts a meta-regulatory approach. While the shift to a meta-regulatory model should be welcomed for enabling reflexive and adaptive regulation, we must also be weary of its risk of collapsing in the absence of well-resourced and independent institutions. Indeed, this risk affects the extent to which the exportation of the DSA outside Europe would be in the public interest.

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Foreign Agents, Diplomatic Skirmishes and the Law on Diplomatic and Consular Relations

In September 2022, the Madrid-based NGO ‘Safeguard Defenders’ published a report entitled ‘110 Overseas – Chinese Transnational Policing Gone Wild’, in which it documented the existence of at least 54 extraterritorial and undeclared Chinese police stations in more than 30 countries, many of them European Union Member States, such as Germany, Ireland, or the Netherlands. These police facilities, operated under the guise of ‘service centres’ supposedly providing diplomatic and consular services such as extending driving licences for Chinese nationals, have hence been located in cities such as Dublin, Rotterdam, Amsterdam, and Frankfurt.

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Between preservation and clarification

When assessing the liability rules in the DSA it is evident that the its emphasis has been on preservation of the E-Commerce Directive's rules. However, that does not mean that nothing at all has changed. In fact, a closer look reveals that in some respects a notable evolution has taken place.

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01 November 2022

An Intersectional Lens on Online Gender Based Violence and the Digital Services Act

The EU’s Digital Services Act introduces novel mandatory due diligence obligations for online platforms to address potential societal risks posed by the provision of their services - including the risk of online gender based violence. If effectively implemented, these provisions have the potential to set important standards for tackling some of the most pervasive harms of the digital ecosystem. However, these efforts will require the adoption of an intersectional methodology, otherwise they will simply fail to provide the necessary mechanisms for those most acutely impacted by these rights violations.

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Fundamental rights impact assessments in the DSA

The attention to fundamental rights in the new wave of EU digital regulation, confirmed in the Digital Services Act, is a significant step towards a more articulated and appropriate framework for protecting people in a context characterised by pervasive technologies that are often developed without adequate consideration of their impact on society. However, existing practices in human rights impact assessment show some limitations in being extended to the digital context.

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31 October 2022

Platform oversight

The Digital Services Act requires EU member states to name a “Digital Services Coordinator” (DSC) to coordinate national regulators involved in platform oversight. But the DSCs are more than just “coordinators,” as they have to fulfill specific oversight tasks themselves. That is why member states should resist the temptation to build a small-scale coordinator and instead build a strong DSC with skills in data analysis, community management and flexible case-based work. 

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A Regulator Caught Between Conflicting Policy Objectives

The Digital Services Act has landed on an increased centralization of its enforcement powers in the hands of the European Commission. The rationale behind this centralized enforcement is understandable, particularly in light of the experience with GDPR enforcement. At the same time, it raises crucial questions about the future recurrence of such centralizaion in the Commission's hands, and the separation of powers more broadly.

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The DSA has been published – now the difficult bit begins

The Digital Services Act (DSA) has finally been published in the Official Journal of the European Union on 27 October 2022. This publication marks the end of a years-long drafting and negotiation process, and opens a new chapter: that of its enforcement, practicable access to justice, and potential to set global precedents.

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Wahlprüfungsentscheidungen des Parlaments in eigener Sache?

Entscheidungen über die Rechtmäßigkeit und Gültigkeit von Parlamentswahlen berühren den Kern rechtsstaatlicher Garantien im demokratischen Prozess. Umso erstaunlicher ist es, dass einige unserer europäischen Nachbarländer für die Wahlprüfung immer noch auf rein parlamentarische Verfahren vertrauen. Der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte hat das 2020 moniert, dabei aber eine kaum erklärliche Hintertür offengelassen.

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28 October 2022

Unexploited Monitoring Opportunities

Over the last year and a half, the European Border Coast Guard Agency has been under an unprecedented scrutiny. The Frontex saga started in 2020 when investigative journalists published ground-breaking findings, revealing how the Agency was breaching the law being complicit with human rights violations committed by Greek authorities. National Parliaments could play a bigger role in monitoring Frontex, serving as a complementary avenue for democratic oversight, in addition to the European Parliament.

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27 October 2022

Einheitliche Auslegung und Vorrang des Unionsrechts im Dialog der Gerichte

Die Frage nach einheitlicher Auslegung und Vorrang des Unionsrechts wirft eine Grundsatzfrage nach der Zuordnung und der Verteilung justizieller Macht im Rahmen der europäischen Integrationsgemeinschaft auf. Aus Sicht der unionsrechtlichen Praxis erscheint die nun mit neuer Vehemenz einsetzende Diskussion jedoch aus der Zeit gefallen. Es bedarf eines gewandelten Verständnisses der überkommenen Staatlichkeit um angemessen auf die aktuellen Herausforderungen zu reagieren.

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26 October 2022

Fighting for a Cause

On 18 October 2022, the European Court of Human Rights handed down its judgement in the case of Mørck Jensen v. Denmark, upholding the applicant’s conviction under Danish law of breaching the prohibition on entry into and stay in a conflict zone in order to participate in armed hostilities on the side of one party to an ongoing armed conflict. In its judgment, the Court consciously opted to take an objective or neutral stance towards the question of whether there may exist ‘right’ reasons to travel to a hot conflict zone in order to actively participate in armed activities.

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A Defining Moment for the UN Business and Human Rights Treaty Process

The ongoing process to negotiate a UN treaty on business and human rights has its 8th annual session this week in Geneva. Though embraced by many NGOs, this initiative has so far failed to secure widespread support amongst states with wide divergences remaining regarding the proposed instrument’s objectives and design, as well as its relationship to the UN 2011 Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, an earlier soft law instrument championed by governments, businesses and international actors. Yet there may be light on the horizon.

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Useless and Maybe Unconstitutional

In part III of our analysis of the anti-corruption framework, we will look at another aspect of the Hungarian “reforms”: a new procedure that seems to allow the general public to challenge in court the decisions of Hungarian public prosecutors to drop corruption cases. The new procedure is nearly impossible to use and adds little value to existing controls on the public prosecutor. In addition, the Hungarian Constitutional Court may declare it unconstitutional in any event.

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19 October 2022

EU Military Mission Is Coming Home

On 10 October 2022, the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs, Josep Borrell, delivered a remarkably clear speech (for a diplomat) at the EU Ambassadors Annual Conference 2022, in which he drew conclusions about the current state of the Union’s foreign policy. A few days later, on 17 October 2022, the Council for Foreign Affairs agreed on establishing the European Union Military Assistance Mission in support of Ukraine (‘EUMAM Ukraine’). Normally, such EU military operations are carried out overseas. However, this does not seem to be the case here, raising legal questions as to whether this action has a sufficient legal basis in the EU Treaties.

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Sex, God, and Blasphemy

Blasphemy used to be a grave offence once. Now, it is on the decline, making room for freedom of expression. Yet, two judgments of last week show that blasphemy has managed to re-enter the stage through the back door. In this blogpost, I argue that although both cases ended well, i.e. were decided in favour of freedom of expression of artists and activists, both courts erred in their assessment of the role of religion and religious sentiment in European secular democracies.

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18 October 2022

A Chernobyl Case for our Times

On 10 October 2022, René Repasi, a member of the European Parliament, brought a case against the European Commission before the EU General Court. The key question of the case is procedural: Does an individual MEP have standing to claim before the Court that an EU act has been based on the wrong legal basis, if the choice of legal basis affects an MEP’s participatory rights. If Mr. Repasi succeeds, his case could significantly strengthen the Court’s role in protecting the rights of the minority in the European Parliament. It could introduce a new type of player to EU institutional legal battles – the MEP – and establish a sort of Organstreitverfahren for individual MEPs.

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Repasi vs Plaumann

On 10 October 2022 MEP René Repasi lodged an action for annulment against the complementary taxonomy delegated regulation 2022/1214. The same regulation is also challenged by Austria, a privileged applicant under Article 263 TFEU. This post focuses on the issue which MEP Repasi himself has noted is the most innovative of his action, namely the question whether an individual MEP has special legal standing to challenge an act (of the Commission) that affects how that MEP fulfils his parliamentary function.

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17 October 2022

Kein Untergang des Rechtsstaates durch EU-Russlandsanktionen für Rechtsanwält*innen

Angesichts des russischen Angriffskriegs auf die Ukraine sehen BRAK und DAV den Rechtsstaat in Deutschland bedroht. Allerdings bedauerlicherweise nicht durch die völkerrechtswidrigen Verbrechen des russischen Regimes, sondern durch die jüngste Reaktion der EU darauf. Erstmals wird in gewissem Umfang auch die Erbringung von Rechtsdienstleistungen für bestimmte russische Mandanten verboten. Und das hat umgehend zornige Reaktionen anwaltlicher Standesvertreter ausgelöst.

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Three misconceptions about the EU rule of law crisis

There are three major academic and political misconceptions concerning the EU rule of law crisis. The first mistake is already in the denomination, as the name ‘rule of law crisis’ is actually misleading, the second is to believe that ‘the EU does not have the necessary legal tools’, and the third is to conceive it as a ‘crisis only in the Member States affected’. These misconceptions make the crisis look narrower and less threatening than what it actually is, while also offering excuses for inaction.

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12 October 2022

Evolution and Mutation in the EU’s DNA

In order to get rid of “classical” border controls between Member States, the EU Commission is trying to incentivise Schengen States to substitute them with so called “alternative measures”, for example the enforced use of police powers and monitoring and surveillance technologies. These technologies and their impacts confront us with the question what it means to move “freely” within an area of freedom, security and justice without internal frontiers.

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Digitale Autonomie in Vertragsbeziehungen

Es kommt selten vor, dass zwischen zwei Generalanwälten des Europäischen Gerichtshofs bei der Interpretation eines grundlegenden Rechtsakts der Europäischen Union grundsätzliche Deutungsunterschiede aufbrechen. Dies ist dieser Tage hinsichtlich der Datenschutz-Grundverordnung geschehen.

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06 October 2022
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How NOT to Be an Independent Agency

The Hungarian government is trying to convince EU institutions that it is taking adequate steps to ensure proper spending of EU funds going forward. At the center of this effort is a new ‘Integrity Authority’. The law establishing this authority, Bill T/1260, just passed the Hungarian Parliament on 3 October 2022. We have carefully read the laws enacted so far that establish a new anti-corruption framework and can confidently say that neither the Commission nor the Council should accept what the Hungarian government is offering because the proposed changes do not begin to alter business as usual in Hungary. In this blogpost, we will analyze the ‘Integrity Authority’ which forms the centerpiece of the government’s program, showing that it is not independent from the government nor are its powers real.

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05 October 2022

Sham and Smokescreen

Since 27 April 2022, Hungary has been under the Rule of Law conditionality mechanism, introduced by the Conditionality Regulation. After various debates and considerations, and in the light of the blackmailing potential of the Hungarian prime minister, the Regulation, in a weaker form than initially proposed, works as a preventive tool for ensuring the protection of the EU budget and sound financial management of EU resources. The Hungarian government has a record of misleading (and betraying) the European Union, and apparently, it is not different now.

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27 September 2022

Mobilized to Commit War Crimes?

In that earlier post, I argued that states have a legal obligation to recognize the refugee status of Russian troops who flee to avoid participating in what is a war of aggression. That argument applies equally to this new scenario. Those who refuse to fight and who leave Russia to avoid doing so should be recognized as refugees.  However, there is now an additional way to ground that claim.

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26 September 2022

Why EU Countries Should Open Their Borders to Russian Draft-Evaders

In a significant escalation of his war in Ukraine, Russia’s President Putin announced a partial mobilisation on the 21st of September. Attempting to avoid the draft, thousands of Russian men are reported to be fleeing the country. Are EU countries obliged to grant asylum to Russians who are (pre-emptively) evading Putin’s draft?

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21 September 2022

Rote Ampel für Geisterfahrer

Der „Neustart der Geisterfahrer“, wie Kurt Graulich die nach der Digital Rights Ireland-Entscheidung entfachte Debatte über die Vorratsdatenspeicherung beschrieb und damit die Intensität der Auseinandersetzung zwischen Befürwortern und Gegner gut einfing, hat auf den ersten Blick ihr vorläufiges und erwartbares Ende in Luxemburg gefunden. Dass die Entscheidung hier besprochen wird, bedeutet keinesfalls, dass sie neuartige Impulse bringt oder, wie der Bundesjustizminister meint, (in einem rechtlichen Sinne) „historisch“ sei. Denn die Unionsrechtswidrigkeit der deutschen Vorratsdatenspeicherung war spätestens ab 2016 deutlich.

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15 September 2022

Missing Freedom Act

The European Commission is due to present its Media Freedom Act (MFA) this week. The MFA is not welcomed by several states, for different reasons. Some fear that their current system of media freedom and pluralism will be compromised. Others worry that their captured media scene will be exposed and investigated. Both types of opponents can relax because the Media Freedom Act draft is as impactful as a light breeze. It only scratches the surface, and important safeguards are missing.

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12 September 2022
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Jetzt das Strommarktdesign auf Erneuerbare ausrichten

Der starke Anstieg der Strom- und Gaspreise in den vergangenen Wochen und Monaten hat nicht nur in Deutschland Sorge vor wirtschaftlichen Folgen sowie Strom- und Gasengpässen ausgelöst. Neben den Entlastungspaketen der Bundesregierung sind auch auf europäischer Ebene verschiedene Maßnahmen getroffen worden, um den Preisanstieg und dessen Auswirkungen zu begrenzen. So hat insbesondere die Europäische Kommission ein Maßnahmenpaket für nachhaltige Energie in Europa vorgestellt und verschiedene Einzelmaßnahmen, etwa die Senkung der Großhandelspreise auf dem iberischen Strommarkt, genehmigt.

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10 September 2022

Frontex and ‘Algorithmic Discretion’ (Part I)

This contribution, presented in two parts, offers a predictive glimpse into future rule of law challenges due to the European Border and Coast Guard Agency’s (Frontex) primary responsibility for the automated processing and screening rules of the soon-to-be-operational European Travel Information and Authorisation System (ETIAS) at the EU’s external borders. . In Part I on legality, I argue that the ETIAS screening rules algorithm illustrates how automation can lead to what I suggest is a new form of arbitrariness – which I refer to as ‘algorithmic discretion’. This can be defined as a situation where the exercise of power and discretion and their limitations are not sufficiently specified at the legislative level but are delegated to an algorithm instead.

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09 September 2022

In a Handful of Dust

Ukraine, France, the EU, and the Revegetation of the Wasteland

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Frontex and Data Protection

Frontex has become notorious for its multiple fundamental rights violations, including pushbacks. The problem of fundamental rights infringements associated with the Agency has been lasting for years, leading ultimately to the resignation of the Executive Director. What I argue in this post is, first, that the fundamental right to the protection of personal data by Frontex has not yet received sufficient attention by scholars and EU institutions. Second, data protection within the Agency needs to be strengthened to prevent any future new scandals.

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08 September 2022

Financial Scrutiny of Frontex as a Political Accountability Tool

An investigation by the European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF) on allegations of misconduct within Frontex ended with a report classified as confidential, which was therefore only accessible to the agency’s Management Board. Shortly after submission of the report, Frontex’ Executive Director (ED), Fabrice Leggeri, resigned, opening up a new cycle in the governance of the agency. Following up on this, the European Parliament (EP) decided to postpone the discharge of Frontex’ budget on the ground of lacking information with regard to the subject of the OLAF report. In this contribution, I argue that the EP’s refusal to approve the discharge of the budget of Frontex, even though having little impact on the financial stability of the agency, is a tool to enable the political accountability of Frontex.

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European Oversight on Frontex

The scandals about the complicity of Frontex in human rights violations in autumn 2020 exposed weaknesses in the accountability system. In this blog, I will elaborate on this by presenting the rules governing democratic accountability, followed by an analysis of the lessons learned during the parliamentary inquiry on Frontex’ human rights-related performances, in the light of their obligations. I will conclude with ideas on how to strengthen democratic accountability, and how to expand it to the much-needed public accountability of Frontex. 

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07 September 2022

Here We Stand

On Sunday, 28 August 2022, four major associations of European judges announced that they would challenge the Council’s Decision of 17 June that releases funds to Poland to help it recover from the COVID-19 pandemic. The four associations are seeking to prevent the release of recovery funds to Poland until it has complied with the Court’s judgments in full. Whether their action has any chance of success will depend on how the Court applies the long-standing Plaumann criteria.

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06 September 2022

A New European Political Community: The British Perspective

The upcoming State of the Union address scheduled for 14 September and the succession of Liz Truss as UK Prime Minister looks set to be a potential turning point in EU relations. But will the EU grasp it? Could a new intergovernmental political forum – acting alongside EU enlargement – ease the tension of EU treaty change? Such a forum might bridge the potential role prospective EU member states in Eastern Europe could play before formally joining and the necessity of forging a constructive post-Brexit relationship with the UK. It could resolve political and constitutional concerns.

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05 September 2022

Frontex and the Rule of Law Crisis at EU External Borders

The resignation of the Executive Director of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (hereinafter: Frontex or Agency) at the end of April 2022 re-opened Pandora’s box with regard to the adequacy of the accountability mechanisms on the Agency. The turmoil was caused by several allegations of breaches of the law, which seems to be confirmed by the OLAF report, leaked at the end of July 2022. The aim of this blogpost is, first, to discuss the emergence of a rule of law crisis in border management and, second, to lay a finger on issues regarding both internal and external oversight mechanisms over Frontex, with special attention for the composition of the Management Board, the very first oversight body within the Agency.

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Innere Geschlossenheit um jeden Preis

Am 29. August 2022 sprach Bundeskanzler Olaf Scholz an der Karls-Universität in Prag über seine europapolitische Zukunftsvision. Auf der Grundlage des völkerrechtswidrigen Angriffskriegs auf die Ukraine stellte er vier Grundüberlegungen vor, welche sich mit den Begriffen Erweiterung der Europäischen Union, Souveränität, Einigkeit und Wertefundament zusammenfassen lassen. Während sein Plädoyer für die eine erweiterte, souveräne und nach innen geschlossene EU entschlossen und energisch wirkte, blieben seine Ausführungen zum Wertefundament der EU erstaunlich knapp. Weder ging er konkret auf die schwerwiegenden Rechtsstaatlichkeitsprobleme in Polen und Ungarn ein, auf die die Europäische Kommission in ihren neusten Rule of Law Reports erneut hinwies. Noch erscheinen seine Vorschläge zur Abstellung bestehender rechtsstaatlicher Defizite in allen Mitgliedsstaaten überzeugend.

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02 September 2022

Standing

Should the job of being the keeper of the treaties be socialized?

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Child Protection, Sexuality and Feindstrafrecht

Across EU Member States, we are witnessing the growing use of criminal law for punishing behaviors related to the sexualization of minors, which do not directly imply the abuse of actual minors. This use of criminal law presents many reasons for perplexity.

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31 August 2022

Kein Geld ohne Reform

Polen stehen rund 35,4 Mrd. Euro aus dem im Dezember vom Europäischen Rat beschlossenen Nachcorona-Sonderbudget  („Next Generation“) zu. Bisher sind Zahlungen an Polen nicht geflossen.  Die EU-Kommission hatte am 1. Juni eine Reihe von Reformauflagen für das polnische Justizsystem als Bedingungen für die Freigabe des Aufbau- und Resilienzplans beschlossen. Zwar hat die polnische Regierung seitdem einige Reformen veranlasst, die europarechtlichen Voraussetzungen für die Auszahlung von Geldern an Polen aus dem Aufbaufonds der EU sind aber weiterhin nicht gegeben.

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30 August 2022

Seenotrettung vor dem EuGH

Gegen das Instrument der Hafenstaatkontrolle, mit dem Italien NGO-Schiffe regelmäßig festsetzte, hatten die NGOs Sea-Eye und Sea-Watch 2020 vor italienischen Verwaltungsgerichten geklagt. In den von Sea-Watch betriebenen Verfahren hatte das Regionale Verwaltungsgericht Sizilien dem EuGH zwei Vorabentscheidungsersuchen vorgelegt. Anfang August erging nun das Urteil des EuGH. Der Gerichtshof präzisiert darin die europarechtlichen Vorschriften zur Hafenstaatkontrolle, trägt zur Auslegung der einschlägigen seevölkerrechtlichen Normen bei und grenzt die Verantwortungsbereiche von Flaggen- und Hafenstaaten voneinander ab.

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29 August 2022

Konventionswidrig aber rechtssicher

Mit Beschluss vom 08. Juli 2022 verwarf das OLG Frankfurt a.M. eine sofortige Beschwerde gegen die Ablehnung eines auf § 359 Nr. 6 StPO gestützten Wiederaufnahmeantrags durch das LG Kassel - obwohl der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte bereits die deutsche Handhabung möglicher Befangenheit von Richtern kritisiert hatte.

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Ein Weg zur Cannabis-Legalisierung führt über Luxemburg

Ein deutscher Alleingang hat die Rechnung ohne den Wirt gemacht. Das Europarecht hat auch beim Völkerrecht ein Wort mitzureden. Die EU hat die UN-Übereinkommen selbst ratifiziert – und zwar ohne Vorbehalt. Außerdem reduziert die innereuropäische Kompetenzverteilung den Spielraum für nationale Alleingänge. Etwas mehr Europa muss die Bundesregierung also wagen. Soweit ihr das Risiko zu groß ist, bleibt nur die große Lösung einer Cannabis-Legalisierung über Brüssel oder Luxemburg.

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19 August 2022

Dobbs in the EU

EU leaders and institutions have reacted strongly to the US Supreme Court’s ruling in Dobbs, which overturned Roe v. Wade and held that the right to abortion was not consitutionally protected. Shortly after the decision was made public, the European Parliament adopted a resolution condemning Dobbs, and calling for the right to abortion to be included in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union.

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In dubio pro libertate?

Auch wenn touristische Reisen in die Europäische Union im Zusammenhang mit den kriegerischen Verbrechen Russlands in der Ukraine wie Nebenschauplatz erscheinen mögen – hier geht es um etwas. Angesichts der schrecklichen Verbrechen der russischen Armee in der Ukraine erscheint das touristische Reisen und das Beharren darauf, dass dieses Recht nicht einzuschränken sei, kaum nachvollziehbar. Rein legalistische Argumentation verdeckt, dass das Recht immer auch ein Instrument zur Durchsetzung politischer Interessen ist.

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18 August 2022
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Effective Enforceability of EU Competition Law Under Different AI Development Scenarios

This post examines whether competition law can remain effective in prospective AI development scenarios by looking at six variables for AI development: capability of AI systems, speed of development, key inputs, technical architectures, number of actors, and the nature and relationship of these actors. For each of these, we analyse how different scenarios could impact effective enforceability. In some of these scenarios, EU competition law would remain a strong lever of control; in others it could be significantly weakened. We argue that despite challenges to regulators' ability to detect and remedy breaches, in many future scenarios the effective enforceability of EU competition law remains strong.

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17 August 2022

Why Banning Russian Tourists from Schengen Might not Be Unlawful

Recently, politicians in different EU countries have suggested barring Russian tourists from visiting the EU. Such a ban would be in retaliation for the war waged by Russia against Ukraine. From a legal perspective, these suggestions raise the interesting question whether such a blanket ban would be lawful. From a legal perspective, the question is precisely whether there is a possibility to amend the existing acquis, in order to ban Russians from obtaining short term visas for the purpose of visiting Europe as tourists. It seems hardly tenable to argue that the EU (secondary) legislature is somehow bound by the ratio legis of the current Schengen visa system.

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Heated tempers and legal ambiguities

After some heads of EU governments advocated for an all-out ban of Russian nationals’ Schengen visas, a heated academic and political debate arose over the question whether the EU could bar Russians from acquiring visas for a short-term stay in the Schengen area. Could a sweeping travel ban for Russian citizens be justified in the light of EU law? This blogpost advises caution.

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16 August 2022

Why Restricting Tourist Visas to Russians is Legitimate

In the aftermath of Ukrainian President Zelenski’s call on the EU to introduce a ban on short-term ‘tourist’ visas for Russians wishing to travel the Schengen area, a lively debate on the issue erupted, featuring important interventions not last on this website. For instance, Sarah Ganty argues that an EU tourist visa ban would be ethically wrong and unlawful. However, there is no absolute right to travel through the EU.

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Die Verflechtungsfalle des Europawahlrechts

Die Reform der Wahlen zum Europäischen Parlament ist eine große Herausforderung. Nach einem bisher erfolglosen Reformversuch von 2015/18 hat das EP im Mai 2022 eine zweite Initiative für eine viel weitergehende Reform gestartet. Auch diese wird nicht einfach umzusetzen sein.

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12 August 2022

Why Banning Russians from Schengen Is Unlawful

Volodymyr Zelensky, the Prime Minister of Finland and others have been calling for an EU-wide ban of Russian citizens from Schengen visas. Unquestionably, the horrible crimes perpetrated by the Russian state should be punished. But Russians are citizens of a totalitarian state, they are not Putin. And whether we like it or not, there is no legal way under current EU law to adopt a blanket citizenship-based ban against Russians acquiring Schengen visas. Even more: political attention paid to it by persons in leadership positions is deeply surprising, if not irresponsible.

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10 August 2022
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Law must be enforceable

The Court of Justice of the European Union ruled on 01.08.2022 that administrative decisions refusing family reunification must be open to judicial review with a legal remedy. The decision had been long awaited. The underlying article only provided for a legal remedy “against”, not “for” a transfer decision. The CJEU clearly rejects this view and emphasizes that administrative decisions must generally be subject to judicial review, which is a hindrance to the EU Commission's plans to significantly reduce the number of legal remedies in the revised EU legislation.

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05 August 2022

The Re-Emergence of the Net Neutrality Debate in Europe

The European online space has been subjected to intensive legal reforms in recent years, and the policy and regulatory debates regarding the role and obligations of tech companies in Europe are far from over. With the rumoured Connectivity Infrastructure Act, the European Commission seeks to compel Big Tech actors to financially contribute to telecommunications infrastructure. This initiative risks opening the pandora's box of net neutrality, and potentially endangers the democratic principles of freedom of expression and pluralism.

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The EU’s regulatory push against disinformation

Tech billionaire Elon Musk’s surprise bid to buy Twitter questions the wisdom of the current EU efforts to combat the spread of disinformation, which has relied to a large extend on platforms’ voluntary cooperation. Whether successful or not, it raises serious questions on EU disinformation policy’s reliance on platforms’ discretion to moderate this category of speech. It is likely to put pressure on the carefully constructed web of self- and co-regulatory measures and legislation the European Commission has spun to counter the spread of disinformation.

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04 August 2022

Tesla und die Sicherheit autonomer Fahrzeuge

Im Juni 2022 hat die US-amerikanische National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) eine Untersuchung von Tesla angeordnet, die nicht weniger als 830.000 Fahrzeuge sämtlicher Produktlinien betrifft. Die Behörde ist das amerikanische Pendant zum Kraftfahrtbundesamt und unter anderem für die Sicherheit der zum Straßenverkehr zugelassenen Kraftfahrzeuge zuständig. Die Untersuchung von Tesla betrifft das von diesem Unternehmen eingesetzte Computerprogramm namens „Autopilot“.

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02 August 2022

Inkonsequenz made in Luxemburg

In diesem Dezember jährt sich die Gründung des Europäischen Gerichtshofes zum 70. Mal. Der EuGH zelebriert diesen runden Geburtstag bereits mit dem Hashtag #CJEUin70days auf dem sozialen Netzwerk Twitter. Nicht nur diese Kampagne, sondern auch die Öffentlichkeitsarbeit des EuGHs über soziale Medien insgesamt scheint dabei nicht im Einklang zu stehen mit der eigenen Rechtsprechung des Gerichtshofs.

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Marktlogik ist kein Rechtsgebot

Am 21. Juli hat Christine Lagarde das Transmission Protection Instrument (TPI) der EZB vorgestellt. Die Ankündigung des TPI hat in Deutschland, wieder einmal, eine Diskussion um die Rolle der Märkte bei der Beurteilung der öffentlichen Finanzen von Mitgliedstaaten und die Berechtigung der Zentralbanken zum Eingriff in das Marktgeschehen entfacht. Tatsächlich sprechen gewichtige verfassungs- und demokratietheoretische Argumente dagegen, die Anleihepreisbildung ausschließlich dem Markt zu überlassen. Es handelt sich dabei weder um ein Gebot der Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion noch des grundgesetzlichen Demokratieprinzips.

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29 July 2022

Karlsruher Türsteher

Diese Woche, am 26. und 27. Juli, verhandelte das Bundesverfassungsgericht das „Eigenmittelbeschluss-Ratifizierungsgesetz“ (ERatG). Die politischen Entscheidungen, die in Gestalt des Wiederaufbaufonds „Next Generation EU“ in rechtliche Form gegossen wurden, trafen dabei auf alte Rechtsfragen.

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28 July 2022
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Accessing Information about Abortion

The U.S. Supreme Court decision of 24 June 2022 overruled a half century of precedent supporting a constitutional right to abortion across the U.S. established in 1973 in Roe v. Wade. Essentially, Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization left the decision on abortion to individual states. The ruling, although astonishing, was not necessarily a surprise, after its draft had leaked a few weeks earlier. But to the surprise of many, almost immediately, Facebook and Instagram started removing posts informing about access to abortion pills, the Associated Press and Vice first reported.

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21 July 2022

On Osman Kavala and Turkish Judicial Failures

The Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, in charge of monitoring compliance with ECtHR rulings, will now deliberate as to how to handle Turkey’s now judicially confirmed failure to release Kavala.  Suspension of Turkey’s membership in the Council of Europe, is an option that is on the table, at least theoretically. The Kavala case is larger than Kavala himself though. 

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20 July 2022

The Government versus the President

A few days ago, the Georgian government filed a constitutional complaint against the President of Georgia to the Constitutional Court. Many in Georgia, and not only in Georgia, think that the government is trying to curtail the powers of the president and punish the president for her pro-European political activities. What is interesting in this context is how strong the government's legal positions really are.

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18 July 2022

Holidays with smog

The Polish energy policy is seeing further controversies. The Minister of Climate and the Environment, Anna Moskwa, allowed poor quality coal to be sold for 60 days. This means that, up to 28 August, households are able to buy bituminous coal with a higher content of sulphur and mercury, as well as harmful mining waste, e.g. mining sludge. This decision is already causing considerable controversy not only among climate activists, but also among voivodship (local) authorities that are implementing so-called anti-smog resolutions.

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12 July 2022

The Selective Nature of a pan-European Willkommenskultur

Four months into Russia’s war on Ukraine, there has been a tremendous show of support for Ukrainians fleeing violence and the atrocities of war – in Europe and elsewhere in the world. As is well-known, European states have hammered out pragmatic administrative solutions to accommodate large numbers of incoming person, going to great lengths to provide for beneficial welfare arrangements. Against this backdrop, it may not be unreasonable to present the crisis in Ukraine as a tipping point for humanitarian protection more generally.

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11 July 2022

Fiktive Einheit vor Pluralität

Nun hat also auch der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte in Sachen Tarifeinheitsgesetz entschieden. Wie zuvor schon das BVerfG kommt er zum Ergebnis, dass der neue § 4a TVG in Menschenrechte eingreift, kann sich aber nicht dazu durchringen, Deutschland hierfür zu verurteilen. Und wie bereits im BVerfG haben zwei Richter:innen ihren Widerspruch in einem Sondervotum formuliert.

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Will the Commission Throw the Rule of Law Away in Hungary? 

The Hungarian government is publicly saying that it is nearing a deal with the European Commission to unlock the Recovery Funds that have been withheld because the Commission has not yet approved Hungary’s plan for spending those funds.    Apparently, Hungary has agreed to four conditions that will allow the €7bn worth of grants and about €8bn in low-interest loans to be approved.  But if those are any indication of the price that the European Commission will extract for comprehensive violation of the rule of law, the European Commission is making a colossal mistake.

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07 July 2022

Untying the Ties that (don’t) Bind

In his letter to MEP Daniel Freund of 17 June 2022, European Council President Charles Michel argued that neither he, as President, nor the European Council have the power to exclude democratically unaccountable representatives of a Member State from that institution. But President Michel’s apparent recourse to a literal reading of Article 15(2) TEU – which fails to consider its relationship with other provisions relating to the composition of the European Council – is not convincing.

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30 June 2022

The Core of the European Public Space

Increasing the visibility of the constitutional fundamentals of the Union takes on existential importance in times of constitutional reckoning or, as some call it in more ominous terms, in times of “capitulation”. It is for that reason that art. 19(1) TEU should be amended to reflect the case law of the Court of Justice and thus to codify the core that binds the Member States to the discipline of the legal order.

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29 June 2022
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Europe Needs a Civil Society Strategy

In a number of EU countries, governments are squeezing civic space, rendering it increasingly hard for civil society to operate. A comprehensive strategic approach to partnering with civil societies would allow the EU to more effectively tackle growing illiberalism and ambivalence about democracy.

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24 June 2022

Russian Elites, Proxies, and Oligarchs – Make them Pay!

Russland und seine starken Männer sollen buchstäblich für die Kriegsschäden in der Ukraine zahlen. Die Kommission schlägt vor, die Durchsetzung von Sanktionen mit unionsweit einheitlichen Strafandrohungen zu stärken und auf diesem Weg elegant zugleich einen Rechtsgrund für die Einziehung involvierter Vermögenswerte zu schaffen. Diesem Vorhaben stehen ungeachtet seiner politischen Opportunität erhebliche sanktionstechnische, unionsrechtliche und vor allem strafrechtliche Bedenken entgegen, die erhebliche Zweifel an Zulässigkeit und Erfolgsaussichten nähren.

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Fundamental Rights at the Digital Border

We are witnessing the emergence of the EU’s ‘digital border’: an ecosystem of interoperable databases to expand the surveillance and control of the movement of third-country nationals. In this blog post, we discuss one of the latest additions to this ecosystem - the European Travel Information and Authorisation System, or ETIAS in short - and argue that the system as it is currently set up violates the right to data protection laid down in Article 8 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights, especially in light of the CJEU’s PNR judgment earlier this week. In many ways, we consider ETIAS to be a test case for a much wider roll-out of such often AI-powered technologies in the field of border control.

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23 June 2022

A Directive altered beyond recognition

On 21 June 2022, the Court of Justice of the European Union rendered its decision in the preliminary ruling procedure on the fate of the PNR Directive. The Court had a chance to decisively answer one of the most crucial questions facing European security law: Is indiscriminate mass data retention for and the technology-induced analysis of ordinary human behavior compatible with fundamental rights? It instead opted for an enigmatic compromise creating a whole host of new questions. It does not change the fact that the PNR Directive survives – as a strange beast altered beyond recognition.

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Tackling Discrimination in Targeted Advertising

On 21 June Meta and the US Department for Housing and Urban Development released a legal settlement that will restrict Meta’s ability to offer those clients some of its core ad-targeting products. It resolves (for now) a long-running case over discriminatory targeting of housing adverts. Meta is now prohibited from using certain targeting tools in this context, and has promised new tools to ensure more representative targeting. This US lawsuit should be a wake-up call for European regulators, reminding them that taking systemic discrimination seriously requires proactive regulatory reform and enforcement. The relevant provisions of the Digital Services Act (DSA) are largely symbolic.

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21 June 2022

Experimenting with European Democracy

The Conference on the Future of Europe came to an end on 9 May, with the presentation of a final report of 49 recommendations and 329 specific measures to the  presidents of the three EU institutions. While it is unclear what the exact follow-up to the Conference will be, the upcoming Council Summit on 23-24 June will show whether a simple majority of Member States is open to starting the process for a Treaty change.

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Covering Up and Rewarding the Destruction of the Rule of Law One Milestone at a Time

Once upon a time, when still a candidate for President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen solemnly declared: “there can be no compromise when it comes to respecting the Rule of Law. There never will be.” As it is now clear, this was just Orwellian doublespeak.

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17 June 2022

The UK’s anti-legal populism

Calls for UK withdrawal from the ECHR are raised at fairly regular intervals in certain quarters of the Conservative party, but this week various members of the Government, including the Prime Minister. Reason for this was an interim measure by the European Court of Human Rights that stopped a deportation flight to Rwanda. It was entirely predictable that calls for UK withdrawal from the ECHR would resurface. Less predictable for many, are the implications this would hold for the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement.

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15 June 2022

British Bare Necessities

In the latest episode of the Brexit saga, the United Kingdom government has published the Northern Ireland Protocol ('NIP') Bill, by which it seeks to unilaterally disapply large parts of the Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland to the 2019 Withdrawal Agreement (‘WA’) concluded between the UK and the European Union. The British government has shared a summary of its legal position, seeking to justify the NIP Bill on the basis of the doctrine of necessity. However, this justification seems to be a literal, if unconvincing, attempt to make a virtue of necessity.

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14 June 2022
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Moving Beyond Token Participation

The concept of human rights due diligence was developed over the past decade as a way for companies to grapple with adverse human rights violations and impacts connected to their business practice, including within their value chains. In February of this year, the European Commission published a proposal for European Union-wide mandatory human rights due diligence for companies that fall under its scope. For such legislation to succeed in advancing the rights of the most affected and to lead to better human rights outcomes for rights-holders, it is crucial to anchor such laws and regulations with not only the perspective of rights-holders but their ongoing involvement. To do otherwise would miss an invaluable opportunity to improve the landscape of business and human rights to center rights-holders in the years to come.

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13 June 2022

Serbia on Hold

Since 3 April 2022, when elections at all levels were held, Serbia has been on hold. Two months after the elections, only the President of Serbia has begun to serve his regular mandate, while the official results of the parliamentary elections are yet to be proclaimed, the new composition of the National Assembly is yet to be convened, and the new government is yet to be formed. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, which occurred at the beginning of the election campaign, added to the already tense political situation.

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09 June 2022

How the Data Retention Legislation Led to a National Constitutional Crisis in Portugal

Some weeks ago, the Portuguese Constitutional Court (PCC) triggered a heated political debate on the need to amend the Constitution to grant criminal investigative authorities access to metadata on personal communications. Whilst disagreements between the political branches and the constitutional jurisdiction are common, this conflict is located at a wider critical juncture that intersects EU and national constitutional law, the CJEU, the domestic constitutional court, and ordinary courts.

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08 June 2022

Censuring von der Leyen’s Capitulation on the Rule of Law

The spectre of a motion of censure is looming over the von der Leyen Commission. While this rather extraordinary, perhaps desperate, measure appears unlikely to attain the required number of signatures to be tabled – and even less likely to be adopted by the European Parliament –, this initiative deserves some scrutiny. Perhaps even some praise by those who still believe in the primacy of law over power. 

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06 June 2022

The European Commission Cedes its Crucial Leverage vis-à-vis the Rule of Law in Poland

The worst thing about the European Commission’s decision of 1 June 2022 to approve Poland’s EUR 36 billion national recovery plan, despite this country’s very meek (to put it mildly) assurances about improvements to its rule-of-law situation, is not even its substance, bad though that is. Worse still is the sequencing.

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03 June 2022
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The French Constitutional Council’s Problem with Impartiality

If only one example was needed to show the oligarchic nature of the French political system and the limited power of civil society, the game of musical chairs that was played between the Government and the Constitutional Council in the decision “Association La Sphinx” would be perfect. Two ministers directly involved in the drafting of the challenged policy were also judging the constitutionality of the legislative provisions they themselves brought forward. The Constitutional Council’s rules of procedure dismiss impartiality concerns in such cases. This management of conflicts of interests in this court is unacceptable.

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02 June 2022
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Competition and Conditionality

On 5 April 2022, just two days after the Hungarian national elections, the European Commission formally announced that it would apply the conditionality mechanism enshrined in Regulation 2020/2092 in relation to Hungary. In the past the Commission has frequently addressed issues related to “systemic irregularities, deficiencies and weaknesses in public procurement procedures”. In Hungary, however, it has not probed the enforcement of competition (cartel) law in public tender procedures. The Commission should seize the opportunity to act in this area.

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01 June 2022

Just a Feint?

A running joke in the pro-democratic military analyst community is about ridiculing the messages of pro-Russian experts who are pretending that the Russian defeat in the battle of Kyiv was "just a feint". I am afraid that the European Commission just walked into a similar strategic blunder with its deal with the Polish government on the recovery fund and the Supreme Court.

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25 May 2022

Die grenzenlose Aufnahme der ukrainischen Flüchtlinge und was wir daraus lernen

Mit der spontanen Aufnahme der ukrainischen Frauen, Kinder und Hilfsbedürftigen hat die europäische Zivilgesellschaft gezeigt, wie gut sie mit Flüchtlingen interagieren kann, wenn die Grenzen sich öffnen und hemmende Regulierungen entfallen. Die Staaten lernen in den letzten Wochen, eher unterstützend als kontrollierend zu wirken. Diese Erfahrungen sollten motivieren, kritischer als bisher zu hinterfragen, wieweit Einschränkungen der freien Entfaltung Geflüchteter und ihrer Unterstützer sinnvoll sind.

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„Vielen Dank, Ihre Post ist unbedenklich“

Vor rund zwei Wochen hat die Kommission ihren Entwurf für eine Verordnung zur Bekämpfung des sexuellen Missbrauchs von Kindern vorgestellt. Die damit verbundene Einführung der Überprüfung sämtlicher digital verschickter Inhalte dürfte das größte staatliche Überwachungsvorhaben in Europa seit dem Ende des Kalten Krieges sein und verstößt offenkundig gegen die Grundrechte-Charta.

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21 May 2022

Verbraucherinteressen als Teil der öffentlichen Ordnung?

Am 28. Mai 2022 erhält das EGBGB erstmals eine eigene Bußgeldvorschrift. Das überrascht auf den ersten Blick. Bußgelder dienen eigentlich der Wahrung der öffentlichen Sicherheit. Doch die neue Vorschrift impliziert ein neues Verständnis des Verbrauchsgüterkaufs, das über den reinen Warenaustausch hinausgeht.

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20 May 2022

The European Union and Preventive (In)Justice

The expansion of the EU counter-terrorism acquis has signified what I have called the preventive turn in European security policy. Preventive justice is understood here as the exercise of state power in order to prevent future acts which are deemed to constitute security threats. There are three main shifts in the preventive justice paradigm: (i) a shift from an investigation of acts which have taken place to an emphasis on suspicion; (ii) a shift from targeted action to generalised surveillance; and, underpinning both, (iii) a temporal shift from the past to the future.

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Die Europäische Union und präventive (Un-)Gerechtigkeit

Die Ausweitung der EU-Befugnisse im Bereich der Terrorismusbekämpfung steht für die präventive Wende in der europäischen Sicherheitspolitik. Unter Präventivjustiz wird hier die Ausübung staatlicher Macht verstanden, um zukünftige Handlungen zu verhindern, die als Sicherheitsbedrohung angesehen werden. Im Paradigma der Präventivjustiz gibt es drei Hauptverschiebungen: (i) eine Verlagerung von der Untersuchung von Handlungen, die stattgefunden haben, hin zu einer Betonung des Verdachts; (ii) eine Verlagerung von gezielten Maßnahmen hin zu allgemeiner Überwachung; und, was beide untermauert, (iii) eine zeitliche Verlagerung von der Vergangenheit in die Zukunft.

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18 May 2022

GDPR Collective Litigation Against Facebook

The recent CJEU Case C-319/20, Meta Platforms Ireland provides insights on the interpretation of Article 80(2) of the Regulation (EU) 2016/679 on the protection of natural persons with regard to the processing of personal data and on the free movement of such data (GDPR), which regulates representative actions in the data protection field. The Court of Justice specified that actions protecting general interests fall under the scope of Article 80(2) GDPR, but leaves the task unmoved to reconcile this provision with the Directive on Representative Actions (DRA).

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16 May 2022
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Climate Change Litigation Before the ECtHR

Verein KlimaSeniorinnen Schweiz and Others v. Switzerland is the first case of climate change litigation before the ECtHR where all domestic remedies have been exhausted. The Chamber to which the case had been allocated relinquished jurisdiction in favour of the Grand Chamber. This reinforces the potential of the case to become a landmark ruling determining the Court’s approach to climate change.

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13 May 2022

Drifting Case-law on Judicial Independence

In a preliminary ruling of 29 March 2022, in case C-132/20 Getin Noble Bank, the CJEU answered questions on judicial independence of judges appointed under an undemocratic regime and of judges appointed before 2018 in an allegedly flawed process. Taking a highly formalistic approach, the Court seeks to preserve judicial dialogue between itself and the national judges – at the expense of the rule of law and judicial independence.

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12 May 2022
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The War in Ukraine, Fake News, and the Digital Epistemic Divide

The ongoing war in Ukraine sheds light on crucial challenges of our digital media landscape. The social media-driven “(mis)information wars” surrounding the Russian invasion expose a growing epistemic divide running through liberal democracies. The regulatory focus on truth, with measures like fact-checking, serves little to cure the larger problems behind this. We should rather use the power of the law to devise new modes of intelligent speech regulation mimicking the functions formerly played by the centralized set-up of communication conditions.

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11 May 2022

RePowerEU and End War by Ending Fossil Fuels

Putin’s criminal war on Ukraine has forced the Commission to say it will ‘RePowerEU’, to end Russian fossil fuels. We must clearly end all fossil fuels, and drive as fast as technology allows to 100% clean energy. To do this we should capitalise upon the vast range of legal options in our European economic constitution: that is the ‘law of enterprise’. The geopolitical situation requires us to see our law as an organic, social whole, and for all private and public actors to be on board.

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05 May 2022

Die EU schlägt zurück

Am 27. April 2022 hat die EU-Kommission ihre Initiative zur Bekämpfung missbräuchlicher Klagen gegen öffentliche Beteiligung (sog. SLAPPs) vorgestellt. Die Initiative umfasst einen Vorschlag für eine EU-Richtlinie gegen SLAPPs in Zivilsachen mit grenzüberschreitendem Bezug (im Folgenden: Anti-SLAPP-RL) und eine ergänzende Empfehlung, mit der die Kommission die Mitgliedstaaten auffordert, die Richtlinie überschießend, das heißt auch auf innerstaatliche Sachverhalte und sämtliche Verfahrensarten, umzusetzen und Schulungs- und Sensibilisierungsmaßnahmen zu SLAPPs zu ergreifen.

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Schengen Restored

On 26 April 2022, the Court of Justice of the EU rendered a ruling in joined cases C-368/20 and C-369/20 stating that Member States of the European Union can re-introduce border controls within the Schengen Zone only under strict conditions. The Court has stepped up as a guardian of the Treaties protecting free movement of people without controls at the internal borders of the EU. At the same time, it has left room for the European and national executives to exercise their function and fill in the blanks.

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02 May 2022

Wieviel Automatisierung verträgt die Meinungsfreiheit?

Mit seinem Urteil über die grundrechtliche Bewertung des umstrittenen Artikel 17 der EU-Urheberrechtsrichtlinie (Rechtssache C-401/19) definiert der Europäische Gerichtshof enge Schranken für den Einsatz von Filtersystemen zur automatischen Sperrung mutmaßlich illegaler Inhalte. Das Urteil ist weit über das Urheberrecht hinaus von Bedeutung, da es den Sinngehalt des Verbots allgemeiner Überwachungspflichten präzisiert. Dieses Verbot ist auch Gegenstand einer aktuellen gerichtlichen Auseinandersetzung zwischen Grünen-Politikerin Renate Künast und dem Meta-Konzern über die Frage, inwieweit Facebook dafür verantwortlich ist, gegen Falschzitate auf der Plattform vorzugehen.

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27 April 2022

Wie Geld oder Gold

Das Bitcoin-Whitepaper datiert von 2008. Seitdem hat Bitcoin eine enorme Aufmerksamkeit und Wertzuschreibung erfahren, und dabei in einer Distanz zu Staat und Recht gestanden, die gut zu seinen libertären Idealen passt. Mit dem Erfolg kommt nun aber die Regulierung. Es ist daher höchste Zeit, einen Blick auf den grundrechtlichen Rahmen der anlaufenden Blockchain-Regulierung zu werfen – er ist weitestgehend unbesprochen.

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26 April 2022

The Court of Justice of the EU goes (almost) public

While the broadcasting of the delivery does not add much value (the texts are generally made available online at the time of their live reading in Luxembourg) to its declared goal of facilitating “the public’s access to its judicial activity”, that of the public hearings appears a major game-changer in the Court’s stance vis-à-vis the public-at-large. And that despite the many precautions accompanying the introduction of such a major rehaul of the Court’s publicity policy regarding its hearings,

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Keeping the Past and the Present Apart

The mere fact that a judge was appointed for the first time under undemocratic conditions does not automatically determine that the court in which that judge adjudicates lacks the necessary independence under EU law. The CJEU has answered to this effect a question of Mr. Kamil Zaradkiewicz, appointed to Poland's Supreme Court in 2018 on recommendation of the new government-controlled National Council of Judiciary and thus lacking independence himself. Importantly, the CJEU emphasized that the referring court did not submit any evidence that may rise legitimate and serious doubts, in the minds of individuals, over independence and impartiality of the particular judge. With this decision, the Court refused to be drawn into the inner-Polish dispute about decommunization, and reinforced its jurisprudence on judicial independence standards in the EU.

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22 April 2022

Elon Musk Wants to Buy Twitter to Create a Free Speech Utopia: Now What?

The enigmatic Tesla founder Elon Musk has made a public offer to buy 100% of Twitter’s shares at approximately 138% of each share’s value. In his letter of intention submitted to the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission, Musk describes that free speech is necessary in a democratic society, and he wishes to unlock its full potential by bringing Twitter under (his) private ownership. Constitutionally this raises an interesting point: if indeed a billionaire wants to change the rules of speech on the ‘new public squares’ by acquiring a social media platform, can he – and should he be able to?

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12 April 2022
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Anything Goes?

Last month, the ECtHR ruled in the case of Johansen v. Denmark on the deprivation of nationality and expulsion for terrorist offenses. It rejected the applicant’s complaint of an infringement of Art. 8 ECHR. The decision underlines the Court’s reluctance to engage with issues raised by deprivations of nationality in terrorism cases. Instead of setting out clear limits on such measures based on the rights guaranteed by the Convention, the Court does not seem to be willing to interfere with measures related to national security, no matter how drastic the consequences for the individual.

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08 April 2022

Palantirs Beitrag

Am 15. Tag des russischen Angriffskriegs gegen die Ukraine ruft Alexander Karp, der CEO von Palantir Technologies, in einem offenen Brief „Zur Verteidigung Europas“ auf. Es ist ein bemerkenswertes Dokument, das zu dem Schluss kommt, nur digitale Gegenwehr könne Europa noch retten – selbstredend mit Palantirs Hilfe. Bemerkenswert ist nicht nur die schamlose Instrumentalisierung des Kriegs für seine Zwecke. Prämisse, Analyse, Schlussfolgerung: Satz für Satz lässt Karps Brief die Augenbrauen höher wandern. Aber der Reihe nach.

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Hungary’s Lesson for Europe

There seems to be a disturbing discordance in the European Commission’s response to the Hungarian elections. On the one hand, the Commission triggers the rule of law mechanism. On the other, it refuses to comment on the fairness of the Hungarian elections. This contradicts the fact that, just like the rule of law, democracy is also part of  Europe’s constitutional identity. But what does democracy require from Member States? Hungary’s elections make clear that the value of democracy, as given expression in Article 10 TEU, should be justiciable.

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07 April 2022

Sexualverbrechen sind nicht grenzüberschreitend

Pünktlich zum Internationalen Frauentag am 8. März 2022 hat die EU-Kommission ihren Vorschlag für eine EU-Richtlinie zur Bekämpfung von Gewalt gegen Frauen und häuslicher Gewalt vorgelegt. Auch wenn der Inhalt der Richtlinie politisch wünschenswert ist, hat die EU hierfür nicht die Kompetenz, da Vergewaltigungen (und Femizide) keine grenzübergreifende Kriminalität darstellen. Vor diesem Hintergrund dürfte die Bundesrepublik der Vergewaltigungs-Vorgabe in Art. 5 des Richtlinien-Entwurfs nicht zustimmen, will sie nicht die Vorgaben aus dem Lissabon-Urteil des BVerfG ignorieren.

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06 April 2022

Öffentliche Überwachung vor den europäischen Gerichten

Europa hat eine erhebliche Ausweitung staatlicher Überwachungs- und Terrorismusbekämpfungsbefugnisse erlebt, die den zunehmenden Appetit der Gesetzgeber und der Exekutive auf eine Normalisierung der Überwachung zeigen. Lange Zeit haben die europäischen Gerichte diesem Trend energisch entgegengewirkt und Siege für die Grundrechte im Bereich der Überwachung errungen. Die jüngsten Entscheidungen des EuGH und des EGMR eröffnen jedoch ein anderes Bild, das auf einen breiteren Paradigmenwechsel hindeutet.

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Enlarging the Hole in the Fence of Migrants’ Rights

With the judgment in A.A. and others v. North Macedonia, the European Court of Human Rights further branches out the creative exception to the prohibition of collective expulsions and turns it into an obligation to offer a place to apply for asylum somewhere at the border. But not only are these legal access points for asylum applications often de facto restricted, the ever more creative exceptions to rights of the Convention and its Protocols threatens the credibility and authority of the Court.

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05 April 2022

A Backdoor Exit from the European Convention on Human Rights

Russia left the Council of Europe on 16 March 2022. The European Court of Human Rights declared that Russia will remain a Party to the Convention until 16 September 2022. This resolution is inconsistent with applicable termination rules. But even beyond technicalities, it reveals fundamental defects in the design of the ECHR denunciation clause. Forced withdrawal and expulsion from the Council, as mechanisms to sanction severe violations of human rights, should not have the effect of relieving the delinquent State of its conventional human rights obligations.

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04 April 2022

The Council of Europe as an AI Standard Setter

On 4 April 2022, Member States of the Council of Europe commences negotiations on the world’s first international binding legal instrument in the field of artificial intelligence. The CoE has a large reservoir of both experience and expertise in the field of standard setting, as far as the three key priorities are concerned: promoting human rights, democracy, and the rule of law. Given the undisputed need for regulating AI activities, the CoE appears a prime candidate for this undertaking.

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01 April 2022

Letters from Brussels with Love and the Issue of Mutual Trust in Nationality Matters

In a recent article on this blog, I have set out that the spotlight will soon be turning on the European passportization of Russian oligarchs. And well, what shall I say, it did not take long for the Commission to come out swinging. In a recommendation issued on March 28, the Commission urged “Member States to immediately repeal any existing investor citizenship schemes and to ensure strong checks are in place to address the risks posed by investor residence schemes”.

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28 March 2022
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Artificial Intelligence Must Be Used According to the Law, or Not at All

Democracy requires to strengthen the Rule of Law wherever public or private actors use algorithmic systems. The law must set out the requirements on AI necessary in a democratic society and organize appropriate accountability and oversight. To this end, the European Commission made several legislative proposals. In addition to the discussion on how to use algorithmic systems lawfully, the question when it is beneficial to use them deserves more attention.

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The Rule of Law versus the Rule of the Algorithm

When we chose the title of this symposium, we thought it might be controversial. We expected that at least some of the authors would argue that algorithmic threats to the rule of law were solvable, or that responsibly-implemented algorithms could even help the delivery of justice. None of the experts did. In the series of articles which we will present to you in the next days, we find no techno-optimism. That should give everybody pause - especially to the advocates in favour of algorithmic solutions for every problem.

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25 March 2022

The Council of Europe’s Sharp Turn

The Council of Europe (CoE) responded promptly to Russia’s act of aggression against Ukraine first by suspending Russia’s representation rights on 25 February 2022, and then by expelling it on 16 March 2022 in accordance with Article 8 of the Statute. The Committee of Ministers used the Article 8 procedure for the first time in the history of the CoE. This might have crucial implications for the broader CoE context and could make the threat of suspension and expulsion more credible for other member states as well.

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23 March 2022

Unmatched Levels of Sanctions Coordination

In early 2022, the European Union (EU) was quick and decisive in imposing an unprecedented set of measures against Russia. Among other things, the EU targeted the Russian Central Bank, which is an extraordinary move, given that central banks are rarely on sanctions lists. Reconciling the interests of 27 Member States is an art itself, especially in a highly sensitive policy area which continues to be dominated by individual Member State interests. Overall, the swiftness of EU measures went beyond most of our expectations.

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21 March 2022

Take Down the Wall. And Make Russia Pay for It

EU law allows admitting Ukraine into the Union immediately. This is not only the moral imperative, it would also not require any Treaty revision and mark a return to the classical approach of the first EU accession: accession first, full taking on of the acquis later, with lengthy transitional periods. Ukraine will also require a super Marshall plan to ensure speedy reconstruction. This is doable: the seized – say confiscated – “Russian” money, a bit short of a trillion by now, will be enough, with the EU hopefully topping this amount.

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Überwachen, Blocken, Delisten

Die Verordnung (EU) 2022/350 des Rates vom 1. März 2022, mit der Sanktionen betreffend Russia Today (RT) und Sputnik verhängt wurden, geht – anders als ersten Reaktionen zufolge – über ein Sendeverbot für diese Kanäle weit hinaus: Internetzugangsanbieter werden zu Websitesperren verpflichtet, und Social Media-Plattformen wird, abweichend von Art. 15 E-Commerce-Richtlinie, eine allgemeine Überwachungspflicht auferlegt

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“An Ever-Stronger Union” Under the Radar of the European Public

The intergovernmental political mode of EU defense policy is no longer appropriate for the level of European integration in this policy field, the development of which will significantly shape the European project in the coming years. In particular, it is necessary that the European Parliament and the national parliaments be informed of upcoming political decisions in a substantive and timely manner: They should be informed as long as the political process is still open, and their position should be a constituent part of decision-making at the EU level.

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“An Ever Stronger Union” unter dem Radar der europäischen Öffentlichkeiten

Dass das militärpolitische Integrationsgeschehen außerhalb der öffentlichen Wahrnehmung und Debatte stattfindet, bedeutet letztlich für die politischen Akteure geringe Rechtfertigungslasten und größere Handlungsspielräume. Es ist also alles andere als ein Selbstläufer, dass über die Fortentwicklung der EU-Verteidigungspolitik jetzt die breite, allgemeine Meinungs- und Willensbildung stattfindet, die bislang fehlt. Dies ist jedoch dringend angezeigt, um die „hard power“, die die Union in der Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik entwickelt und entfalten will, demokratisch und rechtsstaatlich einzubinden – und das ganze Unterfangen der militärischen Ermächtigung der Union überhaupt seiner Bedeutung entsprechend politisch zu behandeln.

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18 March 2022
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How to Set Aside Hungarian Cardinal Laws

The anti-Fidesz coalition could win the next Hungarian elections. That, however, is only one step on a long path back to a full democracy. Fidesz has skilfully entrenched its power, personnel, and policies. How could a new majority overcome this, align the Hungarian legal order with European standards, and allow for democratic governability?

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Not the Time for Carrots?

Issuing ‘golden’ passports and residence permits to non-Europeans in return for investment in their national economy has always been controversial. Now with the Russian invasion of Ukraine, these deals have attracted new attention. Since Russians account for a significant share of the customers, there have been widespread calls, including from the European Parliament, for an end to this practice. Can the EU do anything about this?

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A Declaration on the Rule of Law in the European Union

Since the Second World War, Europe has witnessed the benefits of rule-based order. Peace, prosperity, and progress have grown out of a shared commitment to the rule of law, both between individuals and states. As of late, these unprecedented achievements are increasingly under threat, as the basics of the rule of law, including the need for an independent judiciary, are questioned both at the heart of Europe and in countries beyond our borders. Time is of the essence. If backsliding on the rule of law occurs faster than corrective action, the passage of time will inevitably erode the rule-based order. We, the signatories of this declaration, urgently call on all leaders, in Member States and the EU Institutions, to uncompromisingly safeguard the rule of law in Europe.

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16 March 2022

A Self-Regulatory Race to the Bottom through Out-of-Court Dispute Settlement in the Digital Services Act

Art. 18 of the draft Digital Services Act [Art. 21 in the final text] will introduce new dispute settlement processes. This addresses a legitimate policy concern, namely the need to enable effective recourse mechanisms for platform decisions. However, the concept fails when trying to combine the best of two worlds: solving disputes through real courts as well as through self-regulation. Art. 18 [Art. 21 in the final text] DSA raises serious concerns and should be substantially modified.

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Enforcing Due Diligence Obligations

The Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive creates an innovative mix of enforcement mechanisms. It relies on both administrative oversight and judicial enforcement through civil liability. Additionally, accountability of businesses for affecting stakeholder interests is strengthened by a specific environmental, social, and corporate governance duty of care for directors and obligations to link directors’ pay to climate obligations, thus ensuring that directors need to steer businesses in light of stakeholder interests. This system has the potential to effectively oblige companies to respect stakeholder interests, although some weaknesses, especially in access to justice, remain.

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The EU as Quasi-NATO

Putin has reportedly threatened both Sweden and Finland against joining NATO, attempting to preempt a shift away from the commitment to neutrality that is deeply embedded in the Swedish political soul. It is therefore all the more interesting that Sweden and Finland have recently concluded a new strategy of enhanced security cooperation between the states. In addition, the Swedish government, together with Finland, has sent a letter to other EU Member States reminding them of their obligation to assist any EU country in case of belligerent attack. Should we interpret this as an expectation for the EU to function effectively as a quasi-NATO?

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15 March 2022

Reimagining a European Constitution

At this point, it is almost trite to say that the invasion of Ukraine has thrown the world order into tailspin. Unimaginable steps have been taken by the European Union and its Member States in the weeks since the invasion. These steps have already started to have significant consequences for discussions on the future of EU constitutionalism. Arguably, the appetite and political will for change is unprecedented and could serve to unplug EU constitutionalism from its sclerotic tendencies – it must be capitalised on.

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Due Diligence Around the World

On 23 February 2022, the EU Commission released its draft Directive on Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence (CSDDD). It follows – and seemingly takes inspiration from – several national mandatory human rights and environmental due diligence (HREDD) laws, notably in France, (“LdV”) Germany (“GSCDDA”) and Norway (“Transparency Act”). It provides a strong legal basis and innovations to enhance corporate accountability, to strengthen stakeholder value and to create a European and possibly global standard for responsible and sustainable business conduct.

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14 March 2022

Über die Grenzen des Rechts

Der Angriffskrieg Putins gegen die Ukraine hat in den vergangenen Tagen eine Welle der Empathie und Solidarität ausgelöst. Die Reaktionen haben aber auch deutlich gemacht, dass es Hierarchien darin gibt, wem solche Empathie und Solidarität entgegengebracht wird – und wem eher nicht. Diese Hierarchien sind Ausdruck von strukturellen und institutionellen Rassismen. Das Recht hat in diesem Zusammenhang eine ambivalente Rolle, indem es zugleich rassistische Strukturen (re)produziert und dazu einlädt, eben diese zu hinterfragen und zu überwinden.

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11 March 2022

Sanctions for Abramovich, but Schröder Goes Scot-Free

What is the role of citizenship – Russian and European – in the context of the deployment and operation of the sanctions? The question is far from trivial. Indeed, effective rights-focused judicial review of such measures is very weak, allowing the matters of foreign policy and perceived political expediency and retribution to override core constitutional principles and guarantees of the European legal systems at all levels. Let us start with history, to understand what is going on and give it a legal assessment.

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10 March 2022

Sendeverbot durch Sanktionen

Die Europäische Union hat eine Reihe von Sanktionen gegen russische Staatsmedien erlassen. In normalen Zeiten wäre ein (quasi-)staatliches Verbot von Medien wohl erheblichen Einwänden ausgesetzt gewesen. Doch unter dem Eindruck der immer rücksichtsloseren Invasion Russlands in der Ukraine erhält die EU breite Zustimmung bei nur wenigen kritischen Stimmen. Trotzdem muss auf europäischer Ebene eine tragfähige und geeignete Rechtsgrundlage für den Kampf gegen staatliche Propaganda entwickelt werden. Statt auf das Sanktionsrecht sollte hierfür auf das Medienrecht gesetzt werden. Dafür sollte auf Unionsebene das Medienrecht nach deutschem Vorbild weiterentwickelt werden.

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On the Brink of a New Refugee Crisis

The EU Council decision on temporary protection adopted on 4 March not only conveys a political message of solidarity with the Ukrainian people; it also reveals the awareness that the 2015 refugee crisis was mainly an administrative crisis and that, this time, a more pragmatic approach is required to prevent the national asylum systems from being overwhelmed. Moreover, a less hostile view of secondary movements seems to emerge, with potentially far-reaching consequences. At the same time, temporary protection is not a silver bullet for what is a complicated and long-lasting challenge.

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Big Tech War Activism

The war in Ukraine is live. It’s not only live on CNN or Al Jazeera but it’s live on different social media platforms, for better and worse. In this context, Big Tech platforms are not neutral. Rather, along with their users, they are giving rise to a new wave of tech war activism, siding with Ukraine. While many of these initiatives may be well intended, this new form of tech activism raises questions about the role of social media in times of war.

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08 March 2022

“The Ever Closer Union among the Peoples of Europe” in Times of War

The war in Ukraine has brought a moment of the constitutional reckoning and the ultimate test of belonging for the Europeans. The ill-fated politics of appeasement and dialoguing with a criminal has come crushing down. Finally, Europe seems to take a more strategic and long-term view of its own politics at least when it comes to common foreign policy and defense. A true re-appraisal and reinvigoration of European ideals will however not be complete if the Union keeps looking the other way, dithering, procrastinating when its own axiological foundations are under attack by one of its own member states.

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The EU’s “Ban” of RT and Sputnik

Denouncing Russian authorities‘ “muzzling“ of independent media and reiterating its support for media freedom and pluralism, the European Union banned two Russian media outlets in March 2022. This apparent contradiction between a statement of principle and concrete action can be resolved. While the ban can be legally justified as a measure designed to suppress “propaganda for war”, European institutions should not try to justify it by pointing to these outlets’ track record of “disinformation” or simply “propaganda”. To address legitimate questions of double standards that will come up in the wake of the inevitable whataboutism, it should be stressed that the Union’s measures differ decisively from any authoritarian censorship by virtue of the Union’s character as a community of law.

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05 March 2022

Temporary Protection for Ukrainians

One might have expected that the activation of the Temporary Protection Directive would witness a remake of the toxic disputes about ‘burden sharing’ following the mass influx of 2015/16. None of this happened, although the contents of the Implementing Decision is quite different from what many might think intuitively. Inter-state distribution keys or quotas give way to a simple allocation mechanism: ‘free choice’ is the surprise outcome of Thursday’s Council meeting.

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03 March 2022
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Time for Military Integration in the EU?

For decades, the EU’s security and defence policy was largely looked at as a theoretical piece in the overall puzzle of the Union’s external role. During the past week, however, the unthinkable happened, and European defence policy has taken a significant leap forward. This brings to fore questions about the legal nature of the security and mutual assistance provisions in the EU Treaties, including the relationship between aligned and non-aligned States in EU defence policy.

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02 March 2022

Too Little Politics in EU Defense Policy

The arming of Ukraine with European financial means may enjoy widespread support among European populations scandalized by Putin's egregious actions. But this should not obscure the fact that it is the result of largely arcane decision-making processes: Neither the establishment of the European Peace Facility nor the breaking of the Union's rules on arms exports by supplying weapons to the war zone Ukraine was the subject of a substantively open public discourse and will formation.

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Der unsichtbare Dritte

Durch die Richtlinie zu Sorgfaltspflichten in der Lieferkette sollen große Unternehmen in der EU dazu verpflichtet werden, Menschenrechts- und Umweltstandards in der Lieferkette einzuhalten. Doch wer stellt sicher, dass Zulieferer, die nicht selten über die ganze Welt verteilt sind, diese Standards auch wirklich erfüllen? Der Entwurf für die Richtlinie, den die Kommission in der vergangenen Woche veröffentlicht hat, setzt dafür maßgeblich auf unabhängige Dritte: die wiederum privatwirtschaftlichen Zertifizierer. Diese Strategie fördert aber nicht nur Private als „Ersatzbehörden“, die selbst kaum reguliert sind, sondern könnte auch die Marktkonzentration ohnehin schon großer Unternehmen weiter verstärken.

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28 February 2022

Zu wenig Politik in der EU-Verteidigungspolitik

Die Rüstung der Ukraine mit europäischen Mitteln mag in der europäischen Bevölkerung, die durch das ungeheuerliche Vorgehen Putins skandalisiert ist, breite Unterstützung genießen. Das darf aber nicht verdecken, dass es sich um das Ergebnis weitgehend arkaner Entscheidungsprozesse handelt: Gegenstand einer inhaltlich offenen öffentlichen Meinungs- und Willensbildung war weder die Errichtung der Europäischen Friedensfazilität noch die Durchbrechung der Unionsregeln für Rüstungsexporte durch Waffenlieferungen in das Kriegsgebiet Ukraine.

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Cognitive Illusions in Legal Interpretation

In the light of current happenings in certain Member States, many attempt to interpret or explain the withdrawal process under Article 50 TEU. The “exit” narrative seems dominant in journalism and academia: Grexit, Dexit, Dutch Exit, Huxit, Polexit, Frexit, Sloven Exit, etc. Some news portals frequently portray (not so odd) Constitutional Court decisions or current political events as declarations of withdrawal from the EU. These simplistic approaches are battle-ready political weapons in the hands of social media influencers and politicians on both pro and con EU sides, shaping public opinion based on disinformation. This is an irresponsible mistake that misdirects public discourse.

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25 February 2022
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Claiming “We are out but I am in” post-Brexit

It is not often that the European Court of Justice (ECJ) is presented with a case in which the law is so crystal clear, and so overwhelmingly contrary to the applicant’s claims, as in Préfet du Gers. The central question of the case is weather British nationals retain their EU citizenship and EU citizenship rights after Brexit. Given how straightforward the Treaties and the case-law are on this matter, it is unsurprising that AG Collins answered this question in the negative in a well-argued and straightforward Opinion.

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Rethinking Rights in Social Media Governance

In the context of the broader ‘techlash’ against the power and exploitative practices of major platforms, EU lawmakers are increasingly emphasising ‘European values’ and fundamental rights protection. But relying only on human rights to guide both social media law and academic criticism thereof is excluding other normative perspectives that place greater emphasis on collective and social interests. This is deeply limiting – especially for critical scholarship and activism that calls for the law to redress structural inequality.

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24 February 2022

Green(wash)ing Global Commodity Chains

Yesterday, the EU Commission finally published its proposal for a corporate sustainability due diligence directive – nearly a year after the Parliament’s resolution to the same effect. Tensions were running high among policymakers, businesses, and civil society alike following several delays, DG Internal Market weighing in on the DG Justice file, and two negative verdicts by the obscure Regulatory Scrutiny Board. Have these distortions left their mark on the final text, as many had feared? Yes and no, as I shall explain, focusing on the proposal’s operative environmental dimension.

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The DSA’s Industrial Model for Content Moderation

I expect that in many real-world cases, the process prescribed by the DSA will waste resources that could better be spent elsewhere, and burden smaller platforms to a degree that effectively sacrifices competition and pluralism goals in the name of content regulation. There is a difference between procedural rules that legitimately protect fundamental rights and the exhaustive processes that might exist in a hyper-rationalized, industrial model of content moderation. The line between the two is not always clear. But I think the DSA often crosses it.

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23 February 2022
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The next step towards auditing intermediaries

The lack of transparency of digital platforms is a well-known problem that has wide societal implications. There is now an extraordinary opportunity to establish legally mandated criteria for meaningful transparency for online platforms in the proposed EU Digital Services Act (DSA). However, their success will depend on the strength of oversight mechanisms which need to be accompanied by sufficient access to data. Hence, we propose creating an auditing intermediary to assure the effectiveness of such oversight.

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22 February 2022

Not looking up

It now seems that after the ruling is before the ruling. The Commission is intent on continuing with its wait-and-see approach, a situation which Hungarian MEP Katalin Cseh compared to the Netflix movie “Don’t look up”, in which the President of the United States decides to ignore the huge comet approaching the earth. While in the movie the comet finally destroys the planet, the European Parliament, however, is determined not to let it come to that. It has made clear that it will not tolerate this policy of looking the other way and has taken up arms.

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21 February 2022
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Constitutional Identity in and on EU Terms

The EU protects national constitutional identities and does not protect national unconstitutional identities. This is the message the Court of Justice of the EU has sent with its decision of 16 of February 2022, in the cases initiated by Hungary and Poland about the rule-of-law conditionality mechanism, in which it ominously referred to the constitutional identity of the EU. Constitutional identity, according to the CJEU, is a key concept of public law and a fundamental pillar of the EU, so Member States constitutional identities may not be manipulated in such a way that turns into a violation of the constitutional identity of the EU.

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Quantifying ‘Better Regulation’

The EU Commission is expected to publish later this month its long-awaited proposal on Sustainable Corporate Governance, an initiative to ‘better align the interests of companies, their shareholders, managers, stakeholders and society’. Almost a year of delay and possibly some toning down of the legislative ambition can be attributed, in large part, to the double negative opinion issued by the EU Regulatory Scrutiny Board’s (RSB) on the Impact Assessment. In doing so, the RSB – a body whose absence from public debate seems largely disproportionate to its actual powers – has shown its teeth and incidentally revealed some of the shortcomings of its own mandate.

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17 February 2022
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In Defense of Its Identity

The introduction of rule of law budgetary conditionality, as approved by the Court, is a first step in the right direction. But the Union must go further. Taking a page from fundamental rights and anti-discrimination law, we suggest the systematic, deliberate, and transparent incorporation of rule of law considerations into all Union policies and practices at all stages, from planning and legislation to execution and enforcement, with the aim of actively promoting, realizing, and sustaining the rule of law throughout the Union.

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16 February 2022

No More Excuses

Sitting as a full court, due to the exceptional importance of the case, the Court of Justice has dismissed the annulment actions brought by the Hungarian and Polish governments against the Rule of Law Conditionality Regulation. A non-exhaustive account of the main substantive issues addressed by the Court.

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Mutual (Dis)trust

Last week, the General Court of the European Union, in its judgment T-791/19 Sped-Pro, recognized for the first time the impact that systematic rule of law deficiencies have on national competition authorities. The judgement is seminal, in that it openly questions the ability of national authorities impacted by rule of law backsliding to effectively enforce EU law. The judgement also goes to the heart of explaining the pivotal constitutional role played by competition law within the EU legal order.

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14 February 2022
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VerfassungsPod: EU v. Polen

Der Konflikt zwischen der EU und Polen ist bereits viel weiter eskaliert, als man bis vor kurzem für vorstellbar gehalten hätte. Und immer noch ist kein Ende in Sicht. Aus dem innerpolnischen Verfassungskonflikt um Rechtsstaat und unabhängige Justiz ist ein europäischer Verfassungskonflikt um den Vorrang des EU-Rechts geworden. Wie konnte das passieren? Was für Kräfte sind da am Werk? Und wie kommen wir da wieder heraus?

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11 February 2022

When Is a Court Still a Court?

On 3 February 2022, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) issued a judgment in the case of Advance Pharma sp.z o.o. against Poland. This is another judgment on the irregularities in the appointments of judges to the Polish Supreme Court, in which the ECtHR confirmed its previous rulings. But it also touched on several implications of its conclusions for the Polish judiciary. It suggests that they may be relevant for ordinary courts in Poland as well and that Polish authorities should ensure the possibility to reopen proceedings in certain situations.

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08 February 2022

The Duty to Exhaust Remedies with Systemic Deficiencies

On 3 February 2022, the European Court of Human Rights issued its judgment in Advance Pharma v Poland and addressed the question of whether an applicant is required to exhaust domestic remedies that suffer from systemic deficiencies for the first time. While the Court does not yet give a clear answer to this particularly sensitive issue, this case is another reminder of just how difficult it is for the Convention system to engage with countries that structurally impair their judicial system.

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02 February 2022

On the Right to Compulsory Vaccination

The legitimacy of compulsory vaccination is a question of what kind of freedom we want. It is not a matter of state decree, but rather the reaction of a democratic constitutional state to an omission that can be interpreted as a violation of the freedom of others. If we take the legal relationship of freedom as a basis, some guidelines for models of compulsory vaccination emerge.

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25 January 2022

Jenseits der roten Linien

Abgeordnete aus Russland sollten nicht an der Parlamentarischen Versammlung des Europarats (PACE) teilnehmen können. Dies haben am vergangenen Montag, zu Beginn der neuen Sitzungsperiode, Abgeordnete aus der Ukraine und dem Baltikum gefordert und die Beglaubigungsschreiben der russischen Delegation angefochten. Am Mittwoch muss nun über diese abgestimmt werden, damit die russische Delegation ihr Mandat in der PACE aufnehmen kann. Auch die deutschen Delegierten sollten die russischen Beglaubigungsschreiben, wenn überhaupt, dann nur unter Auflagen ratifizieren.

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Time to Rewrite the EU Directive on Combating Terrorism

The adoption of EU Directive 2017/541 on combating terrorism in March 2017 has profoundly changed the landscape of European counter-terrorism law. The primary aim of this Directive was to further harmonise the legal framework under which terrorist offences are prosecuted across EU Member States by establishing minimum rules and standards. However, the adverse consequences for the rule of law and human rights have been overlooked from the very outset by the EU institutions. Now, five years after its adoption, it is time for a thorough revision.

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24 January 2022

Pushbacks? Never mind, we’re doing it

"Pushback" has been elected Germany’s non-word of the year 2021. The word is rather innocent, the act is the problem. The EU Commission has now submitted a proposal for an amendment of the Schengen Borders Code that allows for irregular arrivals to be returned without effective legal protection.

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Taking European Judgments Seriously

Today ends the deadline for stakeholder consultations for the 2022 EU rule of law report. The report is a welcome addition to the EU’s rule of law toolbox but it is missing a vital element: the non-implementation of judgments of international courts, including both the Court of Justice of the European Union and the European Court of Human Rights.

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21 January 2022

Pushbacks? Egal, wir machen das jetzt so

„Pushback“ ist zum Unwort des Jahres 2021 gekürt worden. Das Wort ist eher unschuldig, die Tat ist das Unding. Die EU-Kommission hat jetzt einen Änderungsvorschlag zum Schengener Grenzkodex vorgelegt, der das ignoriert: Sie schlägt Transfers ohne effektiven Rechtsschutz vor.

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20 January 2022
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Curing the Symptoms but not the Disease

Traffic violations are not a proportionate justification to effectively deprive a person of her EU citizenship. This may sound obvious but in reality it was not, as the crucial Grand Chamber case of JY decided on January 18 demonstrates. This is a significant yet predictable addition to the edifice of EU citizenship post-Rottmann. Regrettably, the forward-looking judgment is myopic up to the point of an error of judgement as to the fundamental challenges at play in the factual constellation at hand.

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11 January 2022

Wer Whistleblower nicht schützt, muss haften

Whistleblower in Deutschland haben es schwer. Bis zum 17. Dezember 2021 hätte der Bundesgesetzgeber Zeit gehabt, die „Whistleblower-Richtlinie“ in nationales Recht umzusetzen. Da er diese Frist untätig hat verstreichen lassen, entfaltet die EU-Richtlinie ihre Wirkung nun unmittelbar. Sie schützt Personen, die Verstöße gegen das Unionsrecht melden und kann zu weitreichenden Haftungsansprüchen gegenüber der Bundesrepublik führen.

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10 January 2022

A Missed Opportunity for LGBTQ Rights

A few days ago, the British activist Gareth Lee failed with his complaint before the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). The Court declared the application inadmissible as Lee had not claimed the violation of rights under the European Convention on Human Rights in any of the national court proceedings and thus had not exhausted all national remedies. Lee v. the United Kingdom really was a missed opportunity for Europe’s regional human rights court to address the issue of homophobia in the context of access to goods and services.

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07 January 2022

Pushbacks against the Child’s Best Interests

The lack of a functional EU-level legal framework, designed for high immigration numbers, contributed to increasing recourse to practices of dissuading migrants away from the EU territory. This did not leave the European Court of Human Rights indifferent and it decided to give a legal green light to pushbacks under certain conditions. The Court applies its jurisprudence equally to all individuals and in all situations. In doing so, however, it violates the principle of the child’s best interests. A more nuanced approach should be taken, guaranteeing special protection to children, in accordance with the principle of the child’s best interests.

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23 December 2021
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The EU and its ‘Exes’

In September 2021, MEPs voted in favour of a new EU Ethics body to oversee movements of personnel between the public and the private sector and proposed an interinstitutional agreement to this end. Replacing the current Independent Ethical Committee, the new body would be responsible for proposing and advising Commissioners, MEPs and staff of the institutions on ethics rules. The new Ethics Body, however, is not the regulatory unicorn many are hoping for. The gaps and ineffectiveness of EU policies to address revolving door moves stem from a limited understanding of the issue, which in turn is a result of lack of research and interest. The EU cannot devise better policies unless more is known about the phenomenon.

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21 December 2021

Der europäische PNR-Rahmen und die sich verändernde EU-Sicherheitslandschaft

Seit Mai 2018 werden Reisende, die einen Flug in die, aus der oder innerhalb der Europäischen Union buchen oder antreten, gemäß der PNR-Richtlinie in Risikokategorien eingeteilt, um die Wahrscheinlichkeit ihrer Beteiligung an kriminellen oder terroristischen Aktivitäten zu bewerten. Das eigentliche Ziel des PNR-Richtlinie besteht darin, potenzielle Verdächtige zu identifizieren, die den Behörden bisher unbekannt waren. Sie hat somit das Potenzial, zentrale gesellschaftliche Werte wie Privatsphäre, Fairness und menschliche Autonomie neu zu definieren.

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The European PNR framework and the changing landscape of EU-security

Since May 2018, travelers booking or embarking on a flight to, from or within the European Union are classified into risk categories in order to assess the likelihood of their involvement in criminal or terrorist activity, per the PNR Directive. The very ambition of the PNR framework is to identify potential suspects previously unknown to the authorities. It has thus introduced important changes into existing EU approaches to security conceptions and practices, and has the potential to redefine core societal values such as privacy, fairness and human autonomy.

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17 December 2021

Bürgerräte als Potential für die Handlungs- und Lernfähigkeit von Demokratien

Seit einigen Jahren entstehen in europäischen Ländern und in den USA neue Formen der Bürgerbeteiligung. Auch im neuen Koalitionsvertrag sind Bürgerräte vorgesehen. Sie könnten die aktuellen politischen Debatten wirksamer machen und Diskurse in einer fragmentierten Öffentlichkeit sinnvoll strukturieren. Das funktioniert allerdings nur unter gewissen Voraussetzungen, die sich aus den bisherigen Erfahrungen mit ähnlichen Formen von Bürgerräten ableiten lassen: Entscheidend sind transparente Ziele und Verfahren, eine inklusive Repräsentativität und die Umsetzung der sich daraus ergebenden Empfehlungen.

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Verwandtschaft zum Zwecke der Freizügigkeit

In einem aktuellen Urteil behandelt der EuGH die Situation von Regenbogenfamilien, die in manchen Mitgliedstaaten rechtlich nicht anerkannt werden. Obwohl die EU für das Familienrecht keine Kompetenz hat, gelingt es dem Gerichtshof zumindest im Bereich der Freizügigkeit Diskriminierungen abzubauen. Ob seine Vorgaben auch umgesetzt werden, steht auf einem anderen Blatt. Denn, glaubt man den Mitgliedstaaten, steht nicht weniger auf dem Spiel als ihre „nationale Identität“.

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16 December 2021

The Conference on the Future of Europe as an Institutional Illusion

The Conference on the Future of Europe is currently underway on the basis of the joint Declaration of 10 March 2021. Nine months after the Joint Declaration there is ample evidence from the Conference that allows us to assess this institutional event. The Conference might best be described as a campaign to stimulate public interest for EU politics. It is clear that the Conference has neither the legal basis nor the institutional character to address the Union's structural problems in the face of great challenges.

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15 December 2021

Datenschutzvollzug vor Zentralisierung

Die Europäische Datenschutzgrundverordnung (DSGVO) gilt noch keine vier Jahre, doch schon werden erste Forderungen nach mehr europäischer Zentralisierung der mitgliedstaatlichen Datenschutzaufsichtsbehörden laut, da Teile der nationalen Datenschutzaufsichtsbehörden nicht in der Lage sind, bei Verstößen gegen die DSGVO durch Technologiekonzerne in wichtigen grenzüberschreitenden Datenverarbeitungen einzuschreiten. Muss das System der Zuständigkeiten und Zusammenarbeit der mitgliedstaatlichen Aufsichtsbehörden bereits jetzt einer grundlegenden Revision unterzogen werden?

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13 December 2021

Not Above the Law

In the joined cases EMA and ELA on the determination of EU agencies’ seats, a decision of the EU-Court is pending very soon. According to AG Bobek’s opinion, delivered on 6 October 2021, intergovernmental decisions the seats of the European agencies fall outside the EU Court’s judicial review. Ezio Perillo, former Judge at the General Court, does not agree with this solution. For him court has the duty to assure the effective judicial protection of intergovernmental decisions when they do not respect the institutional balance as in the EMA and ELA cases.

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08 December 2021

No rule of law?

Something out of the ordinary, something very strange, something seriously concerning happened at the second section of the European Court of Human Rights on 23 November 2021.

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07 December 2021

Verfahren eingestellt, Problem gelöst?

Am 2. Dezember 2021 hat die EU-Kommission das Vertragsverletzungsverfahren gegen Deutschland wegen des PSPP-Urteils des BVerfG vom 5. Mai 2020 eingestellt. Dieser Einstellungsentscheidung ist mit Erleichterung zu begegnen.

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06 December 2021

Questions of Integrity

Many have rightly criticized the Commission for failing to robustly defend the EU’s founding values from academic freedom, to media freedom, to judicial independence, to the rights of refugees or the LGBT community. In these discussions, the Commission’s failure to take action against another form of discrimination is generally ignored: discrimination against national minorities. Looking at the example of Hungarian communities in other member states, this post highlights the Commission’s failure to defend ethnic or national minorities against discrimination. This is in stark contrast with the fact that the protection of and respect for minorities is a founding value of the EU, ranked equally to democracy, rule of law and human dignity.

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01 December 2021

Das Damoklesschwert über der europäischen Rechtsordnung

Am 16. November fand vor der Großen Kammer des EuGH die mündliche Verhandlung im Verfahren C-562/21 PPU statt. Es ging um den europäischen Haftbefehl in Zusammenhang mit der Rechtsstaatlichkeit in Polen – einen europarechtlichen Dauerbrenner. Wie alle Fälle mit Bezug zur Rechtsstaatlichkeit in Polen hat auch dieser wieder einmal große politische Brisanz. Dennoch fand das Verfahren in der Öffentlichkeit relativ wenig Beachtung. Der EuGH könnte dabei wegen der langen Inaktivität der politischen Akteur:innen im Konflikt mit Polen und auch aufgrund seiner jüngsten Rechtsstaatsrechtsprechung eine tragische Rolle spielen, die sich aus der starken Verrechtlichung des Konflikts um die Rechtsstaatlichkeit ergibt.

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29 November 2021

The Honest (though Embarrassing) Coming-out of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal

The particular coming-out of the Tribunal, made in the judgment K 6/21 by admitting that the Constitutional Tribunal is not subject in general to the standards inherent in Article 6 EC, leads to the conclusion that the Polish Constitutional Tribunal and its judges need not be independent. Paradoxically, therefore, the judgment confirms (albeit by different reasoning) the disqualification of the Tribunal made in the Xero Flor judgment by ECtHR. And yet the Tribunal intended to remove the negative consequences for itself of the Xero Flor. 

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28 November 2021

Mauern wieder denkbar machen

1985 versuchte die DDR die Bundesrepublik zu destabilisieren, indem sie für tamilische Geflüchtete aus Sri Lanka ein "Loch in der Mauer" nach Westberlin öffnete. Nicht ohne Erfolg: der Diskurs über „Scheinasylanten“ nahm Fahrt auf, „Die Republikaner“ setzten zu ihren größten Erfolgen an. Angesichts der Furcht vor dem Flüchtling hatten andere Parteien das Geschäft übernommen, Migration als schädlich, Asyl als Überforderung und den universalen Geltungsanspruch der Grundrechte als Traumtänzerei darzustellen. Die damals Geborenen sind mittlerweile Eltern, Deutschland ist in mitten eines neuen Europas vereint – aber einige Kosten des damals eingeschlagenen Kurses werden immer deutlicher sichtbar.

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26 November 2021

The Sanctity of Preliminary References

A national supreme court must not declare a request for a preliminary ruling by a lower court unlawful on the ground that the referred questions are irrelevant and unnecessary for the original case. This has been held by the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) in its important decision C-564/19 IS. In addition, the CJEU held that EU law also precludes disciplinary proceedings from being brought against national judges on the ground that they made a reference for a preliminary ruling. The case also raises important questions to what extent preliminary rulings can be effective against rule-of-law decline and make up for political EU institutions’ failure to use adequate EU tools of supervision and enforcement.

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24 November 2021

In Court for Saving Lives

The trial against human right defenders Séan Binder and Sarah Mardini was supposed to start on 18 November 2021 at the criminal Court on the Greek island of Lesvos. The core charge of the prosecution, the facilitation of irregular entry of third country nationals, is based on the EU Facilitator’s Package and Greek anti-smuggling laws, both of which are at variance with international law standards related to smuggling. The remaining charges pressed upon Binder and Mardini are excessive and likely to be proved unfounded for lack of sufficient evidence. The whole process is just another example of the ongoing criminalization of humanitarian assistance to refugees and asylum seekers in Europe.

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23 November 2021

Das Cannabis-Dilemma

Die zukünftige deutsche Bundesregierung will Cannabis legalisieren. Wie das alles konkret umgesetzt werden soll, wird sich zeigen. Worüber erstaunlich wenig diskutiert wird, ist die Frage, ob die Legalisierung rechtlich überhaupt realisierbar ist. Europa- und völkerrechtlich bestehen hohe Hürden, die eine vollständige Legalisierung von Cannabis sehr schwierig, wenn nicht sogar unmöglich machen.

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On A Road to Nowhere

On Wednesday 24 November the Polish Constitutional Tribunal will, once again, review the extent to which existing international legal obligations, that were freely entered into by the Republic of Poland, are actually compatible with the Polish Constitution.

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18 November 2021
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Digital Services Act: European Parliament discusses website blocking against platforms

The deliberations on the Digital Services Act are taking a worrying turn. In the European Parliament's struggle to reach a common negotiating position, rapporteur Christel Schaldemose is proposing that authorities be allowed to order the complete blocking of online platforms, according to Der Tagesspiegel. Website blocking is already controversial when it is used as a last resort, the current proposal, however, eclipses anything that has gone before, because it envisages website blocking as an interim measure. This ill-conceived proposal contravenes the system of sanctions in the DSA and is incompatible with fundamental rights.

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17 November 2021

A Tale of Primacy, part III

The third act, but not the end, of the ongoing „game of Courts” between the Romanian Constitutional Court and the European Court of Justice came on 9 November 2021, with a letter by the Romanian Constitutional Court to assist the acting minister of justice with a reply to the EU Commission's concern about primacy of EU law. I will not comment again on the arguments, already developed by the Constitutional Court in its decision, but I will try to emphasize, through relevant quotes, the disregard of the rule of law requirements stated in the CJEU judgment as well as the absence of the capacity of a true dialogue with the European Court.

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12 November 2021

Plaumann and the Rule of Law

Most recently, the CJEU sanctioned Poland with daily penalty payments for failing to suspend the operation of its Supreme Court’s disciplinary chamber. The disciplinary chamber’s interference with the independence of judges can have a profound impact on the preliminary reference mechanism as a means for individuals to seek the review of EU law. This must be addressed to safeguard the right to an effective legal remedy under Article 47 CFREU. One possible response may be to modify the Plaumann-test insofar as necessary to protect the functioning of the EU’s ‘complete system of legal remedies’.

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11 November 2021

(Il-)Legal Gymnastics by Poland and Hungary in EU Border Procedures

This week, Poland has made headlines yet again for dispatching 12,000 guards to the border between Poland and Belarus and the use of tear gas to prevent third country nationals (TCNs), including children, from crossing into Polish territory. It is acutely problematic that Poland has foregone any semblance of conformity with EU law at all in the adoption of its domestic legislation on border procedures.

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10 November 2021

The Multiple EU Rule of Law Crises

The European Court of Justice has recently delivered a judgment in the Pinxten case. The decision specifically concerned a question of financial misappropriation at the European Court of Auditors, but its significance goes far beyond this single case. It reveals multiple misfunctions at the top of the European Court of Auditors. Curiously, however, the judgement won't be published and has thus (against the Court’s own rules) not been translated. Most people will therefore never know about it, even though the Court of Justice gathered most exceptionally a full court to deal with this case.

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09 November 2021

We are at war

The state of the European Union's asylum and migration policy can be summed up as follows: 20 years after the attacks on the Twin Towers, the "war on terror" has become both a cause of people on the move, and serves at the same time as the normative underpinning for the unimaginable arms race that has taken place at the external borders of the EU. Legitimised by the political leadership of the European Union, it is now a reality that the principles of the rule of law have ceased to apply at the EU's external borders without consequence.

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Wir befinden uns im Krieg

Auf diese Formel lässt sich der Zustand der Asyl- und Migrationspolitik der Europäischen Union bringen. 20 Jahre nach den Anschlägen auf die Twin Towers hat sich der Krieg gegen den Terror in einen Krieg gegen Menschen auf der Flucht verwandelt. Der „War on Terror“ ist Fluchtursache und schafft gleichzeitig die Legitimation, mit deren Stütze eine technologisch unvergleichbare Aufrüstung an den Außengrenzen der Europäischen Union vorangetrieben wird. Legitimiert von der politischen Führung der Europäischen Union ist es heute Realität, dass rechtsstaatliche Prinzipien an den EU-Außengrenzen systematisch und ohne Konsequenzen unter Verweis auf den Schutz der europäischen Grenzen außer Kraft gesetzt werden können.

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04 November 2021

A More Complex Union

Based on the new legal history of European integration that has come out over the last decade, I will offer a different interpretation of the role of law in the EU than the one typically offered by legal scholarship. The central conclusion is that there is an unresolved tension in the relationship between law and politics in the EU that will most likely shape the Union’s response to the Polish crisis. To conclude, I will offer several alternative scenarios of how the EU may react to the Polish crisis.

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Who monitors compliance with fundamental values in EU Member States?

In 2014, the European Commission created a framework for the rule of law and the European Parliament has repeatedly proposed to extend this procedure to an Annual Monitoring Cycle on Democracy, the Rule of Law and Fundamental Rights. The insistence with which this proposal is formulated is intriguing because a similar procedure already existed in the Council of Europe for almost 30 years, under the responsibility of the Parliamentary Assembly. What are the political interests and practical considerations that underly what at first glance looks like a competition between the two European organizations?

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03 November 2021

A(nother) lost opportunity?

The October meeting of the European Council (EUCO) was its first occasion to react to the declaration by the Polish “Constitutional Tribunal” that several provisions of the Treaty on European Union are incompatible with Poland’s Constitution and consequently inapplicable to the country. The express denunciation of fundamental provisions of EU primary law by one of its members (with the support of another), while insisting on his country remaining part of the Union, is a situation the EUCO could hardly overlook. And yet, not a word about the unfolding constitutional crisis was included in the EUCO Conclusions. Various elements may explain the restraint. However, the complete muteness from the EU crisis-manager-in-chief is more questionable and may carry a disquieting message.

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Exclusion from the EU is Possible as a Last Resort

On 7 October 2021, the Polish Constitutional Tribunal issued a decision that can only be compared to setting off a bomb. Only integrationist dream-walkers could take the position that there is no legal possibility to withdraw the status of EU membership from an EU member state that permanently disregards the conditions of membership.

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02 November 2021

Fischen im Trüben

Der Post-Brexit-Fischereistreit zwischen London und Paris will nicht enden: Erst im Mai dieses Jahres standen sich vor der Kanalinsel Jersey französische und britische Kriegsschiffe gegenüber. Nach der Festsetzung eines britischen Fischerbootes in der Hafenstadt Le Havre am vergangenen Donnerstag droht der Konflikt nun abermals zu eskalieren. Kern des Streits sind Unstimmigkeiten über die Ausstellungen von Fischfanglizenzen für britische Gewässer zwischen sechs und zwölf Seemeilen vor der Küste. Das beiderseitige Säbelrasseln über die Zugangslizenzen überdeckt die Tatsache, dass es sich letztlich um eine bürokratische Einzelfrage handelt. Diese gilt es nun zu klären.

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No Surrender to Poland

Last week, a district court in Norway took a bold step and refused surrender to Poland due to the “significant greater danger and probability” that a Polish court would not be a lawful judge. In the European battle over the independence of Polish courts, surrender of wanted persons according to the European Arrest Warrant has been a minor but important front. The Vestfold district court's ruling should be welcomed and also invites the Norwegian Supreme Court and the CJEU to change their jurisprudence on surrender to Poland.

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Ein Ausschluss aus der EU ist als Ultima-Ratio-Maßnahme möglich

Am 7. Oktober 2021 hat das polnische Verfassungsgericht eine Entscheidung erlassen, die sich nur mit dem Zünden einer Bombe vergleichen lässt. Nur integrationspolitische Traumwandler könnten die Position zu vertreten, dass es keine rechtliche Möglichkeit gibt, einen EU-Mitgliedstaat, der die Mitgliedschaftsbedingungen dauerhaft missachtet, den Status zu entziehen.

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Schufa und die DSGVO

Durch einen Vorlagebeschluss des BG Wiesbaden hat der EuGH Gelegenheit, datenschutzrechtliche Anforderungen an das Scoring zu konkretisieren und zugleich auch Stellung zu nehmen zu der Frage, inwieweit dem nationalen Gesetzgeber unter der DSGVO im Bereich des Scoring überhaupt ein Gestaltungsspielraum – für § 31 BDSG – verbleibt.

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01 November 2021

Why are you on Facebook?

In a recent draft decision of the Irish Data Protection Commissioner to other European Data Protection Authorities, the Irish Commissioner addressed whether or not Facebook could rely on the contractual legal basis for certain purposes of its personal data processing, including for behavioral advertising. According to the Commissioner, “a reasonable user would be well-informed […] that [personalized advertising] is the very nature of the service being offered by Facebook and contained within the contract”. Based on this interpretation, it appears that Facebook’s users are on the social network not to connect with their friends and family but rather to receive personalized advertising.

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31 October 2021

From Charity to Justice in the Pandemic

Waiving intellectual property rights is not a panacea in the current pandemic, but it may remove obstacles and, importantly, would send the right message. Germany should therefore change its position and support a decision in the World Trade Organization (WTO) to that effect. Donations are good and necessary in the short-term, but they must not be mistaken for acts justice in international relations.

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28 October 2021

Die andere Rechtsstaatlichkeitskrise

An der polnisch-belarussischen Grenze spielt sich ein Drama der Rechtsmissachtung ab,  inzwischen mit mehreren Toten. Es ist dies die andere, leisere Rechtsstaatlichkeitskrise: die des entgegen klarer Vorgaben des Unionsrechts verweigerten Zugangs zu einem Asylverfahren; die der wiederholten Missachtung von einstweiligen Anordnungen des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte (EGMR).

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27 October 2021
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This Was Not Just Another Ultra Vires Judgment!

A few days ago, 27 retired judges of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal have issued a statement concerning the judgment K 3/21 of 7 October 2021. We are both among its signatories. With this article, we hope to contribute to the clarification of the false statements contained in that judgment, its oral explanations and statements of representatives of political authorities, regarding the difficult matters of coexistence of Polish law and European Union law.

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18 October 2021

Rationalizing Supremacy

For many years, supremacy has been rationalized by the European Court of Justice and in the literature mainly with arguments relying on the effectiveness of EU law and on its necessity for resolving conflicts between Union law and the laws of the Member States. In light of the most recent supremacy-related decisions by constitutional courts in Poland and Germany, these rationalizations seem to have lost their persuasive power. Instead of relying on effectiveness or the equality of Member States, supremacy should be seen as being mainly grounded in the individual-centred non-discrimination standard anchored in Article 18 TFEU.

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15 October 2021

Nach der Explosion

Die Fallout-Wolke verdunkelt den Himmel über uns, und wo sie sich entladen wird, weiß nur der Wind.  

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After the Explosion

The fallout cloud darkens the sky above us, and only the wind knows where it will unload its noxious cargo.  

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14 October 2021
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Investitionsschutz über Klimaschutz?

Der sogenannte Energiecharta-Vertrag (ECT) steht wegen seiner investorenfreundlichen Bestimmungen und der Bedrohung, die er für die Energiewende darstellt, bereits seit längerer Zeit in der Kritik. Immer mehr EU-Mitgliedstaaten, darunter etwa Frankreich und Spanien, erwägen einen Rücktritt vom ECT. Ein solcher Rücktritt ist völkerrechtlich möglich und klimapolitisch wünschenswert.

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Historische Zäsur für den Rechtsstaat

Die zweitägige mündliche Verhandlung zu den Klagen von Ungarn und Polen gegen den sog. „Rechtsstaatsmechanismus“ war eine Zäsur für den europäischen Rechtsstaat und die Geschichte Europas: Die gesamte Verhandlung stand im Schatten des jüngsten „Urteils“ des „polnischen Verfassungsgerichts“, das sich weigert, Entscheidungen des Europäischen Gerichtshofs umzusetzen. Noch nie hat Polen die Geltung der Grundsätze der Rechtsstaatlichkeit mit solcher Vehemenz und solchem Eigensinn bestritten, wie es im Verlauf dieser Verhandlung sichtbar wurde. Man konnte der Europäischen Union bei ihrem Zerriss zuschauen.

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A Closing of Ranks

On 11 and 12 October the Court of Justice of the European Union sat in Full Court composition (a rarity) to hear Hungary’s and Poland’s challenge of the legality of the rule of law conditionality regulation. Its ruling will follow (hopefully shortly) the Advocate-General’s Opinion announced for 2 December 2021. It will most likely reconfirm that the Union legal order is based on clear and binding rule of law norms, and that these must, of legal necessity, apply across all EU policy fields, including the EU budget. It will be a judgment of great significance about the very nature and purpose of the EU.

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13 October 2021

Sealed, Stamped and Delivered

By publishing the judgement K 3/21 of the Constitutional Tribunal of 7 October 2021 in Poland’s official journal, the Polish government has notified the European Council of the decision of the Republic of Poland to leave the Union. To avoid the serious consequences this entails for its citizens, Poland has two options.

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12 October 2021

Gazing into the Abyss

On Thursday 7th October 2021 the Polish Constitutional Tribunal issued its decision in the case K 3/21. Politically, this situation is likely a crucial point in the Polish rule of law saga. Legally, it is a decision taken by a not independent court that ignored both domestic provisions and EU law towards arriving at a politically motivated outcome tailored towards the interests of the ruling party.

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In the Courts the CJEU does not Trust?

In last week’s long-awaited judgment, the CJEU had the opportunity to revisit its case law concerning the national courts’ obligation to refer preliminary questions. The Court largely maintained its strict approach and thereby, at first sight, admits of little trust in the national courts’ handling of EU law. Upon closer inspection, however, an alternative reading of the judgment seems possible.

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11 October 2021
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The Writing is on the Wall

On 6 October 2021, Advocate General (AG) Saugmandsgaard Øe published his Opinion in the joined cases C-368/20 NW v Landespolizeidirektion Steiermark and C-369/20 NW v Bezirkshauptmannschaft Leibnitz. Six Schengen countries (Germany, France, Austria, Denmark, Norway and Sweden) have reintroduced border controls over the past years. If the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) were to follow the AG’s Opinion, they would need to seriously rethink their practices in this regard. New evidence-based procedures and serious reasons, capable of passing a proportionality test, would be necessary to introduce border controls within the Schengen Zone.

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Resisting Membership Fatalism

While we fully agree with the main thrust of the editorial ‘The Exit Door’ on Verfassungsblog last Friday, we would like to warn against its seemingly fatalistic mindset. Yes, a Polexit from the EU is not on the table until the Polish government itself pushes the Article 50 TEU button, but the other EU Member States do not have to idly wait ‘hoping’ for a resolution to the crisis.

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10 October 2021

Whoever equates Karlsruhe to Warsaw is wildly mistaken

In the Polish, and to some extent also in the German public discourse, the ruling of the Federal Constitutional Court of 5 May 2020 on the partial unconstitutionality of the ECB's PSP programme is considered to be qualitatively comparable to the ruling of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal of 7 October 2021. In this respect, the Polish judgement is merely seen as a continuation of the established case law of the Bundesverfassungsgericht. From a legal point of view, however, this is clearly false.

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Wer Karlsruhe mit Warschau gleichsetzt, irrt sich gewaltig

Im polnischen, partiell aber auch im deutschen Diskurs wird das Urteil des Bundesverfassungsgerichts vom 5.5.2020 zur partiellen Verfassungswidrigkeit des PSP-Programms der EZB als qualitativ vergleichbar mit dem Urteil des polnischen Verfassungsgerichts vom 7.10.2021 eingestuft. Das polnische Urteil knüpfe insoweit lediglich an die gefestigte Rechtsprechung des BVerfG an. Dem ist aus juristischer Sicht aus verschiedenen Gründen deutlich zu widersprechen.

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09 October 2021

Roots of the EU Tree

The European Citizens’ Panels (ECP) are part of the Conference on the Future of Europe and provide randomly selected citizens with the opportunity to articulate their visions of the EU. The author participated in the second ECP and points out the risk of separating EU values from each other by locating them in different deliberation streams.

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08 October 2021

Die Tür nach draußen

Nur Polen kann Polen aus der EU werfen. Oder drinbehalten.

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The Exit Door

Only Poland can take Poland out of the EU. Or keep it in.

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07 October 2021

The Rise and Fall of World Constitutionalism

Constitutionalism and populism, although pursued in different registers, are related forms of authoritarian liberalism, related not just in displaying family resemblances but also in a more causal, diachronic sense; constitutionalism created the conditions for populism to thrive and authoritarian populism in turn generates and provokes an increasingly authoritarian constitutionalist response.

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06 October 2021

The Long Road Home

On 29 September 2021 the General Court (GC) issued two important judgments annulling the Council decisions on the conclusion of the EU-Morocco Sustainable Fisheries Partnership Agreement and on the amendment of Protocols 1 and 4 to the EU-Morocco Association Agreement. These judgments are the latest instalment in the continuing Western Sahara saga before the CJEU and they are of seminal importance both in assessing the Court’s approach to international law in its practice, and, more fundamentally, in assessing the EU’s commitment to the strict observance of international law in its relations with the wider world.

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21 September 2021
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Sounding the Death Knell for EU Social Dialogue?

On 2 September 2021,  the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) has confirmed in its EPSU judgment the European Commission’s power to obstruct social bargaining in the European Union. The judgment, which confirms on appeal a doubtful interpretation of the EU Treaties initially developed by  the General Court, constitutes a grim turning point for EU labour law in that it reduces the autonomy of the social partners to an empty shell.

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18 September 2021

Rubinhochzeit zwischen Rechtsstaat und Sanktionensystem

Frankreich feiert dieser Tage die 40-jährige Abschaffung der Todesstrafe. Am 18. September 1981 wurde die loi n°310 portant abolition de la peine de mort mit 363 Parlamentarier-Stimmen gegen 117 angenommen. Am 9. Oktober 1981 trat das Gesetz in Kraft – seit 2007 hat die Abschaffung der Todesstrafe Verfassungsrang. Man könnte der Auffassung sein, dass es zur Feier einer französischen Rubinhochzeit zwischen Rechtsstaat und Sanktionensystem zumindest für den deutschen Diskurs keinen allzu großen Anlass gibt. Die Todesstrafe ist tabu – oder?

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17 September 2021

How Much Money is a Lot of Money?

On 7 September 2021, the European Commission announced that it will ask the European Court of Justice (ECJ) to impose financial penalties on Poland for not complying with the Court’s order for interim measures of 14 July 2021 regarding its Disciplinary Chamber. The Commission must be able to threat the member state in question not only credibly, but also with amounts that are high enough to deter them from continuing on their rule-of-law-breaching-path.

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07 September 2021

Eyes Wide Open

The Digital Services Act must confront a gordian knot of fundamental rights and public interests with respect to various affected actors. To be effective, the new regulation must both consider the current reality of intermediary service provision and provide enough flexibility for future technological developments. It currently falls short of this aim.

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Platform research access in Article 31 of the Digital Services Act

Over the past year, dominant platforms such as Facebook have repeatedly interfered with independent research projects, prompting calls for reform. Platforms are shaping up as gatekeepers not only of online content and commerce, but of research into these phenomena. As self-regulation flounders, researchers are hopeful for Article 31 of the proposed Digital Services Act, on “Data Access and Scrutiny” - a highly ambitious tool to compel access to certain data, but researchers also need a shield to protect them against interference with their independent projects.

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06 September 2021

Die List(e) mit den „kleinen sicheren Herkunftsstaaten“

Die Idee mit der List(e) „kleiner sicherer Herkunftsstaaten“ mag sympathisch klingen. Tatsächlich verbirgt sich dahinter eine verfassungswidrige Umgehung des Zustimmungserfordernisses des Bundesrats zur Erweiterung der Liste sog. sicherer Herkunftsstaaten unter dem Deckmantel des Unionsrechts.

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Re-Subjecting State-Like Actors to the State

The Digital Services Act aims to limit the power of the Big Tech companies and to place more responsibility on them to control the content which is posted on their websites. Rather than providing even more power to the platforms via de facto self-regulation, the DSA should strengthen the interference opportunities of public authorities.

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How to Challenge Big Tech

The European Commission's proposal for a Digital Markets Act is meant to complement EU competition law, in order to guarantee contestable digital markets. However, from a policy point of view, the current self-restriction to behavioural remedies in competition law and merger control, as well as the focus on behavioural ex ante regulation via the DMA, is at best a half-hearted and at worst a misguided way to effectively address the Big Tech challenge. We argue in favour of a competition law toolkit with extended options to use structural measures to tackle entrenched market dysfunctionalities.

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05 September 2021

Human Ads Beyond Targeted Advertising

If the bridling of harmful targeted advertising is a core objective of the DSA, the exclusion of influencer marketing is a grave oversight. Amendments introduced by the Internal Market and Consumer Protection Committee in the European Parliament may remedy this omission. If "human ads" were omitted, Big Tech platforms’ sophisticated data-related business models will continue to escape encompassing regulation and hence, their power will remain unchecked.

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03 September 2021

Enforcement of the DSA and the DMA

In trying to overcome the cross-border enforcement’s pitfalls of the GDPR, the Commission’s proposals for a Digital Services Act and Digital Markets Act are largely expanding the Commission’s enforcement powers. Unfortunately, what is touted as a solution for cross-border enforcement issues, might lead to new difficulties and challenges due to the risks of the centralization of power with the Commission.

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Private Enforcement for the DSA/DGA/DMA Package

The package consisting of the Digital Markets Act, the Digital Services Act, and the Data Governance Act is about empowering authorities vis-à-vis powerful private market players. Private enforcement is absent in this package, despite its great potential: By engaging in rule enforcement, individuals and companies help to confine key market players’ (unlawful use of) economic power, while also counterbalancing a tendency for state agencies to become the sole decision makers on when and how to sanction what they consider undue conduct.

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02 September 2021

Why End-User Consent Cannot Keep Markets Contestable

A central source of Big Tech gatekeepers’ power is their encompassing access to individuals’ personal data. The prohibition of Article 5(a) of the proposed Digital Markets Act, therefore, is a welcome attempt to limit the private power over data held by gatekeeping platforms. However, end-user consent cannot be regarded as an adequate safeguard for keeping data-driven markets competitive.

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General and specific monitoring obligations in the Digital Services Act

The Digital Services Act contains regulation that does not directly interfere with platforms’ freedom to operate but indirectly creates incentives for their handling of risk-aware behaviour, for example, towards personality right violations. Within the context of general and specific monitoring obligations in the Act, in particular, indirect regulation can encourage innovative and pragmatic decision-making, although further guardrails are necessary.

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01 September 2021
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Using Terms and Conditions to apply Fundamental Rights to Content Moderation

Under EU law, platforms presently have no obligation to incorporate fundamental rights into their terms and conditions. The Digital Services Act seeks to change this in its draft Article 12, however, there has been severe criticism on its meagre protection. As it stands and until courts intervene, the provision is too vague and ambiguous to effectively support the application of fundamental rights.

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Private enforcement and the Digital Markets Act

For the Digital Markets Act to function properly – that is, to dismantle overwhelming private power – enforcement capacities of private actors should be strengthened at the outset: Competitors and customers should be integrated into the enforcement system as complainants, informants and litigants. The digital giants will not tumble because of government intervention but because of innovative competitors and stronger customers that can rely on the framework set by governments. Private power needs to be cured with private empowerment.

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31 August 2021

Five Reasons to be Skeptical About the DSA

In an effort to establish a “safe, predictable and trusted online environment” for the EU, the Digital Services Act proposal sets out an extensive catalogue of due diligence obligations for online intermediaries, coupled with tight enforcement rules. A freedom of expression perspective on the proposal reveals that it partly reinforces Big Tech’s control over communication, and moreover fights fire with fire by establishing a powerful public/private bureaucracy able to monitor and potentially manipulate online communication trends.

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The European Constitutional Road to Address Platform Power

The functions exercised by online platforms raise questions about the safeguarding of fundamental rights and democratic values from the autonomous discretion of the private sector, which is not bound by constitutional law. The Digital Services Act horizontally translates European constitutional values to private relationships, to limit governance by platforms.

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30 August 2021

The Scope of the DMA

The combination of the features characterising gatekeepers in the Digital Markets Act's is likely to create significant power imbalances in the market and lead to unfair practices that the proposal aims to prevent and repair. A service-based approach, over a provider-based one, as well as a functional description of core platform services would remedy this unintended consequence.

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The DSA Proposal’s Impact on Digital Dominance 

One of the most pressing questions in the ongoing debates about the Digital Services Act (DSA) proposal is the question of entrenching dominance. While the DSA aims at providing a harmonized regulatory framework for addressing online harms, there is a risk that imposing accountability at the threat of fines might increase the power of already dominant intermediaries. This problem is particularly evident for content moderation, where over the last decades a handful of services have consolidated their position as the primary arbiters of speech and online activity.

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26 August 2021
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The EU’s Face in Łukašenka’s Mirror

On the Polish-Belarusian border thirty-two Afghan citizens have been sitting quite literally between the Belarusian border guards on the one side and Polish border guards, army and police on the other for two weeks now. They sit there without access to water, food or medical aid. They sit there claiming their rights under EU and International law. Yet, they are not allowed to ask for asylum or establish any contact with the outside world. The tragic situation of those thirty-two hostages exemplifies both how devastating the consequences of rule-of-law backsliding might be and how closely linked the rule of law breakdown in Poland and the general denigration of EU values in the field of migration are.

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28 July 2021
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How Not to Deal with Poland’s Fake Judges’ Requests for a Preliminary Ruling

In his Opinion of 8 July 2021 in Case C-132/20 Getin Noble Bank, AG Bobek advised the Court of Justice to find admissible a national request for a preliminary ruling originating from an individual who was appointed to Poland’s Supreme Court on the back of manifest and grave irregularities. In this specific case, contrary to the position of AG Bobek, we submit that the ECJ must find the request inadmissible as the referring individual cannot be considered a tribunal established by law.

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20 July 2021

Pride or Prejudice?

The joined cases IX v Wabe and MH Müller Handels GmbH offered the CJEU a second chance to heed the arguments raised against Achbita and reconsider its decision. Hopes that the Court would be willing to revise Achbita diminished significantly after AG Rantos’s disappointing Opinion in the case. Last week's decision in IX v Wabe to largely uphold Achbita was then also unsurprising, but nevertheless disappointing.

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19 July 2021

Polexit or judicial dialogue?

In the world of EU law, Poland and the rule of law, it was a wild third week of July. A series of events unfolded in Warsaw and Luxembourg, adding to the saga of Polish rule of law travails before courts. All levels of Polish government and bodies controlled by the ruling party have decried CJEU interim orders and judgments, indicating a complete lack of will to comply with EU law and CJEU rulings. Is a "Polexit" looming?

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Die Stunde des Gesetzgebers

Im vergangenen Jahr aber hat der Zweite Senat des Bundesverfassungsgerichts mit dem PSPP-Urteil eine Dynamik in Gang gesetzt, die das Kraftfeld zwischen nationaler und supranationaler Verfassungsgerichtsbarkeit zur Entladung zu bringen und damit die gesamte Europäische Union irreparabel zu beschädigen droht. Tatsächlich legen dieser und weitere Konflikte gravierende Mängel in der Architektur des Verfassungsgerichtsverbunds offen – und zwar auf allen Seiten. Für die Bundesregierung liegt darin eine unerwartete Chance.

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All Eyes on LGBTQI Rights

In Fedotova v Russia, the ECtHR found that Russia overstepped the boundaries of its otherwise broad margin of appreciation because it had “no legal framework capable of protecting the applicants’ relationships as same-sex couples has been available under domestic law”. The case foreshadows a future wherein the familiar line of cases advancing the protection of same sex couples will need to be complemented by a jurisprudence that engages with the backslash against LGBTQI rights.

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18 July 2021

Zündstoff für die Gleichheitsrechtsdogmatik

Gut vier Jahre nach den vieldebattierten und -kritisierten „Kopftuch-Entscheidungen“ Achbita und Bougnaoui hatte der EuGH am 15. Juli 2021 erneut über Kopftuchverbote in Form betrieblicher Neutralitätsregelungen zu entscheiden. In seiner jüngsten Entscheidung hat der EuGH seine offene Haltung gegenüber betrieblichen Kopftuchverboten durch seine zumindest punktuell relativiert, und liefert zugleich neuen Input für die Debatte um die Einordnung von Kopftuchverboten als unmittelbare oder mittelbare Diskriminierung, der die Rechtsposition kopftuchtragender Musliminnen langfristig stärken könnte.

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15 July 2021
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Ein Dilemma, kein Staatsstreich

Jetzt ist es also tatsächlich passiert: Das polnische Verfassungsgericht verneint in einem zentralen Bereich die Bindung an Entscheidungen des EuGH. Mit dem prinzipiellen Vorrang des Europarechts steht damit eine der fundamentalen Säulen der europäischen Integration in Frage. Ist der Vorgang vergleichbar mit dem, was das deutsche Bundesverfassungsgericht im PSPP-Urteil getan hat?

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Kampf oder diplomatischer Ausgleich?

Nachdem nun die Europäische Kommission angekündigt hat, sie werde das Urteil des BVerfG zum Gegenstand eines Vertragsverletzungsverfahrens machen, hat der frühere Gerichtspräsident Andreas Vosskuhle die Vermutung geäußert, dass die Europäische Kommission und der EuGH in einem kollusiven Zusammenwirken danach strebten, die Europäische Union unter der Hand in einen europäischen Bundesstaat zu verwandeln. Die Auseinandersetzung zwischen den beiden höchsten Gerichten entwickelt sich damit zu einem subkutan ausgetragenen Verfassungsdrama, das allmählich auch eine breitere Öffentlichkeit beunruhigen muss.

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13 July 2021

Machines Learning the Rule of Law

On 21 April 2021, the European Commission proposed the world’s first Artificial Intelligence Act, with the intention to explicitly protect the rule of law against the “rule of technology”. Despite this expressed goal, the normative power of the regulation raises serious concerns from the perspective of fundamental rights protection.

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12 July 2021
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The Limits of Indirect Deterrence of Asylum Seekers

The ECtHR judgment M.A. v. Denmark is significant for several reasons. Firstly, because it adds to an already growing international criticism of Denmark’s asylum and immigration policy. Secondly, because the judgment helps clarify the Court’s position on an issue, family reunification for refugees, where case law has hitherto been somewhat ambiguous, and where several European States have introduced new restrictions since 2015. Third, and finally, the judgment represents – to paraphrase Harold Koh - another “way station…in the complex enforcement” of migrant and refugee rights by international human rights institutions.

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09 July 2021
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Visibility and Crime at Sea

On 30th June 2021, search-and-rescue activists from Sea-Watch witnessed a brutal attack by the so-called Libyan Coast Guard against a migrant vessel carrying 64 during an attempted pushback. Now, prosecutors in Sicily have launched an investigation against the Libyan Coast Guard for “attempted shipwreck.” This the first time, a European court opens an investigation against the Libyan Coast Guard, and the fact that an Italian court should do so bears legal and political importance.

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Rights that are not Illusory

On 8 July, the European Court of Human Rights ruled in case Shahzad v. Hungary, concerning the denial of access to an asylum procedure and the forced removal of a Pakistani national by Hungarian police officers. The court found that the acts violated the prohibition of collective expulsion as well as the right to an effective remedy. With this decision, the Court on the one hand straightens out some possible misunderstandings, on the other hand returns to the line of argument opened in N.D. and N.T. v. Spain in ways that should be considered more closely.

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07 July 2021

Strasbourg and San José Close Ranks

At the end of 2020, for the first time in its more than 40 years of jurisprudential history, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights declared the arbitrary dismissals of two public prosecutors to be unconventional. Not only judges but also prosecutors are increasingly subject to threats to their independence, both in Latin America and Europe, as well as in other regions. This article addresses the question of whether the same judicial guarantees apply to public prosecutors and attorneys as to judges and looks at how the Inter-American Court sought inspiration from the precedents of the European Court of Human Rights.

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The New EU Climate Law

On 30 June 2021, the European Parliament and the Council signed the EU Climate Law. The Law has drawn a lot of attention, stirred not least because of its head-line grabbing name. Was it merely meant to be a symbolic law to enshrine the EU’s climate objectives into law and celebrate the EU Green Deal? Or was it meant to be a new governance framework that changes the way decisions are taken on EU and Member State level?

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04 July 2021

The Grande Synthe Saga Continues

France’s highest administrative court ruled that the French government had failed to take sufficient action to mitigate climate change and ordered it to take additional measures to redress that failure. The Grande Synthe II decision of 1 July 2021 follows the findings by the Conseil d’État in a previous decision that France’s greenhouse gas emissions reduction targets constitute legal obligations that are enforceable against the state. However, how, and when to redress France’s failure have been, to a broad extent, left to the discretion of the government. This all but ensures the Grande Synthe saga to continue.

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30 June 2021

Neglected Actors at the Conference on the Future of Europe

Judges are prominent actors with a significant impact on European integration. Yet, no references to them appear in the Joint Declaration on the Conference on the Future of Europe. This corresponds to a view, unsustainable in the age of extensive access to information, that judges sit in ivory towers and speak exclusively through their decisions that other actors then explain to the broader public.

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29 June 2021

Too little, too late

A few weeks after the ECtHR first stepped into the ring for the fight against rule of law backsliding in Poland via its Xero Flor judgment, it has now dealt a new blow to the Polish judicial reforms. In its Broda and Bojara ruling, the issue at hand was not the composition of the Constitutional Court, but the termination of judges’ mandates as court (vice) president. In its judgment, the Court showed once more its commitment to the safeguarding of domestic judges and the procedural protection they should enjoy. Yet, one can wonder whether the judgment will really have an impact and if it is not too little too late.

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24 June 2021

Is UEFA on “the Other Side of the Rainbow”?

UEFA's stance on the rainbow flag has generated attention around the world. The disciplinary proceedings against Manuel Neuer by UEFA show: sport governing bodies still massively limit the freedom of political expressions by the athletes during big sporting events.

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Unpersuasive but Wise

On 16 June, by two parallel orders, the EU Court of Justice said the last word on the legality of advocate general Sharpston’s divestment. In the end, the Court did little more than reiterate the press statement it made in response to the member states’ declaration on the subject. The member states made a legitimate decision based on an old custom, and the Court could do nothing but oblige.

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The Digital Services Act wants you to “sue” Facebook over content decisions in private de facto courts

According to Art. 18 of the Commission’s draft for a Digital Services Act [Art. 21 of the final text], Member States shall certify out-of-court dispute settlement bodies which might - at the request of online platform users - review platform decisions. While well-intentioned, this introduction of quasi-courts is incompatible with European Law.

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20 June 2021

Predictable and Unsatisfying

Most EU lawyers have already seen it looming on the horizon: On 16 June 2021, former Advocate General Eleanor Sharpston lost the legal dispute against her former employer, the European Court of Justice. Although the outcome in this regard was predictable, the decision is overall somewhat unsatisfying. The CJEU seems to be of that opinion in finding that Sharpston’s mandate ended automatically with the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the EU. The Court does so without revealing its legal considerations and interpretation of EU primary law in its reasoning.

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19 June 2021
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CJEU’s Independence and Lawful Composition in Question (Part V)

The Sharpston Affair is over, at least as a matter of proceedings before the CJEU. The litigation had aimed at saving the CJEU’s dignity, but the opposite result has been achieved. At the critical juncture when the CJEU’s authority stands contested by the courts of established democracies, the phony panels of the ‘illiberal’ ones, as well as the immature in-betweens, the CJEU managed to pour oil into the fire and signed off its own lack of independence: when it is needed the most, its legitimacy is in the doghouse.

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18 June 2021

“Non-Existent”

Last Tuesday, the Polish Constitutional Tribunal delivered a ruling which makes the extent of the crisis of the rule of law in Poland unambiguously clear. And it shows how the gap with Europe is widening day by day. If the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe lets this pass, it will not only be a blow to the authority and effectiveness of the Strasbourg Court of Human Rights. Then the guardians of the rule of law will have surrendered even faster than we thought.

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Ultra Vires Control and European Democracy

On 9 June 2021, the European Commission filed infringement proceedings against the Federal Republic of Germany. Though the infringement procedure has been welcomed by some scholars as a necessary reaction of the Commission, I argue that initiating the infringement procedure is politically unwise, legally questionable, and ultimately unfounded.

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A Tale of Primacy Part. II

On 18 May 2021, the CJEU issued a judgment on several requests for preliminary ruling by Romanian national courts regarding the impact of EU law on Romanian laws on the judiciary and the CVM. On 8 June, the Romanian Constitutional Court issued a decision pertaining to the subject. In a succession of legal nonsense, it shattered hope that the CJEU’s judgment could be a guide for national courts for applying the primacy of the EU law.

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17 June 2021

A Hidden Revolution

European data protection law has become (in-)famously known as one of the main tools for both the European legislature and the European Court of Justice (ECJ) to push the boundaries of European integration. The most recent decision of the Court in Case C-645/19, 15 June 2021 – Facebook Ireland continues this well-established tradition. What may at first glance appear as a rather technical ruling might initiate a hidden revolution and lead to an unprecedented step for the ever-closer integration of the EU’s legal order.

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Sind Verstöße gegen die Vorlagepflicht noch an Art. 101 GG zu messen?

Aussetzungs- und Vorlagebeschlüsse deutscher Gerichte sind unionsrechtlich volldeterminierte Akte deutscher Staatsgewalt. Damit sind sie seit der BVerG-Entscheidung "Recht auf Vergessen II" nicht mehr an dem Grundgesetz, sondern an den Chartagrundrechten zu messen, genauer gesagt an Art. 47 UAbs. 2 GRC.

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16 June 2021

A Hollow Threat

On 10 June, the European Parliament passed a resolution on the application of the Conditionality Regulation and threatens to take the EU Commission to Court. However, the very peculiar ‘action for failure to act’ set out in Article 265 TFEU is not an appropriate procedure to solve the problem at issue. The Parliament should employ the more political means at its disposal to tackle a problem that is ultimately political in nature.

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14 June 2021

Kippt die Kommission die Braunkohle-Entschädigung?

Die Bundesregierung hat sich mit verschiedenen Betreibergesellschaften auf eine millardenschwere Entschädigung für den Braunkohle-Ausstieg geeinigt. Nicht nur die öffentliche Kritik an der Einigung ist groß. Auch die EU-Kommission hat Zweifel an der EU-Rechtskonformität der Entschädigungszahlungen geäußert und nun ein förmliches Prüfverfahren eingeleitet.

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11 June 2021

A Matter of Principle

On 9 June 2021, the European Commission announced that it is bringing an infringement procedure against Germany for breach of fundamental principles of EU law. The procedure is less about the possible outcomes and more a matter of principle. By launching it, the Commission is emphasizing the notion of equality between the member states.

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Bringing a Knife to a Gunfight

On 10 June 2021, the European Parliament adopted a Resolution on the Rule of Law situation in the European Union and the application of the Conditionality Regulation. In this Resolution, the European Parliament expresses its concerns about the regression of the democratic situation in several member States and regrets the inaction of other institutions, notably the Council and the Commission.

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Kein „body-count“ bei subsidiärem Schutz

Der Verwaltungsgerichtshof Baden-Württemberg muss über die Klagen auf subsidiären Schutz von zwei afghanischen Staatsangehörigen entscheiden und hat den EuGH um Klärung der unionsrechtlichen Kriterien zur Gewährung subsidiären Schutzes gebeten. Am 10. Juni entschied der EuGH nun gegen den rein quantitativen „body-count“ Ansatz des Bundesverwaltungsgerichts.

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03 June 2021
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From Denmark to Damascus

In recent weeks, Denmark made international headlines with its refusal to extend residence permits for Syrian subsidiary protection holders in Denmark from the Damascus province. Denmark’s emergence as the first state in Europe to end the protection of Syrians on the basis of improved conditions in the wider Damascus area is the result of a self-described ‘paradigm shift’ in Danish refugee policy dating back to 2015.

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Eine Konferenz zur Zukunft Europas

Zum diesjährigen Europatag am 9. Mai 2021 wurde von dem Präsidenten des Europäischen Parlaments, dem Präsidenten des Europäischen Rates und der Präsidentin der Europäischen Kommission eine Konferenz zur Zukunft Europas eröffnet. Die Konferenz soll europäischen Bürgern die Möglichkeit zur Mitsprache geben, dabei sollten auch Politiker auf nationaler und europäischer Ebene gestalterisch tätig werden.

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01 June 2021

An Austrian Abyss of Cronyism and Corruption

The Kurz government has been involved in a series of scandals, culminating on 12 May with the Chancellor becoming subject of a formal investigation for allegedly providing false testimony before Parliament. In attempts to cover up the governments’ involvement in the various scandals, the rule of law has certainly been challenged in Austria. However, so far, the Austrian Rechtsstaat prevailed.

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30 May 2021

Good European Neighbours

On 21 May 2021 the Vice-President of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), Ms Rosario Silva de Lapuerta granted interim measures in the case of Czech Republic v Poland, ordering Poland to immediately cease lignite extraction activities in the Turów mine.  An action against a Member State which might have breached an EU directive – in this case by extending a lignite mining permit without carrying out an environmental impact assessment – may seem like an ordinary environmental case falling under the remit of EU law. The Czech Republic v Poland case, however, is anything but ordinary for at least two reasons.

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27 May 2021

The Admissibility Hurdle

The entry into force of a new Protocol in August 2021 indicates that the ECtHR will implement even more stringent admissibility criteria which provides the institution with more tools to reject legitimate applications and to hide the political motivation behind such decisions. The European Court of Human Rights has long faced burning criticism for declaring applications inadmissible when faced with prima facie flagrant human rights abuses by autocratic regimes, such as Turkey, putting in question the credibility of the Court which is expected to be a center of legal excellence.

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25 May 2021

Unilateral Trade Measures in Times of Geopolitical Rivalry

The European Union’s unilateral trade policy is in motion. On 5 May 2021, the European Commission adopted a proposal for a regulation to tackle foreign subsidies; in March 2021, the Commission launched a public consultation on an ‘anti-coercion’ instrument. As the EU is entering a new era of economic statecraft, a new balance between democratic accountability and efficient decision-making is needed.

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21 May 2021

Dance of Courts

State, federal and EU constitutional law and the emergence of black holes on the legal map of Europe

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Tanz der Gerichte

Länder-, Bundes- und EU-Verfassungsrecht und das Auftauchen von schwarzen Löchern auf der Landkarte Europas

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18 May 2021

A Ghost that Haunts European Democracies

In Turkey, Spain and Poland, lèse-majesté laws are weaponised against opposition: The conviction and imprisonment of Marxist rapper Pablo Hasél sparked mass protests across Spain, and the 20-year-old Wiktoria K. who shouted “f*** Duda” during last year’s demonstrations and received a guilty verdict on grounds of “insulting the President” in March 2021. The very existence of lèse-majesté laws poses a threat to the right to dissent. It is a vital democratic duty to cast such laws into the dustbin of history.

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17 May 2021

Menschenrechtliche Grenzen für Pushbacks – und der weitergehende Schutz nach EU-Sekundärrecht

Das europäische Asylrecht plagen mehrere Strukturprobleme. Es setzt auf hochkomplizierte Verfahren, die in langen Verordnungen niedergelegt sind, die an den europäischen Außengrenzen rechtspraktisch vielfach nicht funktionieren. Außerdem gibt es bis zum heutigen Tag keine einzige Vorlage eines griechischen Gerichts, die sich mit der Situation auf den griechischen Inseln oder gar mit der Grenzüberwachung in der Ägäis beschäftigte.

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14 May 2021

Hamburg schreitet ein

Morgen treten die neuen Nutzungs- und Datenschutzbestimmungen von WhatsApp in Kraft, die den Nutzern noch weitergehend als bisher die Kontrolle über ihre Daten entziehen. Am Dienstag hat der Hamburgische Beauftragte für Datenschutz und Informationsfreiheit eine Anordnung erlassen, die Facebook Ireland Ltd. untersagt, personenbezogene Daten von WhatsApp zu verarbeiten, soweit dies zu eigenen Zwecken erfolgt. Das war ein ungewöhnlicher Schritt, da eigentlich die Irische Datenschutzaufsichtsbehörde federführende Aufsichtsbehörde über Facebook ist. Er war aber richtig, wenn das europäische Datenschutzrecht einheitlich und effektiv in Europa durchgesetzt werden soll.

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Our European Society and Its Conference on the Future of Europe

9 May 2021 saw the official launch of the Conference on the Future of Europe. 70 years of Europeanization have not yielded a European people, the treaty maker is saying, nor – God forbid – created a European federal state. They have, however, given rise to a European society.

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10 May 2021

Separation of Powers in Climate Cases

On 29 April 2021, the Bundesverfassungsgericht published its decision that the Federal Climate Change Act of 12 December 2019, establishing national climate targets and annual emission amounts allowed until 2030, violates fundamental rights. Do the judges in such a case undermine separation of powers as a time-honoured achievement of modern constitutional democracies in order to force the political branches to take urgently necessary actions? No. By allocating different functions to the three branches, executive, legislature, and judiciary, separation of powers aims to ensure that the tension between law and majoritarian politics is perpetuated and that neither law nor politics dominates the other.

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04 May 2021
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Solidarität statt Social Distancing

Mit dem Vertrag von Lissabon hat das Ziel einer sozialen Marktwirtschaft Eingang in die EU-Verträge gefunden. Dennoch war das letzte Jahrzehnt von primär wirtschaftspolitischen Integrationsbestrebungen dominiert; der Ausbau der sozialen Dimension der Union ist hingegen fragmentarisch geblieben. Die Europäische Säule Sozialer Rechte soll nun eine Trendwende einleiten. Bei dem Sozialgipfel in Porto am 7. und 8. Mai steht die Realisierung des „sozialen Europas“ ganz oben auf der Agenda.

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30 April 2021

Einheit bis zum Bruch

Mit gesteigerter Intensität versucht die Union in diesen Monaten, endlich einen seit Jahren verhandelten Vertrag zum Abschluss zu bringen, der die Assoziation der Schweiz an die Rechtsordnung der Union in einen institutionellen Rahmen stellen soll. Die angestrebte Dynamisierung und Institutionalisierung würde einen bedeutenden Integrationsschritt und eine wichtige Weichenstellung in den Beziehungen der Schweiz und der Union darstellen. Das Projekt berührt aber auch grundsätzliche Fragen der Situierung der Union in einem weiteren europäischen Horizont und gewinnt darin zusätzliche Brisanz.

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28 April 2021

Wie europäisch wird deutsches Polizeirecht?

Das europäische Polizeirecht befindet sich inmitten eines Paradigmenwechsels. Während das Europarecht zunächst noch primär auf Polizeikooperation ausgerichtet war, lässt sich inzwischen eine zunehmende Vereinheitlichung des mitgliedstaatlichen Sicherheitsrechts beobachten. Nicht nur für den Grundrechtsschutz hat diese Entwicklung weitreichende Folgen. Auch auf politischer Ebene ist mit Gegenwind der Mitgliedstaaten gegenüber der fortschreitenden Harmonierung des innerstaatlichen Sicherheitsrechts zu rechnen.

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Solving the Copenhagen Dilemma

By proclaiming an entirely new ‘non-regression’ principle in EU law based on the connection between Articles 49 TEU (EU Enlargement) and 2 TEU (EU values, referred to from Art. 49), the Court of Justice achieved huge progress in addressing a well-known lacuna undermining the EU legal order. The ‘non-regression’ principle is a new important direction in the notable fight for the EU rule of law started with the discovery of EU competence in, in particular, the area of judicial independence and the organization of the judiciaries in the EU Member States.

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How the EU is Becoming a Rule-of-Law-less Union of States

The most recent attempt by Poland's executive to undermine the very foundations of the Union legal order speaks volumes about how far the politics of resentment have come since 2015. With the Constitutional Tribunal about to hand the government its desired excuse to ignore interim measures of the Court of Justice of the European Union, a point of no return might have been reached. This new phase sees the dismantling of the rule of law on the domestic front being reinforced, aided and abetted now by the legitimizing inaction and/or spineless bargaining at … the supranational level. The EU through its institutions is playing the game according to the rules dictated by the smart autocrats.

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27 April 2021

A Relieving Decision

With its interim decision of 15 April 2021, the German Federal Constitutional Court has paved the way for ratification of the 2020 Own Resources Decision by the German side. At the same time, the Court shows that it will apply the well-known constitutional standards in the main proceedings, possibly – this is only a guess – concentrated on the ultra vires review, which allows the all-important dialogue with the ECJ to continue in the framework of a preliminary ruling procedure.

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25 April 2021
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A Securitarian Solange

There is sigh of relief across Europe after the BVerfG has rejected the injunction order by the plaintiffs against the Own Resources Decision. But a decision by the French Conseil d’Etat taken on the same day might be the far more important political decision. Indeed, the French Court goes further than the BVerfG by openly resisting the application of EU law. In this case, the French Government will indeed reject EU law for an extended (and potentially unlimited) period of time.

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24 April 2021

The Conseil d’Etat refuses to follow the Pied Piper of Karlsruhe

The Conseil d’Etat categorically rejected the proposal that the courts of the member states, in particular their supreme (or constitutional) courts, would be entitled to review an "ultra vires" of the European institutions. The wording of the judgment is an implicit acknowledgement that there is a monopoly of the EU Court of Justice in the authentic interpretation of the Treaty - unlike the German Federal Constitutional Court in the Weiss case and the doctrine of constitutional identity and protection of national security.

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23 April 2021
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Die Relativierung der ultra-vires-Kontrolle im Eilrechtsschutz

Zeigt sich in der Eilentscheidung zu "Next Generation EU" tendenziell eine Zurücknahme der Kontrolle des Bundesverfassungsgerichts gegenüber europäischen Rechtsakten? Worin genau besteht diese Zurücknahme der Kontrolle? Die Spielräume des Gerichts im Hauptsacheverfahren dürften größer sein, als es die ersten Reaktionen vermuten lassen. Allerdings zeigt der Verzicht auf eine summarische Prüfung beim Eilrechtsschutz im Rahmen von ultra-vires-Rügen, dass das Bundesverfassungsgericht es hinnimmt, dass potentiell kompetenzwidrige Unionsrechtsakte zumindest vorübergehende Rechtswirkungen entfalten.

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22 April 2021

Eine erleichternde Entscheidung

Mit seinem Eilbeschluss vom 15. April 2021 hat das Bundesverfassungsgericht den Weg zur Ratifikation des Eigenmittelbeschlusses 2020 von deutscher Seite geebnet und den Weg zur Auszahlung der NGEU-Mittel frei gemacht. Zugleich zeigt das Gericht auf, dass es die hergebrachten verfassungsrechtlichen Maßstäbe im Hauptsacheverfahren anwenden wird, möglicherweise – dies nur eine Vermutung – konzentriert auf die Ultra-vires-Kontrolle, die es im Gefüge des Vorabscheidungsverfahrens erlaubt, den so wichtigen Dialog mit dem EuGH fortzusetzen.

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21 April 2021

Größe und Tragik

Das Projekt „Next Generation EU“ wird zu einer grundlegenden Veränderung der EU führen. Sie reicht in ihrer Reichweite und Tiefe an den großen Reformschritt „Maastricht“ heran. Der Beschluss des BVerfG, keine Eilverfügung gegen die Ratifizierung des Eigenmittelbeschluss-Gesetzes zu erlassen, zeigt – wie in einem Brennglas – Größe und Tragik des Anspruchs des BVerfG, eine von ihm immer erst zu definierende Verfassungsidentität gegen die EU-Organe und die politisch handelnden Verfassungsorgane schützen zu wollen.

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20 April 2021

Jeopardizing Judicial Dialogue is Contrary to EU Law

On 15 April 2021, AG Pikamäe delivered his opinion in the IS case, originating from a Hungarian criminal proceeding against a Swedish national. The national judge referred three questions for preliminary reference to the CJEU, one regarding the suspect’s right to translation and two regarding the general status of judicial independence in Hungary. As a reaction, the Hungarian Prosecutor General initiated a so-called “appeal in the interests of the law” and the Hungarian Supreme Court held the reference to be unlawful.

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19 April 2021

Defending Plurality

Academic freedom is under attack, both in authoritarian democracies, such as Hungary and Turkey, and in liberal Western democracies, such as the United States, the UK, France and Germany. However, dominant discourses about academic freedom and free speech in the global north, lately especially in France and Germany, focus on an alleged threat to academic freedom through "political correctness" and "cancel culture", that, under scrutiny, often turn out to be exactly the opposite, namely defences of plurality and critical voices.

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07 April 2021

Democratizing the App Store

As of March 2021, several State bills in the United States have been launched to address the antitrust issues with the iOS App Store and Google Play Store. The two Tech Giants Apple and Google are charging software developers up to a 30 percent commission on the price of paid apps and in-app purchases. Legislators not only in the US but also in the EU aim to address the “gatekeeper” role of Big Tech, such as Amazon and Google. When attempting to democratize app stores, legislators should aim to allow small developers and startups easy access to app stores. This would both decrease prices for consumers and allow for more innovation and consumer choice.

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31 March 2021

Principled Generosity Mixed with Unmanaged Market

The EU is experiencing internal dissatisfaction at its inability to supply Member States with enough Covid-19 vaccines, while other countries – notably the UK – are racing ahead of it towards the end of the pandemic. Much criticism of the EU is unfair. It is being compared with countries that have shown more brutal and unashamed vaccine nationalism, but it should be proud that it has not gone down this path. By contrast, its role as global and regional vaccine supplier should not hide the fact that it has been too slow to recognize that vaccine sales cannot be left to the free market, while the Member States should not be allowed to hide their absence of leadership, initiative or organization behind critique of the EU.

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28 March 2021
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A Letter to the European Commission

Further to the letter of December 2020, endorsed by more than 5,000 judges and prosecutors of the Member States, we, the representatives of Polish civil society organisations and European scholars specialising in EU law and human rights, are writing to you once again in connection with the worsening rule of law crisis in Poland. We have now reached a stage where independent judges seeking to apply EU law and the Court of Justice’s judgments are threatened with abusive criminal charges and coercive measures. We urge you therefore to urgently adopt concrete legal measures to prevent the further destruction of the rule of law in Poland.

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27 March 2021

Der Corona-Aufbaufonds, die Fiskalunion und das Bundesverfassungsgericht

Am 26.03.2021 hat der Zweite Senat des Bundesverfassungsgerichts angeordnet, dass das Eigenmittelbeschluss-Ratifizierungsgesetz (ERatG) vorläufig nicht durch den Bundespräsidenten ausgefertigt werden darf. Dadurch bannt es vorläufig die Gefahr, dass ein europarechts- und verfassungswidriger Weg in die Fiskalunion eingeschlagen wird. Was steckt dahinter, und was ist von den in diesem Verfahren aufgeworfenen Verfassungsrechtsfragen zu halten?

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26 March 2021

A Shot in the Arm or a Shot in the Foot?

The European Commission’s proposal to impose what was referred to as an “export ban” on exports of COVID-19 vaccines has generated considerable political and social media comment, particularly from the United Kingdom. The measure is (probably) lawful as a matter of international law and is certainly not a breach of the rule of law. But that does not mean that it is wise. Using the EU’s power in this way is a bit like pulling a brick from the tower in the well-known game of Jenga: the risk is that what is already a somewhat rickety tower (the rules-based trading order) will wobble yet further.  More immediately, the risk of vaccine nationalism is that other states will retaliate in a negative-sum game.

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25 March 2021

Liberté, Egalité, Identité

Berichten zufolge plädiert die französische Regierung vor dem obersten französischen Verwaltungsgericht, dem Conseil d’État, dafür, ein Urteil des EuGH zur Vorratsdatenspeicherung nicht zu befolgen, weil es gegen die französische Verfassungsidentität verstoße. Die Entscheidung steht noch aus, aber sollte das Gericht der französischen Regierung folgen wäre das ein weiterer Schlag gegen den Vorrang des EU-Rechts. Dabei ist die Berufung auf die französische Verfassungsidentität kein überzeugendes Konzept – erst recht nicht wenn es um Vorratsdatenspeicherung geht.

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16 March 2021

Vaccination for Vacation

The European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen announced on 1 March that the Commission will put forward a proposal for a “digital green pass” on 17 March, which would enable safe cross-border movement of three categories of individuals: those who have been vaccinated, those who have developed antibodies after recovering from COVID-19 and those who can produce a negative PCR test. This concept could enable individuals to travel across Europe without unduly discriminating citizens. By contrast, "EU vaccination certificates" would violate EU law and unduly discriminate citizens.

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The Conference on the Future of Europe – Finally, an opportunity for more top-down bureaucracy?

On Wednesday, 10 March, the Presidents of the European Institutions signed the Joint Declaration on the Future of Europe. It establishes a Conference on the Future of Europe (CoFoE), which is advertised as a "citizens-focused, bottom-up exercise”. However, from the start, the Conference has been everything but that.

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03 March 2021
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Corona Constitutional #56: Wer gewinnt?

EU-Mitgliedstaaten, die ihre Justiz unterjochen, verletzen EU-Recht: das hat der EuGH in Luxemburg mit seinem gestrigen Urteil zum polnischen Nationalen Justizrat kraftvoll deutlich gemacht. Die PiS-Regierung in Polen darf nicht einfach den Rechtsbehelf gegen Entscheidungen des von ihr kontrollierten Justizrat mit einem gesetzgeberischen Federstrich abschaffen. Der Kanal zwischen unabhängigen polnischen Gerichten und dem EuGH muss offen bleiben – und gleichzeitig versucht die PiS verzweifelt, diesen Kanal zuzustopfen. Wer wird das Rennen gewinnen? Darüber diskutiert Max Steinbeis heute mit dem Verfassungsrechtsprofessor WOJCIECH SADURSKI von der Universität Sydney.

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Misjudging Judges

5231 magistrates from all over the EU had signed a letter to call the EU Commission to urgent action regarding the rule of law situation in Poland, Hungary and other member states. Unbelievably, Commissioners Reynders and Jourová, in their reply to the judges’ letter that transpired on 1 March, managed to make matters considerably worse. 

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01 March 2021

Preserving Prejudice in the Name of Profit

Few CJEU judgments in recent years have received more criticism than the ‘headscarf judgments’, Achbita and Bougnaoui. In particular the decision in Achbita that private employers can legitimately pursue a policy of neutrality and ban expressions of political, religious, or philosophical belief at work, proved contentious. Two other headscarf cases, IX v Wabe and MH Müller, are currently pending before the CJEU and provide it with an excellent opportunity to do so. However, the first signs are not promising: Last week, Advocate General Rantos delivered his Opinion in these cases, which may be even more unpalatable than the Achbita judgment itself.

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26 February 2021

Durchsetzungsunfähig

Am 18. Februar hat die EU-Kommission unter dem Titel „An Open, Sustainable and Assertive Trade Policy“ ihre Handelsstrategie für die kommenden Jahre veröffentlicht. Eine Priorität liegt dabei auf der verbesserten Durchsetzung der Nachhaltigkeitskapitel in den EU-Handelsabkommen. Allerdings nehmen EU-Handelsabkommen diese Kapitel ausdrücklich von den üblichen Sanktionsmechanismen aus und eignen sich deshalb nicht dazu, Arbeitnehmerrechte oder Umweltschutzstandards effektiv durchzusetzen. Doch auch ohne Änderungen an den bestehenden Regelungen könnte die Kommission zeigen, dass sie ihr Versprechen eines nachhaltigen Welthandels ernst meint. Zivilgesellschaftliche Akteure spielen dabei eine wichtige Rolle.

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25 February 2021

The EU Parliament’s Abdication on the Rule of Law (Regulation)

To paraphrase a previous blog entry by Scheppele, Pech and Kelemen, if the The Decline and Fall of the European Union is ever written, historians will conclude that not only the EU’s two key intergovernmental institutions – the European Council and the Council – should bear the greatest responsibility for the EU’s demise, but also the EU Parliament. Indeed, by failing to challenge the legality of the EUCO’s December conclusions encroaching upon its own prerogatives, the EU Parliament might have just become an enabler of the ongoing erosion of the rule of law across the Union. Paradoxically, it did so after relying on incomplete and partial opinion of its own legal service advising the Parliament to trade the respect of the rule of law away for political convenience.

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23 February 2021

Call Me by Mum’s Name

In a recent decision, the Italian Constitutional Court took up the question of the choice of surname for newborns. In the absence of legislative reforms, it has tried to adapt the Italian legal framework, which still adheres to traditional naming practices, to constitutional and international standards of equality. This step shows the Court’s intention to counter the Parliament’s inertia on the issue.

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22 February 2021

Die Quantifizierbarkeit von Gefahr

Die deutsche Rechtsprechung zum subsidiären Schutz ist in mehrfacher Hinsicht europarechtlich bedenklich. Zu diesem Schluss kommt Generalanwalt Pikamäe in seinen Schlussanträgen im Vorabentscheidungsverfahren CF, DN gegen die BRD. Insbesondere die Feststellung des Generalanwalts, dass es sich bei der Asylentscheidung um eine Zukunftsprognose handelt, statistische Erhebungen aber vergangenheitsbezogen sein müssen und für sich genommen daher keine ausreichende Grundlage dafür sein können, die künftige Gefährdung bei einer unterstellten Rückkehr zu bewerten, rüttelt an einer Grundkonzeption der deutschen Asylrechtsdogmatik.

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19 February 2021
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Corona Constitutional #55: Ein solidarischer Shutdown

Seit bald einem Jahr scheinen Deutschland und viele andere vor allem europäische Staaten von einem Lockdown zum nächsten zu stolpern, ohne die Corona-Pandemie wirklich in den Griff zu bekommen. Trotz des Impfstarts ist ein Ende dieses Hin und Her erst einmal nicht in Sicht – oder doch? Vor etwa einem Monat hat eine Initiative einen Appell unter dem Schlagwort „ZeroCovid“ veröffentlicht, die einen solidarischen europäischen Shutdown fordert. DANIEL LOICK ist Associate Professor für Politische und Sozialphilosophie und assoziierter Forscher am Frankfurter Institut für Sozialforschung und einer der Erstunterzeichner des Appells. Mit ihm spricht Evin Dalkilic über die „ZeroCovid“-Strategie, wie man sich ihre Umsetzung ohne autoritäre staatliche Maßnahmen vorstellen kann und wieso wir dabei gerade von marginalisierten Communities lernen können.

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18 February 2021

On illegal push-backs into the EU

On 29 December 2020, the Constitutional Court of Serbia (CCS) adopted a decision (Už-1823/2017) upholding the constitutional appeal filed on behalf of 17 Afghani migrants, who were expelled into Bulgaria although they had expressed the intention to seek asylum in the Republic of Serbia (RS) in 2017. It found that the Ministry of the Interior (Police Directorate - Gradina Border Police Station (BPS)) violated the prohibition of expulsion and inhuman treatment – both guaranteed in the Serbian Constitution.

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08 February 2021

Was Deutschland von der Schweiz lernen kann

Die deutschen Asylverfahren dauern zu lange. Die langen Verfahren führen jedoch keinesfalls etwa dazu, dass besonders sorgfältig geprüft wird und am Ende qualitativ hochwertige Asylentscheidungen ergehen. Ein Blick auf die Schweiz – frei ideologischer Scheuklappen – zeigt, wie es besser geht und dass Effizienz und Humanität bei einer optimalen Gestaltung des Asylaufnahmesystems keine Gegensätze darstellen.

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07 February 2021

Die wahre Herrschaft des Unrechts

An den europäischen Grenzen herrscht das Unrecht. Im Mittelmeer sterben Menschen, weil die Seenotrettung versagt oder weil sie vom Grenzschutz zurückgedrängt werden. In Bosnien und Herzegowina hausen Schutzsuchende im Schnee, weil Kroatien ihnen den Weg in die EU versperrt. Ungarn interniert Flüchtlinge oder schiebt sie nach Serbien ab, ohne ein ordentliches Verfahren durchzuführen. Der EuGH hat die ungarische Asylpolitik wiederholt gerügt, so zuletzt in einer Entscheidung vom 17. Dezember 2020. Diese Rechtsprechung ist nicht nur für Ungarn bedeutsam – im Raum der Freiheit, der Sicherheit und des Rechts verpflichtet sie die EU als solche und jeden einzelnen Mitgliedstaat. Solange die Bundesregierung davor die Augen verschließt, stellt sie die Herrschaft des Rechts in Frage.

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05 February 2021

Grenzen der Demokratie

EU-Europa erfindet sich von seinen Grenzen her neu. Die europäische Grenzgewalt der letzten Jahre untergräbt in erheblichem Maße im ganzen Südosten Europas und weit darüber hinaus die jungen und noch zarten Demokratisierungsbewegungen in den Gesellschaften. Die Grenze entpuppt sich dabei in verschärfter Weise nicht nur als Neuziehung des postkolonialen Europas, sondern ganz grundlegend als Grenze der Demokratie.

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04 February 2021
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Judiciaries Must Build Support in Societies

The continuous attack on the judiciary in Poland, starting with the subjugation of the Constitutional Court, have shown that legal safeguards provide only an illusionary protection in case both the national legislator and the Constitutional Court have been taken over by politicians who do not believe in the rule of law. Why is it relatively easy for governments to push judiciaries over? They have a fundamental weakness: their lack of connection with society. Judiciaries have a strong tendency to solely rely on legal protections, instead of also on public support.

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03 February 2021
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Ein kleiner Meilenstein

Am 25. Januar 2021 hat zum ersten Mal ein „Panel of Experts“ auf Initiative der EU über die Verletzung von Standards der nachhaltigen Entwicklung im Rahmen eines Freihandelsabkommens entschieden. Obwohl es keine rechtlichen Hebel zur Durchsetzung der Entscheidung gibt, setzt der Panelbericht EU-Korea materiellrechtlich neue Maßstäbe. Durch die Emanzipation der überprüften Arbeitnehmerschutzstandards vom Handelsbezug legt es zudem den Grundstein für zukünftige Streitbeilegungsverfahren, die sich allein gegen die Verletzung von Nachhaltigkeitsstandards richten.

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30 January 2021
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The EU’s and UK’s Self-Defeating Vaccine Nationalism

The European Union and the United Kingdom currently risk being victims of their own vaccine nationalism. The time-pressure for securing as many vaccine doses against COVID-19 as possible has led to hiccups and even tensions between both. At the heart of the matter is AstraZeneca’s delay in distributing a given number of doses in the European Union. Meanwhile, it continues to serve the United Kingdom in a timely fashion. The threat of imposing export restrictions is now on the table.

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27 January 2021

Kein Brexit „auf Rädern“

Das Handels- und Kooperationsabkommen zwischen der EU und Großbritannien wurde als "EU-only" Abkommen geschlossen, an dem nur die EU und nicht auch die Mitgliedstaaten als Vertragsparteien beteiligt sind. Juristische Zweifel an der gewählten Rechtsgrundlage sind aber unbegründet, da das Abkommen ein Assoziierungsabkommen ist.

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‘Laws of Fear’ in the EU

COVID-19 has demonstrated the fragility of EU free movement rules when faced with an unknown virus of such magnitude and strength, while raising the issues of power, solidarity and trust in the system. The fear of COVID-19 has also had a strong impact on the application of two principles in EU free movement law: the principle of proportionality and the precautionary principle. The pandemic has had a transformative effect on the application of these principles.

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26 January 2021

Witch Hunt against 14 Cracow Judges

Judges who have examined cases related to the reinstatement of Prosecutor Mariusz Krasoń have been and are being persecuted for their purely judicial actions. Krasoń called attention to the politicization of the prosecutor’s office in a May 2019 resolution adopted by the Assembly of Prosecutors of the Regional Prosecutor’s Office in Cracow. As a result he was demoted, harassed, and his workplace was moved around 300 km from his residence. Over the last two months, the Internal Affairs Department of the National Public Prosecutor’s Office has summoned as witnesses 14 judges from five different benches of Cracow’s district, regional and appellate courts. The judges now face potential criminal charges of failure to fulfil obligations as public officials, punishable by up to three years of imprisonment (Art. 231(1) of the Penal Code). Their purported crime? Failing to persecute Prosecutor Krasoń. 

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19 January 2021

Being Naïve or Putting Business First?

The European Union would like to believe that it is acting robustly and cohesively to promote human rights and democracy globally. This (self-)perception as a force of good in terms of responsible business conduct and human rights protection might however be less accurate than many within the EU think. Some details about the recent EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) seem to spoil this rosy picture.

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13 January 2021
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1825 Days Later: The End of the Rule of Law in Poland (Part I)

On 13 January 2016, exactly five years ago today, the Commission activated the so-called rule of law framework for the very first time with respect to Poland. Ever since, the Polish authorities’ sustained and systematic attacks on the rule of law directly threaten the very functioning of the EU legal order. In what has become an annual series of dire warnings, this is an overview of the 2020 developments regarding the deterioration of the rule of law in Poland.

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07 January 2021

New Year’s Predictions on Rule of Law Litigation

On December 16, the European Union legislature finally adopted Regulation 2020/2092 on the rule of law conditionality of EU funds. Although the Regulation is supposed to apply from 1 January 2021, Hungary and Poland have reportedly announced their intention to challenge it before the CJEU. Here are three predictions on how this litigation is going to go in the year ahead.

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04 January 2021
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Mitigating Brexit through Bilateral Free-Movement of Persons

Rather than bemoaning the Brexit choice the UK made, it is time to start thinking about living with it in a way that would cause as little disruption as possible for all those concerned. How to mitigate, at least to some degree, the sudden, unprecedented loss of rights that Brexit caused? EU citizenship not any more on the table, bilateral freedom of movement of persons agreements with the EU Member States, EEA countries and Switzerland could offer a way forward. This solution is fully in line with EU law and has already been tested.

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Richtige Balance?

Der Europäische Haftbefehl ist nicht nur eine Dauerbaustelle des europäischen Grundrechtsschutzes, sondern zugleich das Produkt verketteter Fehlleistungen europäischer Institutionen. Kommission und Rat haben mit dem Rahmenbeschluss über den Europäischen Haftbefehl 2002/584/JI politisch ein Instrument geschaffen, das einseitig Funktionsinteressen der Strafrechtspflege forciert. Grundrechte wurden hingegen von Anfang auf eine Floskel reduziert, von der die effektive Rechtsanwendung möglichst verschont werden sollte.

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01 January 2021

Grundrechtswende zur Jahreswende

Das Ende des in vielerlei Hinsicht denkwürdigen Jahres 2020 hat Karlsruhe mit einer zukunftsweisenden Grundsatzentscheidung eingeläutet. Mit seinem kurz vor Jahreswechsel veröffentlichten Beschluss in Sachen Europäischer Haftbefehl III erkennt nun auch der Zweite Senat des Bundesverfassungsgerichts die Unionsgrundrechte als unmittelbaren Prüfungsmaßstab der Verfassungsbeschwerde an. In einem begrüßenswerten und keineswegs selbstverständlichen Schritt schwenkt der Zweite auf die Linie des Ersten Senates ein.

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30 December 2020

Brot statt Böller

Der Zweite Senat des Bundesverfassungsgerichts hat in einem Beschluss vom 1.12.2020, der am heutigen Mittwoch veröffentlicht wurde, vor Abschluss dieses turbulenten Jahres noch einmal ein kraftvolles Zeichen gesetzt. Er folgt der neuen Linie des Ersten Senats aus dem Fall Recht auf Vergessen II und wendet nun ebenfalls unmittelbar die Charta der Grundrechte der Europäischen Union als Maßstab für eine Verfassungsbeschwerde an, wenn das Unionsrecht den Sachverhalt so dominiert, dass sein Anwendungsvorrang im Grundsatz auch die Grundrechte des Grundgesetzes verdrängt.

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Conditionality Mechanism: What’s In It?

As from 1 January 2021 the Regulation on a general regime of conditionality for the protection of the Union budget will become applicable. A lot has been said about the outcome of the negotiation process of this new regulation for which all parties involved claimed victory, as it is usually the case once an agreement is reached. We would like to take this as an opportunity to evaluate the outcome from the personal perspective of two people engaged in the process of the negotiations at opposite sides – the European Parliament on the one side and the Council of the EU on the other side.

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Back to Start?

The UK won a major victory with the EU in the Draft EU-UK Christmas EveTrade Agreement: It got the EU to renunciate the so-called Ukraine mechanism which, in effect, would have made the Commission the UK’s watchdog. This has caused some “Brexit envy” in Switzerland as this mechanism is part of the Draft EU-Switzerland Institutional Agreement. With a “bullshit” campaign, former Foreign Minister Didier Burkhalter, however, has led Switzerland into a cul-de-sac, making it likely that the negotiations will have to go back to start.

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26 December 2020

Paradoxes and Dilemmas in Compliance and Enforcement

Scholars have relentlessly argued for tougher EU action against illiberal governments whose actions erode constitutional checks and balances. The panoply of EU tools is large and it comprises mechanisms for compliance via dialogue and engagement, the several infringement procedures and other ECJ cases with RoL implications, and procedures seeking enforcement. Yet, EU action remains inefficient since, to date, none of these mechanisms, jointly or individually, have been able to extract substantial compliance but rather what Agnes Batory called “symbolic and creative compliance” designed to create the appearance of norm‐conform behavior without giving up their original objectives. This poor performance reveals a crucial paradox on rule of law compliance: the EU is a community of law that lacks the last enforcement mechanism; i.e coercion.

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24 December 2020

The Whole Is More than the Sum of its Parts

The long-awaited Demirtaş v. Turkey (No 2) Grand Chamber judgment has finally been delivered, twenty two months after referral and sixteen months since the 18 September 2019 hearing.  The judgment, arguably the most important from the Grand Chamber in 2020, is highly significant for both political and jurisprudential reasons. Politically, the case concerns the ongoing deprivation of liberty of Selahattin Demirtaş – the former leader of the left-wing, pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), the second-largest opposition party in Turkey.

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23 December 2020
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CJEU’s Independence in Question, Part IV

In her much awaited appeal before the European Court of Justice, AG Sharpston is asking the right questions, that the Vice-President of the Court of Justice clearly got her Orders very wrong, and attempted to silence to ousted AG Sharpston through an abuse of ex parte procedure brought by the Member States.

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22 December 2020
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How to Quantify a Proportionate Financial Punishment in the New EU Rule of Law Mechanism?

The principle of a proportionate financial measure enshrined in the new EU rule of law mechanism should be informed by an improved EU Justice Scoreboard (EUJS) drawing on rule of law indices. Thereby, the sensitive matter of determining the amount could be supported also by quantitative data. This is important, because the Commission will face high political pressure when acting under the new rule of law mechanism.

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21 December 2020
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Still Waters Run Deep

That lawsuits taken by a Hungarian human rights NGO can reach the CJEU swifter than those launched by the Commission is clear evidence that strategic litigation and determined advocacy can move mountains. At the same time, this is also a cause for great concern. It speaks volumes of the Commission’s reluctance to promptly and effectively go after a Member State that deliberately ignores and breaches EU law.

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18 December 2020

Institutionalizing Parallel Governance

On 15 December, the European Commission published its proposal for the Digital Services Act (DSA-P). One, if not the, major challenge for the regulation of social platforms is which and how content is disseminated as well as moderated on such platforms. At least when it comes to so-called very large online platforms like Facebook, YouTube or Twitter, the DSA-P’s path seems quite clear: Put platforms and the Commission in charge. In the construction of a new social order for online platforms State courts, prosecutors, law enforcement and state law as such are apparently no longer needed.

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Ein zwiespältiges Urteil

Gestern hat der Europäische Gerichtshof die Zulässigkeit des flämischen Schächtverbots bestätigt. Das entgegen dem Votum von Generalanwalt Hogan ergangene Urteil hat einen zwiespältigen Charakter: Es ist ein klares Signal zugunsten eines mitgliedstaatlichen Pluralismus im Bereich des Grundrechtsschutzes. Unvermeidliche Konsequenz ist, dass manche Grundrechte nicht das gleiche Gewicht bekommen wie in Deutschland. Kritisch ist zu vermerken, dass der EuGH den Pluralismus nur deshalb akzeptiert hat, weil der Gesetzgeber der Union ihn so vorgesehen hat.

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17 December 2020

The Inviolability of National Centrals Banks as a Matter of EU Law

National authorities have to be extremely cautious in their dealings with National Central Banks in national investigations. Given the role of those in EU law, and their place within the EU legal order, today's judgment of the European Court of Justice should be seen as a stern warning to investigative authorities of the Member States. They must engage with the applicable EU institutions, prior to seizing documents of National Central Banks.

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14 December 2020

Towards an EU Cast in the Hungarian and Polish Mould

It is a serious achievement on Hungary’s and Poland’s part to drive EU institutions so far into mocking the rule of law in the spirit of defending it. Then again, this is exactly what illiberal constitutional engineering is about: using familiar constitutional and legal techniques for ends that subvert constitutionalism and the rule of law.

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Frei, aber nicht unabhängig

Im Mai 2019 hatte der Europäische Gerichtshof (EuGH) entschieden, dass deutschen Staatsanwälten die notwendige Unabhängigkeit fehle, um einen Europäischen Haftbefehl auszustellen. Als Reaktion darauf plant die Bundesjustizministerin nun, ministerielle Einzelzuweisungen an die Staatsanwaltschaften für die EU-Zusammenarbeit in Strafsachen im Gerichtsverfassungsgesetz ausdrücklich auszuschließen. Eine solche „quasi-richterliche Unabhängigkeit“ geht jedoch nicht nur am eigentlichen Problem vorbei, sondern liefe auch der staatsrechtlichen Einordnung der Staatsanwaltschaft im System der Gewaltenteilung zuwider.

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13 December 2020
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Compromising the Rule of Law while Compromising on the Rule of Law

Some EU leaders may assert that EU money will now be brought under the rule of law given that the Conditionality Regulation is now guaranteed to pass. But they are wrong.

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11 December 2020

Wenn das das Happy End ist, kann ich bitte noch mal das Unhappy End sehen?

Womöglich haben Ungarn und Polen bereits gewonnen.

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To Save the Rule of Law you Must Apparently Break It

The interpretative declaration of 10 December 2020 is set to go down in history as a dark page for the rule of law in the Union legal order. Regardless of whether this document will be challenged before Court in the coming sixty days, it represents an unprecedented attempt by the Member States to disregard the rule of law as their dominant organisation principle. The Union being a “Community based on the rule of law”, its members paradoxically seem to have damaged the Union in their effort to save it.

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Rule-of-Law Conditionality and Resource Mobilization – the Foundations of a Genuinely ‘Constitutional’ EU?

The compromise negotiated by the German Presidency and agreed at the European Council’s meeting of 10-11 December has been roundly criticized for subordinating the hopes for a robust rule-of-law conditionality to the imperatives of "Next Generation Europe". From our perspective, the result may put the EU on the path toward a genuinely ‘constitutional’ transformation, one truly worthy of the name, rather than persisting as a system that is unable to mobilize resources in amounts commensurate with the challenges facing it.

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09 December 2020
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LawRules #12: We need to talk about Financial Sanctions

As our podcast comes to an end, the year and the German presidency of the European Council do too. One of the foremost projects of the German presidency has been to link EU funding and compliance with rule of law standards. The mechanism is going to be a part of the next long-term budget of the Union, starting from 2021 – that is, if Hungary and Poland vote in favor of it, which is increasingly unclear at the moment, or if a way is found to circumvent their veto. The connection of rule of law violations and EU money, the advantages and shortcomings of financial sanctions for member states as well as how things stand on the current proposal – that’s what we discuss in this week’s final episode of We Need to Talk About the Rule of Law that we wrap up with an outlook on the current state of the Union, rule of law wise.

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08 December 2020

Disqualifying Instability

The so-called conditionality mechanism (in other words: "money for the rule of law") provides that breaches of the principle of the rule of law that threaten the EU’s financial interests may lead to suspension of funding. Poland and Hungary oppose this conditionality as they – with good reason – fear that they might be affected by it. What is required not to be subject to this mechanism, however, is quite straightforward and can be reasonably expected by an EU Member State.

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04 December 2020

Klagen und klagen lassen

Über Mitgliedstaaten, die Mitgliedstaaten verklagen, und andere aktuelle Rechtsstaatlichkeitsthemen

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Sue and Let Sue

On member states taking member states to court, and other topical rule of law affairs

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Legally Feasible, Constitutionally Dubious

The EU is once again in crisis. The political goal of laying down the legal foundations for the Next Generation Europe recovery and reconstruction fund by the end of the year has moved into the far distance after Hungary and Poland announced that they would not agree to a change in the EU's own resources decision at a meeting of the Council of the European Union next week. What to do? Differentiated integration is not possible if and to the extent that NGEU is meant to be financed through EU debt. Is there a possibility of anchoring NGEU entirely in secondary legislation?

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LawRules #11: We need to talk about the European Court of Justice

The European Court of Justice has been in the middle of the European rule of law crisis for the last couple of years – and it has called out rule of law violations especially in Hungary and Poland multiple times. But the Court can’t defend the rule of law in the European Union on its own, and it needs institutional partners in this struggle. For example, it needs someone to file cases and to follow up on the Court's orders. Does the European Commission do enough on their part? Who is the guardian of the Treaties – the Commission, the Court, none of the two? The European Council is able to decide on sanctions against member states using the procedure of Article 7 TEU. But that tool has not been effective so far. Does that mean that we witness the juridification of a political conflict that puts too much of a burden on the Court?

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02 December 2020

A New Nail in the Coffin for the 2017 Polish Judicial Reform

On 1 December the Grand Chamber of the ECtHR gave an important ruling that may have wide-reaching implications for the ongoing attempts to curb the rule of law backsliding in Poland and other countries. The case addresses the appointment of judges, and the way this affects the status of a court as a “tribunal established by law” in the meaning of Article 6 of the ECHR.

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A Momentous Day for the Rule of Law

Five Member States led by example by following the Commission’s lead in defending Union law. That is how the EU system was designed to function. Add a simultaneous important ruling of the Strasbourg Court and an unprecedented Dutch parliamentary motion, and this was an important day for rule of law protection in the EU.

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30 November 2020
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Time Is of the Essence

The announced veto of the Hungarian and Polish governments on the EU multi-annual budget and the European recovery fund has caused a major stir in recent days in Europe. The conditionality mechanism is designed to safeguard the Union’s financial interests and complements the existing political and judicial mechanisms. It is expedient to review the state of play of the procedures in place and, if necessary, to pose questions, whether they stand up to the challenges posed by developments in the respective countries, if they are carried out in a timely manner and focus on genuine effectiveness.

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The Sorrows of Scraping for Science

Access to data is an overall challenge for researchers when investigating social media platforms' content moderation policies and practices. Researchers need empirical evidence to ground their arguments and public interest research. Platforms have not only not providing data, but are, in fact, further restricting access. Both platforms and governments should make an effort to improve on the availability of data for research, and, to this end, clarify the law in this space.

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27 November 2020

From Warsaw with Love

Why the Polish government is wooing German jurists

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Beyond the Veto of the EU Recovery Fund

Poland and Hungary are threatening to block the EU’s €750 billion budget for the next five years. On the verge of taking the biggest step towards closer economic integration to date, the EU should not compromise on the rule of law. To call Poland and Hungary’s bluff, it needs to hold its ground and present a credible plan B. There are three options for an outside recovery instrument worth considering.

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26 November 2020
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Dissimilar Similarities

In the EU, most attention is paid to the judicial reforms underway in Hungary and Poland, which threaten judicial independence and the rule of law. The concurrent judicial reforms in Norway and Slovakia have received almost no attention. Although quite dissimilar to the former set, the latter underscore that institutional reforms cannot be viewed apart from their social and political settings.

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25 November 2020
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LawRules #10: We need to talk about the European Convention on Human Rights

Europe is larger than the EU – and a European framework aiming at preserving basic rights and freedoms as well as rule of law safeguards has been in place for 70 years precisely this November: the European Convention on Human Rights. Today, we take a deeper look at the Convention and at the institutions that work to enforce it: The European Court of Human Rights and the Venice Commission of the Council of Europe. Are they capable of adding another layer of human rights and rule of law protection to the European legal framework? What kind of support do those institutions need in order to be able to fulfill their task? And how is their status today, 70 years after the European Convention on Human Rights has been signed?

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24 November 2020
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EU-Finanzsanktionen für Rechtsstaatsverstöße

Seit Jahren fordern Politiker und Wissenschaftler einen Mechanismus zum Schutz der Rechtsstaatlichkeit bei der Verwendung von EU-Mitteln. Ein Handeln der EU ist dringend, da sich die Lage der Rechtsstaatlichkeit, insbesondere in Polen und Ungarn weiter verschlechtert und die laufenden Verfahren nach Art. 7 EUV keine Wirkung zeigen. In Deutschland wird ein solcher Sanktionsmechanismus nicht zur Anwendung kommen.

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23 November 2020

Die Rückkehr der Jedi-Ritter?

Könnte man die finanziellen Covid-Hilfsmaßnahmen außerhalb des rechtlich-institutionellen Rahmens der EU vereinbaren – ohne Polen und Ungarn? Die Geschichte der europäischen Integration ist immer wieder von intergouvernementaler Zusammenarbeit jenseits des bestehenden Primärrechts vorangetrieben worden. Für die vorliegende Problemlage erscheint eine intergouvernementale Lösung zwar rechtlich möglich, sie erweist sich indessen aus nicht-rechtlichen Gründen als unbefriedigend.

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Von der Ausnahme zum Alltäglichen

Das Sicherheitsrecht gilt als ebenso dynamisches wie instabiles Rechtsgebiet. Ein Grund hierfür ist, dass Sicherheitsgesetzgebung häufig anlassbezogen ist und auf Einzelereignisse reagiert. Die Spuren des Terroranschlags in Wien am 2.11.2020 waren kaum beseitigt, da legten sowohl die Österreichische Bundesregierung als auch die Europäische Kommission Entwürfe für neue Anti-Terror-Pakete vor. Beide Pakete sind weitere Bausteine einer Gesetzgebung, die auf konkrete Anlässe mit allgemeinen Gesetzen reagiert und auf diese Weise das Außergewöhnliche verallgemeinert, während das Normale denormalisiert wird.

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20 November 2020

Am Schutz orientiert

Gestern hat der EuGH über den Fall eines Syrers entschieden, der sich dem Wehrdienst durch Flucht entzogen hat. Der Gerichtshof argumentiert völker- und europarechtlich überzeugend und vor allem schutzorientiert – etwas, das der Rechtsprechung der meisten deutschen Oberverwaltungsgerichte/Verwaltungsgerichtshöfe und der Rechtsprechung des Bundesverwaltungsgerichts oft fehlt.

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Keine Verstärkte Zusammenarbeit zu Lasten aller

Das Aufbauinstrument „Next Generation Europe“ (NGEU) soll die EU-Mitgliedstaaten finanziell dabei unterstützen, die Folgen der Corona-Pandemie zu bewältigen. Zur Umsetzung ist ein Eigenmittelbeschluss erforderlich, über den der Rat einstimmig entscheiden muss und den die Mitgliedstaaten ratifizieren müssen (Art. 311 Abs. 3 AEUV). Ungarn und Polen haben allerdings zu erkennen gegeben, dass sie dieser Entscheidung (gegenwärtig) nicht zustimmen wollen. Dies hat zu politischen Forderungen im Europäischen Parlament geführt, NGEU im Wege der Verstärkten Zusammenarbeit umzusetzen. Die EU könne „das Veto von Ungarn und Polen umgehen“, heißt es etwa in der FAZ. Bei genauem Hinsehen erweist sich das als Trugschluss.

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18 November 2020
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LawRules #9: We need to talk about Refugees and Migration Law

We need to talk about refugees and migration law. In discussions about these topics, refugees and migration policy are often being treated as the other of politics and policy. But the way states treat those seeking refuge and asylum on their territory is fundamentally a rule of law issue, and actually says a lot about the current state of the rule of law there: Are refugees able to enter a jurisdiction and apply for their right to asylum? Are due process obligations being observed? Do refugees have access to justice? Does the European migration law system work?

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In zwei Stunden von Luxemburg nach Brüssel spazieren

Vor anderthalb Jahren gingen knapp 200.000 Menschen gegen die EU-Urheberrechtsreform auf die Straße. Stein des Anstoßes war Artikel 17 der Urheberrechtsrichtlinie, der bestimmte Online-Plattformen für die Urheberrechtsverletzungen ihrer Nutzer:innen in Haftung nimmt. Um dem zu entgehen, müssen Plattformen auf Wunsch von Rechteinhaber:innen den Zugang zu deren Werken sperren. Die Befürchtung, dass auch legale Nutzungen den Uploadfiltern zum Opfer fallen werden, trieb die Menschen auf die Straße. Zwar sind die Proteste nach der Verabschiedung der Richtlinie zunächst verebbt, während die Mitgliedstaaten mit der komplizierten Aufgabe betraut sind, Artikel 17 in ihr nationales Urheberrecht zu überführen. Es wäre jedoch ein Fehler, die relative Ruhe als Zeichen für die Lösung der grundlegenden Probleme rund um Artikel 17 zu interpretieren. Der Konflikt wurde stattdessen nur von den Straßen in den Gerichtssaal getragen.

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16 November 2020

Würdeverletzungen haben ihren Preis

Es passiert nicht alle Tage, dass Deutschland in Straßburg verurteilt wird, schon gar nicht für die Verletzung des Folterverbots. Mit der Entscheidung Roth gegen Deutschland hat der Gerichtshof Ende Oktober genau das getan: Die pauschale Anordnung, dass Häftlinge sich entkleiden und einschließlich der normalerweise verdeckten Körperöffnungen durchsuchen lassen müssen (sog. strip searches), ist rechtswidrig und muss finanziell entschädigt werden. Im Zentrum steht dabei die Frage nach der Entschädigung bzw. dem Ersatz von immateriellen Schäden infolge einer erniedrigenden Behandlung. Hier zeigt die Argumentation des Europäischen Gerichtshofs wieder einmal: Der deutsche Amtshaftungsanspruch kann den von der Konvention geforderten wirksamen Rechtsschutz nicht ausreichend gewährleisten.

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Greening Banks in the Face of Uncertainty

To this day, banks continue to plough money into carbon-intensive sectors of the economy while making inadequate provisions for potential losses. The European Central Bank’s 2020 draft Guide on climate-related and environmental risks is a major step in supervisory efforts to address this problem, which so far has escaped critical scrutiny. It sets out how the ECB will use its supervisory powers to get banks to properly monitor, disclose and price risk. As we argue, its current approach is unlikely to work because it asks banks to quantify risks that often resist simple quantification. Instead, the ECB should provide banks with more targeted guidance. That will make banking supervision more political than it is today.

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12 November 2020

Power Grab in Times of Emergency

In the late hours on 10 November, the National Assembly adopted an Enabling Act authorizing the Orbán cabinet to govern by decree for 90 days, even though the executive already had very broad legislative power due to the introduction of the medical state of emergency. The ink was barely dry on the approval of the delegation of extraordinary legislative power to the government, when the Minister of Justice introduced several bills on important legislative reforms, such as the Ninth Amendment to the Fundamental Law and changes to the electoral system.

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11 November 2020
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LawRules #8: We Need to Talk About the Penal System

We need to talk about the Penal System. In European Criminal Law, there is consensus that criminal law should be ultima ratio, that is, the last resort when the law is applied and executed. However, criminal law and the penal system at large have also proven to be an efficient way to silence political opponents and citizens turning against the government by literally barring them from raising their voice in public. We have seen examples for this in Europe, and we’ll have to talk about that today. But there are more aspects to this topic: How are prison systems being used as a tool by autocratic-leaning governments? And how is the relationship between the penal system and the rule of law in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice that the European Union aspires to be?

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10 November 2020

Protest and Pandemic

As of 4 November, twenty countries across Europe have now re-introduced either lockdowns or restrictive pandemic measures. The reality that while the pandemic is temporary, it will nevertheless be lengthy, has begun to set in. In response to new restrictions, widespread protests has been reported across Europe, sometimes resulting in violent clashes with police forces. Where it is both highly likely that current restrictions will not be be the last – particularly following mass-migration during the Christmas period – and protests are likely to increase, what then?

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08 November 2020

Of Asymmetries, Aspirations and…Values, too

How are the transnational legal order (“TLO”) and transnational governance affected by the democratic backsliding, authoritarianism and populism? As painfully evidenced by the Polish and Hungarian cases, the system of governance and constitutional design of the European TLO have been in error of “normative asymmetry”: transnational authority to ensure that the states remain liberal democracies has not been effectively translated into the transnational law and remedies. In order to make the TLO more responsive to the democratic threats, however, it is crucial to take on the challenges that go beyond institutional and procedural tinkering.

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06 November 2020

Männer fahren LKW, Frauen erziehen Kinder

Facebook spielt Stellenanzeigen in diskriminierender Weise an die Nutzer:innen seiner Plattformen aus. Untersuchungen von AlgorithmWatch zeigen, dass sich Facebook an groben Genderstereotypen zu orientieren scheint, um die Zielgruppe von Anzeigen zu bestimmen – auch wenn die Auftraggeber:innen die Ausschreibungen genderneutral gestalten. Die Untersuchungen von AlgorithmWatch machen deutlich, dass das klassische Antidiskriminierungsrecht, insbesondere das AGG in seiner aktuellen Form, den Herausforderungen einer sogenannten „Algorithmendiskriminierung“ nicht gewachsen ist. Insbesondere die mangelnden Sanktionsmöglichkeiten von Diskriminierungen ohne identifizierbares Opfer, werden mit dem zunehmenden Einsatz algorithmischer Systeme mehr und mehr zum Problem.

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04 November 2020
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LawRules #7: We need to talk about Legal Education

As the last couple of episodes of our podcast have demonstrated, preserving the rule of law depends to a large quantity on people working in legal professions. What prosecutors, judges, attorneys, and, to a large degree, people working in the executive branch have in common, is a law degree. This means that we have to turn to legal education itself in order to find answers to the question how rule of law systems may remain or become resilient against authoritarian backsliding. Are current legal education systems in the EU equipped for this task? How are they affected by the turn to authoritarianism and illiberalism in a number of member states? And what are intrinsic shortcomings of academic and professional legal education?

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02 November 2020

Urheberrechtsreform und Upload-Filter: Eine Gefahr für die Meinungspluralität?

Es war eines der Aufregerthemen des letzten Jahres: Im April 2019 verabschiedete die EU nach langen Verhandlungen die Urheberrechtsrichtlinie. Art. 17 der Richtlinie schreibt kommerziellen Hosting Providern unter anderem vor, für die von Nutzern hochgeladenen urheberrechtlich geschützten Inhalten Lizenzen von Rechteinhabern zu erwerben. Scheitert der Lizenzerwerb jedoch, so kann der Hosting Provider die Haftung für einen von seinen Nutzern begangenen Urheberrechtsverstoß jedoch dadurch ausschließen, dass er unter Mithilfe der Rechteinhaber „nach Maßgabe hoher branchenüblicher Standards“ – sprich durch den Einsatz von Filtern – die Nicht-Verfügbarkeit geschützter Inhalte sicherstellt.

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Zwei Seiten einer Medaille

Eine erfolgreiche EU-Asylreform verlangt nicht nur, dass die Mitgliedstaaten und das Europäische Parlament sich einigen. Darüber hinaus müssen die Regeln so ausgestaltet sein, dass sie in der Praxis halbwegs funktionieren. Dies kann nur dann gelingen, wenn alle Mitgliedstaaten das Reformpaket als fair empfinden und Anreizstrukturen bestehen, damit sich Migranten und Flüchtlinge regelkonform verhalten. In der Gegenwart ist das nicht der Fall. Die EU-Asylpolitik leidet unter einem ausgeprägten Vollzugsdefizit, das sich exemplarisch bei einem Phänomen zeigt, das gerade aus deutscher Perspektive wichtig ist: die Sekundärmigration.

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29 October 2020
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Ungleicher Schutz für Whistleblower

Bis zum 17. Dezember 2021 hat Deutschland Zeit, die europäische Whistleblowing-Richtlinie in deutsches Recht umzusetzen. Diese Richtlinie könnte Whistleblowern endlich den rechtlichen Schutz bieten, der ihnen in Deutschland aktuell fehlt. Allerdings strebt das Bundeswirtschaftsministerium eine auf europarechtliche Sachverhalte beschränkte „1:1-Umsetzung“ an. In der Praxis würde das zu unionsrechtlich induzierten, verfassungsrechtlich nicht zu rechtfertigenden Ungleichbehandlungen führen und damit den allgemeinen Gleichheitssatz verletzen. Ein bloßer Verweis auf die Kompetenzordnung zwischen der EU und dem deutschen Gesetzgeber ändert hieran nichts, denn nationale Souveränität vermittelt kein Recht auf legislative Willkür.

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28 October 2020
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LawRules #6: We need to talk about Attorneys

Attorneys are not on everyone's mind when they think about the rule of law. The European Commission gave a prime example for that when it remained conspicuously silent about the role of lawyers in its recent Rule of Law report. Yet, attorneys play just as important a role in preserving the rule of law as other parts of the judicial system do. What's more: Where they are at risk of being prosecuted for doing their jobs, the erosion of the rule of law is imminent. We talk about attorneys with our distinguished guests in this week's episode of our podcast, co-hosted by the German Bar Association, We Need to Talk About the Rule of Law

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23 October 2020
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Vicarious Hegemony and the Anti-hegemonic Thrust of European Law: a Conversation

We are debating the specter of German Legal Hegemony. It’s a new dimension for most German lawyers. The prevailing view has been that Germany is at the receiving end and losing out. Many consider Germany as making a too small impact on European law because it’s too inflexible for its federalism and too inhibited for many reasons. Quite a few see the 2nd Senate of the BVerfG as the last institution defending law and reason against overbearing European institutions as Berlin politicians have largely given up. The symposium has provided a different picture. How to deepen learning from it? Today we propose a discussion which is both analytical and normative.

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Corona Constitutional #49: Vom Sinn und Zweck des Datenschutzes

Die SPD und die Union haben sich diese Woche auf die Einführung eines Bundestrojaners für Geheimdienste geeinigt. Der Europäische Gerichtshof hat Anfang des Monats einmal mehr die Vorratsdatenspeicherung für unvereinbar mit europäischen Grundrechten erklärt und seit Mitte des Jahres ist das Privacy Shield, die Rechtsgrundlage für den transnationalen Datenverkehr, gekippt. Erik Tuchtfeld bespricht mit RALF POSCHER, Direktor des Max-Planck-Instituts zur Erforschung von Kriminalität, Sicherheit und Recht, das Ziel und die Funktion des Datenschutzes und die Gefahren durch Massenüberwachung.

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21 October 2020

A Draft is no Infringement

In the last few weeks, little more has been said about the infringement action launched by the Commission against the UK at the beginning of October for failure to fulfil obligations under EU law in relation to the Withdrawal Agreement.  However, not only has this not gone away, but the recent ratcheting up of ‘no deal’ tensions means that a claim may soon be made on the so-called insurance policy (the controversial clauses in the UK Internal Market Bill), turning the threatened breach into an actual one.  After the Bill becomes law, and assuming that the controversial clauses remain, a minister may use those clauses to pass a statutory instrument, for example, forbidding any checks to be carried out on goods travelling from Great Britain into Northern Ireland.  Some would argue that the threat is bad enough and itself justifies an infringement action.  That may be so.  However, the Commission’s action is still premature.

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20 October 2020

Reinventing the European Union through Article 50?

Lech Wałęsa helped bringing down the Iron Curtain – now he takes his revolutionary spirit to the EU. His radical approach of institutional reform through abandonment of the current treaties deserves serious consideration.

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19 October 2020

Towards a European Court of Fundamental Rights

With its judgments on bulk data retention issued at the beginning of this month, the European Court of Justice has entitled itself to examine virtually all surveillance measures in the digital sphere. In doing so, it has once more clarified its positioning as the decisive Fundamental Rights Court in Europe. In the midst of the ultra vires-storm caused by the PSPP-judgement of the Bundesverfassungsgericht – and questions arising with regard to German Legal Hegemony in Europe – a true shift of power to the ECJ can be spotted which is, surprisingly, supported by the national constitutional courts.

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18 October 2020

Constitutionalising the EU Foreign and Security Policy

In the appeal case of Bank Refah Kargaran v Council (C-134/19 P), the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) has held that the EU Courts have jurisdiction over claims for damages in the area of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). This is coherent with the rationale of the exceptional exclusion of jurisdiction under CFSP and confirms that the Union’s commitment to the rule of law extends to CFSP.

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14 October 2020
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LawRules #4: We need to talk about Procedural Law

Court packing schemes, forced retirement of judges – organisational rules are often misused to get the judiciary under control. How do you distinguish “good” judicial reforms from “bad” ones? Is there such a thing as a “good” court packing scheme? This is what we discuss this week with MARIAROSARIA GUGLIELMI, CHRISTOPH MÖLLERS and ANDRÁS BAKA.

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12 October 2020
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Kein rechtsfreier Raum

In einem Brief vom 5. August dieses Jahres drohten die US-Senatoren Cruz, Cotton und Johnson der Fährhafen Sassnitz GmbH mit nichts anderem, als der totalen wirtschaftlichen Zerstörung. Der Grund für diesen Einschüchterungsversuch: hier werden russische Rohrverlegungsschiffe für das Erdgas-Pipeline-Projekt Nord Stream 2 umgebaut und so für die Fertigstellung des Projekts vorbereitet. Die Rechtmäßigkeit der angedrohten extraterritorialen Sanktionen ist völkerrechtlich umstritten. Deshalb hat der wissenschaftliche Dienst des Bundestages am 8. September eine Ausarbeitung veröffentlicht, die überprüfen soll, ob solche Maßnahmen völkerrechtskonform sind. Die Argumentation des wissenschaftlichen Dienstes überzeugt dabei jedoch weder auf der Ebene des Allgemeinen Völkerrechts, noch auf der des Völkervertragsrechts.

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08 October 2020

Finally: The CJEU Defends Academic Freedom

The CJEU’s judgment against Hungary in the CEU case is the first major judicial pronouncement by a European court on the institutional dimension of academic freedom as a fundamental human right. Infringement action has become the surprise weapon in the Commission’s rule of law toolbox. The initial surprise is a thing of the past: over the years the Hungarian government has built some defenses of its own, using familiar components of the European constitutional architecture in service of illiberal democracy.

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02 October 2020

Too Little, Too Late

On 30 September, the European Commission has finally presented its long-awaited first edition of the new Annual Rule of Law Report, assessing the situation of the rule of law in all member states. In cases like Hungary and Poland, where the rule of law and democracy have been deliberately dismantled over the years, this monitoring approach, however, will hardly help. The report is unfortunately too little, too late. Instead, the EU needs to strengthen its enforcement capacity by linking breaches of the rule of law with actual sanctions.

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01 October 2020
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Today Tuleya, Tomorrow the EU

Igor Tuleya is someone you should know. He is your judge, wherever you live in the EU. More specifically, he is a judge at the District Court in Warsaw. Next Monday, on October 5th 2020, he may lose his judicial immunity as a result of a hearing before the “Disciplinary Chamber” of the Polish Supreme Court. If this happens, he will likely face subsequent criminal charges, and, as a consequence, a very real risk of imprisonment. If this happens, it will affect every independent and impartial judge in Poland. If this happens, it will affect every EU citizen too.

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29 September 2020

No Doubt, Lots of Benefit

The Hungarian government demanded the dismissal of Commissioner Vera Jourová over a quip she made in an interview in the German press. The day before the Commission’s first annual report on the rule of law is scheduled to land, the EU finds itself steeped in a high level inter-institutional conflict — sown by a self-proclaimed illiberal democrat. This is what being stranded by one’s own self-deception looks like.

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28 September 2020

Hyperlinks, ein urheberrechtliches Minenfeld

Eine zentrale Innovation, die zum Siegeszug des World Wide Web beigetragen hat, ist der Hyperlink, also die Möglichkeit, Internetinhalte durch Querverweise miteinander zu vernetzen. Doch die rechtlichen Vorgaben, die beim Verweis auf externe Medien beachtet werden müssen, werden immer komplizierter. In einem anstehenden Urteil könnte der EuGH erstmals zwischen verschiedenen Verlinkungstechniken differenzieren und diese Komplexität weiter erhöhen, mit potentiell gravierenden Folgen für die Kommunikationsfreiheit.

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Before It’s Too Late

Dear President von der Leyen, in your recent State of the Union address, you rightly emphasized that “breaches of the rule of law cannot be tolerated.” We are sorry to say we are seeing ample evidence to the contrary.

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27 September 2020

Providers Are Watching Us

Die Europäische Kommission hat am 10. September 2020 einen Verordnungsentwurf vorgelegt, der es ermöglichen soll, den sexuellen Missbrauch von Kindern im Netz effektiv zu bekämpfen. Zusammen mit der bereits angekündigten Folgeregelung zeichnet sich in den Plänen der Kommission jedoch ein fundamentaler Angriff auf den europäischen Datenschutz ab. Sie ermöglichen eine weitreichende Überwachung von Nutzer:innen durch die Provider und eine potenziell ausufernde Speicherung von Daten. Die geplanten Maßnahmen werden so die Vertraulichkeit digitaler Kommunikation aushöhlen, indem sie private Verschlüsselungsmaßnahmen beschränken.

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24 September 2020

Mehr Schein als Sein?

In den letzten Jahren wurde viel über die schlechten Lebensstandards auf den griechischen Inseln und die notorische Ineffektivität der Dublin-Verfahren berichtet. Dies nährte die Hoffnung, dass die Veröffentlichung des zuletzt mehrfach verschobenen „neuen“ Migrations- und Asylpakts einen „Neuanfang“ wagt, den die Pressemitteilung der Kommission vollmundig versprach. Ein genauer Blick auf die Gesetzgebungsvorschläge und Empfehlungen zeigt allerdings, dass der wortreich beschworene Neuanfang unvollständig bleibt.

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What’s in the Words

It is plain worrisome when judges need to end up at the European Court of Justice on the argument that what they have available at home is no longer a proper court. 22 September 2020 was such a day for two veritable Polish and therefore European judges: Judge Waldemar Żurek and Judge Monika Frąckowiak. More than a legal fight, it is a battle of and for ideas, playing out – literally – in open court.

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23 September 2020
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LawRules #1: We need to talk about Constitutional Courts

Constitutional courts are under attack in many countries in Europe and beyond. Why? And why now? What can be done to protect them, and what are the most important conditions for constitutional courts to function? These are the questions we discuss in the first episode of our new podcast with three guests, two of them former constitutional judges with first-hand experience on these matters, and one a scholar who has written an outstanding book on the German Bundesverfassungsgericht.

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20 September 2020

Lawful composition – the EFTA Court’s approach

On 10 September 2020, the British Advocate General at the Court of Justice of the European Union, Eleanor Sharpston, was replaced by the Greek lawyer Athanasios Rantos. Most of the commentators of the incident, which stirred up a great deal of dust, focus on the question whether the termination of Ms. Sharpston’s mandate on 10 September 2020 was lawful. The following considerations, on the other hand, examine the legal situation in the event that her expulsion from the ECJ was after Brexit in line with EU law. A precedent of the EFTA Court in 2016 may be relevant in this context.

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14 September 2020

Am Ende der Kraft

Das Recht hat an Kraft als Argument erheblich eingebüßt, wenn es um den europäischen Flüchtlingsschutz geht. Sicher, noch immer werden in allen Ecken Europas Asylverfahren durchgeführt, Dublin-Zuständigkeiten geprüft, es wird registriert und notiert, aufgelistet und angehört. Doch unterhalb dieses geschäftigen Treibens des täglichen Rechtlichen ziehen sich große Brüche und sie werden größer.

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12 September 2020

On Coins, Parallel Universes and the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism

The European Commission seems to inhabit a universe which is too distant from the realities of Bulgaria and Romania, which are the only EU members subjected to the CVM. Even worse, it is currently attempting to sweep the CVM under the carpet of oblivion for no good reason, as seen in Commissioner Vera Jourova’s presentation on the mechanism before the LIBE Committee at the European Parliament on 10 September 2020. The Commission is attempting to persuade concerned citizens and Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) that it would continue the monitoring of these countries under the new Rule of Law Mechanism. It insists that this be an argument to terminate the CVM, but is this justified?

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11 September 2020

Preserve the Ashes of Moria

The Kaiser Wilhelm Memorial Church on the Kurfürstendamm in Berlin has famously left in ruins after its bombing during World War II. If Moria too is left destroyed, it will at least provide the semblance of such a memorial for catastrophe. Unlike with the church, this will not be due to a grand political choice and a historical victory, but will nevertheless serve as a reminder, for those of us who look for it, of a torturous bureaucracy and a large revolt against it.

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09 September 2020

Why Robert Spano should resign as President of the ECtHR

On 3-5 September 2020, the ECtHR’s new president Robert Spano paid an official visit to Turkey. Spano’s visit is scandalous for multiple reasons and has caused serious damage to the reputation of the ECtHR that warrants his resignation.

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The Symbolic Downfall of the ECtHR in Turkish Public Opinion

The European Court of Human Rights was considered to be very important in Turkey, mostly because it was perceived as the last resort for the frequent injustices within that State.

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08 September 2020

A Test for Sovereignty after Brexit

Speaking in the House of Commons on the eve of the publication of the Internal Market Bill and in response to an urgent question, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Brandon Lewis stated that ‘Yes, this does break international law in a very specific and limited way'. Can the UK, by domestic legislation, limit the direct effect of the Withdrawal Agreement?

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06 September 2020
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It’s Urgent II

On Friday 4 September 2020, Judge Anthony Collins of the General Court has ordered the suspension of operation and all consequential effects of the Decision of the Representatives of the Governments of the Member States, in so far as it purports to appoint Mr. Athanasios Rantos to the position of Advocate General of the Court of Justice. The significance of this development for the independence of the judiciary in the EU and the general articulation of the rule of law in Europe is difficult to overestimate.

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03 September 2020
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It’s Urgent

In a remarkable move, the Member States appointed, on 2 September 2020, an Advocate General put forward by Greece, who will enter into office on 7 September 2020 if Member States get their way. There is a ginormous problem with this move, as the office that this Advocate General will try to fill, as things stand, does not become vacant until October 2021. Eleanor Sharpston, the officeholder presently in situ, remains there until then. Any other reading of EU law is tantamount to the Member States sacking a member of the Court in direct violation of the primary law. This is a wholly unacceptable scenario in a Union grounded and predicated upon the rule of law. Urgent measures are thus necessary to save not only the legitimacy of the Court, but that of the EU.

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31 August 2020

Technology and Law Going Mental

On 28 August 2020, Neuralink gave a much anticipated update on their progress to connect humans and computers. In the near future, the activities within our brain will be recorded, analysed, and altered, shaking our conception of inaccessible mental processes. A multitude of legal issues will arise, in particular to what extent fundamental and human rights protect mental processes and neurological data collected by (therapeutic or enhancing) brain-computer interfaces (BCIs) from being accessed by states without the individual’s consent. To date, however, there remains a significant gap as neurological data does not enjoy absolute protection from any interference within the existing European human and fundamental rights frameworks. This gap could be remedied by introducing new mental rights.

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25 August 2020

Schrems II Re-Examined

The Court of Justice of the EU’s judgment in Data Protection Commissioner v Facebook Ireland Limited, Maximillian Schrems (“Schrems II”) of 16 July has already received significant attention. Now that the dust has somewhat settled, however, it deserves re-examination in light of its significant implications for the regulation of international data transfers under the EU General Data Protection Regulation.

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18 August 2020
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How to Make Whistleblower Protection in Europe more Effective

In April 2019, the European Parliament adopted the Whistleblowing Directive, which aims to protect whistleblowers in European Union (EU) countries. The directive entered into force on 16 December 2019 and EU Member States have until the end of 2021 to transpose the provisions of the directive into their legal systems. But how effective can and will this directive be? Some recommendations based on the authors’ personal experience as whistleblowers.

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07 August 2020
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Whittling Down the Collective Interest

On Friday 31 July, the Cypriot parliament voted against the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) with Canada. This latest development in the ratification process of CETA illustrates perfectly how facultative mixity continuously frustrates our collective interest in seeing the development of a European public sphere by forcing the discussion on European issues in isolated national public spheres.

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23 July 2020

Black Lives and German Exceptionalism

Racism is not limited to anti-blackness nor restricted to the context of policing; however, I use policing and blackness as touchstones for this commentary precisely because this constellation of race and law is consistently thought to present a problem exceptional to the United States. It is not. This article examines the case of police brutality. The nature of policing, not only in the United States but in many places in the world, and certainly in Europe, is such that holding police to account for the deaths of innocent people is not only statistically improbable, but it is designed to be legally impractical.

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18 July 2020

Beyond Economics

In diesen Stunden beraten die EU-Regierungschefs beim EU-Gipfel über den EU-Wiederaufbauplan und den EU-Haushalt. Die wirtschaftliche Wiederbelebung Europas ist aber nicht nur eine rein wirtschaftspolitische Frage, sondern auch eine menschenrechtliche. Wenn ein widerstandsfähigeres, sozial gerechteres und nachhaltigeres Europa das Ziel der Corona-Hilfen sein soll, wie das EU-Parlament und die EU-Kommission in den letzten Wochen immer wieder betonten, muss eine menschenrechtsbasierte Fiskalpolitik der neue Modus Operandi werden. Die Bewältigung der Corona-Pandemie bietet nun der EU und ihren Mitgliedstaaten erneut die Chance, wirtschaftliche, soziale und kulturelle Menschenrechte konsequent in die Fiskalpolitik zu integrieren, statt die Fehler nach der letzten Wirtschaftskrise zu wiederholen. Die Sicherung und Verwirklichung dieser Menschenrechte muss diesmal Leitgedanke der wirtschaftlichen Erholung werden.

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10 July 2020
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No more Piecemeal Tactics

The EU’s Whistleblowing Directive is supposed to protect whistleblowers comprehensively – but its strict implementation might do just the contrary: The protection of reporting persons would end up shattered and remain insufficient. Neither national security whistleblowers such as Edward Snowden nor persons reporting sexual offences would be protected under the Directive's provisions – to name only two protection gaps. Therefore, a “1:1 implementation” as discussed by the German Government is the wrong way. Quite contrary the implementation of the Directive should be seen as a chance to enact a comprehensive and all-encompassing national whistleblowing regulation.

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07 July 2020

Strasbourg Steps in

In recent months, the European Court of Human Rights has communicated to the Government of the Republic of Poland several important cases concerning changes in the judiciary. Potential Strasbourg judgements may be important in containing further undermining of the independence of the judiciary and may complement measures taken at the European Union level.

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To Vote or Not to Vote?

The COVID-19 pandemic poses considerable challenges to democracies across the world. This is particularly apparent with regard to the holding of elections which states have approached in various ways. States face the following tension: On the one hand, the obligation to protect the rights to health and life requires states to limit the spread of the pandemic by reducing human-to-human contact. At the same time, these measures encroach upon the right to political participation. Against that background, an intricate balancing of the various interests in light of international human rights law seems necessary.

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30 June 2020

Demoralisierung als Verfassungs­funktion

Bis zum 1. Juli 2020 findet nun in Russland die ursprünglich für den 22. April 2020 geplante, durch die Corona-Pandemie aber verschobene Volksabstimmung über die Verfassungsreform statt. Das Änderungsverfahren sagt viel aus über die Bedeutung der Verfassung im autoritär regierten Russland. Es zeigt auch den starken Zynismus in der russischen Verfassungspolitik und führt die Machtlosigkeit des politischen Gegners vor. Dies gilt auch für den Europarat.

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25 June 2020

Loyalty vs. Sovereignty

The German Constitutional Court’s Weiss ruling has led to a major debate as to whether a national supreme court may disregard ECJ case law, asserting that the ECJ had acted ultra vires. Similar debates have existed for quite some time in the EFTA pillar of the EEA, consisting of Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. A relatively small but powerful group of lawyers in the Norwegian administration (led by the Government Attorney), orthodox dualist professors and judges loyal to the government has used Norway’s dominant position to attempt to redefine EEA law. One of the most effective strategies is the suppression of the notion of loyalty or good faith and its replacement by a strategy of creating “room for manoeuvre” (“RFM”) for Norway.

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Was ist die europäische Rechtsgemeinschaft? Nichts. Alles!

Spätestens mit dem PSPP-Urteil ist die „Rechtsgemeinschaft“ zu einem europarechtlichen Grundbegriff aufgestiegen. Die Berufung auf diesen Ausdruck ist ein theoretischer Reflexionsstop. Der Beitrag geht Sprachspielen nach und stellt aus rechtshistorischer Perspektive die These auf, dass unter „Rechtsgemeinschaft“ ein Primat der Praxis verhandelt wird.

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22 June 2020
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Defending the Open Society against its Enemies

On 18 June 2020, in the case of Commission v Hungary (Transparency of associations), the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice held that Hungarian authorities “introduced discriminatory and unjustified restrictions on foreign donations to civil society organisations” when it adopted a new legislation on NGO in 2017. How will the Hungarian government react? Six potential scenarios can be outlined from not doing anything (scenario 1) – an unlikely option due to the threat of pecuniary sanctions – to full and good faith compliance with the judgment resulting in the total repeal of the Lex NGO (scenario 6) – equally unlikely. Between these two, four additional ones may be foreseen.

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18 June 2020

Who is ultra vires now?

For decades, and until a few weeks ago, Article 310 TFEU has been seen as prohibiting the EU from borrowing to finance its expenditure. The Commission’s Next Generation EU proposal reverses that interpretation and raises fundamental questions of EU law and its dynamic interpretation. With such a sudden change of heart, are the Member States under a duty to follow? What constitutional limits remain to their membership obligations?

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17 June 2020
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Investment Law in Corona Times: How Myths Fuel Injustice

One of the leitmotivs of the discourse around the pandemic is that ‘there cannot be going back to business as usual’ (see here and here). Yet, it is business as usual that is alarmingly looming in Corona times. In this context, at least two developments are worthy of note: the first is the much discussed risk of a wave of Covid-related investment claims. The second, possibly less noticed, is that countries are silently expanding the scope of a system that does not adequately strengthen sustainability in economic relations, despite laconic initiatives to this purpose.

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16 June 2020

Freiheit im politischen Meinungskampf

Der EGMR gibt BDS–AktivistInnen recht und bestätigt seine großzügige Rechtsprechung zur Meinungsäußerungsfreiheit im Rahmen des politischen Diskurses: Boykottaufrufe sind zulässige Ausübung der Meinungsfreiheit, solange nicht zu Gewalt, Hass und Intoleranz aufgerufen wird.

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12 June 2020

Binden die Grundfreiheiten den Unionsgesetzgeber?

Ist der Unionsgesetzgeber bei der Ausübung seiner Binnenmarktkompetenzen ebenso eng an die Grundfreiheiten gebunden wie die Mitgliedstaaten im Rahmen ihrer Zuständigkeiten? Darf er gegen die Grundfreiheiten re-regulieren? Und darf er bestimmte Regelungsbereiche aus dem Schutzbereich der Binnenmarktfreiheiten graduell oder gänzlich herauslösen, indem er eine vom EuGH als Beschränkung qualifizierte mitgliedstaatliche Maßnahme seinerseits sekundärrechtlich autorisiert? Wenn Sie diese Fragen an drei Professorinnen und Professoren für Europarecht richten, könnte es interessant werden.

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10 June 2020

Taming the Karlsruhe Dragon

In order to reconcile the conflicting claims for primacy within the parameters set by the BVerfG and EU law, the German parliament could (and should) amend the procedural rules for the BVerfG: the first, and most fundamental of these changes would provide for an order to conduct a referendum on whether Germany should exercise its right to withdraw from the EU under Art. 50 TEU as the only definitive judicial remedy available if a conflict between EU law and the German constitution cannot otherwise be resolved.

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06 June 2020
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It’s the Autonomy (Again, Again and Again), Stupid!

On the 5th of May 2020, the German Federal Constitutional Court (FCC) delivered its anticipated judgement on the PSPP case. This decision once again reveals the problem of autonomy between constitutional orders and the connection between autonomy and conferral. Conflicting methodologies, however, if understood as a criterion to ascertain competence on behalf of one of the autonomous orders, can never be resolved without the definition of a judicial last word.

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05 June 2020

Lifting Travel Restrictions in the Era of COVID-19: In Search of a European Approach

On 13 May, the European Commission presented a package of guidelines and recommendations to help Member States gradually lift travel restrictions and allow tourism businesses to reopen. With this initiative, the Commission aimed to play a pro-active role in ensuring an orderly and coordinated exit strategy after months of lockdown in virtually all EU Member States. However, few weeks later, it seems that every Member State applies its own rules and timetable for lifting the travel restrictions, leading to a non-transparent patchwork of rules and regulations.

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04 June 2020

Gemeinsam aus der Ultra-vires-Falle

Das PSPP-Urteil des BVerfG sollte Anlass sein, über die künftige Gestalt der europäischen Gerichtsverfassung nachzudenken. So verständlich manche Reaktionen auf beiden Seiten des Konflikts auch sein mögen, sie führen nicht weiter. Weder die teils überzogene Kritik in den Medien am BVerfG noch der haltlose Verdacht gegen den EuGH, er wolle den europäischen Bundesstaat per Urteil herbeizwingen, bieten eine zukunftsweisende Lösung. Ein Gemeinsamer Rat der obersten Gerichtshöfe der Europäischen Union könnte diese Aufgabe übernehmen. Hierfür müssten zwar die Gründungsverträge geändert werden. Jedoch sollte uns die Sicherung des Rechtsfriedens in der EU diesen Versuch wert sein.

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In Praise of Uncertainty

The Bundesverfassungsgericht's PSPP decision will have immense consequences. I have no reason to doubt the alarm raised by so many informed and respected commentators. But here’s one small thing that has been lost in the debate so far. The Court’s decision to go its own way on a question of European law might be seen as evidence of the influence of the common law tradition in the European legal system. That’s no bad thing, and it’s probably unavoidable in any case.

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03 June 2020

The Faceless Court

The authority of the European Court of Justice (ECJ), the veritable Supreme Court of the European Union, has come under attack. In May 2020, the German Constitutional Court challenged the authority of the ECJ by holding that the Luxembourg court had acted beyond its mandate by allowing the quantitative easing measures issued by the European Central Bank. While many remain fixated on how the German decision has triggered the EU constitutional crisis, the public may have overlooked a more fundamental problem that has long beset the legitimacy of the ECJ—its own institutional failures.

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02 June 2020
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The EU Judiciary After Weiss

The damage to the integrity of the EU’s legal order and its rule of law is done, and the toothpaste cannot be pushed back into the tube. So the pressing questions now are two: How to address and mitigate the damage, and how to prevent its repetition. We propose that in the Conference on the Future of Europe serious consideration be given to the establishment of a new appeal jurisdiction within the Court of Justice, strictly and narrowly confined to Weiss type cases, where at issue is the delineation of the jurisdictional line between the Member States and their EU.

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30 May 2020
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Constitutional Innovation, Democratic Stagnation?

The recovery plan of the Commission entitled “Next Generation EU” proposes a compromise that goes beyond the ominous lowest common denominator. With a package of EUR 750bn in total, comprising EUR 250bn in loans and the rest in grants, the Commission paves the way for both forward-looking public finance and constitutional innovation. The proposals are masterpieces of high-tech legal engineering. Again, European constitutional law evolves through crisis. Yet, again, it stands to reason how far the proposed instruments will shift the European Union towards enhancing solidarity and democracy.

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29 May 2020

Terrible Order

On Hong Kong, Kompetenz-Kompetenz and the necessity of taking sides.

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27 May 2020

Passive and Unequal: The Karlsruhe Vision for the Eurozone

The decision of the Bundesverfassungsgericht on the European Central Bank’s PSPP program did not come as a shock. All the critical arguments of that decision can be found explicitly or implicitly in the BVerfG’s referral to the Court of Justice of the EU on 18 July 2017. The real object of the decision of the BVerfG is the economic governance of the Eurozone or rather the big bet of European solidarity and European integration, in the midst of a pandemic even.

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26 May 2020
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National Courts Cannot Override CJEU Judgments

The European Union is a community based on the rule of law. The EU legal order is the backbone that holds the EU together, and the German Federal Constitutional Court’s ruling in Weiss poses a profound threat to that legal order. This threat goes far beyond the potential consequences of the Weiss ruling for European monetary policy. We write this statement to express our shared view that the German Court’s assertion that it can declare that a CJEU judgment “has no binding force in Germany” is untenable and must be forcefully rejected. We also write to challenge those versions of scholarship on constitutional pluralism and constitutional identity that would defend the authority of any national court to make such a ruling and that helped (even if unintentionally) encourage it to do so.

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The European Court of Justice Enters a New Era of Scrutiny

Among the many unintended consequences of the PSPP judgment, the most unforeseen of all was to thrust the Court of Justice of the European Union into the limelight. All of a sudden, the media coverage is no longer limited to what the CJEU decides but how it decides and operates.

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25 May 2020
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The Bundesbank is under a legal obligation to ignore the PSPP Judgment of the Bundes­verfassungs­gericht

If there is a situation undermining the rule of law, then it is exactly this: The Bundesbank is under a legal obligation to ignore the PSPP Judgment of the Bundesverfassungsgericht (under EU law), and the Bundesbank is under a legal obligation to follow the PSPP Judgment of the Bundesverfassungsgericht (under German constitutional law). How has it come to this?

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23 May 2020

Showdown at the Last Chance Saloon

As a political slogan, and a guideline in times of crisis, ‘whatever it takes’ undoubtedly has enormous appeal, and may in certain circumstances justify novel and untried forms of action. However, in a polity governed by the rule of law, there are limits to this approach which, if not respected, may cause greater problems than those which provoked the action in the first place.

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21 May 2020

Herrschafts­legitimation und implizite Identitäts­kontrolle

Würde sich der Gerichtshof auf die Kritik des BVerfG konstruktiv einlassen und ein Kontrollniveau etablieren, das der demokratischen und rechtstaatlichen Struktur der Union wirklich gerecht wird, wäre er am Ende der eigentliche Gewinner. Auch Reservevorbehalte des BVerfG würden sich dann von selbst erledigen.

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Verfassungsrichter in der Defensive

Huber, Voßkuhle, Lenaerts – drei Richter des BVerfG bzw. EuGH haben sich in der Presse zu Wort gemeldet, um ihre jeweiligen Urteile im Streit um die Ultra-Vires-Entscheidung zu verteidigen. Diese Reaktionen sind nicht nur rechtlich problematisch, sie drohen auch genau das zu verspielen, was die Richter zu bewahren suchen: das öffentliche Vertrauen und ihre Autorität.

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19 May 2020

Why Egenberger Could Be Next

Soon, the Federal Constitutional Court will decide on the Egenberger case that raises important questions at the intersection of anti-discrimination law and religious policy. The decision is an opportunity to address critical questions to the European Court of Justice – a court that lacks dogmatic subtlety and sensitivity with regard to religion and cultural policy as an analysis of its case law shows.

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The Last Chance Saloon

To all intents and purposes, Orbán and his government have ceased to be democratically accountable either to the Hungarian Parliament or to the citizens of Hungary. The words in that last sentence are chosen carefully and with meaning. This blogpost suggest that Article 10 TEU may provide a basis for the exclusion of Hungarian representatives from the European Council and the Council of the European Union.

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18 May 2020

Very Unkind Things about the German Constitutional Court’s Rebellion against the ECJ in the Quantitative Easing Case.

Much has been written about the recent German Constitutional Court (GCC) ruling which has essentially dismantled the 2018 judgement of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) over the legality of the ECB Quantitative Easing Program. Much more will be written. I will limit myself here in analysing what I believe is the “macroeconomic” essence of the ruling.

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When Managed Recognition Turns into Outright Denial

Kalypso Nicolaïdis has referred to managed recognition as an exercise in legal empathy mediated through conditions and limits, and resulting from the ‘eternal dance of law and politics’. The notion lends a useful lens to capture the relation between European top courts. In the version of that relation emerging from the PSPP judgment, this lens magnifies a disruption, a side effect, and an alternative course.

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17 May 2020

Ein Vertrags­verletzungs­verfahren als Deeskalations­instrument?

Könnte ein Vertragsverletzungsverfahren in dem Ultra-Vires-Fall eine weitere Stufe des Kooperationsverhältnisses von EuGH und BVerfG sein? Es könnte den prozessualen Mantel bilden, um den Dialog um den Inhalt der nationalen Verfassungsidentität der Bundesrepublik fortzuführen.

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16 May 2020

Sollte die EU-Kommission Deutschland wegen des Karlsruher Ultra-Vires-Urteils verklagen? CONTRA

Nehmen wir an, dass Bundesverfassungsgericht hätte mit seiner Feststellung eines Akts ultra vires durch EZB und EuGH europäisches Unionsrecht verletzt. Müsste ein solcher Rechtsbruch zwingend von einem Gericht überprüft und festgestellt werden? Natürlich nicht. Ein Vertragsverletzungsverfahren wäre mit Karl Kraus gesprochen Teil der Krankheit, für deren Therapie es sich hält.

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Sollte die EU-Kommission Deutschland wegen des Karlsruher Ultra-Vires-Urteils verklagen? PRO

Wenn die Kommission nicht mehr beantragt als die Klärung spezifischer Rechtsfragen, um dem Gerichtshof noch einmal Gelegenheit zu geben, Missverständnisse seiner eigenen im Urteil Weiss entwickelten Position auszuräumen, könnte das Ergebnis für alle hilfreich sein.

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15 May 2020

Is Egenberger next?

When judges must rely on newspapers to clarify a decision they decided a week before, something seems to have gone wrong. However, while the BVerfG seems to be taken aback by the storm of indignation that burst upon them since last week’s PSPP decision, the judges remain adamant in their criticism of the CJEU. Luxembourg should perhaps even fear another ultra vires decision.

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At the End of the Law

The recent judgment of the Federal Constitutional Court needs to be regarded from the perspective of political economy as it highlights that the status quo of the Eurozone is untenable. The merits of the Weiss judgment could be to open up a debate about the requirements of a genuine European Economic and Monetary Union in Germany and elsewhere in Europe.

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13 May 2020

Suing the BVerfG

It is the argument of this blog post that the Commission must activate the procedure of Article 258 TFEU and sue (Germany for the grave breach of EU law by) the BVerfG. As I maintain, this action is constitutionally necessary, legally sound, and it may ultimately help achieve an important integration function – neutralizing the minefield that the BVerfG built around the future of Europe.

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Corona Constitutional #24: Ultra Vires, Runde 3

Ist im kalten Krieg zwischen Luxemburg und Karlsruhe die Atombombe gefallen? Und kann es sein, dass sie ihr Ziel verfehlt hat? Während Karlsruhe den Ultra-Vires-Backlash mit einer PR-Offensive in den großen deutschen Zeitungen einzudämmen versucht, ändert sich an den grundlegenden Problemen nichts. Diese, so ANUSHEH FARAHAT im Gespräch mit Max Steinbeis, liegen nämlich viel tiefer: In transnationalen Solidaritätskonflikten, unklaren Kompetenzordnungen und fehlendem politischen Willen, die europäischen Probleme wirklich anzugehen.

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Is there a space for federalism in times of emergency?

In many legal cultures, federalism is the real “F word”. It stands for inequality, privileges, inefficiency. For many, there seems to be an inherent contradiction between the obvious requirement of a coordinated line of command in case of emergency and a pluralistic territorial structure. A closer look at the comparative practice shows a different picture. Has federalism really been an obstacle to effective decision-making? Or rather the opposite?

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Is it a Dance or is it Chicken?

I cut my teeth studying the German Constitutional Court’s relationship with the European Court of Justice. A recent article in the Financial Times used the metaphor of a dance to explain the GCC’s history of pushing back against the ECJ’s authority. In 2001, I called it a game of chicken. I don’t worry that playing chicken with the ECJ inevitably leads to European disintegration. The GCC’s ECB ruling is, however, the wrong decision issued at the wrong time. Economic policy-makers will and should ignore the ruling, and for this reason I expect the GCC to step back from the brink, once again. But harm is nonetheless being inflicted on a tottering global economy, a fragile European project, and a disintegrating popular support for the rule of law.

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12 May 2020

Constitutional Constraints meet Political Pressure

The Finnish Constitutional Law Committee had already in April adopted a critical position towards the COVID 19 crisis measures in the EU. Last week the Committee continued its critical examination. It came to the conclusion that the Eurogroup decision to essentially remove all conditionality from the new loan facility of the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) is incompatible with the Finnish Constitution and expressed serious doubts about its compatibility with EU law. The Committee also repeated its concerns about the accumulation of financial risks deriving from EU membership.

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10 May 2020

Warum Europa nicht auf Ministerin Varga hereinfallen sollte

„Die Welt” berichtete am 12. April von einem Gespräch mit der ungarischen Justizministerin dr. Judit Varga über die am 11. März in Kraft getretenen Notstands- und Ermächtigungsgesetze. Die Ministerin halte die Kritik daran (so auch hier) für „Falschnachrichten” und „Ausdruck einer liberalen Meinungsdiktatur in Europa”. Da es sich hier um ein Notstandsgesetz handelt, will ich vorsichtig vorgehen. Bei der Beurteilung des Gesetzes ist allein der Text die maßgebende Tatsache. Die Stellungnahme der Ministerin gleicht aber eher einer politischen Propaganda als einer sorgfältigen Analyse der Regelung.

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09 May 2020

Is the BVerfG PSPP decision “simply not comprehensible”?

Upon reading the BVerfG’s bombshell PSPP decision, one cannot but be struck at how little it thinks of the quality of the legal reasoning of the CJEU with regards to the proportionality test. If one is to judge others so harshly, it is wise to make sure that one’s own position is irreproachable. The BVerfG failed to do so.

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07 May 2020

Auf dem Weg zum Richterfaustrecht?

Was auf dem Spiel steht ist die europäische Rechtsgemeinschaft. Sie ist noch immer ein enorm fragiles Konstrukt, weil sie nicht von einem Nationalstaat unterlegt ist, der zusätzliche Bindungskräfte erzeugt. Ihre zentralen Komponenten sind der EuGH als im historischen und weltweiten Vergleich einmaliges überstaatliches Gericht und das wechselseitige Vertrauen aller Gerichte in der Europäischen Union darin, dass Urteile im Rahmen des Europarechts insbesondere durch die Gerichte befolgt werden. Wenn das wegbricht, dann droht der Absturz in eine Art richterliches Faustrecht: Das Recht des stärkeren Gerichts.

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PSPP mit „PEPP“

Die Entscheidung des BVerfG zu den Kompetenzen der EZB gibt Anlass zu der Annahme, dass das Gericht hier möglicherweise selbst die Grenzen seiner Zuständigkeit überschritten und damit gewissermaßen selbst „ultra vires“ gehandelt hat. Die EZB hat das Urteil zwar zur Kenntnis genommen, aber kühl auf die Entscheidung des EuGH verwiesen. Damit wird der „Gehorsamskonflikt“ mitten in das Europäische System der Zentralbanken hineingetragen.

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06 May 2020

Fight, flight or fudge?

Karlsruhe’s latest judgement on the PSPP moves the German state closer to a full-fledged fight with either the EU or its own Constitutional Court by threatening to prohibit Germany’s participation in a programme that has existential significance for the euro. To resolve this dilemma, perhaps nothing short of a revolutionary moment would be required.

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The Right Question about the FCC Ultra Vires Decision

Instead of re-opening the old debate on the merits and demerits of constitutional pluralism, the FCC decision should be actually taken up as an opportunity to concentrate on another systemic feature of the EU constitutional governance. The decision of the FCC is not a sign that we have a problem with constitutional pluralism in Europe but warns us that we have a major constitutional problem with the constitutional role of the ECB.

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Expelled from Humanity

The decision of the European Court of Human Rights in M.N. and Others v. Belgium will undoubtedly further propel the debate on the scope of extraterritorial state jurisdiction. More importantly, however, it reveals the necessity of addressing the systemic exclusion of refugees from the international legal order.

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Gut gemeint, nicht gut gemacht

Welch gravierendes Versäumnis ist dem EuGH im PSPP-Fall unterlaufen, dass sein Urteil der Senatsmehrheit im BVerfG als „schlechterdings nicht mehr nachvollziehbar“ , „methodisch nicht mehr vertretbar“ und „objektiv willkürlich“ gilt? Im Kern lautet der Vorwurf, der EuGH habe den Verhältnismäßigkeitsgrundsatz verkannt. Indes ergeben sich bei näherem Hinsehen erhebliche Zweifel am so drastisch formulierten Befund.

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Ultra schwierig

„Legal nationalism“, „BVerfG goes nuclear“, „konfuses Urteil“ – trifft die schrille Kritik wirklich den Kern dieses Urteils? Nüchtern betrachtet bleibt es ein aufsehenerregendes Urteil, das aber weder einen kategorialen Bruch des gewachsenen Kooperationsverhältnisses zwischen Karlsruhe und Luxemburg bedeutet, noch der EZB eine ordoliberale Zwangsjacke verabreicht.

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Die neue Normalität

Der phänomenologischen Soziologie und Jürgen Habermas Theorie des kommunikativen Handelns verdanken wir wichtige Einsichten in die sinn- und orientierungsstiftende Funktion von lebensweltlichen Traditionen. Die Lebenswelt stattet uns mit fraglos verwendetem praktischem Wissen aus. Sie versorgt uns mit Routinen und Deutungsmustern, die wir heranziehen, um uns, wenn wir handeln, in der Welt zurechtzufinden. Sie steht für das Unproblematische, Selbstverständliche und Normale und erbringt in dieser Funktion eine wichtige Integrationsleistung im Verhältnis von Zielen und Werten.

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Some Preliminary Remarks on the PSPP Decision of the German Constitutional Court

Karlsruhe's PSPP decision will not be hard to address as to its actual legal outcome, contrary to what might seem at first instance. But its market effects may be highly problematic. The uncertainty the decision will generate in the short term and the constraints arising from the obiter dicta of the Court for Germany’s participation in the EU response to the Coronavirus situation will likely have some serious negative effects.

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05 May 2020

Verschroben verhoben!

Dies ist keine glückliche Lektüre. Selten hat ein Urteil des BVerfG so traurig gestimmt. Nicht weil man das inhaltliche Anliegen des Gerichts nicht teilen könnte. Wohl aber, weil es eine an Verschrobenheit grenzende Weltferne und Selbstüberschätzung offenbart, von der man trotz aller gegenteiligen Anzeichen bis zum Schluss hoffen musste, sie möge dem Gericht und uns allen erspart bleiben. Alt ist das Gericht geworden, andere sind über es hinausgewachsen und so versteht es die Welt und seine Rolle in ihr nicht mehr.

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VB vom Blatt: Das BVerfG und die Büchse der ultra-vires-Pandora

Das ist das eigentlich Tragische des Urteils: Im Bereich der Geldpolitik wird es vermutlich schnell verpuffen, für andere Bereiche und andere Mitgliedstaaten hat es aber die Büchse der ultra-vires-Pandora (ohne Not) geöffnet. Sie wieder zu schließen, dürfte praktisch unmöglich sein…

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02 May 2020

Economic Interests and the Rule of Law Crisis in the EU

Legal scholarship needs to be more open to the political reality in order to effectively tackle the rule of law crisis. To go one step further, I argue that without considering the economic interests of all the relevant individual and institutional actors (corporations and governments) we will never fully understand the failures of the EU responses to the rule of law backsliding.

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30 April 2020
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Die Stunde der Verfassungsgerichte

Nun also doch: Mitten in der Coronakrise kassiert der Verfassungsgerichtshof des Saarlandes Teile der örtlichen Ausgangsbeschränkungen. Zuvor hatten sich die hiesigen Verwaltungs- und Verfassungsgerichte darauf beschränkt, Versammlungsverbote, Reisebeschränkungen und Verkaufsverbote aufzuheben und sich so mit eher zaghafter Kritik an den Corona-Gesamtmaßnahmen begnügt. Auch wenn die Kontaktsperren vom saarländischen Urteil unangetastet bleiben, lässt sich der juristische Entscheid dennoch deuten als Teil eines Erwachens der europäischen Verfassungsgerichte. Jetzt schlägt ihre Stunde.

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29 April 2020
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With Exclusive Competence Comes Great Responsibility

The European Commission supports the Covid-19 crisis-fighting measures through generous exemptions to its EU state aid rules. Although in principle justified, this policy also gives companies in rich member states an immense advantage over their competitors in poorer member states. Until more effective burden-sharing on the EU level is forthcoming, the onus is on European Commissioner for Competition Margrethe Vestager to ensure a fair distribution of state aid between the member states.

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When Will the EU Commission Act?

When can we expect the European Commission to launch an infringement action against the “muzzle law”? When will the European Commission act to sanction Polish authorities’ refusal to comply with the Court of Justice’s A. K. preliminary ruling of 19 November 2019? When will the European Commission apply for financial sanctions following Polish authorities’ public refusal to immediately and fully comply with the Court of Justice’s interim relief order of 8 April 2020 in respect of the so-called “disciplinary chamber”? When will the European Commission launch an infringement action in respect of the unlawful actions of the so-called “Constitutional Tribunal”?

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28 April 2020

On Doctrinal Contortions and Legal Fetishes

There seems to be a belief – especially persistent among some EU legal scholars – that even the largest political problems can be solved through the law. It suggests that any balance of authority and legitimacy between the EU and the Member States is, in fact, a mere technicality of institutional configuration, and a mere doctrinal sleight of hand would suffice to tip the scale of authority one way or another. This belief also seems to be underlying a recent blogpost by Christophe Hillion.

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27 April 2020
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Corona Constitutional #16: Scheidung auf Europäisch

Wenn Polen und Ungarn sich erkennbar nicht mehr an das EU-Recht gebunden fühlen - was ist das dann anderes als eine Erklärung, nicht mehr Mitglied in der Europäischen Union sein zu wollen? Der Weg zum Polexit bzw. Hungrexit geht über Artikel 50 des EU-Vertrags, und CHRISTOPHE HILLION schlägt dem Rat vor, diesen Weg notfalls auch ohne das Einverständnis von Polen und Ungarn zu beschreiten. Ob und wie das europarechtlich genau funktionieren würde, bespricht Max Steinbeis mit dem Professor für EU-Recht in unserer heutigen Podcast-Folge.

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Poland and Hungary are withdrawing from the EU

The latest developments in Poland and Hungary beg the question of what the EU may, or indeed shall do when a Member State no longer fulfils the prerequisites of membership. Can the Union force that state to meet its duties against its will? Or should it ultimately acknowledge that state’s choice, and proceed with its orderly retreat from the EU legal order?

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The Future of Handshaking

When asked about handshaking recently, the U.S.’s lead virologist Dr. Fauci said: ‘I don’t think we should ever shake hands again’, referring to how it would prevent both coronavirus and seasonal influenza. In Europe, where the topic of the handshake has been a landmine in recent years, this medical requirement can lead to a much-needed cultural shift.

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25 April 2020

The Green Pact and Rule of Law in the EU

The governments of 13 EU member states have signed a letter calling for a "green" way out of the COVID-19 crisis (although the Czech government has asked the EU to "forget" about its Green Pact). Interesting as this initiative may be, the EU must ensure that it does not become an instrument that undermines the fight for the rule of law in the EU. The history advises us to be vigilant because EU funds may become a useful instrument in hands of illiberal governments.

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22 April 2020

Auf der Suche nach der europäischen Solidarität in der Corona-Krise

Mehr Solidarität? Am 23. April 2020 wollen die im Europäischen Rat versammelten Staats- und Regierungschefs über weitere Schritte in der Corona-Krise beraten. Wer Corona-Bonds fordert, muss aber auch über eine grundlegende Reform des Euroraums mit mehr europäischer Kontrolle sprechen.

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Don’t Be Fooled by Autocrats!

On 9 April, Vera Jourová, Vice President of the European Commission for values and transparency with lead responsibility for rule of law, gave an interview to Euronews on democracy in the pandemic. A journalist asked whether she believes that Hungary still qualifies as a democracy after the Enabling Act creating an indefinite state of emergency was enacted by the Hungarian Parliament on 30 March. Her answer was not reassuring.

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19 April 2020
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Domestic Courts Pushing for a Workable Test to Protect the Rule of Law in the EU

On 17 February 2020, the Oberlandesgericht Karlsruhe passed a decision in a surrender case that we expect to shape the future of the LM-test. Its decision can be seen not only as a result of Luxembourg’s unworkable LM test but also as an acknowledgement of the effect of Poland’s muzzle law on the independence of its judiciary. Shortly after, Rechtbank Amsterdam engaged with this decision, thus making it more likely that the CJEU will have to move forward and develop its test into a more meaningful one.

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18 April 2020

Europa als Haftungsunion – Europa scheitert an deutschen „Juristen“

Die aktuelle Diskussion um Coronabonds basiert auf der falschen Vorstellung, dass nationale Regierungen ihre Ausgaben durch den Verkauf von Anleihen an „die Märkte“ finanzieren. Während emotional „Solidarität“ eingefordert wird, haben EZB und EU die Weichen schon gestellt, damit sich eine Eurokrise mit Austeritätspolitik nicht wiederholt. Dies wird allerdings mittelfristig nicht ausreichen. Der Euro wird scheitern, wenn die Deutschen nicht einsehen, dass ihre „Juristen“ das Problem völlig verkennen – es geht nicht um Haftung.

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Luxembourg’s Unworkable Test to Protect the Rule of Law in the EU

A key rule of law case illustrating the conversation taking place between national judges and the Court of Justice about the how-to of rule of law protection is the CJEU’s LM ruling dealing with the implementation of the European Arrest Warrant. In it the CJEU developed a test to balance mutual trust and individual rights, particularly the right to a fair trial. The Rechtbank Amsterdam and the Karlsruhe Oberlandesgericht applied Luxembourg’s LM test with respect to Polish suspects in a series of recent (interlocutory) rulings. This national case-law is interesting both for its immediate outcome (suspension of surrenders) and its implicit message to Luxembourg: “Sorry, we tried, but your test is unworkable.”

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17 April 2020

Legitimacy in the Time of Coronavirus

In this post, I want to focus on two issues of the many emergent themes in the constitutional politics of pandemic management: expertise and political accountability and the classic tension between legality and legitimacy in EU governance; and particularly what Max Weber, arguably the greatest theorists of political legitimacy, can teach us about these issues in the context of responses to the coronavirus pandemic.

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16 April 2020

COVID-19 and Disposable Migrant Workers

Picture this: The world is battling a pandemic, with many countries in lockdown and borders closed. You arrive at a regional airport in northern Romania and wait for hours in the parking lot to board a charter flight. You might end up in Baden-Baden, Berlin or Düsseldorf—it’s hard to know, since no one is telling you what the final destination is. Physical distancing seems not to apply. You are jammed together with 2000 other people waiting to be placed as seasonal workers in the fields of Germany. Asparagus needs to be picked and the new crop need to be planted so the Germans can enjoy uninterrupted production of the spring vegetable through 2020 and 2021.

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15 April 2020

Data crossing borders

The cross-border sharing of personal data to combat coronavirus raises questions under the EU General Data Protection Regulation 2016/679 (the GDPR) - two of which will be dealt with here. The first question is whether EU data protection law is flexible enough to allow the international sharing of personal data to fight the pandemic. Secondly, data protection law has traditionally been shaped by pivotal events in history (think of the effect that the reaction to the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 had on data protection law), and one can ask what implications the crisis will have on the future development of data transfer regulation.

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Infringement Procedures in the Time of COVID-19

In the last weeks, members of the European Parliament and observers in the legal and academic community have, explicitly or implicitly, criticised the European Commission and the Court of Justice for their handling of ongoing infringement procedures. Put simply, the two institutions have been criticised for moving the existing cases forward, despite the fact that certain countries (first Italy, then followed by almost all other Member States) are in lockdown and, consequently, their administrations are unable to effectively respond.

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13 April 2020

Im „Kreuzfeuer“ des Zweiten Senats

Die Entscheidungen des Ersten Senats, mit denen sich das BVerfG zum Garanten der Unionsgrundrechte aufschwang, waren nicht weniger als ein Paukenschlag. Im Schrifttum stieß die Neuausrichtung des Prüfungsmaßstabs der Verfassungsbeschwerde überwiegend auf Wohlwollen. Unbemerkt blieb dabei bislang, dass der Zweite Senat nicht geneigt scheint, dem zu folgen. Vorläufiger Höhepunkt dieser Entwicklung ist der am 8. April 2020 veröffentlichte Beschluss zu Blankettstrafvorschriften im Lebensmittel- und Futtermittelgesetzbuch.

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12 April 2020
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How Political Turmoil is Changing European Constitutional Law: Evidence from the Verfassungsblog

The shockwaves that have rippled through the European political order have exposed the artificial character of the law vs politics distinction, forcing constitutional law scholars to adapt. Contributions to the Verfassungsblog provide evidence for this evolution.

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10 April 2020

Covid-19 and Derogations Before the European Court of Human Rights

Many argue that derogations, permitted under many human rights instruments, provide a useful framework for assessing whether any human rights infringements that arise from emergency provisions adopted in response to Covid-19 are justified. Drawing on jurisprudence from the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR or the Court) in relation to Northern Ireland, this post argues that it is likely that the vast majority of cases exploring derogation will be found in a government’s failure.

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09 April 2020

Protecting Polish Judges from the Ruling Party’s “Star Chamber”

For the third time, the ECJ has intervened in the subjugation of the judiciary in member states. Its injunction against Poland's "disciplinary chamber" is an important step. But unless Ursula von der Leyen's Commission starts facing up reality, winning legal battles will not prevent losing another member state, after Hungary, to autocracy.

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08 April 2020

Solidarity and Constitutional Constraints in Times of Crisis

While important, European solidarity cannot take place at the expense of safeguarding citizens’ economic and social rights under the Constitution of Finland. For this reason, the Finnish Government needs to remain alert to the risks involved in the increasing financial commitments given by Finland. Depending on their exact features, the constitutional problems relating to “corona bonds” might only be overcome by a risky and time consuming constitutional amendment procedure. This is the result of two days of deliberations by the Constitutional Law Committee of the Finnish Parliament relating to the euro group agenda dedicated to the COVID19 crisis.

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07 April 2020

Corona-Bonds: zu kurz gesprungen und dann auch noch in die falsche Richtung

In diversen Aufrufen werden gemeinsame Anleihen für die Länder der Europäischen Union gefordert, um die Folgen der Corona-Krise gemeinsam zu tragen. Mal werden sie Corona-Bonds (auch hier auf dem Verfassungsblog) genannt, mal Health-Bonds oder Renaissance Bonds. Und dabei wird nicht mit Pathos gespart: „Es gilt gerade jetzt, Wege zu finden, mit denen wir verdeutlichen können, dass wir zusammengehören, dass wir vom gleichen ‚Zauber gebunden sind‘, wie es in unserer Hymne heißt.“ Trotz aller Sympathie für die Motive der UnterstützerInnen, darunter so prominente Namen wie Jürgen Habermas, darf man aber kritisch hinterfragen, ob das wirklich ein geeignetes Instrument ist?

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Humiliating the Court?

The Member States, dismissing an Advocate General before the expiration of her term of office on the Court, have demonstrated that they are ready to humiliate the Court of Justice by allowing post-Brexit frustrations take the place of the Primary Law of the EU. The Rule of Law stands replaced with political whim. As AG Sharpston’s tenure is left in suspense, what is the worth of the core aspects of EU Rule of Law and judicial independence, when the Member States are willing to alter the composition of the Court by a political declaration?

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06 April 2020

Die Zeit drängt

Viel zu lange hat die EU, die sich auf die Achtung der Menschenwürde gründet, die menschenunwürdigen Zustände in den Flüchtlingslagern zugelassen. Wenn nicht wenigstens einige EU-Mitgliedstaaten ihre Verantwortung für die in der Covid-19 Pandemie besonders gefährdeten Menschen in den Flüchtlingslagern auf den griechischen Inseln wahrnehmen, dann verliert die EU als Wertegemeinschaft jede Glaubwürdigkeit.

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How Corona Aggravates the Crises of the European Union and Threatens its Existence

The corona virus is acting as a catalyst for the EU's various crises smouldering and burning for years, intertwining with them. The current corona pandemic is not only endangering people in the EU in life and limb but also the European Union as a supranational community. With unprecedented urgency, it raises the question of its legitimacy, of its raison d'être. We need now an awareness of the political and social dimension of European integration – it must result in solidarity-based action by the EU and the Member States.

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05 April 2020

The Case for Corona Bonds

Governments, economists and intellectuals have called for common European bonds or increased own EU funds to address the recession induced by Covid19. Unfortunately, the German government, joined by the other members of the “Frugal Four” (Austria, Finland, the Netherlands), has categorically rejected to look into any such measures and favours using the ESM. This reaction created a déjà vu experience for citizens and governments of the heavily affected southern Member States of the EU. The proposal to use the ESM raises fears of another wave of austerity amounting to yet another lost decade for economic, social, and ecological development in Europe.

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Are we SURE?

Das Ergebnis der letzten Videotagung der Eurogruppe hat scharfe Vorwürfe mangelnder europäischer Solidarität hervorgerufen. Einige Maßnahmen wurden vertagt; konkrete Vorschläge sollen nun in der kommenden Woche vorbereitet sein. In dieser Situation legt die Kommission ihren Vorschlag für eine Verordnung des Rates zur Schaffung eines Europäischen Instruments zur vorübergehenden Unterstützung bei der Minderung von Arbeitslosigkeitsrisiken in der durch den COVID-19-Ausbruch verursachten Krise (SURE) vor. Ist der Vorschlag mit dem Europarecht vereinbar?

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04 April 2020
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The European Stability Mechanism is a False Solution to a Real European Problem

The conflict opposing the Northern (and Eastern) to the Southern Member States has reemerged with special animosity in the last weeks. European governments have developed deep disagreements over how to distribute the costs not only of fighting the coronavirus epidemics, but also of the socio-economic reconstruction that would be required once the public health emergence has been overcome, and which will require mobilising resources on a scale unknown since the Second World War.

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03 April 2020

Wie Corona die Krisen der Europäischen Union existenzbedrohend verschärft

Das Corona-Virus wirkt schon jetzt drastisch als Katalysator für die seit Jahren schwelenden und brennenden Krisen der EU, weil sie sich mit diesen verschränkt. Die gegenwärtige Corona-Pandemie gefährdet nicht nur die Menschen in der EU an Leib und Leben, sondern die Europäische Union als supranationale Gemeinschaft, weil sie die Frage nach ihrer Legitimation, ihrer Daseinsberechtigung, in ungekannter Dringlichkeit aufwirft. Zentral geht es um ein Bewusstsein für die politische und soziale Dimension des europäischen Integrationsprozesses, das in solidarischem Handeln von EU und Mitgliedstaaten münden muss oder enden wird.

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31 March 2020

More than just ,Protecting Veterans’

On 18 March the UK Minister for Defence Ben Wallace introduced into the UK Parliament its promised package of new legislation designed to ‘protect veterans’. the proposed laws would amend the UK’s Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA) in a number of ways that impact on its human rights obligations under international law, particularly treaty commitments under the ECHR.

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29 March 2020

Die Grenzen der Wissenschaftsfreiheit

In der Coronakrise arbeiten Wissenschaftler auf der ganzen Welt unter Hochdruck an Impfstoffen und Medikamenten gegen das Virus. Die Krise zeigt: Ohne ein funktionierendes Wissenschaftssystem jenseits staatlicher Grenzen geht es nicht. Dabei unterliegen jedoch auch Virologen mit ihrer Forschung der Dual-Use-Verordnung, die sie erheblich in ihrer Kommunikation und somit in ihrer Wissenschaftsfreiheit einschränkt.

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27 March 2020

Gestundete Zeit

Christine Lagarde verband die Ankündigung ihres ersten, moderaten Rettungspakets mit der Aufforderung an die Mitgliedstaaten, fiskalische Hilfen bereitzustellen. Die Märkte scheinen sich das Vertrauen in die Fiskalpolitik indessen abgewöhnt zu haben. Da starke geldpolitische Signale zunächst ausblieben, ging die Talfahrt weiter, bis Lagarde im zweiten Versuch in die Fußstapfen ihres Vorgängers trat und die Schleusen öffnete.

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Borrowing Time

When Christine Lagarde announced her first, moderate rescue package, she called upon member states to provide fiscal aid. But the markets showed to have lost confidence in fiscal policy. In the absence of strong monetary policy signals, the slide continued until Lagarde in her second attempt opened the floodgates.

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Föderale Verwirrung im US-amerikanischen Katastrophen­schutz unter dem Stafford Act

Am 13. März erklärte der US-Präsidenten Donald Trump nach langem Zögern den Nationalen Notstand („national emergency“). Verwirrung stiftete am Wochenende nach der Erklärung des Nationalen Notstands eine den Stafford Act betreffende Falschmeldung. Dass sie sich so rasant in den sozialen Medien verbreiten konnte, dürfte zum einen daran liegen, dass der Stafford Act nur wenig bekannt ist und zum anderen eine Vielzahl an unklaren Regelungen enthält. Deutschland und Europa können aus diesem Intermezzo zumindest lernen, wie man den Katastrophenschutz in föderal organisierten Systemen nicht ausgestalten sollte.

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COVID-19 and the European Central Bank: The Legal Foundations of EMU as the Next Victim?

The ECB announced on the 18th of March an ambitious further roll-out of its asset purchase programme (the ‘Pandemic Emergency Purchase Programme’ or PEPP), promising to invest up to 750 billion euro in Eurozone asset and debt instruments. The PEPP programme signals both the increasing redundancy of the legal framework governing EMU and an opportunity to develop a new one in its place.

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26 March 2020

The Court gives with one hand and takes away with the other

On March 26, the CJEU released a surprising – if not to say disappointing – judgment on the Polish system of disciplinary measures against judges. While the Court confirmed the ample material scope of Article 19(1)(2) TEU, it simultaneously restricted the procedural possibilities to remedy infringements via the preliminary reference procedure.

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Das Asylrecht als Kollateralschaden der Grenzkontrollen

Pünktlich zum 25-jährigen Jubiläum des Wegfalls der Binnengrenzkontrollen zwischen zunächst sieben EU-Mitgliedstaaten (Belgien, Deutschland, Frankreich, Luxemburg, Niederlande, Portugal und Spanien) am 26. März 2020, führen insgesamt sechzehn Mitgliedstaaten des Schengen-Raumes wieder Binnengrenzkontrollen vorübergehend durch – 14 von ihnen begründen dies mit der Corona-Krise. Das Asylrecht ist Kollateralschaden dieser Praxis, weil dadurch die Asylantragstellung verhindert oder praktisch erheblich erschwert wird. Dies ist nicht nur rechtswidrig, sondern kann auch zu einer unkontrollierten Weiterverbreitung des Virus führen.

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ESM-Kredite statt Corona-Bonds

ESM-Kredite oder Corona-Bonds? Das Thema steht heute auf der Agenda des Ratstreffens ganz oben. Durch die Corona-Pandemie droht eine wirtschaftliche Krise und eine gemeinsame fiskalische Antwort der Eurozonen-Mitgliedstaaten hierauf wäre ein begrüßenswertes Symbol des Zusammenhalts und der Solidarität in der Europäischen Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion. Sie könnte die Märkte beruhigen, Staatsschuldenkrisen verhindern und Zweifel an der Integrität der Eurozone im Keim ersticken. Diese Antwort muss sich jedoch im Rahmen des geltenden (europäischen Währungs-)Rechts bzw. der Vorgaben des ESM-Vertrages halten. Der Einsatz des ESM ist dabei der Emission von Corona-Bonds vorzuziehen, weil er rechtssicherer und schneller umsetzbar ist.

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19 March 2020

Travel Bans in Europe: A Legal Appraisal

This blogpost presents a legal assessment in eight steps that concentrates on borders controls and the extraordinary travel restrictions for the internal and the external borders of the Schengen area. It will be argued that unprecedented travel bans and border closures for Union citizens are legally problematic. The Commission and the Member States should strive to establish uniform and proportional practices that enhance legal certainty.

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18 March 2020

In der Pandemie stirbt die europäische Solidarität

Im Angesicht von Corona versuchen die Regierungen in Europa momentan, Wege zu finden, das Virus einzudämmen. Vieles erscheint auf den ersten Blick sinnvoll, um die Entwicklung zu verlangsamen, und als Symbolik, um auf den Ernst der Situation hinzuweisen. Viele Länder des Schengen-Raumes haben obendrein die Wiedereinführung von Binnengrenzkontrollen und absolute Einreiseverbote für Personen aus „Risikogebieten" beschlossen. Auch dies dient angeblich dazu, das Wachstum der Infektionsrate abzuflachen, zeigt aber ein ordnungspolitisch überformtes Verständnis von Virusbekämpfung, dem die notwendige gesundheitspolitische Komponente weitgehend fehlt.

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17 March 2020

Wie die EU ihre Souveränität, ihre Werte und Flüchtlinge schützen kann

Die Vorkommnisse an der griechisch-türkischen Grenze machen deutlich: die EU braucht dringend einen neuen Plan im Umgang mit Flüchtlingen in der Region um Syrien. Das europäische Vorgehen muss dabei nicht nur realistisch sein, sondern ein demokratisches und menschenrechtliches Gegenmodell zum populistischen Abschotten bieten.

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16 March 2020
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Das Virus im Unionsrecht – in der Not kein Gebot?

Die Nachrichten dieser Tage erwecken den Eindruck, dass das Unionsrecht in der Coronakrise ausgedient hat. Nationale Alleingänge, staatliche Egoismen und Grenzabschottungen sind an die Stelle des Binnenmarktes und des „Raums der Sicherheit, der Freiheit und des Rechts“ getreten. Vollzieht sich vor unser aller Augen ein historischer Bruch mit der EU als Rechtsgemeinschaft? Schaut eine ins home office geschickte und kompetenziell gelähmte Kommission dem Zusammenbruch ihrer Existenzgrundlage wehrlos zu? Oder ist in Wahrheit von Rechtsbruch keine Rede, weil diese Rechtsgemeinschaft genügend Instrumente vorsieht, mit denen die Mitgliedstaaten angemessen auf die Gesundheits-, Wirtschafts- und Finanzkrise reagieren können?

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10 March 2020

Commission v Poland: What Happened, What it Means, What it Will Take

9 March 2020. It had been marked in many a Polish diary. Would the EU make steps to finally act to stop the backliding? The electronic board in front of the Grande Salle indicates Case C-791/19 R, Commission versus Poland. A report from Luxembourg.

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09 March 2020
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Open Letter to the President of the European Commission regarding Poland’s “Muzzle Law”

The current procrastination is akin to dereliction of duty: Waiting to bring infringement actions and to fail to simultaneously seek interim measures when the rule of law in a Member State is so obviously and blatantly deteriorating on an industrial scale only means that the Commission faces a far more serious and intractable problem to deal with later.

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08 March 2020

The EU, Segregation and Rule of Law Resilience in Hungary

The legal and political consequences of the Hungarian government’s campaign against an appeal judgment which ordered the payment of compensation for school segregation can reverberate across the EU, because of the ubiquitous nature of segregation. Should the Hungarian government prevail, the case may negatively impact the integration of minorities in other Member States as well, particularly if the European Commission fails to increase its efforts to enforce the Racial Equality Directive.

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05 March 2020

Muzzling Associations of Judges

Art 88 a of Poland's so-called "muzzle law" law prescribes that judges must disclose their membership in associations, their functions performed in non-profit foundations and membership in parties before they became judges. The provision applies to memberships in all kinds of associations, including associations of judges. In this form, the provision violates the European Convention of Human Rights as well as the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union.

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04 March 2020

Die Herrschaft des Rechts an der EU-Außengrenze?

Herrscht an der griechisch-türkischen Grenze ein rechtlicher Ausnahmezustand, der Menschenrechte und rechtsstaatliche Gewährleistungen außer Kraft setzen kann? Die Antwort ist klar: Nein. Die Zustände an der griechisch-türkische Grenze und auf den Inseln in der nordöstlichen Ägäis sind keine humanitäre Katastrophe, die vom Himmel gefallen ist. Gewalt, pushbacks, Internierungen und elende Zustände in völlig überfüllten Lagern sind menschen- und staatsgemachte Verletzungen fundamentaler Rechte, die durch nichts gerechtfertigt sind.

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29 February 2020

For Norway it’s Official: The Rule of Law is No More in Poland

The so-called “muzzle law”, adopted by the Polish parliament on January 23, was the last straw. On Thursday 27 February, the board of the Norwegian Court Administration decided to withdraw from its planned cooperation with Poland under the justice programme of the EEA and Norway Grants, due to concerns over the Polish justice reforms.

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23 February 2020

Could there be a Rule of Law Problem at the EU Court of Justice?

The Member States’ current plan of replacing the sitting U.K. Advocate General at the Court of Justice Eleanor Sharpston before the end of her six-year term raises a serious question whether doing so may violate the European Treaties. If yes, this would be a troubling intrusion on the independence of the Court and the constitutional structure of the Union – just when the EU should be setting an example for the Member States (both current and former).

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21 February 2020

Das Leben der Anderen

Über rechten Terror, Europa, Türkei, Italien und den fetten Bußprediger von Budapest.

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The Life of Others

On right-wing terrorism, Turkey, Strasbourg, Italy and the fat friar of Budapest.

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Hot Returns bleiben in der Praxis EMRK-widrig

In seinem Urteil N.D. und N.T. von letzter Woche hat die Große Kammer des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte eine Verletzung des in Art. 4 4. Zusatzprotokoll der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention verankerten Kollektivausweisungsverbots durch Spanien abgelehnt. Daraus den Schluss zu ziehen, die Praxis der sog. hot returns (unmittelbare Abschiebungen ohne individuelle Prüfung direkt an der Grenze) sei vom EGMR gutgeheißen worden, ist angesichts der Presseerklärung des EGMR dazu verständlich aber falsch. Die Praxis der hot returns war und bleibt rechtswidrig.

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19 February 2020

Byzantine Manoeuvres

The case of Osman Kavala, just as that of Selahettin Demirtaş, shows that that a system that breeds Article 18 violations responds to these judgments through yet more Article 18 violations. Bad faith rulings in Strasbourg have so far only received bad faith responses.

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The Elephant in the Room

The ECtHR’s Grand Chamber judgement N.D. and N.T. v. Spain may be perceived as a referral of two migrants from illegal to legal pathways of entry, two migrants who were not in need of protection. Those celebrating the judgement for this outcome miss its unsettling implications for the effective guarantee of the principle of non-refoulement.

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18 February 2020

Der Elefant im Raum

Man kann das Urteil N.D. und N.T. gg. Spanien der großen Kammer des EGMR so sehen, dass hier zwei auf illegalen Wegen angekommene, nicht schutzbedürftige Migranten auf legale Zugangswege verwiesen wurden. Wer es dafür feiert, übersieht die unvertretbaren Implikationen, die das Urteil für die effektive Gewährleistung des Refoulement-Verbots hat.

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17 February 2020

A Restrictionist Revolution?

The immediate response to the ECtHR’s N.D. & N.T.-Judgment on ‘Hot Expulsions’ at the Spanish-Moroccan Border was shock and dismay – but the decision can also be read differently: as defined by a series of inbuilt ambiguities that combine restrictionist tendencies with dynamic elements, which are bound to cause heated debates of both principle and practice in the coming years.

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14 February 2020

It’s not about a seat at the table.

It’s about the table.

On Germany, UK, Ireland, refugee protection and a respectful request to Friedrich Merz.

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A Painful Slap from the ECtHR and an Urgent Opportunity for Spain

The Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights shockingly endorses a practice which opposes the core principles of International Law and the protection of fundamental rights. This decision repeals a previous ECtHR judgement of 2017 which had condemned push-backs and which Spain had asked to be referred to the Grand Chamber. But all hope is not lost: The Spanish Constitutional Court will rule on the “rejections at the border” provision in the near future and has the chance to uphold Spain’s international legal obligations.

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“Unlawful” may not mean rightless.

Article 4 of Protocol No. 4 ECHR is short. Its title reads “Prohibition of collective expulsion of aliens”, its text reads: “Collective expulsion of aliens is prohibited.” It comes as a historical disappointment that the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in its decision in the case N.D. and N.T. v. Spain from 13 February 2020 distorts this clear guarantee to exclude apparently “unlawful” migrants from its protection. The decision is a shock for the effective protection of rights in Europe and at its external borders.

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07 February 2020

This is not a drill

On Thuringia, the US, Poland, Europe and some extremely odd practices in academic publishing.

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05 February 2020

You Can’t Forbid Judges to Think

The Polish judiciary is split apart. One part adheres to the ruling of the Court of Justice of the EU of 19th November 2019, another does not. This legal chaos and catastrophe was caused by the recent judicial reforms and it deprives citizens of the most important right – to be certain what their legal situation in court is.

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03 February 2020

The Struggle of Strasbourg

This year’s Winter Session of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) saw three distinct yet interrelated developments. On Tuesday, the Assembly decided to open a monitoring procedure with regard to Poland on behalf of the ongoing rule of law backsliding. On Wednesday, the Assembly decided to ratify the credentials of the Russian delegates which had previously been challenged both on procedural and on substantive grounds. Still on Wednesday, the Assembly backed the proposal for the introduction of a new ‘complementary joint procedure’, together with the Committee of Ministers, in response to violations of fundamental principles underlying the work of the organisation.

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01 February 2020
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The Conference on the Future of Europe: an Open Letter

To the Presidents of the European Parliament, of the EU Commission and of the Council: Europe, and your new, yet already contested, political leadership can hardly afford to be associated with an initiative that might soon be perceived as top-down, unauthentic, outdated and out-of-touch with EU citizens’ daily lives.

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31 January 2020

Die EU hat keine Nationalgarde

Über Polen. Andere Länder auch, aber ganz überwiegend über Polen.

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The EU has no National Guard

On Poland. Other places too, but mostly about Poland.

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30 January 2020
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“Judges should be fully insulated from any sort of pressure”

Prof. Koen Lenaerts, President of the Court of Justice of the European Union, explains why mutual trust and judicial independence are of fundamental importance to the EU Member States.

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27 January 2020

The Hungarian “Lex NGO” before the CJEU: Calling an Abuse of State Power by its Name

On 14 January 2020, Advocate General Campos Sánchez-Bordona delivered his Opinion in Case C-78/18 on the restrictions incorporated into a 2017 Hungarian law on the financing of NGOs from abroad. He makes clear that Hungary’s “Lex NGO” not only restricts the free movement of capital but also violates several fundamental rights, and is therefore incompatible with EU law.

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26 January 2020
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Polen, die EU und das Ende der Welt, wie wir sie kennen: ein Interview mit FRANZ MAYER

Was, wenn Polen den Konflikt mit der EU immer weiter eskaliert? Was, wenn die PiS-Regierung die vom EuGH gegebenenfalls verhängten Bußgelder einfach nicht bezahlt? Ein Gespräch über europäische Rechtsstaatlichkeitspolitik in extremis.

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24 January 2020

Was qualmt denn da so komisch?

Über Polen, Russland und andere "gelenkte Demokratien", UK und andere (noch) nicht gelenkte Demokratien. Und Deutschland. Und Europa. Und, erwähnte ich das schon? natürlich Polen.

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Have you noticed that burnt smell?

On Poland, Russia and other "guided democracies", the UK and other not (yet) guided democracies. And on Germany. Oh, and have I mentioned Poland? And on Poland.

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23 January 2020

EU Rule of Law Dialogues: Risks – in Context

On January 16, 2020 the European Parliament passed a resolution about the state of the Article 7(1) TEU hearings with Hungary and Poland, noting with concern that “the reports and statements by the Commission and international bodies, such as the UN, OSCE and the Council of Europe, indicate that the situation in both Poland and Hungary has deteriorated since the triggering of Article 7(1) of the TEU”. The resolution is a plea for a structured and more meaningful process in which each EU institution would exercise its existing powers in a meaningful and cooperative manner. The resolution emphasizes that the Article 7(1) TEU preventive process is one of risk assessment and one that may have actual – including budgetary – consequences.

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Only a Court Established by Law Can Be an Independent Court

In A.K. and others, the European Court of Justice established a detailed method for assessing the independence (or lack thereof) of courts. The judicial independence test laid down by the ECJ, however, may not be entirely fit for the purpose of assessing the lawfulness of courts and judges which are established and appointed on the basis of flawed procedures by bodies arguably violating basic judicial independence requirements as established in EU law. The ECJ appears to limit the required verification under EU law to the issue of independence only. Instead, the reviewing body should, first, check whether the challenged court (judge) is “established by law” and only then, if necessary, follow up on the examination of its independence. Today the Polish Supreme Court has the opportunity to step up and give full effect to that criterion.

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20 January 2020

“Gelenkte Demokratie” und der Protest der Gelenkten

Um Wahlkabinen-Fotos zu verbieten, bedarf es einer soliden gesetzlichen Grundlage. Das hat der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte heute entschieden – in einem ungarischen Fall, der weit über diese Spezialfrage hinausweist.

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19 January 2020

Junqueras’ Immunity: An Example of Judicial Dialogue

There is no doubt that the criminal prosecution of the "Catalan question" is a stress test for Spanish Justice. One of the last episodes, now with a European dimension, has been the "euro-immunity" of Junqueras. And, in this respect, the political and journalistic readings of the judicial decisions issued by the Spanish Supreme Court and by the Court of Justice of the European Union emphasize the confrontation. However, in my modest opinion, I believe that these decisions are an example of dialogue between courts, necessary to manage the current pluralism where legal orders are intertwined without clear hierarchies.

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17 January 2020

Kein Appeasement

Neues aus Russland, Polen, Spanien, Indien, Deutschland und Italien.

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No Appeasement

On Russia, Poland, Spain, India, Germany, Italy and others.

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15 January 2020
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1460 Days Later: Rule of Law in Poland R.I.P. (Part II)

Writing a year ago, we warned that the situation in Poland “has deteriorated further to the point of threatening the functioning of the whole EU legal order and therefore, the future of the EU’s internal market itself.” This is no longer a mere threat but a clear and present danger. Stalling for time would be irresponsible. On current trajectory, it is only a matter of time before Poland’s rule of law default eventually triggers a knock-on process of legal disintegration.

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13 January 2020
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1460 Days Later: Rule of Law in Poland R.I.P. (Part I)

On 13 January 2016, exactly four years ago today, the Commission activated its rule of law framework for the very first time with respect to Poland. This (two-part) post will highlight the main developments, primarily from the point of view of EU law, which took place in 2019.

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06 January 2020

When Violations of International and EU Law Overlap

On 11 December 2019, Advocate General Pikamäe issued his Opinion rejecting jurisdiction of the ECJ in an infringement procedure between Slovenia and Croatia (C-457/18). The case raises the question whether the ECJ may engage with asserted violations of EU law which result from Croatia’s non-recognition of the final and binding Arbitral Award determining the border dispute between both Members. The opinion of the Advocate General appears to be fuelled by political rather than legal considerations and the ECJ should not follow it in order to make clear that the EU is able to protect its autonomous legal system and that it stands on its foundational and common legal principles.

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31 December 2019

The Supranational Rule of Law: Thinking the Future

Writing at the end of 2019 it must be clear that art. 7 TEU is not a viable political option at all. However, the Treaties do contain legal mechanisms to enforce the rule of law against the member states. Art. 7 is not, and must not, be the center of the rule of law world in the EU. Poland’s refusal to obey the Court’s judgments and its readiness to do everything possible to circumvent it strike at the very heart of the EU rule of law. The challenge is to use what is legally available rather than keep finding excuses for not using the mechanisms already in place.

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28 December 2019

An Internal Safety Net for the Council of Europe?

By January 2020, a new complementary joint procedure shall be in place to respond to serious violations by a member state of its statutory obligations. However, several open questions remain.

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27 December 2019

The Supranational Rule of Law: Taking Stock

While a transnational conception of the rule of law requires the engagement of and commitment to the EU project from all actors involved, this begs the question as to what happens when the assumptions underlying art. 2 TEU are no longer applicable? For the rule of law, 2019 has been of fundamental importance because we have been taught important constitutional lessons and started getting answers to some of the most crucial constitutional questions. While much still remains shrouded in mystery and question marks are aplenty, at least the judicial trajectory for the rule of law in 2020 has been set in 2019.

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25 December 2019

A Matter of Representative Democracy in the European Union

With its judgment in the Junqueras case, the Court adopted a functional approach to the election procedure of the European Parliament, proceeding from the principle of representative democracy as one of the core values in the EU legal order. In particular, the Court stressed the need to ensure that the composition of the European Parliament fully reflects the free choice of the Union’s citizens, by direct universal suffrage.

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24 December 2019

Gesicherte Unsicherheit

Mit größter (An-)Spannung waren die am 19.12.2019 veröffentlichten Schlussanträge des Generalanwalts Henrik Saugmandsgaard Øe in der Rechtssache Schrems II erwartet worden (RS. C-311/18). Stehen doch in diesem Verfahren zwei tragende Säulen des internationalen bzw. transatlantischen Datenverkehrs zur Disposition: die Standarddatenschutzklauseln und der EU-US Privacy Shield. Eine erste Analyse der Schlussanträge legt gleichwohl nahe, dass auch zukünftig nur eines sicher ist: grenzüberschreitende Informationsübermittlungen bergen zahlreiche Unsicherheiten für die Betroffenen sowie die datenverarbeitenden Unternehmen.

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20 December 2019

Avoiding the next Brexit Cliff-Edge

Boris Johnson wants to legally exclude the prolongation of the extension period of the Withdrawal Agreement. The way to prolong it nevertheless would be an amendment of the Withdrawal Agreement itself. Some argue now that any other way to change the transition period than its prolongation by the JC is legally impossible. Another reading of the legal situation is, however, supportable.

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18 December 2019

Brexit and the CJEU: why the Opinion of the Court Should be Sought as a Matter of Emergency

With the comfortable majority he managed to secure in the Commons, Boris Johnson is now very likely to be able to push through the British Parliament the withdrawal agreement he negotiated with the European Union back in October. Provided that the European Parliament greenlights it quickly enough, it may well come into force by 31 January 2020, deadline of the last extension decision agreed between the EU-27 and the UK. However, one actor of the process seems to have been forgotten: the Court of Justice of the European Union. This could end up being a huge mistake.

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17 December 2019

Shying Away from Strasbourg

Last week, the Italian Constitutional Court published its reasoning on a judgment regarding the so-called ergastolo ostativo (life sentence without parole). The challenged provision excludes persons convicted of serious crimes – primarily mafia-type – from a series of benefits (for example, permits and conditional release) in the event that they do not want to collaborate with the authorities. Italy’s Constitutional Court now held that this provision is not in line with the constitution but missed a chance to give full effect to the case law of the European Court of Human Rights.

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11 December 2019
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Open Letter to the President of the European Commission

Ever since the European Commission initiated a third infringement procedure in respect to the recurrent attacks on the rule of law by Polish authorities last April, the situation has continued to seriously deteriorate. It is now upon the Commission to promptly submit to the European Court of Justice an application for interim measures in the infringement case C-791/19 Commission v Poland now pending before the Court of Justice.

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08 December 2019
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The European Parliament Sidelined

When the Council adopted the first set of procedural rules governing Article 7(1) TEU hearings in July 2019, it unilaterally decided to make the Commission the proxy for the Parliament. This post will show how the Council’s differential treatment of the Commission and the Parliament as activating bodies under Article 7(1) is not compatible with EU primary law and goes against in particular the principle of institutional balance.

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04 December 2019

Existenzminimum nach Luxemburger Art

Leistungen zur Gewährleistung eines menschenwürdigen Lebensstandards sind unantastbar. Das hat die große Kammer des EuGH in der Rs Haqbin (C-233/18) am 12. November 2019 für das Flüchtlingssozialrecht entschieden. § 1a des Asylbewerberleistungsgesetzes wird den Anforderungen des EuGH nicht gerecht, und das BVerfG könnte am Ende den Kürzeren ziehen, wenn es die Rechtsprechung des EuGH nicht berücksichtigt.

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02 December 2019

Wider das Recht auf Vergessen … des Bundes­verfassungs­gerichts!

Irgendwie ist es schon kurios, dass Johannes Masing, der 2012 in einem Beitrag für die Süddeutsche Zeitung angesichts des Kommissionsentwurfs zur späteren Datenschutz-Grundverordnung vor einem „Abschied von den Grundrechten“ gewarnt hatte, im hier zu besprechenden Verfahren ausgerechnet Berichterstatter war. Ob er 2012 wohl ahnte, dass er sieben Jahre später an einer Entscheidung mitwirken würde, die das Verhältnis von deutschem und europäischem Grundrechtsschutz von Grund auf neu justieren würde?

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01 December 2019

Building on #WithWoj

Just days away from a new Commission taking office that proclaims to put rule-of-law protection centre-stage, this may be a good time to suggest some ways forward based on the energy generated by, and experiences with #WithWoj. I suggest there are three elements, and each may be counterintuitive and/or confrontational.

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Neue starke Stimme in der europäischen Grundrechts-Polyphonie

Mit den beiden Beschlüssen Recht auf Vergessen I und II intoniert das BVerfG einen wohlabgestimmten Paukenschlag für den Grundrechtsschutz in der EU. Für Aufmerksamkeit sorgt insbesondere der Beschluss Recht auf Vergessen II, in dem der 1. Senat nun für bestimmte Konstellationen die Unionsgrundrechte als Prüfungsmaßstab anwendet. Ausdrücklich rückt er teilweise von seiner bisherigen Aussage ab, unionsrechtlich begründete Rechte gehörten nicht zu den Grundrechten, die mit der Verfassungsbeschwerde verteidigt werden könnten.

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27 November 2019

Carte Blanche for Political Abuse

Bulgaria has established one of the most aggressive confiscation regimes in Europe, allowing seizure of assets without a criminal conviction and putting the burden of proof in the procedure on the owner. Bulgarian law, as it stands, has no specific safeguards to prevent misuse, and has been criticized by the European Court of Human Rights in cases like Dimitrovi v Bulgaria. Furthermore, questions have been raised as government opponents and critics seem to be prime targets of these confiscation measures. In a preliminary reference to the Court of Justice of the European Union from Sofia’s City Court on that issue, Advocate General Eleanor Sharpston has recently delivered her opinion which leaves the door wide open for political abuse by Bulgarian authorities.

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21 November 2019

“Room for Manoeuvre” is the Real Reason for Norway’s EEA Scandal

Hans Petter Graver's explanation of the reasons for the EEA scandal that is currently shaking Norway is not convincing. The total failure of politics, administration, and courts cannot be explained by alleged “conflicts of law” problems, an “extraordinary situation” allegedly created by Norway’s EEA accession, or by a “legal overload” which occurred 25 years ago when EU single market law had to be taken over. Every European country that has joined the EEA on the EFTA side or the EU had to overcome these challenges.

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Völkerrecht und Verbraucherschutz

Vor wenigen Tagen wurde eine erste Einschätzung zum EuGH-Urteil in der Rechtssache Organisation juive européenne und Vignoble Psagot (C-363/18) auf diesem Blog veröffentlicht, in dem die Autorin dem Gerichtshof ultra-vires-Handeln vorwirft. Tatsächlich jedoch, hat der EuGH in dieser Entscheidung die völkerrechtlichen und faktischen Gegebenheiten in erforderlichem Maße berücksichtigt, weshalb er kaum zu einem anderen Ergebnis hätte kommen können.

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19 November 2019
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High Expectations

Both sides have declared victory after the CJEU decision on judicial independence in Poland today. Most probably a more general assessment will be provided in the infringement action against Poland submitted by the Commission in October 2019.

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Außenpolitik statt Verbraucherschutz

Nach dem Urteil des EuGH vom 12. November lautet die korrekte und verpflichtende Herkunftskennzeichnung für einen Wein, der aus dem Westjordanland stammt und in einer israelischen Siedlung hergestellt wird: „Westjordanland (israelische Siedlung)“. Der EuGH sendet mit diesem Urteil nicht nur ein politisch fragwürdiges Signal, sondern er überschreitet auch seine Kompetenzen. Der Bundestag und die Bundesregierung dürfen an der Umsetzung des Urteils daher nicht mitwirken.

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13 November 2019

From “Nuclear Option” to Damp Squib?

To date, three Article 7(1) TEU hearings have been held in respect of Poland (26 June, 18 September and 11 December 2018) and one in respect of Hungary (16 September 2019). The trouble starts with having to obtain the related documents via repeated freedom of information requests. Analysing those documents, however, reveals further significant shortcomings of the procedure.

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28 October 2019

Article 50 TEU as Legal Basis for Future Relations?

Whatever form Brexit takes (if it takes place), it will have major legal, economic, practical and political consequences. An extension of the withdrawal date will probably provide sufficient time for much needed scrutiny of the new Brexit Deal negotiated between UK and the EU. It is in that light welcome that calls for examination by both the House of Commons and the European Parliament are now raised. An issue that has however not come up yet is whether the Withdrawal Agreement complies with Article 50 TEU – a failure which might have profound consequences.

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24 October 2019

So Why Don’t We Just Call the Whole Rule of Law Thing Off, Then?

Civil society is aware of the dual standards vis-à-vis the rule of law, which emerge when one compares the Commission’s reaction to troublesome developments in Bulgaria to its policies on Poland, Hungary, and Romania. The latest CVM report on Bulgaria not only confirms this, but also leaves the impression that the Commission has given up on Bulgaria’s rule of law.

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21 October 2019

Fairness, Trust and the Rule of Law

On October 10, 2019, the European Parliament’s Committees in charge of her proposed fields of responsibility rejected Sylvie Goulard, the French candidate for the position of Commissioner in the new Commission. It was the second hearing she had to undergo, on the basis of another around 60 pages of written Q&A. Several issues should be carefully considered.

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15 October 2019

The European Ombudsman as an Insurmountable Roadblock?

On 17 September 2019, the European Ombudsman adopted a decision rejecting a complaint against the European Parliament submitted by The Good Lobby, an NGO “committed to giving voice to under-represented public interests and bringing more citizens into the public policy process”. The action was supported by Alberto Alemanno, also co-founder and director of the NGO, and Laurent Pech. In their post of last May 2019 they already described in detail their dealings with the Authority of European political parties and European political foundations (hereinafter the Authority) and with the President of Parliament. The subsequent stages and the Ombudsman’s take reveal the wider consequences of this process and some silver linings.

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13 October 2019

How an EU Directive on Access to a Lawyer Became a Weapon for Secret Arrests

Directive 2013/48/EU of 22 October 2013 ‘on the right of access to a lawyer in criminal proceedings’ had an unfortunate fate in Bulgaria. In particular, the transposition is troublesome because the government used the Directive as a pretext to revive a totalitarian practice ­­– secret arrests.

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12 October 2019

10 Anti-Constitutional Commandments

Poland is on the eve of the parliamentary elections to be held on October 13, 2019. This provides a good opportunity to step back for a second to analyse the turbulent years of 2015-2019 and to piece together scattered elements of a new constitutional doctrine that has emerged since November 2015. Such a perspective should help readers of Verfassungsblog to truly understand and appreciate the scale and depth of the change that has happened to the prevalent (and what was presumed to be unshakeable) post-1989 constitutional paradigms.

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11 October 2019

Creating a Safe Venue of Judicial Review

On 24 September 2019, Advocate General Tanchev delivered his opinion in joined cases C-558/18 and C-563/18. It is his latest involvement in a series of cases which concern the rule of law in Poland and which is questionable from a legal as well as factual standpoint.

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10 October 2019
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Welche Regeln, welches Recht?

Kaum hatten sich die Gemüter um die Urteile in den Rechtssachen Google LLC. v CNIL und GC and Others v CNIL etwas beruhigt, goss der Gerichtshof der Europäischen Union mit seiner Entscheidung in der Rechtssache Glawischnig-Piesczek v Facebook Ireland Limited vergangenen Donnerstag erneut Öl ins Feuer um die Diskussion zur normativen Gestaltung der Governance von Meinungsäußerungen im Internet. Der Fall führt ein weiteres Mal vor Augen, was fehlt: eine kohärente Theorie der Jurisdiktion und ihrer Grenzen im Cyberspace.

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02 October 2019

Dealing with a Rogue UK Prime Minister

In the current “Brexit” crisis, the EU should strive to achieve a smooth agreement-based process. This is the only way to ensure that the intricate web binding the UK to the EU is not ripped up without a reliable substitute. Boris Johnson’s priority to withdraw the UK on 31 October "do or die“ is next to impossible to reconcile with that aim. Domestically, it will be difficult to halt Johnson’s no-deal plan. But what about the EU? Indeed, there are several measures the EU could take to deal with a rogue UK Prime Minister and to make a smooth withdrawal more likely.

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30 September 2019
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An Alternative to the Brexit Backstop: An All-Ireland “Common No-Custom Area” under Art. 24 GATT

In order to resolve the current stalemate in the brexit negotiations, we propose to establish a “Common No-Custom Area” in Ireland applicable only to products originating in either part of the island. This special regime conforms to the Frontier Traffic exception of Art. 24 of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT/WTO) and builds on the “precedent” of Cyprus where a similar regime has been in place since 2004. This practical solution takes into account that a major part of intra-Ireland trade is made up of products originating in either part of the island.

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29 September 2019

Is Brexit a Game?

Can Boris Johnson's and Dominic Cumming's Brexit strategy be made plausible by means of game theory? I think not. It seems too simple to present the current situation as a two-party game, with the UK (or Boris Johnson) on one side and the EU on the other. In reality, Johnson faces two opposite players—one being the EU, the other the hard Brexit opponents and the Supreme Court at home.

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26 September 2019

Ein Weg aus der Zwickmühle für das Bundesverfassungsgericht

Zeichnet sich ein eleganter Weg zur Beilegung des grundrechtlichen Dauerstreits um die deutsche Vorratsdatenspeicherung ab? Gestern hat Bundesverwaltungsgericht mit seinem Vorabentscheidungsersuchen den Europäischen Gerichtshof wieder ins Spiel gebracht und damit das Bundesverfassungsgericht aus einer Zwickmühle befreit.

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25 September 2019

The Judgment That Will Be Forgotten

On September 24 2019, the ECJ delivered its judgment in Google vs CNIL (C-517/17) which was expected to clarify the territorial scope of the ‘right to be forgotten’. In fact, the ECJ’s decision is disappointing in several respects. The Court does not only open the door to fragmentation in European data protection law but also fails to further develop the protection of individual rights in the digital age.

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24 September 2019

Boris Johnson’s Strategy of Assured Mutual Destruction: Crazy but not Irrational

One of the frequent equivocal “courtesy” titles that has been awarded to Boris Johnson these days is that of plunger or reckless gambler. Boris Johnson may be many things — his language coarse, his behavior ruthless — but if you analyze his behavior in the current Brexit affair from a decision theoretic angle there is a rational interpretation for his seemingly irrational approach.

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Why the UK’s Government’s Demands on the Irish Backstop Would Violate the Sovereignty of the EU-27

Prime Minister Boris Johnson has asked the European Council President in a letter for reciprocal ‘binding legal guarantees’ not to put in place infrastructure, checks, or controls at the border between Northern Ireland and Ireland. The significance of this has been amplified by the European Parliament’s resolution that it will not consent to any Withdrawal Agreement without an Irish Backstop, in direct contravention to the UK’s position. This post will argue that the EU legal order places constraints on this option. Ireland would be in breach of EU law if it followed this course, and the EU institutions have no discretion to suspend these legal obligations.

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23 September 2019

Luxemburg as the Last Resort

A criminal proceeding has been suspended by a Hungarian justice of the Pest Central District Court to ask the European Court of Justice preliminary questions, inter alia, about his own judicial independence. Now, Hungary’s Supreme Court has stepped in and ruled that the reference was illegal, essentially arguing that preliminary references are not the fora to discuss such claims. In fact, however, this preliminary reference reveals that all other means to effectively challenge the rule of law backsliding in Hungary have failed.

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20 September 2019

Foreign Ideas about ‘Child Marriage’?

On 4 September 2019, a Frankfurt court ruled that Germany must recognize marriages involving minors that had been concluded within the EU. The case involved a couple who had married in Bulgaria and now resides in Germany. The bride was 17 when she wed. The case throws into sharp relief hidden assumptions within the broader debate about ‘child marriage’ that has occupied German politicians and commentators over the last two years. These assumptions matter because they reflect broader European and international popular and political discussions as well as laws. But they also matter because they ignore a number of important developments over the last century across much of the world in reforming family law.

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17 September 2019
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Protecting the Independence of National Councils of the Judiciary on the EU Level

Councils for the judiciary are one of the main targets in political efforts to diminish the independence of the judiciary in several countries. Since more and more countries in the EU fail to provide a minimum of security as to their independence, it is of the utmost importance that this is dealt with on Union level.

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06 September 2019

Fighting Fire with Fire

At the first sight, the likely nomination of Věra Jourova as Commissioner for rule of law and dropping Frans Timmermans out of the portfolio appears to be a significant victory for the Visegrad Group. However, considering Jourova’s track record, her nomination might be a clever, but hazardous move by Ursula von der Leyen that may deepen the cleavage among the Visegrad countries, put an end to their coordinated acting in sovereignty related issues, and cause more headache in Budapest and Warsaw than expected.

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05 September 2019
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The Commission’s Rule of Law Blueprint for Action: A Missed Opportunity to Fully Confront Legal Hooliganism

In its first Communication entitled “Further strengthening the Rule of Law within the Union” published on 3 April 2019, the Commission offered a useful overview of the state of play while also positively inviting all stakeholders to make concrete proposals so as to enhance the EU’s “rule of law toolbox”. A follow up Communication from July 2019 sets out multiple “concrete actions for the short and medium term”. This post will highlight the most innovative actions proposed by the Commission before highlighting what we view as the main weakness of its blueprint: a reluctance to fully accept the reality of rule of law backsliding.

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04 September 2019

Schroedinger’s Backstop

Weiler, Sarmiento and Faull suggest that the best way to avoid a no-deal Brexit, even at the 11th hour, would be to adopt “a regime of dual autonomy”. EU officials said that this proposal was "inadequate and nowhere near the landing zone". But we can also entertain the thought that reciprocity or symmetry is indeed a necessary if not a sufficient condition for the backstop compass to lead us to a landing zone. Six ingredients need to be added to the mix, however.

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02 September 2019

König Midas, Hauptmann Kettensäge und die Mittel des Völkerrechts zum Schutz der Biodiversität

Spätestens seit der Veröffentlichung des UN Global Assessment Report im Mai 2019 wissen wir, dass etwa eine Million der insgesamt acht Millionen Arten vom Aussterben bedroht sind – mehr als jemals zuvor in der Geschichte unseres Planeten. Das sechste globale Massensterben von Tieren und Pflanzen erfordert ein konzertiertes Vorgehen der internationalen Staatengemeinschaft. Doch nationale Alleingänge, wie des US-Präsidenten Trump und seines brasilianischen Amtskollegen Bolsonaro, nehmen zugunsten der heimischen Wirtschaft unwiederbringliche Verluste der Artenvielfalt in Kauf, die den Bestand der Ökosysteme weltweit gefährden. Welche Mittel hält das Völkerrecht bereit, um dem entgegenzuwirken?

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01 September 2019

”A Supervisory Agency of Its Own Making”?

In December 2019, the recently constituted European Parliament will elect the European Ombudsman. The current European Ombudsman, Emily O’Reilly, already announced that she will seek a new mandate when her term expires. Her performance during the last five years, however, raises serious questions about her understanding of the mandate.

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30 August 2019

Backstop Alternatives: Examining the “We Cannot Trust the Brits” Excuse

Last week, together with two colleagues, Daniel Sarmiento and Sir Jonathan Faull, we published a plan which could avoid a no-deal Brexit. It is to one reaction, attributed in the Press to anonymous Commission sources that I wish to react. And I do not do this solely or even mainly in order to defend the viability of our particular Proposal. I do so because I fear that this same reaction of these anonymous EU officials will meet any proposal for "alternative arrangements" to be put on the table by the UK government.

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26 August 2019
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An Offer the EU and UK Cannot Refuse II: FAQ

We have received many comments and questions to our Proposal on avoiding a No-Deal Brexit. The following are the most frequently asked questions with our replies.

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22 August 2019
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An Offer the EU and UK Cannot Refuse

The EU reasonably expects a guarantee that Brexit will not compromise the integrity of its customs and regulatory territory. Hence its insistence on the Backstop. The UK reasonably expects a guarantee that it will not be locked into a permanent Customs (and regulatory) Union with the EU. Hence its rejection of the Backstop. The resulting deadlock is hurling both parties into a No-Deal Brexit. This proposal, which includes features which have never been discussed, will guarantee the integrity and autonomy of the EU’s and UK’s respective customs and regulatory territories, and will require neither a Customs Union between the two nor a hard border between Northern Ireland and the Republic.

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21 August 2019

In Rights We Trust

Cases concerning the execution of the European Arrest Warrant (EAW) provide seemingly endless material for new questions of fundamental importance to the relationship of the multiple constitutional layers in Europe. In a barely noted judgment in the case of Romeo Castaño v. Belgium, the European Court of Human Rights has now added an important piece to this puzzle. The judgment indicates that, in the light of other recent jurisprudence of both the Court of Justice of the EU and the ECtHR, both Courts are on their way to find a workable framework to address some of the issues in this field.

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15 August 2019

Schengener Endspiele

Trotz eines eindeutigen Beschlusses des Verwaltungsgerichts München setzt das BMI weiter auf direkte Zurückschiebungen nach Griechenland und Spanien unter den mit diesen Staaten im August 2018 geschlossenen Verwaltungsabkommen. Das VG München hat am 8. August 2019 im Verfahren des einstweiligen Rechtsschutzes angeordnet, einen afghanischen Antragsteller aus Griechenland auf Staatskosten zurückzuholen und ihm vorläufig die Einreise zu gestatten. Der Fall ist jedoch für die generelle Zurückschiebungs- und Zurückweisungspraxis sowie für das Gemeinsame europäische Asylsystem und den Schengen-Raum als Ganzes von erheblicher Bedeutung.

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12 August 2019

Klimanotstände

Am 28. Juni hat der Bundestag über einen Antrag der Fraktion der Linken mit dem Titel „Klimanotstand anerkennen – Klimaschutz-Sofortmaßnahmen verabschieden, Strukturwandel sozial gerecht umsetzen“ beraten. Das Vorhaben irritiert aus verschiedenen Gründen. Erstens aufgrund der gewählten Notstandsrhetorik, die nach Ansicht vieler doch vorderhand dem Arsenal der traditionell exekutivfreundlichen politischen Rechten zuzuordnen ist. Zweitens wegen des Widerspruchs von Sofortmaßnahmen, die keinen Aufschub dulden, und der Maßgabe der sozial gerechten Umsetzung eines „Strukturwandels“.

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08 August 2019

Die Frankfurter Zähmung

Ende Juli hat sich das Bundesverfassungsgericht erneut mit der Zulässigkeit der Anleiheankaufprogramme der EZB auseinandergesetzt. Dabei offenbart sich vor allem eines: Die Rechtswissenschaft und auch die Rechtspraxis tun sich mit der Bewertung und Kontrolle von Zentralbankhandeln außerordentlich schwer. Anstatt das Prinzip der Verhältnismäßigkeit in das Zentrum zu stellen, sollte ein neuer Kontrollansatz die genannten Besonderheiten aufnehmen und in seiner Ausgestaltung daher sowohl für die Zentralbank selbst als auch für die Marktteilnehmer die größtmögliche Rechtssicherheit bieten. Möglich wird das letztlich allein durch ein Kontrollraster, welches vor allem auf formalen Verfahrens- und Begründunganforderungen fußt.

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06 August 2019

Auf der Suche nach rechtlichen Kontrollmaßstäben

Am 30. und 31. Juli verhandelte das Bundesverfassungsgericht über die Anleihenankäufe des Europäischen Systems der Zentralbanken (ESZB). Dabei wurde erneut deutlich, wie schwierig es im Mehrebenensystem ist, in sachlich eng verflochtenen Politikbereichen den verfassungsrechtlichen Anforderungen und europarechtlich notwendigen Abgrenzungen gleichsam gerecht zu werden.

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04 August 2019

On the Rule of Law Turn on Kirchberg – Part II

The times of constitutional crisis call for a more robust approach to institutions and their respective spheres of competence and expertise. Courts of law are in the business of enforcing the rule of law. The European Court of Justice must currently rely on the unwritten and implicit understandings of the constitution to fulfill its task.

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03 August 2019

On the Rule of Law Turn on Kirchberg – Part I

What came to be generically known as “the rule of law crisis” in the European Union has led the European Court of Justice to add a new chapter to its own jurisprudential tradition. Since 2017, the Court has been laying the foundations for a jurisprudential paradigm shift in order to defend the integrity of the EU legal system and it can thereby rely on the functions that the EU Treaties confer upon it.

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31 July 2019

Der Hund und die Macht über den Wurstvorrat

Zum wiederholten Male ist die Hoffnung der Euro- und EU-Kritiker enttäuscht worden, das Bundesverfassungsgericht würde der europäischen (Finanz-)Krisenpolitik einen Riegel vorschieben und vorschreiben, welche Eingriffsmittel in Krisenzeiten im Euroraum vielleicht recht, aber nicht mehr rechtens sind. In ihrer gestrigen Urteilsverkündung haben die Verfassungsrichter festgestellt, dass die Europäische Bankenunion weder die deutsche Verfassungsidentität verletze und dass die EZB auch nicht ultra vires handle.

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28 July 2019

A Hungarian Judge Seeks Protection from the CJEU – Part I

For the first time, a Hungarian judge stayed proceedings to ask the CJEU preliminary questions about the independence of Hungarian courts. The questions concern the appointment of court presidents and the low salary of judges. The response of Hungarian authorities was quick: Within a week, the Prosecutor General requested the Kúria (Hungary’s Supreme Court) to review the reference with the possible effect of deterring other judges from asking similar questions.

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17 July 2019
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Erst Haft, dann „Cherry-Picking“?

Kein Thema dürfte im Moment derart präsent sein wie die Verteilung Schutzsuchender, die im Mittelmeer aus Seenot gerettet werden. Der Fall der Sea-Watch 3 und die öffentliche Diskussion über Moral und Recht hat die Dysfunktionalität aller bisherigen Ansätze, die aus Seenot geretteten Menschen innerhalb der EU gerecht zu verteilen, nochmals verdeutlicht. Die neuesten bekannt gewordenen Vorstöße scheinen jedoch ebenso wenig geeignet, endlich Klarheit in dieser immer wiederkehrenden Frage zu schaffen.

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10 July 2019

Judges Depending on Judges

Since the beginning of 2018 the CJEU has finally been putting flesh on the bones of the EU principle of judicial independence. Most recently, the Court has been widely praised for its ruling against the Polish attempt of removing the, presumably, disloyal judges by a general measure of lowering their retirement age from 70 to 65. While the decision is indeed praiseworthy, it is nevertheless necessary to emphasize its notable doctrinal lacuna with potential negative practical implications – particularly in those EU member states with a weak democratic and rule of law tradition, a low degree of legal and political culture as well as with a small and tightly-knit legal elite.

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09 July 2019

Empty Seats in the European Parliament: What About EU Citizenship?

The European Parliament started its new term with three empty seats. The Catalan politicians Carles Puigdemont, Antoni Comín and Oriol Junqueras got elected in the European Parliamentary elections of 26 May 2019 but the Spanish Central Electoral Commission did not include their names in the list which was notified to the European Parliament on 17 June 2019. The reason is that that they did not appear in person to swear or affirm allegiance to the Spanish Constitution, which is a formal requirement under the Spanish election legislation. The President of the EU General Court dismissed an application of Carles Puigdemont and Antoni Comín for interim measures by referring to the Spanish electoral law. Thereby, however, he completely ignored the EU citizenship dimension of the case.

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05 July 2019

Throwing the EU Off Balance

The battlefield after the European Council summits is still coated with dust, but damages to Central and Eastern Europe and more specifically the Polish and Hungarian government are already visible. There will be no representative of the new Member States (those that entered the EU in and after 2004) among the top jobs. This result is also the consequence of the Spitzenkandidaten model which works to the detriment of smaller Member States and parties and undermines the EU’s basic pillars.

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04 July 2019

Has the Spitzenkandidaten System Failed and Should We Care?

The nomination of Germany’s Defence Minister Ursula von der Leyen is both a beginning and an end. It begins a new chapter for the European Commission with its first woman president. But also appears to mark the end of the Spitzenkandidaten approach to the selection of European Commission presidents. Indeed, all of the ‘lead candidates’ of the European political groupings were left empty-handed. If this is to be the demise of Spitzenkandidaten, will its passing be mourned?

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03 July 2019

Ende der Demokratie in Europa?

Warum das Spitzenkandidatenkonzept vor seinen eifrigsten Befürwortern beschützt werden muss: Dass der Europäische Rat in einer politisch schwierigen und unübersichtlichen Lage von seinem verfassungsrechtlich vorgesehenen Vorschlagsrecht Gebrauch gemacht hat, ist kein Skandal und die europäische Demokratie wird daran nicht zugrunde gehen.

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30 June 2019

Verbrechen der Menschlichkeit?

Carola Rackete, Kapitänin der Sea-Watch, droht ein Strafverfahren in Italien. Bei diesem Verfahren steht nicht nur für das italienische, sondern für das gesamte europäische Recht viel auf dem Spiel. Wenn ein weithin als moralisch richtig oder gar geboten angesehenes Verhalten sich als strafbar erweist, dann gefährdet das die Akzeptanz und Autorität von Recht.

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26 June 2019

Mit dem Kopf durch die europarechtliche Wand

Die Pkw-Maut ist rechtswidrig. Das hat der Europäische Gerichtshof vergangene Woche in erfrischender Klarheit festgestellt. Dabei kann das gescheiterte Mautvorhaben als Muster für politische Manöver gelten, die auch im Asyl- und Migrationsrecht zu beobachten sind. Es wird Wahlkampf mit nationalen Interessen gemacht und politische Handlungsfähigkeit demonstriert. Rechtliche, insbesondere europarechtliche Vorgaben werden zur Randnotiz degradiert. Bis die Gerichte entscheiden dauert es. So kann eine ganze Zeit lang mit rechtswidrigen Versprechungen Politik gemacht werden.

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25 June 2019
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Where Citizenship Law and Data Protection Law Converge

Becoming a citizen of a country is a noteworthy event. But in light of increasing concerns over the protection of personal data, states face questions regarding the necessity of formal publication of the personal data of their new citizens. A closer look at Member States' practices reveals radical discrepancies between the national approaches taken across the EU.

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24 June 2019

Turning the Lights Off

On 14 June the Bulgarian minister of justice finally took the step to present to the public its long-awaited draft of the new accountability mechanism intended to ensure independent investigation for to the top three Bulgarian magistrates. The draft legislation proves that the concerns regarding the consequences for Bugaria's judicial independence were entirely justified.

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21 June 2019
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Mini-BOTs, complementary currencies and the European monetary malaise

On May 28th, the Italian Chamber of Deputies approved a resolution requiring the government to issue the so-called mini-BOTs. Under such a name, reference is made to Treasury bills issued in small denominations (in Euros), bearing no interest, with no expiry date, and which the Italian Exchequer would accept as a means of payment of taxes. The proposal has been predictably met with marked skepticism by European institutions and by the Italian Minister of Economy and Finance. However, the wisest move, in prudential, political and economic terms, would be that European institutions would embrace experimentation with complementary currencies, in genuine federal spirit.

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18 June 2019

Das Ende der Maut, wie wir sie kennen

Zur PKW-Maut hat der Europäische Gerichtshof nun ein wunderbar klares Urteil gesprochen, das auf eindrückliche Weise bestätigt, was jeder sehen konnte, der es sehen wollte: Ob ich bei der Erhebung einer Abgabe zwischen Personen, die in Deutschland wohnen, und solchen, die woanders wohnen, differenziere (klar verboten, grundlegende ständige Rechtsprechung) oder ob ich sie bei der Erhebung gleichbehandle und dann nur den in Deutschland Ansässigen alles erstatte, darf nicht zu einem unterschiedlichen Ergebnis führen.

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16 June 2019

CVM Here, CVM There: The European Commission in Bulgaria’s Legal Wonderland

On 13 June 2019, Bulgaria’s Minister of Justice Danail Kirilov declared that he would resign unless the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism to which Bulgaria was subjected was lifted before the end of the Juncker Commission’s term. This statement comes in the middle of a highly controversial reform proposed by Kirilov. The reform is one of the key arguments Bulgaria intends to use to persuade the European Commission that the CVM should be terminated this year.

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14 June 2019

Producing Legal History

Iustitia dilata est iustitia negata is a famous legal maxim meaning that “justice delayed is justice denied”. It goes without saying that it represents a universal truth. This truth is particularly relevant to the European Court of Human Rights which - on average - takes several years to deliver a judgment.

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09 June 2019

A Bad Workman Blames His Tools

On caulking walls, laying oxygen pipes and other matters of constitutional craftsmanship

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30 May 2019

No Going Nuclear in Strasbourg

Mammadov v. Azerbaijan, the much anticipated judgment handed down by the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights yesterday, is no ordinary judgment. It is the first time the Court has ruled in an ‘infringement procedure’ – the most serious form of political pressure that members of the Council of Europe can exert on one of their own short of expulsion from the club.

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Should the EU Think Twice Before Dumping its Spitzenkandidaten?

With the dust barely settled from the European elections, the horse-trading for the most important EU-level positions has begun. Much of the analysis has focused on one aspect of the election result: the fragmented European Parliament it leaves in its wake. This will be a ‘coalition’ Parliament, with the support of several pro-European groupings necessary for the EU’s legislative agenda to progress. In this sense, the result gave ammunition to those eager to dump the 2014 Spitzenkandidaten system. Another aspect of the election result, however, seems just as important.

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29 May 2019
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How to Address Rule of Law Backsliding in Romania

In this post, we will first summarise the situation in Romania before examining Frans Timmermans’ reaction to the latest evidence of rule of law backsliding there. This post concludes with a possible solution considering the diagnosis offered below: an infringement action based on Article 325 TFEU.

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27 May 2019

Juge d’instruction als gemeineuropäisches Leitbild?

Der EuGH hält deutsche Staatsanwaltschaften für nicht hinreichend unabhängig, um EU-Haftbefehle auszustellen. Der EuGH sieht die formale Unabhängigkeit von politischem Einfluss als entscheidendes Kriterium an, eine neutrale, faire und hinreichend gegen Missbrauch armierte Anwendung des europäischen Rechtshilferechts sicherzustellen. Dies wird jedoch der sehr unterschiedlichen Ausdifferenzierung der nationalen Justizstrukturen innerhalb der EU nicht gerecht.

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25 May 2019

Interoperability of Databases and Interstate Trust: a Perilous Combination for Fundamental Rights

On 14 May 2019, the Council adopted two regulations, Regulation 2019/817 and Regulation 2019/818, establishing a framework for the interoperability between EU information systems in the Area of Freedom, Security, and Justice. The new rules on interoperability, upon which the European Parliament agreed in April 2019, will allegedly provide for easier information sharing and ‘considerably improve security in the EU, allow for more efficient checks at external borders, improve detection of multiple identities and help prevent and combat illegal migration’. All this, according to the press release of the Council, ‘while safeguarding fundamental rights’. It is questionable whether this commitment made by the EU legislator is justified.

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Dritte im Bunde: Für mehr Transparenz in der Partei- und Wahlkampf­finanzierung

Heinz-Christian Strache hat sich und seine FPÖ um Kopf und Kragen geredet. In dem heimlich aufgenommen Video, das den ehemaligen Parteivorsitzenden und Vizekanzler von Österreich in einer Villa auf Ibiza zeigt, schwadroniert er u.a. über einen Verein, der der FPÖ nahestehe und an den mehrere Vermögende gespendet hätten, vorbei am Rechnungshof. Der Vorgang wirft ein Schlaglicht auf Defizite der Parteien- und Wahlkampffinanzierung, nicht nur in Österreich.

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24 May 2019

#DeniedMyVote too: Brits in France, the European Elections and the Council of State

European Elections Day in the United Kingdom has been stained by revelations that many EU citizens were unable to vote due to various clerical errors, widely reported on Twitter with the hashtag #DeniedMyVote. It seems that something along the same lines, though on a smaller scale, happened to UK citizens residing in other Member States of the European Union, for example in France.

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23 May 2019

Is a Microstate about to Provide EU Rule of Law with its Van Gend Moment?

In fifteen years of EU membership, Maltese courts have been remarkably reluctant to refer questions of interpretation to the CJEU. This could be about to change in litigation which could have far-reaching consequences for the direct effect of member states’ rule of law and human rights obligations. The dispute raises important, novel questions concerning the extent to which EU law of a classical constitutional nature could be democratised in much the same manner as the law of the internal market was democratised through Van Gend.

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22 May 2019

Unfinished Business for the European Parliament: The EU Terrorist Content Regulation

A new EU Regulation aims to prevent online platforms from being abused to spread terrorist content. Unfortunately, the misguided draft gravely threatens freedom of expression. It is up to the newly elected European Parliament to do necessary damage control.

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15 May 2019
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Holding European Political Parties Accountable – Testing the Horizontal EU Values Compliance Mechanism

The rather obscure horizontal EU values compliance mechanism shall give groups of EU citizens the possibility to hold European political parties accountable for non-compliance with EU values. Actually trying do so, however, may turn out to be just as unsuccessful as the Article 7 TEU procedure.

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13 May 2019

Autonomy in Decline? A Commentary on Rimšēvičs and ECB v Latvia

In the world of European central banking, the corruption case against Ilmars Rimšēvičs, Governor of the Central Bank of Latvia, is a major issue. Ordinary European lawyers like the present author could be excused for having missed the Rimšēvičs case pending before the EU Court of Justice (Cases C-202/18 and C-238/18). In its judgment of 26 February 2019, the Court of Justice for the first time had the opportunity to define the scope of the review conducted in an infringement proceeding pursuant to Article 14.2 of the Statute of the ESCB and of the ECB (‘the Statute’) and to determine the legal effect of a judgment rendered in this context. The latter gives the case a constitutional significance far beyond the field of central banking.

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05 May 2019

Gemeinsam für den Frieden und die Einheit Europas? Der Europarat und Russland

Der 70. Geburtstag des Europarats am heutigen Tage gibt Anlass zu Stolz und Freude. Doch gleichzeitig befindet sich der Europarat in einer tiefen politischen und finanziellen Krise. Zentrale Frage ist, inwieweit er bei der Durchsetzung der Pflichten der Mitgliedstaaten die Desintegration in Kauf nehmen muss. Die aktuelle Rhetorik sendet jedenfalls das falsche Signal.

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03 May 2019

Kirchliche Selbst­bestimmung und deutsche Verfassungs­identität: Überlegungen zum Fall „Egenberger“

Der Fall "Egenberger" wird schon jetzt zu einem Showdown zwischen EuGH und Bundesverfassungsgericht hochstilisiert. Ob staatliche Gerichte zu beurteilen haben, ob für eine kirchliche Anstellung eine Religionszugehörigkeit erforderlich ist, kann aber nur dann in der Sache entschieden werden, wenn die von der Diakonie erhobene Verfassungsbeschwerde zulässig ist. Schon daran bestehen aber erhebliche Zweifel.

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Das CETA-Gutachten des EuGH – Neue Maßstäbe allerorten…

Das lang erwartete EuGH-Gutachten zu CETA hat eine große Menge offener Rechtsfragen adressiert (oder erst aufgeworfen). Zwei Punkte verdienen besondere Beachtung: Zum einen unterwirft der EuGH das auswärtige Handeln der EU einer vollumfassenden materiell-rechtlichen Anforderungs- und Überprüfungsdichte. Zum anderen macht der EuGH rechtlich nur schwer nachvollziehbare Ausführungen, die, konsequent zu Ende gedacht, die Handlungsmöglichkeiten der EU im modernen Völkerrecht erheblich einschränken dürften.

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02 May 2019

Der Staat gegen seine Richter: Eindrücke von der EGMR-Verhandlung im Fall M.N.

Es gibt zwei große Fragen in diesem Fall M.N. gg. Belgien, der am 24. April 2019 vor der Großen Kammer des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte (EGMR) verhandelt wurde. Die erste betrifft die Pflicht eines Staates, unter besonderen Umständen in einer Botschaft ein Visum auszustellen, welches Personen erlaubt, einzureisen und dann Asyl zu beantragen. Daneben wirft der Fall M.N. aber eine zweite Frage auf, die an Grundsätzlichkeit und Relevanz kaum hinter der ersten zurückbleibt. Es ist dies die Frage nach der offenen und ausdrücklichen Missachtung von Gerichtsentscheidungen durch die Verwaltung, wie sie in diesem Fall stattfand, also eine Frage nach Gewaltenteilung und Rechtsstaatlichkeit.

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30 April 2019

Ist CETA der „Golden Standard“? EuGH hält CETA-Gericht für unionsrechtskonform

Das heute verkündete Urteil des EuGH im Gutachtenverfahren 1/17 war mit Spannung erwartet worden: Würde der Gerichtshof seine gegenüber internationalen Gerichten skeptische Haltung fortsetzen und auch ein CETA-Gericht neben sich nicht dulden? Der EuGH hat überrascht und erweist sich als großer Freund und Helfer der Bemühungen der Europäischen Kommission um eine Neugestaltung der Streitbeilegung in Investitionsschutzverfahren.

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23 April 2019

Is Bulgaria’s Rule of Law about to Die under the European Commission’s Nose? The Country’s Highest-Ranking Judge Fears So

On 17 April 2019, the President of Bulgaria’s Supreme Court of Cassation Lozan Panov was the keynote speaker at a yearly event dedicated to court independence. In his speech, Panov painted a vivid, yet gruesome picture of Bulgaria’s rule of law which is about to die like an oblivious frog in a pan of hot water reaching tipping point. Sadly, EU institutions have been turning a blind eye to the troublesome developments in Bulgaria for far too long.

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19 April 2019

Brexit and the Politics of Law-Making

Should MPs be able to legislate contrary to the wishes of the government of the day? The Cooper Bill has raised fundamental questions over the relationship between law and politics in the United Kingdom.

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16 April 2019

After the Second Brexit Extension: What Now?

Unless the Withdrawal Act is adopted after all, the UK will need to elect MEPs in May. It is unlikely, however, that European Parliament elections will help to resolve the political impasse in Westminster. Hence, something else will have to move.

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15 April 2019

The CJEU (Unintentionally) Opens New Avenues of “Free Choice” in Asylum Law

With the CJEU judgment H & R of 2 April 2019, the never-ending story of clarifying the preconditions for Dublin transfers took a turn that will again entail needs for clarification. The CJEU’s interpretation was essentially motivated by the aim to keep, or render, the Dublin system efficient and to lessen the time and effort involved in handling secondary migrations. Was it successful?

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11 April 2019

Three Steps Ahead, One Step Aside: The AG’s Opinion in the Commission v. Poland Case

In the infringement case about forced retirement of Polish Supreme Court judges, the Advocate General has delivered his much-awaited opinion. The AG proposed that the Court should declare that Poland failed to fulfil its obligations under Article 19 TEU. I do agree with this conclusion. I do not share, however, the Advocate General's view that the complaint of the Commission should be rejected as inadmissible as far as it is based on the right to an independent judge under Article 49 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights.

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05 April 2019

Der EuGH eröffnet (unbeabsichtigt) neue Wege für “free choice” im Asylrecht

Die unendliche Geschichte der Klärung der Voraussetzungen, unter denen Asylsuchende Dublin-überstellt werden dürfen, hat mit dem EuGH-Urteil H & R vom 2. April eine Wendung genommen, die wieder einigen Anschlussklärungsbedarf nach sich ziehen wird. Die Entscheidung war wesentlich durch das Ziel motiviert, das Dublin-System effizient zu halten, bzw. effizient zu machen, doch ist das auch gelungen?

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The Tjebbes Fail: Going Farcical about Bulgakovian Truths

In the case of Tjebbes the European Court of Justice has agreed in principle with stripping EU citizens residing abroad of their EU citizenship status and EU democratic rights based on non-renewal of the passport. The judgment showcases the dangerous limits to the understanding of the concept of citizenship by the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice.

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31 March 2019

How to Defend the Integrity of the EP Elections against Authoritarian Member States

The elections to the European Parliament will take place in a few weeks’ time. There is a clear danger that some of the new MEPs will gain their mandates in elections organised by Member States that are not up to democratic standards. The European Parliament should try to defend itself from being infiltrated by MEPs with questionable democratic mandates. It already possesses the competence which is necessary for it, in the form of mandate validation.

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30 March 2019

Two Become One? On the Civil–Military Amalgamation of the CSDP

Stories on the civil–military interface in the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) rarely have a happy ending. They tell us that bureaucratic efficiency and operational effectiveness could be enhanced if the civil and military branches of EU security and defence were better streamlined. This blogpost challenges this negative narrative and argues that a significant civil–military nexus—that is the interconnectedness of civilian and military elements in the CSDP—has already materialized.

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29 March 2019

Rule of Law Implications for Supranational Military Cooperation

The intergovernmental component based on international law principles remains quite strong in this policy field. However, the Council appears as a key decision-making body with regard to launching EU military missions, and determining the structural details (command and control). This certainly raises the question on which level of the multi-level legal system effective rule-of-protection mechanisms are in fact embedded.

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28 March 2019

The EU’s New Defence Policy – Beyond the Distinction Supranational / Intergovernmental

While most legal scholarship and the Bundesverfassunsgericht hold that Member States remain self-governed in the field of military policy, the New Defence Policy illustrates that this is not the case. PESCO shows how the New Defence Policy is subjecting the Member States to regulatory measures which are generated and enforced through EU political processes that clearly leave behind the intergovernmental form.

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27 March 2019

A New Defense Policy Yet to Come. Two Remarks on the Current State of CSDP

This blog post wants to raise two objections against politico-integrative euphoria: first, I agree with the view that the current initiatives are marginal in comparison to the EU’s needs for becoming a flexible, ready, and willing autonomous security and defense actor; and second, I will expound that autonomy still matters though in a different way than it did before, posing a particular challenge to EU actorness.

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26 March 2019

Brexit ohne Bundestag?

Aus dem Brexit ergeben sich fundamentale Änderungen an der Architektur der Europäischen Union. Hätte der Bundestag am Austrittabkommen und an der anvisierten Verlängerung der britischen EU-Mitgliedschaft beteiligt werden müssen?

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Distinctions Matter: Supranational vs. Intergovernmental Rules of the EU’s Defence Game

To what extent does PESCO suggest novel ways and rules of decision-making that are neither supranational nor intergovernmental? While I share the general view that the differentiated integration of PESCO shapes a certain middle ground between the two forms of policy-making, I argue that we should preserve the distinction between supranational and intergovernmental rules since it still makes a difference in political life.

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25 March 2019

The Historical Development of EU Defence Policy: Lessons for the Future?

Grand labels like a “European Defence Union” are rather misleading. In particular, there is no “European Army” in sight. For the foreseeable future, there is no return to the European Defence Community of the 1950s. A more realistic solution is a cooperative network of national armies, systematically using the concept of pooling & sharing.

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23 March 2019

Systemic Error – On Hungary’s Extension of European Voting Rights to Non-Resident Citizens

Last December, the Hungarian legislator adopted a rule that allows non-EU-resident Hungarian citizens to vote at the European Parliament elections. This rule is in line with a 2018 Council decision. Implementation done, EU conformity secured, nothing to see here. Or is there?

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21 March 2019
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The Role of Citizen Emotions in Constitutional Backsliding – Mapping Out Frontiers of New Research

Liberal, constitutional democracy is decaying in Eastern Europe. Important liberal institutions and norms face threats even in stronger and more stable democracies in Western Europe, and perhaps especially in the United States. the assault on key liberal institutions by populist movements has been as successful as it has because those groups have been able to harness – and fuel – the anger and anxieties of citizens.

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20 March 2019

Wege aus dem Brexit-Chaos: Weshalb die EU die Initiative ergreifen sollte

Das Vereinigte Königreich hat sich seit der Entscheidung für den Brexit im Juni 2016 nicht gerade als Musterbeispiel für gutes Regieren präsentiert. Dennoch: Die EU sollte dem Vereinigten Königreich noch einmal entgegenkommen und ein Angebot machen, das eine Mehrheit für den Ausstiegsvertrag im britischen Unterhaus doch noch ermöglicht. Jetzt ist politische Führung gefragt.

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19 March 2019

Binnengrenze ≠ Außengrenze: Klärendes vom EuGH zur Wiedereinführung von Grenzkontrollen

Wenn ein Mitgliedstaat wieder Grenzkontrollen einführt, dann wird damit nicht aus einer EU-Binnengrenze eine Außengrenze. Mit dem Urteil Arib hat der EuGH heute entschieden, dass die Ausnahmen in der Rückführungsrichtlinie bei Binnengrenzkontrollen keine Anwendung finden, da diese nicht mit den Kontrollen an den Außengrenzen vergleichbar sind. Selbst in unmittelbarer Nähe der Binnengrenze befindet sich die Person bereits auf dem Territorium des kontrollierenden Mitgliedstaates. Damit hat der EuGH klargestellt, dass sich die „Fiktion der Nichteinreise“ des Flughafentransits oder die sog. „carrier sanctions“ nicht auf die Situation bei einer erlaubten Binnengrenzkontrolle übertragen lassen, und damit den Schengen-Raum als gemeinsamen europäischen Freizügigkeitsraum gestärkt.

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The Birth of Political Europe

With just 90 days to go before the European Parliament elections, the EU political and societal landscape is undergoing a profound and historical shake-up. This goes well beyond the reductionist and highly-polarized depiction of the pro-EU vs anti-EU / open vs closed society debate championed by our political class and magnified by the media. The effects of EU policies on citizens’ lives as further amplified by the Brexit collective journey have gradually led to the emergence of a timid, yet evolving, common pan-European debate. Yet, as epitomized by Emmanuel’s Macron multi-lingual op-ed unparallelly addressed to the whole EU electorate, this Europeanisation of the political conversation is unveiling an inconvenient truth.

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17 March 2019

Fight Fire with Fire – a Plea for EU Information Campaigns in Hungarian and Polish

In the current crisis of democracy in the EU, we should not put too much pressure on the judiciary to fix the rule of law and democracy. Neither should we put too much hope for positive developments on (European) party politics. Rather I suggest that the EU should start speaking directly to the electorate via EU information campaigns in Hungarian and Polish. The 2019 European Parliament elections might provide an adequate framework for such campaigns.

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15 March 2019
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Of Red Lines and Red Herring: The EPP’s Delusions about Restraining Orbán

This post will offer an overview of the main EPP’s ‘red lines’ since the EPP leadership first demanded from Prime Minister Orbán that he immediately comply with EU laws and EPP values nearly two years ago, in April 2017. We will show that, contrary to Weber’s claims about EPP values being non-negotiable, Orbán has repeatedly crossed the EPP’s supposed red-lines with impunity. And rather than being restrained by the EPP, Orbán has sought to transform it.

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14 March 2019

Straßburg und das Anti-Richter-Dilemma

Nach einem aktuellen Urteil des EGMR ist ein Gericht, an dem regelwidrig ernannte Richter_innen mitwirken, nicht "auf Gesetz beruhend" i.S.v. Art. 6 Abs. 1 EMRK. Was bedeutet, dass jeder, den ein solches Gericht verurteilt, sein Recht auf ein faires Verfahren in Straßburg einklagen kann. Der EGMR kontrolliert, ob die Regeln bei der Richterernennung eingehalten wurden. Das, so scheint mir, könnte in Polen noch massive Folgen haben, und nicht nur dort.

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06 March 2019
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Countering the Judicial Silencing of Critics: Novel Ways to Enforce European Values

The Polish government is stepping up its repression. The freedom of political speech is a main target. A national judge has not just the right but an outright duty to refer a case to the CJEU whenever the common value basis is in danger. Thus, a Polish judge faced with a case concerning the silencing of critics, must refer the matter to the CJEU and request an interpretation of Article 2 TEU in light of the rights at stake.

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04 March 2019

Crossing the Baltic Rubicon

Last week, a constitutional moment took place in the European Union. In a rather technical area of law, the Statute of the European System of Central Banks, the Court of Justice ruled for the first time in a case that ensued in the annulment of a decision of a Member State. The Court did not declare that a Member State had failed to fulfill its obligations under EU Law. What the Court did was much more ambitious.

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27 February 2019
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Not to be Pushed Aside: the Italian Constitutional Court and the European Court of Justice

A few days ago, with the decision no 20/2019, the Italian Constitutional Court (ICC) has set a new cornerstone in its relationship with EU law and, in particular, with the judicial treatment of issues covered by both national fundamental rights and the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. In so doing, the Consulta shows the intention to act as a pivotal institution in the field of judicial protection of fundamental rights.

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20 February 2019
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Tracking Anti-Values MEPs: EP Seat Projections and Rule of Law Protection

On 18 February the European Parliament published its first projections for the EP2019-2024 seat allocation. The framing of ‘bad guys on the rise, but likely to remain on the fringes’ is tempting and dominant but it is deeply misleading.

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19 February 2019

The ECtHR as a drowning ‘Island of Hope’?’ Its impending reversal of the interpretation of collective expulsion is a warning signal

The outcome of the case ND and NT v. Spain currently pending before the Grand Chamber may determine the future course of the Court in other migration policy cases. It will show whether the ECtHR still deserves its title as an ‘island of hope in stormy times’ or whether this island is drowning under the pressure of some of its Member States.

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15 February 2019

In Search of a Role for the Member States and the EU to Establish an Investment Screening Mechanism

Investments in enterprises, which are relevant for public security and services, are an important source of growth, jobs and innovations. But such investments can be detrimental to the security of supply for the community members – for example, when a state owned enterprise, which is located in a third state, gets control over the only electricity station in a Member State.

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What Powers at What Level?

How to allocate the powers to collect information, surveil and restrict investment between the EU and the Member States? This question has far reaching ramifications for the underlying political relationship between the EU and its Member States.

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The Political Economy of Capital Controls and Liberalization

In the face of rising global tensions the free flow of direct investment capital across borders is in dispute. The self-evidence of free capital movements since the start of the euro can no longer be taken for granted. Concerns have emerged about the intentions of foreign investors acquiring domestic key industries.

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14 February 2019

Generalanwältin Eleanor Sharpston: mit dem Brexit verlieren wir eine Kraft für das europäische Asylrecht

Es gibt viele Gründe, den Brexit zu beweinen. Auf Seiten der EU ist einer davon Generalanwältin Eleanor Sharpston. Sie hat speziell für das europäische Asylrecht in den letzten Jahren eine zentrale Rolle gespielt.

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11 February 2019

Freiheit oder Gleichheit? Kopftuchverbote im Spannungsfeld von Unionsrecht und Grundgesetz

Am 30. Januar hat das Bundesarbeitsgericht dem EuGH Fragen zur Vorabentscheidung betreffend ein Kopftuchverbot vorgelegt. Hintergrund dieser und einer weiteren Vorlage ist eine mögliche Kollision der jüngsten deutschen und europäischen Rechtsprechung zu Kopftuchverboten, bei der das vergleichsweise hohe deutsche Schutzniveau zugunsten von Kopftuchträgerinnen auf dem Spiel steht.

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Inter-institutional Agreement Reached on Framework for Screening of Foreign Direct Investments

The EU has one of the world's most open investment regimes, and collectively EU Member States have the fewest restrictions in the world on foreign direct investment. A proposal for a Union Act on the Screening of foreign investment in strategic sectors was tabled by ten Members of International Trade Committee (INTA) at the European Parliament (EP). The inter-institutional “provisional” agreement is going to be voted by the full House of the EP on the 14th of February 2019.

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08 February 2019

Access to Legal Redress in an EU Investment Screening Mechanism

The proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and […]

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07 February 2019

Warum der EuGH-Generalanwalt in punkto „PKW-Maut“ Unrecht hat

Generalanwalt Nils Wahl hat gestern – für viele überraschend – für eine Zulässigkeit des deutschen Vignettensystems plädiert. Die Argumente des Generalanwalts überzeugen nicht. Jetzt hat der EuGH die Gelegenheit in seinem Urteil seiner Verantwortung zur Wahrung des Rechts bei der Auslegung und Anwendung der Verträge (Art. 19 EUV) nachzukommen.

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Investment Screening in the Defence Industry – News from the Bermuda Triangle of EU Law

The national investment screening mechanisms for the defence and security […]

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06 February 2019

Rebuilding the Berlin Wall?

On 19 December 2018, the German government has passed amendments […]

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05 February 2019

Avenues in European Company Law to Screen Foreign Direct Investment

Screening of foreign direct investments could take place through European […]

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04 February 2019
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Debate: A Common European Law on Investment Screening?

Volvo Personvagnar AB, Kuka, Aixtron, OSRAM Licht, Daimler, Saxo Bank, […]

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03 February 2019

Collateral Damage? Der Brexit und das Europaparlament

Sollen die EU 27 dem Vereinigten Königreich eine Fristverlängerung für den Brexit zugestehen? Das würde die Europawahlen im Mai gefährden, und damit die Verfassung der EU. Der Austritt des Vereinigten Königreichs am 29. März 2019, mit oder ohne Austrittsabkommen, ist als Ende mit Schrecken einem Schrecken ohne klares Ende vorzuziehen. Damit die EU nicht auch noch Schaden nimmt.

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30 January 2019

The EU Regulation on Terrorist Content: An Emperor without Clothes

The draft EU Regulation on preventing the dissemination of terrorist content online constitutes a grave threat to freedom of expression. It could be applied in respect of journalists, non-governmental organisations, political parties, trade unions, indigenous peoples, scholars of history or social sciences, novelists, cartoonists, photographers and filmmakers. Its cross-border application makes it a dreadful tool in the hands of authoritarian regimes or rogue officials.

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A Citizenship Maze: How to Cure a Chronic Disease?

European Union (EU) citizenship is in crisis. If the Eurozenship debate, composed of experts on EU citizenship, is analogized to a doctor’s diagnosis, the outcome is more extensively polarized than initially thought—a chronic disease, not just a temporary disorder. As I follow the debate, it is no longer clear what the problem is—there seem to be too many, real and imaginary—or how to heal it. Some issues seem to be “genetic,” part of the EU’s DNA, yet others resemble a concrete illness that may be cured, so the argument goes, by a “doctor's prescription,” which in law means a legal design.

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29 January 2019

Member State and EU Citizenships Should be Strengthened Rather than Disentangled

While perhaps appealing as a gesture towards addressing problems such the anticipated deprivation of rights following Brexit, statelessness, or wide variation in Member State naturalization and denaturalization policies, these proposals are impracticable in the absence of international recognition of EU citizenship (which would normally require recognizing the EU as a state, which in turn should normally mean that the Member States cede competence over citizenship), challenge deeply rooted national stories of peoplehood with an emerging story of European peoplehood, and risk undermining fragile public support for EU rights.

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28 January 2019

EU Citizenship as an Autonomous Status of Constituent Power

I would argue, however, that Kostakopolou’s argument for a “co-determined Eurozenship” would not go far enough in realising the potential of the status. This post develops this argument first by grounding the normative appeal of autonomous EU citizenship in the context of Member State withdrawal. Next, it is suggested that the co-determination of the status by Member States and the EU institutions would be incompatible with the current legitimacy foundation of the EU. The post concludes by considering the more radical alternative of EU citizenship being made autonomous so that individuals can exercise constituent power to re-establish these foundations of the European Union constitutional order.

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More Suffocating Bonds?! Conceptual and Legal Flaws of the Unnecessary Proposal

In this brief contribution I turn to Kostakopoulou’s text and briefly show that her proposal: 1) ignores the core aspects of EU citizenship’s added value; 2) is entirely unnecessary; 3) is not legally neat; and 4) is dangerous for the very nature of EU citizenship today as it essentially pleads for the recreation of the ‘suffocating bonds’ the EU was created to ease, only at a scale much more scary than Greece, Ireland or France, when taken one by one. Besides, it ignores every single outstanding problem actually posed by EU citizenship law as it stands.

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25 January 2019

Eurozenship: always a bridesmaid?

I would be most happy if Dora Kostakopoulou’s vision of an autonomous EU citizenship came into being. However, there are two key normative and practical pitfalls of her proposal. First, the decoupling of statuses that she proposes poses the risk of ‘free riding’ on EU citizenship rights for those who had, at some point enjoyed, and then lost, this status. Second, having in mind the different definitions of residence across the Member States, linking the acquisition of EU citizenship to this status is like putting a roof on a house with uneven walls.

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Ein bisschen Verfolgung kann so schlimm nicht sein? Sicherheit in Herkunftsstaaten ist keine Frage des politischen Willens

Vor einer Woche hat der Bundestag beschlossen, Georgien sowie die Maghreb-Staaten Algerien, Tunesien und Marokko in die Liste der sicheren Herkunftsstaaten aufzunehmen. Angesichts der Zuständigkeit des Gesetzgebers entsteht der Eindruck, dass es eine Frage des politischen Willens sei, ob Länder sicher sind. Das wird der verfassungsrechtlichen Konzeption aber nicht gerecht.

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24 January 2019

On the Risk of Trying to Kill “Seven at a Blow”

I agree with Dora that political theorists should not be afraid of radicalism, as long as the proposed reform effectively achieves clearly defined and desirable goals (the utilitarian test) and is consistent with fundamental norms (the principled approach). Richard Bellamy already pointed to the potentially negative consequences of what he describes as a form of “mushroom reasoning” on some of the core principles underlying the European project, such as that of reciprocity. While I broadly share Richard’s conclusion, my main concern here is that Dora’s proposal may not entirely satisfy the utilitarian test requirements. In other words, instead of killing seven flies at a blow, it may end up killing none.

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23 January 2019

A Dysfunctional Eurozenship? The Question of Free Movement

A European citizenship model autonomous from Member States’ nationality cannot work within the context of free movement. Should we end the debate, then, and take Richard Bellamy’s side? Not necessarily. Dora Kostakopoulou’s Eurozenship can be both improved and approved, and below I offer a few options for doing it.

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Investor Citizenship and Residence: the EU Commission’s Incompetent Case for Blood and Soil

Today, on 23 January 2019 the Commission released its ‘Report on Investor Citizenship and Residence Schemes in the European Union.’ The Report will definitely not be entered on the roll-call of the documents the Commission could even vaguely be proud of.

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22 January 2019

Let Third-Country Nationals Become Citizens in Host Member States and of the European Union

I agree with Dora’s diagnosis, and I agree that the EU – and EU Member States – should act to rectify shortcomings of the Union citizenship construction that largely unconstrained allows inequality in regard to access to Union citizenship and Union citizenship rights. However, I cannot subscribe to Dora’s solution. In my opinion, the suggested reform is not the right cure to the shortcomings of the present Union citizenship practice.

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21 January 2019

If You Want to Make EU Citizenship More Inclusive You Have to Reform Nationality Laws

Dora Kostakopoulou rightly spots some deficits in the current construction of EU citizenship, but she asks the wrong questions about these deficits and her answers would therefore aggravate rather than resolve the problems. She asks: “Why should statelessness lead to the loss of Eurozenship?” The better question would be “Why should the EU tolerate that Member States produce stateless people?” She proposes “that all children born in the EU, who might not be able to inherit a Member State nationality, would automatically be EU citizens”. The better proposal would be to make sure instead that all children born and raised in a Member State become citizens of that state and thereby EU citizens.

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18 January 2019

The Case Against an Autonomous ‘EU Rump Citizenship’

In the debate between Dora Kostakopoulou and Richard Bellamy, I agree with most of the propositions put forward by Dora in her introductory paragraphs: that EU citizenship allows former enemies to meet and live in harmony; that nationalistic populism should be rejected; and that the prospect of Brexit remains depressing. Nonetheless, I disagree with her proposal to move towards an autonomous EU citizenship.

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17 January 2019
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1095 Days Later: From Bad to Worse Regarding the Rule of Law in Poland (Part II)

Part II of our stock-taking of the EU rule of law proceedings against Poland: what the Luxembourg Court, the Council and member states can do to prevent further decay of the rule of law.

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A relative dissociation of Union citizenship from member States nationality needs to mean something more than long term residence status

Dissociating Union citizenship from Member States nationality law recognizes and consolidates the assumption that people holding a genuine link to the EU have the right to possess its citizenship, regardless of whether their state of residence is willing to offer it to them. I believe that granting the status of European citizenship beyond Member State nationality, in a period noted by the emergence of far-right populism targeting migration as the major threat for European civilizational unity is a win-win solution both for its bearers and the EU itself.

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16 January 2019

On Mushroom Reasoning and Kostakopoulou’s Argument for Eurozenship

Dora Kostakopoulou makes a spirited case for an autonomous status of European Union citizenship – one that is not related to the possession of citizenship of a Member State. However, while I sympathise with some of the concerns lying behind this proposal, I regard it as a misguided way of addressing them that is based in its turn on a misunderstanding of the nature of citizenship and of the EU and its achievements – albeit one shared by a number of the EU’s prime actors as well as certain of its foes.

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Who Should Be a Citizen of the Union? Toward an Autonomous European Union Citizenship

Refusing to believe that political constraints outweigh political possibilities in the present historical conjuncture, I argue that the time is ripe for the disentanglement of Eurozenship from Member State nationality. Since the mid-1990s I have defended this reform. But my argument for an autonomous Eurozenship in this debate unfolds in two steps which are presented in the subsequent two sections. In the first section, I explore the incremental disentanglement of EU citizenship from the nationality law of Member States, while in the second section I reconstruct Eurozenship, that is, I present the configuration of an autonomous EU citizenship law which can co-exist with EU citizenship cum Member State nationality.

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13 January 2019
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1095 Days Later: From Bad to Worse Regarding the Rule of Law in Poland (Part I)

On 13 January 2016, exactly three years ago today, the Commission activated the so-called rule of law framework for the very first time with respect to Poland. As things stand today, Polish authorities’ sustained and systematic attacks on the rule of law now more than ever directly threaten the very functioning of the EU legal order.

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11 January 2019

Rationalising political representation within the European Parliament: the Italian Constitutional Court rules on the threshold for the European elections

In December 2018, the Italian Constitutional Court found the national 4% threshold for elections to the European Parliament to be constitutional. Unlike the Bundesverfassungsgericht, which focused in-depth on the European state of affairs at a given stage, the Corte costituzionale has pointed to a gradual evolutionary development towards “a rationalisation of the representation of political forces within the European parliamentary assembly”. According to this interpretation, both the national parliaments and the European Parliament face similar challenges.

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09 January 2019

Capturing Bulgaria’s Justice System: The Homestretch

While focusing on other EU members facing challenges in the area of rule of law, foreign commentators may not realize that the situation in Bulgaria is critical. Bulgaria’s executive is now headed into the homestretch of capturing the entire justice system. The current unprecedented proceedings against the President of the Supreme Court of Cassation would complete the capture if the plan that shows through – remove him from office – works.

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18 December 2018

Keine Grenzkontrollen im Schengen-Raum! Auch nicht durch Busfahrer

Nach dem Schengener Grenzkodex sind Grenzkontrollen an den Binnengrenzen des Schengen-Raums abgeschafft. Doch die Mitgliedstaaten, allen voran Deutschland, lassen kaum etwas unversucht, diese Vorgabe zu umgehen. Indem sie die Kontrollen ins Hinterland verlagern, behaupten sie ihre „Grenzhoheit“ nach dem Motto: „Wenn wir nicht an der Grenze kontrollieren dürfen, dann kontrollieren wir eben davor oder dahinter.“ Mit Urteil vom 13.12.2018 hat der Europäische Gerichtshof einer besonders kreativen Umgehungstaktik nun den Riegel vorgeschoben: Der Übertragung der Kontrolle auf private Beförderungsunternehmen.

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13 December 2018

Zwangshaft für Markus Söder? Von der Ungemütlichkeit an den Grenzen des Rechtsstaats

Mitten in die ohnehin längst nicht mehr beschauliche Vorweihnachtszeit schallten jüngst beunruhigende Nachrichten von einer spektakulären Vorlage des Bayerischen Verwaltungsgerichtshofs an den EuGH. Dürfen oder müssen wir den Bayerischen Ministerpräsidenten in Zwangshaft nehmen lassen? So lautet nur wenig verkürzt die Vorlagefrage. Hintergrund ist der Streit um Dieselfahrverbote in deutschen Innenstädten. Die Vorlage zeugt von einer neuen Ungemütlichkeit an den Grenzen des Rechtsstaates, die das Vertrauen in dessen Berechenbarkeit und Verlässlichkeit zu erschüttern droht.

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12 December 2018

The Strange Case of the Publicity of the Brexit Legal Advice

One of the most remarkable episodes of the most remarkable Brexit saga is the strange case of the publicity of the Brexit legal advice. The actions of Theresa May’s government seem to aim at reducing both popular and democratic sovereignty to an empty shell before the incumbent Prime Minister and her cabinet are kicked out of power. However, the case of the publicity of legal advice is indeed strange not only on account of what has transpired on the British isles, but also of what has not happened on the continent.

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Alle Jahre wieder: die Geldpolitik der EZB vor Gericht

Nicht nur die Geräuschkulisse des Brexits absorbierte ein Stück weit die Aufmerksamkeit für das Urteil des Europäischen Gerichtshofs (EuGH) zur Zulässigkeit des Anleihenkaufprogramms der EZB. Denn immerhin entschied Luxemburg damit über eine der nach wie vor seltenen Vorlagen aus Karlsruhe. Dazu mag auch beigetragen haben, dass seit der Stellungnahme des Generalanwalts Wathelet nicht mehr damit gerechnet wurde, dass der EuGH der Europäischen Zentralbank (EZB) einen sprichwörtlichen Strich durch die Rechnung machen würde. Dennoch ist das Urteil aus einigen Gründen bemerkenswert.

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10 December 2018

Sovereign Choices: The CJEU’s Ruling on Exit from Brexit

In today’s Wightman judgment, the CJEU has ruled that a Member State may unilaterally revoke its notified intention to withdraw from the EU prior to that withdrawal taking effect. The Court is clearly signalling that membership of the European Union, and the rights and responsibilities which come with it, is voluntary. As political messages go, that is a pretty big message.

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Europe’s Shameful Silence – An Open Letter to EU Leaders from Jean Monnet Chairs

In tomorrow's Council meeting the CEU eviction from Hungary will be a point of discussion. But what is required is taking some action. An open letter to Presidents Juncker, Tajani, and Tusk.

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04 December 2018

Exit vom Brexit?

Das EuGH-Verfahren Wightman hat heute seinen vorläufigen Höhepunkt erreicht: Zum ersten Mal äußerte sich mit Generalanwalt Manuel Campos Sánchez-Bordona ein Vertreter des Gerichtshofs zu der Frage, ob das Vereinigte Königreich den Austrittsprozess einseitig beenden könne („Exit vom Brexit“). Die Antwort des Generalanwalts ist grundsätzlich zu begrüßen, weitere Klarstellungen werden aber nötig sein.

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30 November 2018

Will the ECtHR Shake up the European Asylum System?

Are European embassies abroad obliged to issue visa to particularly vulnerable asylum seekers under European human rights? This question is at the core of the case of Nahhas and Hadri v. Belgium currently pending before the Grand Chamber of the Strasbourg Court. Too accustomed have we often become to the limits of state obligations to note how they can make the promise of universal rights fade into hypocrisy. It is crucial that in light of concrete cases the drawing of boundaries is reconsidered – to ask what the law requires, and to render visible the responsibility we have to mitigate shortcomings of the law.

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28 November 2018

Voller Rechtsschutz! Abschiebungen sind auch nach verweigertem Eilrechtsschutz europarechtswidrig

Der asylrechtliche Eilrechtsschutz gem. § 36 AsylG ist europarechtlich nicht ausreichend, um die Vollziehbarkeit der Abschiebung zu begründen. Vielmehr ist es erforderlich, dass der asylsuchenden Person in allen asylrechtlichen Gerichtsverfahren ein volles Klageverfahren zur Verfügung steht. Eine vorherige Abschiebung ist europarechtswidrig.

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Episode 5 of the Celmer Saga – The Irish High Court Holds Back

On 19 November 2018, Donnelly J gave her fifth judgment in the Celmer saga concluding that the real risk of a flagrant denial of justice has not been established by Mr Celmer and ordered that he be surrendered on foot of the European Arrest Warrants issued against him. Given that Donnelly J had initially found that there were ‘breaches of the common value of the rule of law’, this came as some surprise.

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26 November 2018
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Vertragsverletzungs­verfahren als scharfes Schwert: Die erste Verurteilung eines Mitgliedstaats wegen justiziellen Unrechts

Justizielles Unrecht, d.h. die Verkennung von Unionsrecht durch mitgliedstaatliche Gerichte, war bislang noch nie Gegenstand eines Vertragsverletzungsverfahrens vor dem EuGH. Mit seinem Urteil in Sachen Accor II vom 04.10.2018 hat der EuGH nun erstmals einen Mitgliedstaat wegen justiziellen Unrechts verurteilt: Der französische Conseil d’État hatte ein vorheriges Urteil des EuGH nicht umgesetzt und gegen die Vorlagepflicht verstoßen. Mit dem Urteil platziert der Gerichtshof die Kommission wirkungsvoll als neuen Akteur, läuft aber auch Gefahr, den dialogue des juges zu erschweren.

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24 November 2018

All Bark and no Bite? A Domestic Perspective on a Possible Russian Withdrawal from the Council of Europe

The prospect of Russian withdrawal from the Council of Europe has been actively discussed during the past two months, including two excellent contributions on this blog. However, as often in cases of state backlash/pushback against international courts, the focus has mostly been on the external dimensions. States, though, are rarely ‘black boxes’, where different political actors have a uniform approach. Russia, despite its highly centralized appearance, is no exception. This post outlines the domestic state of play and contrasts the positions of interested parties.

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16 November 2018

Sweet Like Sugar, Bitter Like a Lemon: Bulgaria’s CVM Report

On 13 November 2018, the Commission published the latest reports on Bulgaria and Romania under the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism. Bulgaria’s report is full of praise. Not surprisingly, the Bulgarian government was overjoyed. The civil society, on the other hand, was clearly upset. Why? The short answer is that the picture painted by the CVM report does not correspond to reality and only pours water to Bulgaria’s autocratic mill.

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Täglich grüßt das Murmeltier: Rechtmäßigkeit von Grenzschließungen aus Regierungssicht

Die Welt am Sonntag hat ein internes Regierungspapier veröffentlicht, wonach die Grenze im Herbst 2015 hätte geschlossen werden können. Intuitiv dürften sich all diejenigen bestätigt fühlen, die schon immer der Meinung waren, dass die Regierungspolitik falsch und rechtswidrig war. Doch was gibt das Papier wirklich her? Eine sorgsame Lektüre erlaubt nicht nur Einblick in den juristischen Maschinenraum der damaligen Entscheidungen, sondern zeigt auch manch überraschendes Ergebnis.

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15 November 2018

On Thin Ice: the Role of the Court of Justice under the Withdrawal Agreement

Her alleged red line of bringing “an end to the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice in Britain” was always going to be a problem for Theresa May: After all, the UK’s commitment to comply with certain EU rules would inevitably mean that the ECJ’s interpretations of these rules would have to be binding on the UK. It is thus no surprise that the Withdrawal Agreement provides for the jurisdiction of the ECJ in various places. What is perhaps more of a surprise – and surely a negotiation win for the UK – is the EU’s legally problematic concession of an arbitration mechanism to resolve inter-party disputes over the interpretation of the Withdrawal Agreement.

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12 November 2018
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Never Missing an Opportunity to Miss an Opportunity: The Council Legal Service Opinion on the Commission’s EU budget-related rule of law mechanism

Regrettably, we need to add the Council’s Legal Service to the list of key EU actors that seem intent on ignoring the existential threat to the Union posed by the spreading rule of law rot amongst EU member governments. In a (non-public) opinion on the proposed regulation of the Commission to create rule of law conditionality in the multi-annual financial framework adopted on 25 October 2018, the CLS indeed put forward multiple unpersuasive legal arguments to claim that the Commission’s proposal cannot be adopted. With this opinion, the CLS is advising the Council to actually prevent other institutions of the EU from doing their job to uphold and defend the set of common values on which the EU is based.

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06 November 2018

Between a Rock and a Hard Place: The Dilemma of Continuing or Ceasing Russian Membership in the Council of Europe

Last week the Washington Post reported that top Russian officials are contemplating withdrawal from the Council of Europe. This latest development illustrates the growing tensions between Russia and the Council of Europe which could ultimately lead to the cessation of Russia's membership. Both Russia and the Council of Europe, however, face a dilemma when it comes to deciding what steps should be taken.

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02 November 2018

Playing the chicken game: The conflict over Italy’s draft budget reveals a construction flaw in the EMU

The next period of nightlong European summits and standoffs between the European institutions and one of its member states is looming: Italy and the EU are at odds about its new budget proposal. This is a result of the setup of the Economic and Monetary Union, which will continue to produce such stalemates as long as dominant countries make common rules for their own sake and others try to circumvent them.

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Gewolltes Recht

Anmerkungen zur Vereinbarung zwischen Griechenland und Deutschland zur Rücksendung von Asylsuchenden im Kontext der Binnengrenzkontrollen an der deutsch-österreichischen Grenze.

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31 October 2018

Rumours made in Germany: Wie das Auswärtige Amt das Menschenrecht der Auswanderungs­freiheit kriminalisiert

Das Recht zur Ausreise und Auswanderung stellt ein allgemein anerkanntes Menschenrecht dar. Das dürfte auch im Auswärtigen Amt bekannt sein. Stattdessen aber finanziert das Ministerium eine geschmacklos bebilderte Anzeigenkampagne, in der es heißt: „SAY NO TO ILLEGAL EMIGRATION“. Auf diese Weise werden Migrationswillige gezielt desinformiert und wird die Ausübung eines Menschenrechts kriminalisiert.

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What Being Left Behind by the Rule of Law Feels Like, Part II

By now it must be clear to all that the Hungarian and Polish governments do have a plan that is built on staying within the Union, and changing it from the inside, (ab)using its institutions, resources and weaknesses to their own benefit. Every round and every step where European institutions falter in preventing moves to this effect is an opportunity for the offending member states to pursue their strategies even further.

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30 October 2018

Toleranz ja! Aber gegenüber wem? Der österreichische Blasphemie­straftat­bestand vor dem EGMR

Das am 25.10.2018 veröffentlichte Urteil des EGMR in E.S./Österreich (Beschwerde Nr. 38450/12) hat für erhebliches Aufsehen und einige Aufregung und Kritik gesorgt – zu Recht. Die ganz auf den konkreten Sachverhalt fokussierte Entscheidung interessiert vor allem für das, was sie nicht oder nur am Rande behandelt: die Kriminalisierung blasphemischer Äußerungen durch Bestimmungen wie § 188 StGB.

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27 October 2018

The Italian Budget Drama – Brussels and Rome on Collision Course

The EU Commission has, for the first time, rejected a budget plan of a member state. While the Italian government drums its chest and the markets get increasingly nervous, the situation remains deadly serious. It is moreover deeply symptomatic of the potential, limits and fundamental shortcomings of the current architecture of Eurozone fiscal governance.

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26 October 2018
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Though this be Madness, yet there’s Method in’t: Pitting the Polish Constitutional Tribunal against the Luxembourg Court

At the beginning of October 2018, Poland’s Prosecutor General submitted a request to the Constitutional Tribunal to examine the compliance of Article 267 TFEU with the Polish Constitution, so far as it allows the referral of preliminary questions regarding the organization of the national judiciary. Despite the relatively easy identification of motives underlying the application, there is need for analysis and evaluation of the contents of the application as well as the argumentation used as justification for this task, not least because there is a lot at stake.

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25 October 2018

On the Brink of Joining Poland and Hungary: The Night of Surprises in the Slovak Parliament

The relatively short political history of the Slovak parliament has already witnessed several dramatic sessions. The latest drama unfolded during the night of 23 October in a parliamentary session to discuss and vote on an amendment of the Constitution and a new Act on the Constitutional Court that could have put Slovakia on a direct path to follow Hungary and Poland. The night turned out to be full of surprises.

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22 October 2018

Interim Revolutions

With the Order against Poland to suspend its "judicial reform", the European Court of Justice has entered a terra incognita, forcing a sovereign Member State to choose between its membership to the club of European integration, or to walk away and follow the path of authoritarian illiberalism. To do this in an Order of interim measures, is quite a gamble on the part of the Luxembourg court. However, the stakes are so high that the Court was left with hardly any other choices.

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VB vom Blatt: Zehn Gedanken zum „Hooligan“-Urteil des EGMR

Präventiver Polizeigewahrsam gegen gewaltbereite Fußballfans verstößt nach einem Urteil des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte (EGMR) nicht gegen Menschenrechte. Gedanken von Thomas Feltes, Professor für Kriminologie und Polizeiwissenschaft, zu dem heutigen Grundsatzurteil.

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19 October 2018

The Dutch Climate Case Judgment: Human Rights Potential and Constitutional Unease

The Dutch climate case has reached a new high. Last week, The Hague Court of Appeal upheld the 2015 verdict which ordered the state to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 25% by 2020. The Court did so on the ground that the current actions of the Dutch government to combat climate change are insufficient in the light of the state’s human rights obligations. Has the Court gone too far?

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18 October 2018

Poland’s Supreme Administrative Court recognizes Same-sex Parents

Poland is one step closer to the full legal recognition of birth certificates that include same-sex parents. In a landmark court ruling of 10 October 2018, the Supreme Administrative Court in Warsaw (SAC) found that registry offices in Poland cannot refuse the registration of foreign birth certificates of children based on the sexual orientation of their parents.

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17 October 2018

Will Poland, With Its Own Constitution Ablaze, Now Set Fire to EU Law?

The Polish justice minister and Prosecutor-General Zbigniew Ziobro has asked the Constitutional Court to declare Art. 267 TFEU unconstitutional "to the extent that it allows referring to the Court [of Justice] a preliminary question … in matters pertaining to the design, shape, and organisation of the judiciary as well as proceedings before the judicial organs of a member state". If the Court adopts Ziobro's arguments, that will have drastic implications for the integrity of EU law.

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13 October 2018

Some Thoughts on Facultative and Obligatory Mixity after Singapore and COTIF, and before CETA

The conclusion of agreements as ‘mixed’, that is jointly by the European Union and its Member States, is a legal phenomenon peculiar to the EU legal order. Notwithstanding the almost complete silence of the Treaties on the point, mixity quickly became common practice for the Union and was, in most instances, readily accepted by its contractual partners. That does not mean, however, that mixity has not given rise, to date, to lengthy and often heated debates within, between and before the EU institutions.

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09 October 2018

Managing the Backlash? The PACE and the Question of Participation Rights for Russia

The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe is currently meeting in Strasbourg for its autumn session. Today, its 306 members eligible to vote had to face a crucial choice: Should they approve the amendment on the participation rights of national delegations, thus allowing Russia’s delegation to regain at least some participation rights, and hopefully resolve the looming financial crisis faced by the Council of Europe – or not?

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08 October 2018

Ein Recht auf Kopftuch im Gerichtssaal

Am 18. September 2018 hat der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte (EGMR) im Fall Lachiri v Belgium erstmals zugunsten des Rechts muslimischer Frauen geurteilt, ein Kopftuch zu tragen. Konkret ging es um den Ausschluss einer Prozessbeteiligten aus dem Gerichtssaal als Folge ihrer Weigerung, ihr Kopftuch abzulegen. Hierin erkannte der EGMR eine Verletzung der in Artikel 9 EMRK verankerten Religionsfreiheit. Das Urteil zeigt, dass der margin of appreciation der Mitgliedstaaten doch nicht grenzenlos ist – auch dann nicht, wenn es um die Rechte muslimischer Frauen geht.

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Can An Article 50 Withdrawal Notice be Revoked? The CJEU is Asked to Decide

The legal issue of whether the United Kingdom can change its mind and revoke – unilaterally – its notified intention to withdraw from the European Union has been a matter of academic and professional conjecture since the 2016 referendum. An authoritative interpretation of the issue may be delivered by Christmas following the lodging on 3 October 2018 of a request by the Scottish Court of Session for a preliminary ruling in Case C-621/18 Wightman and Others. 

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01 October 2018

Ein Schritt hin zum erweiterten europäischen Flüchtlingsbegriff

Stellt der subsidiäre Schutz einen gegenüber dem Flüchtlingsstatus inferioren Schutzstatus dar, oder ist er eher eine tatbestandliche Alternative innerhalb desselben Konzepts? Und welche Anforderungen sind an die Beurteilung zu stellen, ob die von einer ausländischen Person begangene Straftat eine „schwere“ ist? Der EuGH hat zu diesen Fragen vor kurzem Stellung genommen.

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21 September 2018

Fleisch ist kein Gemüse: Die Schlussanträge zum Bio-Gütesiegel für Fleisch aus ritueller Schlachtung

Seit gestern liegen die Schlussanträgen in der Rechtssache C-497/17 vor. Darin begründet EuGH-Generalanwalt Nils Wahl, warum das EU-Gütesiegel „ökologischer/biologischer Landbau“ auch für Fleischerzeugnisse vergeben werden darf, die aus einer rituellen Schlachtung ohne vorherige Betäubung stammen. Anstatt die Frage vom Primärrecht aus zu beantworten und das Spannungsfeld zwischen Grundrechten und Tierschutz zu vermessen, wählt der Generalanwalt einen pragmatischen Ansatz.

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18 September 2018
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The Four Elements of the Autocrats’ Playbook

There is truth in the old maxim proclaiming the imperative to try to get to know your enemies well. We outline four key techniques deployed by the autocratic regimes in Poland and Hungary in order to consolidate the constitutional capture and massive assault on European values and take a look at some of the elements of each of the four.

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17 September 2018

Beyond the Spectacle: The European Parliament’s Article 7 TEU Decision on Hungary

Emotions were high and voices loud while and after the European Parliament adopted its decision to trigger an art. 7 TEU procedure against Hungary this week. Once the dust settles, it might be helpful and disillusioning to look at the possible consequences, the collateral damages and the side-effects of the European Parliament's art. 7 TEU decision.

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14 September 2018

How likely – and dangerous – is a Kosovo/Serbia “Land Swap” ?

The presidents of Kosovo and Serbia have recently considered an exchange of territories (“land swap”) between their two countries which would lead to Serbia’s formal recognition of the independence of Kosovo. In view of legal and politcial hurdles, one can envisage at least three distinct scenarios of international response to a bilateral treaty between Serbia and Kosovo, concerning specific synchronized border changes.

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WTO Option in Practice: How a No-Deal Brexit Would Seriously Damage Key UK Industries

Whilst a no-deal Brexit seemed unrealistic in the immediate aftermath of the UK’s referendum, it seems that now the UK is bracing itself for a Brexit without a withdrawal or transition agreement. What would that mean for the UK's trade relations with the EU and other countries and how would it affect some of the UK's key industries?

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Trade, Security and Defence: Holding Cecilia Malmström and Federica Mogherini Accountable

The shift away from a technocratic, apolitical European Commission towards a politicized one is a momentous development of the European Union. In the Common Commercial Policy and the Common Foreign and Security Policy, the EU has constitutionalized and institutionalized different degrees of accountability mechanisms in this special domain of foreign affairs

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13 September 2018

Toward Political Economic and Euro Governance? Assessing the Political Performance of Moscovici and Dombrovskis

The Juncker Commission began its mandate in the aftermath of a deep crisis affecting the Euro-zone. But was his political Commission able to open up economic and monetary policies to political accountability?

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12 September 2018

Barnier, Bureaucracy and Brexit – a Test for Juncker’s ‘Political’ Commission

At first sight, it may neither be easy nor obvious to assimilate the conduct of the Brexit negotiations to the idea of a ‘political Commission’. A closer look, however, reveals that Juncker's personnel and organisational choices regarding the Brexit negotiations fit that pattern more readily.

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Regime Collision between EU Law and Investment Law: New Developments in the Vattenfall Case

EU law and international investment law are on collision course. The bone of contention is which court shall decide intra-EU investor-state disputes. While the ECJ indicated in its Achmea judgment that only itself and the domestic courts of the member states may decide such disputes, the Investment Tribunal in the Vattenfall case has now decided in the context of the Energy Charter Treaty that Achmea does not preclude its jurisdiction. How did this clash of courts arise and how can it be resolved?

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Self-Protecting Democracy and Electoral Rights

On October 6 the Republic of Latvia will hold its general election. The air is already sparkling with emotions: populism, fake news and other nowadays much discussed components of election campaigns are all part of it. Even the Constitutional Court of Latvia had its say in the upcoming events by delivering a judgment on a law denying access to stand as a candidate in the election.

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11 September 2018

False Accountability, Elusive Rule of Law

The tale of the ‘political Commission’ is not only bound to weaken the Union’s ability to meet the outstanding challenges touching upon its institutional core but has fundamentally undermined the EU’s action in an area of most fundamental concern: the unfulfilled promise of democracy and the rule of law for all European citizens.

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VB vom Blatt: Sechs Gedanken zum Chefarzt-Urteil des Europäischen Gerichtshofs

Einem Chefarzt an einem katholischen Krankenhaus zu kündigen, weil er als Katholik gegen das Gebot der Unauflöslichkeit der Ehe verstoßen hat, kann als religiöse Diskriminierung gegen Europarecht verstoßen. Das hat der Europäische Gerichtshof heute entschieden. Sechs Gedanken von Hans-Michael Heinig, Experte für Religionsverfassungsrecht, zu dem heutigen Grundsatzurteil aus Luxemburg.

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Better Regulation: Holding Martin Selmayr Accountable

This time was supposed 'to be different', at least this was the motto of the 2014 European Parliament elections campaign. With less than a year before the next European elections, the time is ripe to examine how different this EU political cycle has actually been.

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10 September 2018

Evaluating Juncker’s Political Commission: The Right Idea in the Wrong Hands?

The idea of a political European Commission may be the defining idea of the Juncker Presidency. It was the idea that gave Mr. Juncker the Presidency in the first place. As he stated in 2015, he wanted a 'very political Commission'. This ambition raises many questions, particularly: What does the political Commission mean? Did it work and should it be repeated?

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How to Stop Funding Autocracy in the EU

The EU finds itself in the perverse situation of providing some of the largest transfers of funds precisely to those governments who most prominently thumb their nose at its democratic and rule-of-law norms. The legal debate about this misses the fact that the EU already has a sufficient legal basis to suspend the flow of funds to states in which rule-of-law norms are systematically violated. The real problem to date has not been the lack of adequate legal tools, but the lack of political will on the part of the European Commission to use the tools that already exist.

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07 September 2018

Talk to me like Lawyers do – Celmer returns to the High Court of Ireland

The Celmer case is back before the High Court of Ireland, which gave a further judgment on 01 August 2018. The decision provides a first insight into the practical application of the CJEU's ruling, most notably its encouragement of executing judicial authorities to enter into dialogue.

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03 September 2018

Spanish Jurisdiction at Stake: Puigdemont’s Judge to be Judged by a Belgian Court?

Tomorrow, a new weird chapter opens up in the „affair Puigdemont“: The Spanish Supreme Court Judge Pablo Llarena, who unsuccessfully issued the European Arrest Warrant against former Catalan premier Carles Puigdemont, is cited before a Belgian court. He is object of a civil lawsuit filed by Puigdemont who accuses the magistrate of a lack of impartiality and violating the presumption of innocence as well as his right to reputation. What is the most astonishing about this lawsuit is the fact that it is a Belgian court which shall judge the professional actions of a Spanish judge.

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30 August 2018

Schengen Entry Bans for Political Reasons? The Case of Lyudmyla Kozlovska

On 13 August 2018, Lyudmyla Kozlovska, an Ukrainian national and the President of the Open Dialog Foundation (ODF) in Poland, was detained at Brussels airport on the basis of a Polish entry ban reported into the Schengen Information System (SIS II). One day later, the Belgian border authorities deported her to Kiev, Ukraine. This case raises questions on the discretionary power of states to use the SIS II for entry bans on ‘unwanted migrants’ and the obligation of executing states, in this case Belgium, to check the legitimacy or proportionality of these other states decisions. Furthermore, this case illustrates the necessity of effective remedies against decisions reported in large-scale databases such as SIS.

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29 August 2018

Disenfranchised by Accident: the Brexit Initiative and Brits abroad

On the 23rd of July 2018, the European Commission registered a European Citizens’ Initiative called “Permanent European Union Citizenship”, with the objective, in the context of Brexit, to ask the Commission to “propose means to avoid risk of collective loss of EU citizenship and rights, and assure all EU citizens that, once attained, such status is permanent and their rights acquired”. The aim of this initiative is, for British citizens, to retain European Union citizenship post Brexit. However, paradoxically enough, a considerable number of British expats, who are the main concerned, are legally unable to support this initiative (or any other as it turns out) because of a legal conundrum.

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27 August 2018

Hund sans scho

„Hund sans scho“ ist in Bayern das höchste Lob für ein Verhalten, das auf mindestens unkonventionelle Weise zum gewünschten Erfolg geführt hat. Besonders wahlkämpfende Politiker lassen sich gern nachsagen, dass‘ fei echt Hund san, weil sie sich mit einer Mischung aus Nachdruck und Bauernschläue für Förderbescheide, Umgehungsstraßen oder ähnlich beliebte Maßnahmen eingesetzt haben. Aber auch der Bayerische Verwaltungsgerichtshof hat das Prinzip verstanden. Er ließ jüngst verlauten, dass man es zur Durchsetzung der bisher schmählich ignorierten Entscheidungen zu Luftreinhalteplänen und Dieselfahrverboten für möglich halte, den Bayerischen Ministerpräsidenten in Zwangshaft zu nehmen. Droht Markus Söder eine Ladung zum Haftantritt in Stadelheim?

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23 August 2018
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Why the Polish Supreme Court’s Reference on Judicial Independence to the CJEU is Admissible after all

On August 2nd 2018, the Polish Supreme Court has referred questions to the European Court of Justice about whether or not the forced retirement of most of its senior judges and other infringements of judicial independence are compatible with EU law. That decision is a landmark step in the serious constitutional crisis in Poland that has been going on for several years. One issue is of fundamental importance: Is the SC’s preliminary reference  to the CJEU admissible?

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18 August 2018

Seenotrettung als völkerrechtliche Pflicht: Aktuelle Heraus­forderungen der Massenmigrations­bewegungen über das Mittelmeer

Ein sicherer Ort ist mehr als nur trockener Boden unter den Füßen. Es steht außer Frage, dass Libyen die Anforderungen an einen sicheren Ort für die geretteten Migranten nicht erfüllt. Die Praxis italienischer staatlicher Schiffe, Boote mit Migranten entweder so lange an der Weiterfahrt zu hindern, bis sie von der libyschen Küstenwache aufgenommen werden oder aber die aus Seenot geretteten Personen selbst nach Libyen zurückzubringen und dort auszuschiffen, ist ein klarer Verstoß gegen völkerrechtliche Verpflichtungen.

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02 August 2018
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Von Schleusen, Wehren und ihren Wärtern: Zur mündlichen Verhandlung des EuGH in der Rechtssache Weiss u.a.

Verstößt das Programm der Europäischen Zentralbank zum Ankauf von Wertpapieren des öffentlichen Sektors gegen das Verbot der monetären Haushaltsfinanzierung nach Art. 123 AEUV? Handelt sie damit gar außerhalb ihres währungspolitischen Mandats? Diese und weitere Fragen hatte der Europäische Gerichtshof am 10. Juli 2018 in der mündlichen Verhandlung in der Rechtssache Weiss u.a. (C-493/17) zu klären.

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31 July 2018

Vertrauen hat Grenzen: Die Schlussanträge zu Ibrahim u.a. und Jawo

Seit 25. Juli liegen die Schlussanträge des Generalanwalts Wathelet in den Rechtssachen Ibrahim u.a. und Jawo vor. Sie übertragen die bisherige EuGH-Rechtsprechung zu den zielstaatsbezogenen Grenzen von Dublin-Überstellungen auf weitere Konstellationen und enthalten eine spannende Weiterentwicklung des europäischen Flüchtlingsschutzes.

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20 July 2018

The Curious Case of Article 299 of the Turkish Penal Code: Insulting the Turkish President

Judgments by the Strasbourg Court are binding on Turkey and furthermore are the primary source for interpreting the European Convention of Human Rights, a treaty to which Turkey is party and which, according to Article 90 of the Turkish Constitution, prevails over national laws such as Article 299 of the Turkish Penal Code on insulting the President, in the event of conflict. ECtHR jurisprudence clearly indicates such a conflict between Article 299 and the Convention. But are Turkish courts aware of this?

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17 July 2018

Der NSU vor dem EGMR: Letzte Hoffnung auf Aufklärung?

Nach dem Urteil im NSU-Prozess haben Nebenkläger*innen und ihre Anwält*innen angekündigt, keinen Schlussstrich ziehen zu wollen. Man sei bereit, bis zum Europäischen Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte (EGMR) zu gehen. Bis dahin ist es noch ein weiter Weg, der zunächst über den BGH und das BVerfG führt. Trotzdem lohnt die Überlegung, wie der EGMR zur Aufklärung des NSU-Komplexes beitragen kann.

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13 July 2018

Wozu muss der Verlust der Unionsbürgerschaft verhältnismäßig sein?

Als Bürger der Europäischen Union darf mir die Bundesrepublik Deutschland nicht einfach meine deutsche Staatsbürgerschaft wegnehmen, ohne dabei zu prüfen, ob das zu den Folgen, die das für mich hat, in einem vernünftigen Verhältnis steht. Davor schützt mich europäisches Recht, dass mein Staat das mit mir macht. Das hatte vor acht Jahren im epochalen Fall Rottmann der EuGH entschieden.  Wird der Luxemburger Gerichtshof diese Rechtsprechung jetzt wieder relativieren?

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Order in the Eurozone: MAURIZIO FERRERA and CLAUS OFFE in Conversation

A German-Italian exchange on the dysfunctionalities of the European Monetary Union and the ongoing social and political crisis particularly in Southern Europe.

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11 July 2018

Die Zeugen Jehovas und das Datenschutzrecht

Scheinbar geht es nur um eine Petitesse in dem Streitfall der EuGH-Rechtssache C-25/17. Vordergründig geht es um die kleine Frage, ob die Zeugen Jehovas als Religionsgemeinschaft bei Hausbesuchen den besonderen Bestimmungen des europäischen Datenschutzrechts unterliegen. Doch wie zu zeigen sein wird, geht es um mehr, um wichtige Fragen des europäischen Datenschutzrechts und seiner Anwendbarkeit generell sowie um die Reichweite für den gesamten kirchlichen Bereich.

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05 July 2018

The AG Opinion in the Celmer Case: Why the Test for the Appearance of Independence is Needed

In this post, I focus on what I believe is the most important question in the Celmer case: what kind of a test for the rule of law/fair trial, and with how many prongs? I argue that the rule of law/fair trial test that the Court should apply is the test for the appearance of independence, known from the practice of the ECtHR. I also argue that the Court should not leave the application of this test to the referring court but carry it out by itself.

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04 July 2018

Die Fiktion der Souveränität in Transitzentren – Was ist eigentlich mit der Orbánisierung Europas gemeint?

Die Transitzentren sind der neueste Clou der Unionsfraktion, um ihre Spaltung abzuwenden. Hinter dem sog. Asylstreit der letzten Wochen steckt aber nicht nur ein parteipolitischer Konflikt zwischen Innenminister Horst Seehofer und Bundeskanzlerin Angela Merkel. Im Kern geht es vielmehr darum, eine illiberale und anti-europäische Form des Rechtsstaats in Deutschland zu implementieren, die in Ungarn schon weit vorangeschritten ist.

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CETA’s Investment Court System and the Autonomy of EU Law: Insights from the Hearing in Opinion 1/17

On 26 June 2018, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) held its hearing in Opinion 1/17, which concerns the compatibility of CETA’s Investment Court System (ICS) with EU law. Due to the depth of the substantive issues covered and the length of hearing, this post only addresses the first of four questions posed to the ECJ by Belgium, which relates to the principle of autonomy. It is fair to say though that autonomy-related questions and arguments featured the hearing most prominently and may therefore be particularly contentious.

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25 June 2018

Zensur durch Upload-Filter: Zur umstrittenen EU-Reform des Urheberrechts

Der Rechtsausschuss des EU-Parlaments hat für die EU-Richtlinie über das Urheberrecht im digitalen Binnenmarkt gestimmt. Damit macht er den Weg frei für sogenannte Upload-Filter. Diese sind aufgrund ihres verdachtsunabhängigen und der Veröffentlichung vorgeschalteten Einsatzes höchst umstritten.

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21 June 2018

Eine Grenze ist eine Grenze ist keine Grenze?

Warum der Streit um die Frage, ob Flüchtlinge bei Grenzkontrollen zu Österreich zurückgewiesen werden dürfen, die garantierte Freiheit aller Unionsbürger negiert.

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Gemeinsam verantwortlich: Interview mit PETER SCHAAR zum Facebook-Urteil des EuGH

Mit Urteil vom 5. Juni 2018 hat der Europäische Gerichtshof (EuGH) entschieden, dass Betreiber sogenannter Facebook-Fanpages gemeinsam mit Facebook die datenschutzrechtliche Verantwortung tragen. Seitdem ist die Verunsicherung groß. Auch der Verfassungsblog betreibt eine Fanpage. Wir haben Peter Schaar gefragt, was nun zu tun ist.

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20 June 2018
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Anordnung des (Europa-)­Rechts­bruchs

In diesen Tagen richten sich die Augen der Republik auf die Grenze zu Österreich. An ihr entscheidet sich möglicherweise, ob in Europa nach Jahrzehnten der Integration nun ein Prozess der Auflösung beginnt. Es geht um Detailfragen des Asylrechts – und es geht um die großen Fragen Europas. In dieser angespannten Lage irritiert eine Anweisung an die Bundespolizei vom 19. Juni 2018: An allen Binnengrenzen mit vorübergehend eingeführten Grenzkontrollen sollen Personen mit Einreiseverbot ohne Verfahren zurückgewiesen werden. Ab sofort, und – anders als bisher – unabhängig davon, ob ein Schutzersuchen vorliegt. Diese Anweisung ordnet den Bruch von Europarecht an.

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18 June 2018

Die Richtlinien der Flüchtlingspolitik

Die Richtlinienkompetenz der Bundeskanzlerin schließt auch die für die Regierung als Kollegialorgan verbindliche Entscheidung von Rechtsfragen ein. Der Verpflichtung zur Umsetzung könnte ein Minister nur entgehen, indem er seine Entlassung verlangt. Ein unmittelbarer Durchgriff der Bundeskanzlerin auf nachgeordnete Behörden und den administrativen Vollzug (namentlich Weisungen an die Bundespolizei, wie an der Grenze zu verfahren ist,) scheidet allerdings aus. Die Organisationsgewalt sowie die Dienst-, Rechts- und Fachaufsicht verbleiben beim Ressortminister und können diesem auch nicht ohne Kabinettsumbildung entzogen werden.

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14 June 2018

Karlsruhe und das Beamtenstreikverbot – Dialogangebot mit Dolch im Gewande?

Insgesamt halte ich die Karlsruher Entscheidung für überwiegend gelungen. Indem sie die konventionsrechtlichen Wertungen aktiv aufnimmt, vermeidet sie den teilweise aus der Görgülü-Entscheidung herausgelesenen konfrontativen Unterton gegenüber dem Straßburger Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte. Das ist in Zeiten, wo manche Mitgliedsstaaten durchaus auf Konfrontation gegenüber Straßburg gehen, ein über die Grenzen Deutschlands hinaus wichtiges Signal.

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Weshalb man Asylsuchende nicht an der Grenze abweisen kann, Teil 2

Teil 1 dieses Beitrags hat ergeben, dass Deutschland Asylsuchende nicht einfach an der Grenze abweisen kann. Teil 2 erklärt, warum das so ist.

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13 June 2018

Weshalb man Asylsuchende nicht an der Grenze abweisen kann

Der Vorschlag, Asylsuchende doch einfach direkt an der Grenze abzuweisen, ist als politisches Material erstaunlich langlebig. Erstaunlich, weil das Recht dem Vorschlag so eindeutig entgegensteht. Das Europarecht steht ihm entgegen, in Form der Regelungen der Dublin-Verordnung. Wenn man die ändern oder missachten möchte, steht dem Vorschlag immer noch das Verbot der Kollektivausweisung in der EMRK entgegen. Und falls die entsprechenden Fraktionen überlegen, aus der EMRK auszutreten, steht der Zurückweisung von Flüchtlingen an der Grenze auch noch das Völkergewohnheitsrecht entgegen, mit dem Refoulement-Verbot und der deklaratorischen Natur der Flüchtlingsanerkennung. Insofern wäre politische Energie besser investiert, indem über rechtskonforme Vorschläge der Gestaltung von Flüchtlingsschutz diskutiert wird.

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12 June 2018

Dusting off the Old Precedent – Why the Commission Must Stick to the Art. 7 Procedure Against Poland

Here we go again. The reports are resurfacing that the Commission is ready to back away from the Article 7 procedure that was initiated against Poland last December. Should we be surprised? For anybody who vaguely follows the Commission’s vanishing act, the answer must be a resounding „no”. Instead, the analysis that follows offers a journey back in time and argues that the past teaches us some important lessons and … rhymes.

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11 June 2018

Refugees in Orbit – again!

Matteo Salvini, Italy’s new far-right home secretary, tweeted “Vittoria!” after news broke that the 629 persons stranded aboard the M.S. Aquarius would be forced to proceed to the Spanish city of Valencia rather than being allowed to disembark at much closer ports in Sicily. But for whom was it a “victory”?

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10 June 2018

Is the Reasoning in “Coman” as Good as the Result?

The Court of Justice of the European Union has not always enjoyed the reputation of being particularly LGBT-friendly, but its standing among those pushing for the better protection of rights of same-sex couples is likely to have improved considerably following Coman. While I agree with the substantive result of the decision, I am uncertain if the CJEU’s reasoning is equally convincing. My two main points of critique concern the interpretative techniques applied and the relationship between national identity and fundamental rights.

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09 June 2018
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Open Letter to Vice-President Frans Timmermans

If the law on the Polish Supreme Court enters into force in the beginning of July, as is currently planned, a large number of sitting judges of that Court will see their tenure unconstitutionally extinguished. In combination with an increase in the number of seats on the Supreme Court, this means that the newly politicized National Council of the Judiciary, elected by the governing party, will be in a position to appoint a majority of the judges on the Supreme Court. 23 legal and constitutional scholars have signed an open letter to urge the Vice President of the EU Commission to initiate an infringement procedure against Poland.

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08 June 2018

New Paradigms for the European Parliament

Without strong leadership Europe’s right-wing movements will remain a disparate band at next year’s European Parliament elections. There is one man who knows this: Viktor Orbán. The real battle next year will not be centred on Potemkin-like Spitzenkandidaten, but will polarise around Emmanuel Macron and Viktor Orbán.

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07 June 2018

Inkonsistentes aus Luxemburg: die Schlussanträge des EuGH im Chefarzt-Fall

Ein katholisches Krankenhaus, das seinem katholischen Chefarzt wegen dessen Scheidung und Wiederheirat kündigt, verstößt gegen das Verbot der Diskriminierung aus Gründen der Religion. Zu diesem Schluss kommt der Generalanwalt am EuGH Melchior Wathelet in seinen letzte Woche veröffentlichten Schlussanträgen zum so genannten Chefarzt-Fall. Folgt der EuGH den Schlussanträgen, könnte dies nicht nur das deutsche kirchliche Arbeitsrecht zu einer Neujustierung zwingen, sondern auch einen handfesten Konflikt mit dem Bundesverfassungsgericht heraufbeschwören.

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A Crisis Made in Italy

The recent crisis surrounding the Italian President’s refusal to appoint a Finance Minister considered likely to pursue an agenda of ‘Italexit’ has sparked a great deal of constitutional commentary. Two particular threads of opinion are identified here and some doubts cast about them. On the one hand, there are those who consider legitimate the President’s discretionary use of power, partly in light of the pressure that would be brought to bear by the financial markets should Italy opt for exiting the single currency. On the other hand, there are those who doubt its wisdom, and offer a broader indictment of the pressure brought to bear on the Italian government as a result of being in an overly rigid Eurozone. This gets closer to diagnosing the condition, but in its ambiguity about the pressure point, fails to underscore that this is essentially a crisis made in Italy, and, if at all, to be resolved there, including a full and frank debate about membership of the single currency and even the European Union.

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Bringt das EU-Recht den Europawahlen in Deutschland die 5%-Klausel zurück?

In knapp einem Jahr findet die 9. Direktwahl des Europäischen Parlaments (EP) statt. Bei der letzten Europawahl galt in Deutschland erstmals keine Sperrklausel. Wird sie nun durch EU-Recht wieder eingeführt?

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06 June 2018

Hic Rhodus, hic salta: The ECJ Hearing of the Landmark “Celmer” Case

The highly anticipated hearing in the Celmer case took place on 1 June 2018 before the Grand Chamber of the ECJ. The stakes are undoubtedly high. On the one hand, the efficiency of the European Arrest Warrant mechanism is clearly at risk — a risk which could lead to broader consequences for the whole architecture of mutual trust and recognition. On the other hand, the Celmer dispute goes to the heart of the problems surrounding the current Polish judicial reforms, and to the ensuing concerns about judicial independence. Taking into account the present negotiations between the Polish government and the Commission, Celmer is unquestionably both political and delicate in the extreme.

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05 June 2018

The Federal Rainbow Dream: On Free Movement of Gay Spouses under EU Law

After a pretty disappointing and self-contradictory judgement on the wedding cakes delivered yesterday by the US Supreme Court, the CJEU came up today with the long-awaited decision in the Coman case – putting a thick full stop on a long debate about the interpretation of the term ‘spouses’ under the EU Free Movement Directive. In short, the Court held that the term does cover spouses of the same sex moving to an EU Member State where a gay marriage remains unrecognized. This simple YES is a huge step forward in federalizing the EU constitutional space in a time of multiple crises.

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04 June 2018

Grundrechte gegen jedermann: Direktwirkung von Unionsgrundrechten zwischen Privaten

Grundrechte bereiten deutschen Zivilrechtlern regelmäßig Probleme. Schon der Umgang mit Grundrechten des Grundgesetzes ist im Zivilrecht mühsam – der Umgang mit Unionsgrundrechten gleicht dem Umgang mit den Restprodukten ziviler Atomkraftnutzung: Man lässt am liebsten die Finger davon, muss aber dennoch darauf achtgeben, denn die Ausstrahlung ist durchdringend und kann weitreichende Folgen haben. Deshalb muss auch ein Zivilrechtler wissen, wie Unionsgrundrechte funktionieren, und ist es lobenswert, dass sich der neunte Senat des Bundesarbeitsgerichts (BAG) mit dieser Frage an den Europäischen Gerichtshof (EuGH) in Luxemburg gewandt hat. Dessen Entscheidung hat nun ein Generalanwalt mit Schlussanträgen vorbereitet. Anlass ist einmal mehr das Urlaubsgrundrecht – ja, das gibt es wirklich.

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Grundrechte als Grundlage für Populismus im Parlament?

Letzte Woche hat das Europäische Gericht dem Europäischen Parlament deutliche Grenzen für die Beschränkung der Redefreiheit von Abgeordneten aufgezeigt. An sich kann man gegen den Argumentationsgang des Gerichts wenig einwenden. Dass die Einschränkung der Redefreiheit hier schon von der verfassungsrechtlich aufgeladenen Geschäftsordnung schwerlich gedeckt war, erscheint auch nicht sonderlich überraschend. Interessant ist aber, dass diese verfassungsrechtliche Aufladung der Geschäftsordnung eine grundrechtliche und keine organisationsrechtliche ist.

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31 May 2018
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The “Savona Affaire”: Over­constitutionali­zation in Action?

As is well known, Italy is undergoing an institutional crisis sparked by President Mattarella’s veto on the composition of the prospective Italian government. Following Dieter Grimm, we claim that the events here analysed reveal the extent to which the EU legal framework is overconstitutionalised and the democratic costs and risks inherent in this legal and political order.

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28 May 2018
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“A Bad Workman always Blames his Tools”: an Interview with LAURENT PECH

Constitutional capture in Poland and Hungary and what to expect from the European Commission, the Council and the Court of Justice: an interview with Laurent Pech.

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25 May 2018

Transnational Partisanship vs Transnational Democracy

The European Parliament has called for he creation of a European cross-border constituency, a transnational list of candidates from across the continent. This idea, recently popularised by French president Emmanuel Macron, has been gutted by the European People's Party, though – a move which could itself be seen as a powerful manifestation of the importance of transnational partisanship in the EU.

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18 May 2018

There is No Such Thing As a Particular „Center and Eastern European Constitutionalism“

After a new landslide electoral victory by the Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, a fresh perspective on constitutional developments in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) has started taking shape. It could be described as constitutional appeasement. The argument goes that given a widespread popular support for the constitutionally backsliding regimes in Hungary, Poland as well as elsewhere, we should start examining our own theoretical premises from which we have been observing and evaluating the developments in CEE. Perhaps, there is not everything wrong with CEE political and institutional developments?

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04 May 2018

Deflection of Asylum Seekers to Ghettos in Third Countries?

One of the reform ideas of the Common European Asylum System is to enforce the deflection of asylum seekers to non-European countries. The designation of a third country as a safe third country may be made with exceptions for specific parts of its territory. That could cover the transfer of asylum seekers to an unstable third state, when a protection zone of the size of a refugee camp has been brought under control and asylum seekers are held there with their subsistence secured. This post aims at questioning the compatibility of this new scheme with the Geneva Convention and at eliciting a debate on it.

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The Danish Institute for Human Rights and the Copenhagen Declaration – a Reply to Helga Molbæk-Steensig

In her blog post “Is Something Rotten in the State of Denmark?”, Helga Molbæk-Steensig analyses the making of the Copenhagen Declaration; the most important outcome of the Danish chairmanship of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe. Molbæk-Steensig agrees with most commentators that the declaration does not reflect the Danish government’s “strong discourse of sovereignty and democratic deficit in the Danish debate“. We certainly agree on this point, but we cannot agree with Molbæk-Steensig when she claims that we – Denmark’s national human rights institution – played a passive, or even negative, role during the making of the declaration. We especially disagree when Molbæk-Steensig implies that we somehow legitimise a far-right narrative designed to limit the system of human rights protection in Europe or subscribe to a reductionist concept of democracy.

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03 May 2018

Verweisung Asylsuchender auf Ghettos in Drittstaaten?

Eine neue Idee bei der Reform des Gemeinsamen Europäischen Asylsystems ist das Konzept des territorialen Teilschutzes: Um Asylsuchende auf außereuropäische Schutzstaaten verweisen zu können, soll es ausreichen, wenn die dazu nötigen Bedingungen nur in einem Teilgebiet des Territoriums erfüllt sind. Demnach wäre es etwa möglich, Schutzsuchende zwangsweise einem instabilen Drittstaat zuzuordnen, in dem eine Zone von der Größe eines Flüchtlingslagers unter Kontrolle gebracht wurde, und die Schutzsuchenden in dieser Zone subsistenzgesichert zu ghettoisieren.

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02 May 2018

Der Rechtsbruch-Mythos und wie man ihn widerlegt

Bis heute hält sich hartnäckig die Meinung, dass eine „illegale Masseneinwanderung“ nach Deutschland stattfinde und an den Grenzen die „rechtsstaatliche Ordnung“ zusammengebrochen sei. Nun dürfte die Behauptung vom fortwährenden Rechtsbruch, wie ich im Tagesspiegel schrieb, vorrangig das strategische Ziel verfolgen, die Politik generell zu delegitimieren und einem sachlichen Streit auch dadurch auszuweichen, dass man die Systemfrage stellt. Bei dieser generellen Feststellung könnte man es bewenden lassen und Reaktionen wie diejenige von Thilo Sarrazin über „Professor Unfug“ den diskursiven Echokammern des politischen Darknet überlassen. Dennoch sollen nachfolgend die zentralen rechtlichen Aussagen des Tagesspiegel-Beitrags näher erläutert werden

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27 April 2018

Ein Recht auf Rehabilitation für Folteropfer oder: Wenn der EuGH die Flüchtlingseigen­schaft vergisst

Schwer kranke Drittstaatsangehörige erhalten nur dann Schutz vor Abschiebung, wenn sie mangels medizinischer Behandlung im Heimatstaat eines qualvollen Todes sterben würden. Diese Linie hat der EGMR mittlerweile zwar etwas gelockert, aber subsidiären Schutz gibt es auf dieser Basis jedenfalls nicht. Jetzt hat der EuGH seine Rechtsprechung aktualisiert und für Folteropfer, die an schweren psychischen Folgeschäden leiden und in ihrem Heimatstaat keine adäquate Behandlung erhalten können, die Anforderungen an die Verfügbarkeit medizinischer Behandlung im Herkunftsstaat herabgesetzt. Doch so richtig glücklich macht auch dieses Urteil nicht.

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25 April 2018

Harnessing Artificial Intelligence the European Way

Will 10 April 2018 be remembered by many as the day of Mark Zuckerberg’s testimony before the US Senate? The hearing was covered by the media in all aspects down to the tie he was wearing. But that was not the only important event taking place on that day, and maybe not even the most important one: I am talking about the Declaration on Cooperation in Artificial Intelligence, signed on the same day but hardly noticed. And yet its impact in the long term might exceed that of the current scandal about Facebook and Cambridge Analytica by far.

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23 April 2018

What’s (still) Wrong with Glyphosate? On Pesticides, Public Trust and Parliamentary Scrutiny

The Glyphosate saga that had been troubling farmers, regulators, activists and corporations for almost seven years, finally came to an end with the renewal of the authorization for the infamously notorious pesticide in December 2017. Or did it? Reacting to the widespread institutional and societal concern generated by the uncertainty over Glyphosate’s safety, the European Parliament has set up a special committee on the authorization procedure for pesticides, which held its first working meeting in Brussels on April 12th, 2018. With this, the first renewal of Glyphosate’s authorization became a major case of politicization of science in the European Union.

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19 April 2018

Den Behörden Beine machen: Das EuGH-Urteil zur Familien­zusammen­führung von Flüchtlingen

Der EuGH hat am 12. April 2018 im Urteil A und S den Familiennachzug von Eltern zu unbegleiteten Kindern maßgeblich erleichtert und dabei insbesondere die Frage geklärt, zu welchem Zeitpunkt die Person unter 18 Jahre alt gewesen sein muss. In dogmatisch überzeugender Weise arbeitet der Europäische Gerichtshof heraus, dass auf den Zeitpunkt der Asylantragstellung abzustellen ist. Ist also die Person unter 18 Jahre alt, wenn sie einen Asylantrag stellt, dann ist sie für die Familienzusammenführung auch dann als minderjährig anzusehen, wenn sie während des Asylverfahrens volljährig wird. Dieses Urteil hat erhebliche Auswirkungen auf die deutsche Praxis des Familiennachzugs zu unbegleiteten Minderjährigen. Mit der Entscheidung bestätigt der EuGH seine zunehmende grundrechtliche Orientierung in Migrationsfragen.

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17 April 2018

Selmayr’s Appointment: Why this Juncker Crisis is Much More Dangerous for the EU Commission than the Santer Crisis in 1999

The promotion of Jean-Claude Juncker's chief of cabinet Martin Selmayr to secretary general of the EU Commission has caused quite a stir in some parts of the press, but rather little critique in the EU Parliament, among EU lawyers and in the eurobubble in general. This episode will come back recurrently during the populist campaign against the EU institutions in 2019. And later it will still be used to weaken the Commission. 2019 will sadly be far from the end of this story.

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15 April 2018

The Pisciotti Saga: A Duel in Karlsruhe as Finale?

The arrest of the Italian businessman Romano Pisciotti at Frankfurt Airport on 17 June 2013 has been the cause of many judicial decisions. The latest, if not last, was rendered this week by the Court of Justice of the European Union. Considering the reasoning of the Court, the last decision on this matter might actually come from the German Federal Court of Justice: The German supreme court might get to answer the thorny question whether or not the German Federal Constitutional Court had violated EU law by not referring the case to the CJEU. Such an unprecedented clash between federal courts would surely be a worthy coronation of a long saga.

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11 April 2018

The Strange (German) Case of Mr. Puigdemont’s European Arrest Warrant

The decision by the Oberlandesgericht of Schleswig in the Puigdemont case is a flawed ruling that seriously undermines the effectiveness of the European arrest warrant, and I would even say its future survival. It is also a manifest example of mistrust between courts of Member States, the type of conduct that destroys the foundations of mutual recognition and judicial cooperation.

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10 April 2018
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Judicial Independence as a Precondition for Mutual Trust

The Celmer case calls for us to reflect on the question what role judicial authorities can and should play in ensuring compliance with democracy, the rule of law and fundamental rights (DRF) in other EU Member States. In our view, judicial authorities ultimately have an independent responsibility to put a halt to surrenders, in case the wanted person’s fair trial rights are put in peril due to a general lack of judicial independence in the issuing state. At the same time, the political responsibility for balancing diverse EU constitutional principles needs to be borne by democratically elected institutions. Therefore, the court of the executing state should not only halt or suspend judicial cooperation in the event that persuasive pieces of evidence point to a violation of the values shared by the EU and the Member States in the issuing state, but it should also freeze the case awaiting a resolution of the matter from political actors.

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09 April 2018

The Copenhagen Declaration: Are the Member States about to Pull the Teeth of the ECHR?

On Thursday, the member states of the European Convention of Human Rights will meet in Copenhagen to adopt a joint declaration on the future of the human rights system in Europe. The Draft of the Copenhagen Declaration, presented on 5 February 2018 and sponsored by the current Danish Presidency of the Council of Europe, has met with considerable alarm on the part of human rights activists and academics. It makes unclear, ambiguous or inaccurate statements that could represent a serious crisis of the system if not redefined in the adoption of the final Declaration.

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05 April 2018

The Consensus Fights Back: European First Principles Against the Rule of Law Crisis (part 2)

For the EU to have a chance against the rising politics of resentment, the language, and perspectives through which the EU looks at the member states, must be challenged and change. “Essential characteristics of EU law” must go today beyond traditional “First Principles” of supremacy and direct effect, to embrace the rule of law, separation of powers, independence of the judiciary and enforceability of these principles as part of the ever-evolving consensus.

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The Consensus Fights Back: European First Principles Against the Rule of Law Crisis (part 1)

The referral to the Court of Justice by the Irish judge that questions how the capture of the Polish judiciary affects her duties under the European Arrest Warrant regime has dramatically changed the landscape of the European rule of law crisis. We are witnessing a switch from the classic paradigm of EU law of «judges asking judges» (dialogue via preliminary rulings) to a more demanding « judges monitoring the judges ».

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Der Fall Puigdemont – ein europäisches Problem!

Ist die Auslieferung von Carles Puigdemont tatsächlich allein der deutschen Justiz überantwortet? Zweifel sind angebracht. Denn blickt man genauer auf den EU-Rahmenbeschluss zum Europäischen Haftbefehl, wird schnell deutlich: Es stellen sich eine Reihe europarechtlicher (Vor-)Fragen, zu deren Auslegung allein der Gerichtshof der Europäischen Union (EuGH) berufen ist.

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03 April 2018

Spanische Tragödie

Über Carles Puigdemont, katalanische Identität, spanische Strafjustiz und europäisches Vertrauen: eine juristische Geschichte über Wahn und Wirklichkeit.

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27 March 2018

A Love Letter from Strasbourg to the Turkish Constitutional Court

We can all breathe a sigh of relief: Turkey’s constitutional complaint mechanism is an effective domestic remedy. Said the European Court of Human Rights in its March 20th rulings, speaking for the first time on the issue of prolonged pre-trial detentions since the July 2016 coup attempt in Turkey. These judgments reflect the ECtHR’s continuing preoccupation with its docket crisis despite the rapid consolidation of authoritarian rule in Turkey.

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17 March 2018

Die Rechtsstaatlichkeitskrise vor Gericht: der Anfang vom Ende gegenseitigen Vertrauens

Die Rechtsstaatlichkeitskrise in Polen rückt zunehmend in den Fokus der Gerichte. Das gilt auch für den EuGH und die Gerichte anderer, auf den ersten Blick nicht direkt betroffener EU-Mitgliedstaaten. Eine Entscheidung des irischen High Courts vom 12. März 2018 zeigt die übergreifenden Folgen der „polnischen“ Rechtsstaatlichkeitskrise in bislang ungekannter Prägnanz auf. Die Botschaft lautet: Die Negation rechtsstaatlicher Grundsätze, wie sie derzeit in Polen zu beobachten ist, rüttelt an den Grundfesten der europäischen Rechtsgemeinschaft. Sie kann als solche auch außerhalb Polens nicht ignoriert werden.

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Zugang zum Gericht für Folteropfer: Scheut Straßburg die Konsequenzen?

Können Folteropfer in einem Konventionsstaat eine zivilrechtliche Entschädigungsklage gegen einen Drittstaat einreichen, ohne dass der Fall einen direkten Zusammenhang mit dem betroffenen Konventionsstaat hat? Die Grosse Kammer des Europäischen Gerichtshofes für Menschenrechte (EGMR) hat dies im Urteil Naït-Liman gegen die Schweiz vom 15. März 2018 verneint und damit einen Kammerentscheid aus dem Jahr 2016 bestätigt. Zum heutigen Zeitpunkt könne aus Artikel 6 der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention keine Verpflichtung abgeleitet werden, die Zuständigkeit für Entschädigungsklagen von Folteropfern gegen Drittstaaten zu bejahen.

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14 March 2018

Constitutional Rights First: The Italian Constitutional Court fine-tunes its “Europarechts­freundlichkeit”

Only a few days after the Court of Justice of the European Union buried the hatchet in the so-called Taricco saga, the Italian Constitutional Court issued a decision that may inaugurate the most significant shift of its jurisprudence in European affairs since 1984, when the Constitutional Court fully accepted the principle of primacy of EU law and blessed the disapplication of national legislation incompatible with EU law.

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13 March 2018

CJEU Opens the Door for the Commission to Reconsider Charges against Poland

In the Associação Sindical dos Juízes Portugueses judgment the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) deemed that on the basis of Article 19(1) TEU it is competent to evaluate the guarantee of independence of judges if only they sit in a national court that may apply and interpret EU law. In light of this ruling, the European Commission in the infringement proceedings against Poland does not have to restrict itself to the slightly modified “Hungarian scenario” (hitherto preferred by it). It may instead once again analyse the scope of charges with regard to the Common Courts System Act (the CCS Act), and may even lodge a new complaint concerning i.a. the Act on the Supreme Court.

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09 March 2018

The Limited Immediate Effects of CJEU’s Achmea Judgement

It seemed that Court of Justice of the European Union wanted to make it short and sweet: It took the Grand Chamber in its Achmea Decision less than fifteen pages to conclude that Investor-State dispute settlement (ISDS), as we know it, shall belong to the past, at least in an intra-EU context. Finito della musica? Not quite!

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08 March 2018

Todesstoß für autonome Investitionsschutzgerichte

Öffentliche Diskussionen sind kurzlebig: So schaute ganz Europa im Oktober 2016 gebannt auf das wallonische Regionalparlament, als dieses das CETA-Freihandelsabkommen mit Kanada zu blockieren drohte. Gegenwärtig besitzt der Freihandel auf unserem Kontinent mehr Freunde, was auch daran liegt, dass Donald Trump mit Schutzzöllen droht und wenig Europäer gerne dieselbe Politik verfolgen wie der US-Präsident. Mindestens ebenso wichtig wie Strafzölle auf europäischen Stahl oder amerikanischen Whisky bleibt freilich die Strukturfrage der Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit, die im Zentrum vieler Debatten um CETA und TTIP steht. Hier dürfte das jüngste EuGH-Urteil im Achmea-Verfahren sehr viel weitreichendere Folgen haben, als dies die deutsche Öffentlichkeit bislang realisierte.

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02 March 2018

A Line in the Sand: The ‘Strict Observance’ of International Law in the Western Sahara Case

When the EU makes international agreements and implements them, its scope is not only limited by the competence allocation and procedures in its own primary law but also by fundamental features of the international legal order. In the Western Sahara judgment, the CJEU has drawn lines in the sand not only geographically but also constitutionally.

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01 March 2018

Misguided ‘Associate EU Citizenship’ Talk as a Denial of EU Values

Guy Verhofstadt is famous for articulate ‘The answer is more Europe’ positions on all issues European. Jan-Werner Müller might be right: should there have been no Verhofstadt, Eurosceptics would have had to invent him. This is particularly so given his position on EU citizenship for UK nationals after Brexit as the chief European Parliament Brexit negotiator. In this contribution, I explain why playing with any kind of ‘associate EU citizenship status’ for the Brits after Brexit is a terrible idea undermining all what should be cherished about the project of European unity.

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28 February 2018

Has the CJEU just Reconfigured the EU Constitutional Order?

On 27 February 2018 the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) handed down a judgment in Associação Sindical dos Juízes Portugueses v Tribunal de Contas. The case concerned a legal challenge of the Portuguese association of judges against austerity measures temporarily reducing the salaries of public sector workers. The CJEU may have used it to potentially reconfigure a long-standing compromise underlying the EU constitutional order, and to send a signal to Poland (and others) and preparing for future engagement with what could possibly be independent Polish courts.

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Will Finance Policies solve the EU “Refugee Crisis”?

The German government is floating the idea of restructuring EU funds to benefit member states that take in migrants and refugees. What seems like a selfish move by the country that hosts the largest number of refugees in Europe may be an step towards resolving the lingering EU political crises.

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27 February 2018

Wo für Straßburg der Spaß aufhört

Spiegeleier auf der Flamme des Grabmals des Unbekannten Soldaten braten ist eine krasse Form des Protests – aber so krass, dass sie mit drei Jahren Gefängnis auf Bewährung bestraft werden darf, ohne die Meinungsfreiheit zu verletzen? In seinem Urteil Sinkova v. Ukraine zeigt sich der EGMR außerstande, satirischem Protest gegen staatliche Erinnerungspolitik den nötigen Spielraum zu verschaffen.

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06 February 2018

The Hierarchy of Hate: Mixed Signals in the Combat against Hate Speech

There is a number of varying thresholds to free speech regulation set out by relevant legal tools which can do nothing but confuse countries. Moreover, anti-hate speech legislation developed on an international and European level is marred by what I refer to as the hierarchy of hate, namely the arbitrary focus on particular types of hate speech, such as racist speech, and the simultaneous disregard for other genres such as homophobic speech.

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23 January 2018

Regime Shopping unter dem Schutz des Europarechts: Das Polbud-Urteil des Euro­päischen Gerichts­hofs

Unternehmen können sich aus mitbestimmten Rechtsformen unter dem Schutz des Europarechts friktionsfrei „hinausverlagern“. Dafür sorgt der EuGH mit seinem Urteil im Fall Polbud. Die dort vorgenommene Auslegung der Niederlassungsfreiheit kann man nur als verstörend bezeichnen, und die potenziellen Auswirkungen auf die Arbeitnehmermitbestimmung als verheerend.

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11 January 2018

Memory Wars of Commercial Worth – The Legal Status of the Red Star in Hungary

With this blogpost for the T.M.C. Asser Institute – Verfassungsblog joint symposium, I would like to draw attention to another facet in the legal governance of historical memory, that regarding the use of totalitarian symbols of the past. This issue remains particularly pertinent in the region of Central and Eastern Europe in parallel to the widely discussed decline in the rule of law.   

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09 January 2018

30 days, six months… forever? Border control and the French Council of State

For Christmas 2017, the French Council of State – the Supreme Court for administrative matters in France – gave a nasty present to those attached to the free movement of persons in the Schengen area. In a ruling issued on 28 December (see here, in French), it upheld the decision of the French Government to reintroduce, for the ninth time in a row, identity control at its “internal” borders, i.e. borders with other Schengen countries – even though checks at internal borders are not, in fact, systematically performed. This decision, issued without even bringing the matter to the Court of Justice of the European Union for a preliminary ruling, sets aside, probably unlawfully, the time limit set by the Schengen Borders Code.

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03 January 2018

The Commission takes a step back in the fight for the Rule of Law

The European Commission has filed a complaint against Poland with the Court of Justice of the European Union based on Article 258 TFEU, in connection with the Polish Act on the Common Courts System. Fines may be charged on Poland as a result of the case, but the Commission has probably quietly withdrawn some of its charges, apparently opting for the somewhat modified “Hungarian scenario”. The impact of this new approach on the reversibility of the changes introduced to the Polish judiciary will be very limited.

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02 January 2018

Catalonia in deadlock, and why that is a European problem

The Catalan territorial conflict is stuck. No clear solutions are on the table after the elections of December 21st. Catalans and Spaniards are failing so far to find solutions to the problem. But it is our European common problem and our common responsibility to try to help them. More specifically, EU institutions should be doing much more of what they have done so far. I blame them for their passivity in the last couple of months.

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23 December 2017
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The European Commission’s Activation of Article 7: Better Late than Never?

On Wednesday, the European Commission reacted to the continuing deterioration of the rule of law situation in Poland. The remaining question, of course, is why this argument has been used in the context of 7(1) as opposed of 7(2) given that the situation on the ground in Poland is clearly – in the view of the Commission, the Venice Commission and countless other actors – one of clear and persistent breach of values, as opposed to a threat thereof. The explanation might lie beyond the simple difficulty of the procedural requirements related to the sanctioning stage.

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20 December 2017

Taking the EU-Turkey Deal to Court?

The EU-Turkey deal on the return of refugees is one of the most controversial policy steps taken by the EU in recent years. The EU General Court chose to sidestep the difficult legal questions raised by the deal by dismissing these cases, ruling it had no jurisdiction to review the deal on the ground that the Statement was not an act of Union institutions, but that of Member States. Will the CJEU use this opportunity to set the record straight by establishing who had the competence to conclude the EU-Turkey deal?

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12 December 2017
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A Bridge over Troubled Water – a Criminal Lawyers’ Response to Taricco II 

The recent CJEU judgment in M.A.S., M.B. (hereinafter Taricco II) […]

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11 December 2017

Im Technokraten-Panzer auf dem Weg zur Europäischen Armee

Heute hat der Rat der EU das so genannte PESCO-Projekt beschlossen. Es soll wesentlich zur Errichtung einer europäischen Verteidigungsunion beitragen. Es ist rundweg zum Staunen, wie sich nach all den kritischen europapolitischen Grundsatzdiskussionen der vergangenen Jahre bei der Militär- und Rüstungsintegration offenbar die Fehler der Vergangenheit wiederholen. Es ist das technokratisch-funktionalistische Europa, das hier voranschreitet, und nicht das demokratische Europa, das aus der offenen Diskussion der europäischen Bürgerschaft entsteht.

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07 December 2017

Belittling the Primacy of EU Law in Taricco II

The Taricco II judgement handed down by the CJEU on 5 December 2017 is a telling and worrying example of a weakly reasoned court decision and the high price at which such weakness comes. It is a judgement that disregards legally problematic questions, seemingly subordinating argumentative consistency to the constraints of legal policy in a climate increasingly critical towards EU law and institutions. The (potential) collateral damage of this approach is considerable.

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06 December 2017

What’s in a name? A Brexit we can all enjoy

Northern Ireland will have a ,hard Brexit' as any other part of the UK and, at the same time, be subject to a ,regulatory alignment' with the Republic of Ireland and, hence, the EU. Such is the elegance of this solution, that one might be tempted to mistake it for a genuine policy innovation. In fact, using a made up name for something that you are already doing and calling it ‘new’ has a long pedigree and has been used aplenty.

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05 December 2017
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Defusing the Taricco Bomb through Fostering Constitutional Tolerance: All Roads Lead to Rome

As Mauro Cappelletti perceptively wrote in 1986, ‘unlike the American Supreme Court and the European Constitutional Courts, the Court of Justice has almost no powers that are not ultimately derived from its own prestige, intellectual and moral force of its opinions’. In other terms, the Court of Justice (‘ECJ’) cannot take obedience to its judgments by Member States and the respective authorities as granted or constitutionally-mandated since, in Weiler’s words, this is a voluntary obedience which goes hand in hand with the exercise of constitutional tolerance in the Member States. In other words, there is a time for the enforcement of the radical primacy of EU law as in Melloni and Taricco I, and a time for internalizing the counterlimits, as in the Taricco II decision (M.A.S. and M.B. case) handed down today by the ECJ.

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04 December 2017

EGMR prüft neues Konzept der Sicherungsverwahrung in Deutschland

Ist die deutsche Praxis, besonders gefährliche Straftäter auch nach verbüßter Strafe weiter in Haft zu halten, mit der EMRK vereinbar? Seit 2009 steht diese Frage im Raum. Jetzt wird die Große Kammer des EGMR im Fall Ilnseher noch einmal ganz grundlegend überprüfen, ob sie der jetzigen deutschen Regelung tatsächlich eine konventionsrechtliche Unbedenklichkeitsbescheinigung ausstellen kann.

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03 December 2017

Merabishvili v. Georgia: Has the Mountain Given Birth to a Mouse? 

The wait for those of us looking for much needed answers to understand what direction and coherence the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights would give to its nascent Article 18 case law (also known as ‘bad faith’ case law) has ended. A verdict has been reached in Merabashvili v. Georgia Grand Chamber judgment of the European Court of Human Rights.  In a climate of retreat from human rights law and standards under the guise of domestic legalism, answers to the questions of what it means to violate the Convention in bad faith, how we prove it and what responses we owe to bad faith human rights violations have become pressing and urgent. The Grand Chamber gave us answers to the first two questions and passed on the third.

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30 November 2017

Im Zweifel für die Sicherheit – EGMR billigt Abschiebung eines sogenannten „Gefährders“

Der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte (EGMR) hat die Entscheidung des […]

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28 November 2017

Gesundbeten und Krankreden, oder: Wie man die EU besser nicht unterstützen sollte

Sie klingen so hübsch und sympathisch, die Namen, unter denen sich die neuesten Apologien der Europäischen Union präsentieren: “Europäische Republik”,  “postnationale Demokratie” – wer wollte da dagegen sein unter uns Kosmopoliten und Pro-Europäern? Robert Menasse und Ulrike Guérot sind zwei der sichtbarsten Protagonisten dieser neuen Loyalität zur Union. Doch wenn man ihre Bücher näher betrachtet, entdeckt man sofort, dass ihr Pro-Europäismus eine fragwürdige Segnung ist. Er ist abstrakt und halbgebildet. Und er ist sogar ein wenig gefährlich.

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27 November 2017
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Bialowieza Forest, the Spruce Bark Beetle and the EU Law Controversy in Poland

The battle about logging in the protected Bialowieza primeval forest in Poland puts the rule of law in the European Union in danger – in more than just one way.

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24 November 2017

Provisional (And Extraordinary) Measures in the Name of the Rule of Law

The showdown was inevitable. At some point, the Court of Justice had to show its teeth and remind the Polish government of its duty to comply with the rule of law and with the values enshrined in Article 2 TEU. For the Member States of the EU, the rule of law is not an option. You either take it or leave it (and thus leave the EU). However, Poland’s late attitude towards EU integration, happily accepting the money from EU funds but showing its back on the fundamental values of the EU, was inevitably going to be confronted, sooner or later, at the Court of Justice. If the showdown was predictable, the surprise has been that it has all happened so quickly, so frontally and… in interim relief procedures in an infringement action against Poland.

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21 November 2017

‚EU-Ausländer’ bleiben trotz Einbürgerung: Der EuGH macht es möglich!

Stellen Sie sich vor, Sie machen als deutscher Staatsbürger von Ihrem Freizügigkeitsrecht als Unionsbürger Gebrauch; arbeiten für einige Jahre in einem anderen Mitgliedstaat und heiraten dort einen Drittstaatsangehörigen, der nun ebenfalls von Unionsrecht wegen ein (abgeleitetes) Aufenthaltsrecht erhält. Dass Sie ihren Ehepartner ohne Rechtsverlust sollten mitnehmen können, wenn Sie nach Deutschland zurückkehren wollen, erscheint nur folgerichtig; der EuGH hat dies schon 2014 klargestellt. Nun hat der Gerichtshof allerdings in der vergangenen Woche einen draufgesetzt. Droht das Freizügigkeitsrecht seine Konturen zu verlieren?

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14 November 2017

Losing to the European Union: A Review of Yanis Varoufakis’ Book “Adults in the Room”

Varoufakis gives a detailed account of a saga that gripped international public opinion two years ago, propelled him to international stardom and ended in economic and social disaster for the Greeks. The book is readable and interesting, even if it is full of the author’s familiar hyperbolic statements. It will be of value to anyone with an interest the Eurozone crisis, and especially to British readers who are concerned about Brexit. The parallels between Varoufakis’ ideologically motivated clash with the EU and the British government’s similarly confrontational attitude with the EU are too obvious to miss. 

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06 November 2017
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The Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance: should it be incorporated in EU law?

The five-year deadline of the TSCG, the so-called ,Fiscal Compact' from the days of the Euro crisis, will expire soon. Should the TSCG be incorporated into the EU law? Diane Fromage presents the argument for, Bruno de Witte those against such a step.

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30 October 2017

Prisoner Voting and Power Struggle: a Never-Ending Story?

On 29 October 2017, it was announced that the UK authorities are planning to revoke the blanket ban on prisoner voting and allow those who are sentenced to under a year in prison to go home for a day and vote. This was done to ensure the compliance with the judgment of the European Court of Human Rights in the case of Hirst No 2 which was delivered in 2005. It took the UK government twelve years to come up with a proposal that would put English law in line with the case law of the European Court of Human Rights.

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24 October 2017

Plädoyer für eine soziale Grundsicherung in Europa

Das europäische Recht verpflichtet die Mitgliedstaaten nicht, ein System zur Existenzsicherung zu schaffen. Die Spanne zwischen den Existenzsicherungsstandards in den Mitgliedstaaten könnte dementsprechend kaum größer sein. Die Mitgliedstaaten können sich nur gemeinsam zur Existenzsicherung verpflichten. Es wäre effektiv, wenn sie dazu eine entsprechende ausdrückliche Kompetenz auf die Union übertragen würden. Deutsches Verfassungsrecht stünde dem nicht entgegen.

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20 October 2017

The Irony of Brexit for Immigration Control

Immigration was a hot topic throughout the Brexit debate. ‘To take back control’ was a prominent slogan. While Brexit can facilitate legal control over the entry and stay of EU citizens, it need not necessarily make it easier for the UK to control the immigration of third-country nationals, including asylum seekers. It might even, paradoxically, render control of immigration by non-Europeans more difficult to some extent.

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16 October 2017

The Polish Crisis as a European Crisis: A Letter to Mr Jean-Claude Juncker

Poland is facing a heavy constitutional crisis. Instead of another legal analysis, this is a letter to Jean-Claude Juncker to complain about European inaction about it. The comparison to Hungary makes clear that this is not a national, but indeed a European crisis.

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09 October 2017

Can Brexit be stopped under EU Law?

Ominous clouds are gathering and the terrain underfoot increasingly resembles a quagmire on the Brexiteers ‘sunlit uplands’. It is therefore unsurprising that the chatter about revoking the Art. 50 notification to withdraw from the EU – itself waxing and waning since the referendum vote – has become louder in recent days; spurred on by a freedom of information request seeking the government’s legal advice on the question.

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08 October 2017
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Die EU und die Mittelmeerroute: Umgehung des Refoulement-Verbots oder Kampf gegen ‚illegale Migration’?

Die Maßnahmen der EU-Staaten (einzeln und kollektiv) zur Verhinderung irregulärer Migration und irregulärer Einreisen finden immer im Spannungsfeld mit den sich aus den völkerrechtlichen Refoulement-Verboten ergebenden Verpflichtungen statt. Für die Maßnahmen an den Grenzen und unter der Hoheitsgewalt europäischer Staaten gibt der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte einen entsprechenden rechtlichen Kompass vor, der bisher für die Zusammenarbeit mit Drittstaaten fehlt. Der nachfolgende Artikel versucht eine solche rechtliche Orientierung am Beispiel der zentralen Mittelmeerroute zu geben.

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04 October 2017

Die Identifikation Einzelner – Gedanken zum EGMR-Urteil im Fall N.D. und N.T.

Das Urteil des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte (EGMR) im Fall N.D. und N.T. gegen Spanien stellt fest, dass Rückschiebungen in der Grenzzone der spanischen Enklave Melilla nach Marokko gegen das Verbot der Kollektivausweisung verstoßen. Die Entscheidung ist bedeutsam, weil sie die Abgrenzung von legitimem Grenzschutz und konventionswidrigen Praktiken betrifft. Und damit die zentrale Frage in der Regulierung von Migration überhaupt: Die nach dem rechtlichen Ausgleich zwischen staatlichem Souveränitätsinteresse und den Rechten der Migranten, welche durch Menschenrechtsverträge geschützt sind.

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28 September 2017

Understanding the Politics of Resentment

Transitioning from „resentment” as an emotion of rejection and critique of the unsatisfactory liberal status quo to the more formalised and institutionalised „politics of resentment” is crucial in our understanding of the ascent of illiberal narratives in Europe. It gives us a chance of harnessing resentment in more conceptual terms and schemes.

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27 September 2017

Der europäische Sisyphos: ein Kommentar zur Europa-Rede Emmanuel Macrons in der Sorbonne

Ob eine Rede von historischer Tragweite ist, lässt sich meist erst Jahre später im Rückblick und in Kenntnis des weiteren Verlaufs der Dinge bemessen. Das dürfte auch für die Grundsatzrede zur Zukunft der europäischen Integration gelten („Initiative pour l’Europe“), die zwei Tage nach der Wahl zum 19. Deutschen Bundestag  der französische Staatspräsident Emmanuel Macron an der Sorbonne gehalten hat. Daher werde ich die Rede vorläufig und vorsichtshalber lediglich als bemerkenswert bezeichnen.

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26 September 2017
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Mind the Gap! Schwierigkeiten der Rechtsstaatlichkeit in der EU

Seit Ende des Kalten Krieges haben sich sowohl internationale Organisationen als auch nationale Regierungen den Grundsätzen der Rechtsstaatlichkeit verschrieben - allerdings oft nur in Form von Lippenbekenntnissen. Welche Probleme resultieren aus diesem Vorgehen in der EU und vielleicht noch wichtiger: Was sollte dagegen unternommen werden?

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22 September 2017

Wie privat darf die Scheidung sein?

In Syrien kann der Mann die Ehe mit seiner Frau ohne gerichtliches Verfahren beenden. Nach welchen Regeln ist eine solche Privatscheidung in der EU anzuerkennen? Der Generalanwalt beim EuGH schlägt dem Gerichtshof dazu eine sehr restriktive Linie vor – mit zweifelhaften Argumenten.

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21 September 2017

Asylfragen vor dem EuGH – ein Balanceakt zwischen Solidarität und Rechtsstaatlichkeit

Der EuGH hat die Klagen Ungarns und der Slowakei gegen die vorläufige obligatorische Regelung zur Umsiedlung von Asylbewerbern abgewiesen. Kernaussage: In einer asylrechtlichen Notlage tragen die Mitgliedstaaten die „Lasten“ solidarisch. Die Reaktionen sind ambivalent: Einige begrüßen die Umsiedlungs-Entscheidung als Zeichen der Solidarität. Andere werfen dem EuGH Rechtsbruch vor, weil er Solidarität über die Köpfe der unsolidarischen Umsiedlungs-Verweigerer hinweg „verordnet“ habe. Was ist von dieser Kritik zu halten, und wie lässt sich Solidarität dauerhaft sichern?

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17 September 2017

The Catalan Self-Determination Referendum Act: A New Legal Order in Europe

The Catalan Parliament is taking the secession process to the next level. By illegitimately passing two Acts that constitute a Catalan proto-constitution, a constitutional coup d'état and a new legal order are on their way.

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15 September 2017

Kupierte Frei­handels­abkommen: Verfassungs­rechtliche Heraus­forderungen einer neuen Unionsstrategie

Bisher wurden die Mitgliedstaaten im Rahmen gemischter Abkommen bei allen Freihandelsverträgen der Union mit Drittstaaten eigenständige Vertragsparteien. Der Freihandel war damit keine ausschließliche Domäne der Union. Mit dieser Tradition wird die EU-Kommission unter ihrem Präsidenten Juncker nun brechen, wie sich aus unmissverständlichen Hinweisen in der Rede zur Lage der Union erkennen lässt. Was steht hinter diesem Paradigmenwechsel? Und ist er noch vereinbar mit dem Karlsruher Rechtsspruch, dass die mitgliedstaatliche Rechtssubjektivität nicht zu Gunsten einer staatsanalogen Union zurückweichen darf?

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12 September 2017

Is the European Parliament Missing its Constitutional Moment?

Over the years, step by step, the European Parliament has won a share of real constitutional power. At times, Parliament has had a decisive influence on the constitutive development of the European Union. At other times, MEPs have found it just as difficult as the European Council has done to make constitutional sense of a Union which is an uneasy compromise between federal and confederal elements. If EU governance is congenitally weak it may be because its institutions are unable to manage the dichotomy between supranational and intergovernmental. Today, circumstances have thrown the European Parliament a golden opportunity to take a major step in the federal direction – but it looks as though MEPs are going to retreat again.

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11 September 2017

Das Bundes­verfassungs­gericht und die „Direktionskraft“ der Normen?

Mit seiner Vorlage zum EuGH in Sachen Quantitative Easing zeigt das Bundesverfassungsgericht einmal mehr, dass es bei der Beurteilung ökonomischer Zusammenhänge fundamental schief liegt. Weiterbildung ist angesagt.

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09 September 2017

The EU and the Catalan Crisis

The events of the past week in Catalunya (and of the weeks that will follow) are very serious and worrying. Catalunya is a region of a Member State of the EU that has begun a unilateral process of independence, disregarding the Constitution, its Statute of Autonomy and the opposition of half of the Catalan population. It’s a remarkable challenge for Spanish democracy. It’s a challenge for the EU as well.

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08 September 2017
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Hungarian Constitutional Identity and the ECJ Decision on Refugee Quota

The outcome of the lawsuit launched by the Hungarian Government against the EU Council’s decision on compulsory relocation of asylum seekers before the European Court of Justice (ECJ) took no-one by surprise, neither in Budapest nor elsewhere. Some may have hoped that the complaint would succeed legally, but nevertheless it has always been primarily a part of a well-devised political strategy based on the idea of national identity as a concept of constitutional and EU law.

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07 September 2017

The EU as the Appropriate Locus of Power for Tackling Crises: Interpretation of Article 78(3) TFEU in the case Slovakia and Hungary v Council

The CJEU’s judgment in Slovakia and Hungary v Council of 6 September 2017 raises important instutional questions. As the Court implicitly recognises the EU as the appropriate forum for taking effective action to address the emergency situation created by a sudden inflow of third country nationals, it adopts its tendency towards purposive and effectiveness-oriented jurisprudence to asylum law.

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24 August 2017

Dispute Resolution after Brexit

When setting out her priorities for the Brexit negotiations in a speech at Lancaster House in January, Theresa May promised to ‘bring an end to the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice in Britain.’  This forcefully formulated ‘red line’ turned into a headache for the British negotiators as it was both somewhat misconceived – the ECJ’s preliminary reference procedure hardly results in jurisdiction ‘in Britain’ – and overly categorical ignoring both the likely content of the UK-EU withdrawal agreement and the shape of the future UK-EU relationship envisaged by her own government as a ‘new, deep and special partnership.’ Today’s paper on ‘enforcement and dispute resolution’ should therefore be welcomed as injecting a portion of realism and pragmatism in the debate over the ECJ.

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23 August 2017
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A Stress Test for Europe’s Judiciaries

The rule of law, judicial independence and separation of powers are values guaranteed in constitutions of member states of the Council of Europe. Nevertheless, in recent years, a number of challenges to these accepted values have emerged in different countries all over Europe. Events in countries like Hungary, Ukraine, Slovakia and Turkey should be mentioned in this context. Poland’s reforms of its judiciary (some of them still in draft stage) are the latest and gravest example of this European crisis. While such threats to judicial independence in individual states are a fundamental problem for European co-operation based on shared values of democracy, the rule of law and human rights, European states should not wait for remedies to be found on the European level. Rather, European states should learn from the challenges in Poland and other countries to critically review the constitutional and legal framework of their own national judiciaries. To facilitate this process, we suggest to stress test Europe's judiciaries.

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16 August 2017

Summer of Love: Karlsruhe Refers the QE Case to Luxembourg

It seems that the BVerfG has learned a lesson. Yesterday’s referral about the the European Central Bank’s policy of Quantitative Easing (QE) sets a completely different tone. It reads like a modest and balanced plea for judicial dialogue, rather than an indictment. Fifty years after the original event, a new Summer of Love seems to thrive between the highest judicial bodies. It shows no traces of the aplomb with which Karlsruhe presented its stance to Luxembourg three years ago.

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14 August 2017

Linking Efficiency with Fundamental Rights in the Dublin System: the Case of Mengesteab

The recent CJEU decision "Mengesteab" has two significant consequences for Member States. First, applicants have a right to challenge the procedural steps by which Member States arrive at decisions regarding responsibility for protection applications to insure their fidelity to the rules prescribed in the Dublin Regulation. Second, the duty of Member States to begin assessing which state holds this responsibility engages as soon as the competent authority identified pursuant to article 35(1) of the regulation becomes aware of a request for international protection.

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02 August 2017
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The Opinion of Advocate General Bot in Taricco II: Seven “Deadly” Sins and a Modest Proposal

The wind of populism is blowing across Europe and courts (including constitutional and supreme courts) are not immune therefrom. Within this context, the enforcement of the constitutional identity clause to contrast the application and, sometimes, the primacy of EU law would be a powder keg waiting to be lit. In the latest act in the Taricco saga, Advocate General Bot in his opinion in Taricco II does nothing to defuse it – on the contrary.

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31 July 2017

A 50/50 Ball: The East versus the EU in the Refugee Relocation Game

Last week, Advocate General Yves Bot dismissed the claims of Hungary and Slovakia against the EU refugee relocation scheme. The Commission has launched an infringement procedure against the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland for not fulfilling their quota. The East/West divide in the matter of refugee relocation could be seen as evidence that the former communist countries are culturally backwards, liberally underdeveloped, and have low tolerance levels in regards to cultural and religious diversity. Yet there is no empirical research that shows that the East is more racist and xenophobic than the West. What else could explain this dangerous phenomenon?

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29 July 2017

Subjektive Rechte aus der Dublin-Verordnung: Der Fall Mengesteab vor dem EuGH

Neben der Geschichte der Dublin-Verordnung als äußerst zähem System einer ungerechten Zuständigkeitsverteilung zwischen Staaten gibt es eine zweite Geschichte der Dublin-Verordnung: Die langsame Stärkung der subjektiven Rechte von Asylbewerbern. Diese Geschichte erhält ein weiteres Kapitel mit dem diese Woche verkündeten Urteil Mengesteab des Europäischen Gerichtshofs. Die Entscheidung ist hochrelevant für die Praxis, weil sie die Fristenberechnung betrifft, bis wann ein Asylsuchender in einen anderen Mitgliedstaat gemäß Dublin-Zuständigkeit zurückgewiesen werden kann. Und die Entscheidung markiert zugleich, dass angesichts politischer Lethargie die größte Hoffnung für eine Veränderung des festgefahrenen Dublin-Systems in den Klagemöglichkeiten liegt.

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28 July 2017

Klarheit im Gemischtwarenladen „Flüchtlingskrise“: Zu den Urteilen des EuGH in den Fällen Jafari und A.S.

Mit den Urteilen „zur Flüchtlingskrise“ vom 26. Juli 2017 hat der EuGH gezeigt, dass er trotz seiner Sonderrolle, die es ihm erlaubt europarechtliche Normen verbindlich auszulegen, seine Aufgabe als Judikative versteht und nicht als Legislative. Er legt das Recht so aus, wie es das Völker- und das Europarecht verlangen, nämlich in erster Linie nach Wortlaut sowie nach dem Zusammenhang und dem Ziel der Normen.

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Passenger Name Records – from Canada back to the EU

Passenger name records have been a highly sensitive topic of EU legislation for years. The new opinion 1/15 of the Court of Justice needs to be read against this political background. The opinion will have major repercussions both for the relations of the EU with partner countries and the development of the EU’s own counterterrorism or internal security policy. 

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27 July 2017

Gestaltung und Verantwortung − Asyl-Entscheidungen des EuGH als Rückspiel an die Politik?

Den jüngsten Urteilen des EuGH im Umfeld des Gemeinsamen Europäischen Asylsystems (GEAS) gingen stets menschenrechtlich grundierte Schlussanträge von Generalanwälten voraus, die geeignet waren, ebenso grundlegende wie dysfunktionale Rechtsstrukturen desselben auf den Kopf zu stellen. Ein Blick auf drei jüngere und bedeutende Entscheidungen zeigt, dass der EuGH zumeist zu abweichenden dogmatischen Begründungen und auch Ergebnissen gekommen ist. Steckt dahinter das Gespür des Gerichtshofs, mit Blick auf den Gedanken der Gewaltenteilung nicht zu weit zu gehen, aber dennoch den Handlungsdruck auf die verantwortliche politische Ebene zu erhöhen?

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26 July 2017

Data Protection, Data Transfers, and International Agreements: the CJEU’s Opinion 1/15

On 26 July the EU Court of Justice (CJEU) issued Opinion 1/15, which is its most significant ruling on the international dimensions of data protection law since its 2015 judgment in the Schrems case. In Opinion 1/15, the Grand Chamber of the Court found that the draft agreement between the EU and Canada for the transfer of passenger name record (PNR) data may not be concluded in its current form, since several of its provisions are incompatible with EU fundamental rights law. As the Court’s first ruling on the compatibility of a draft international agreement with the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, the judgment has important implications for many areas of EU law.

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Zäune bauen in Luxemburg

Angela Merkel wird mit der heutigen Grundsatzentscheidung des Europäischen Gerichtshofs in Sachen Flüchtlingsschutz gut leben können. Ihr Entschluss im Sommer 2015, die Grenzen für die Flüchtlinge aus Ungarn zu öffnen, war mitnichten der "eklatante Rechtsbruch", den die CSU mit Sekundanz allerhand prominenter Verfassungsjuristen immer behauptet hatte. Das viel beschworene Selbsteintrittsrecht in Art. 17 Abs. 1 der Dublin-III-Verordnung war in den Augen des EuGH das Druckventil, das Deutschland in der Extremsituation 2015/16 wenn schon nicht öffnen musste, so doch durfte. Ansonsten aber bleibt es dabei: Humanitäre Krise hin oder her – wen die Staaten an der Außengrenze reinlassen, für den sind sie zuständig. Sollen sie halt Zäune bauen.

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25 July 2017

Angriff auf die Mitbestimmung abgewehrt – aber das Problem bleibt: Zum Erzberger-Urteil des Europäischen Gerichtshofs

Der EuGH hat mit seinem Urteil "Erzberger v. TUI" der Kommission und ihrem bizarren Versuch, die unternehmerische Mitbestimmung in Deutschland an der Arbeitnehmerfreizügigkeit scheitern zu lassen, eine schallende Ohrfeige verpasst. Doch weitere Fälle werden folgen. Auch glühende Verfechter von „mehr Europa“ werden sich daher der Frage stellen müssen, wie sich die Arbeits- und Sozialordnungen der Mitgliedsstaaten besser vor illegitimen Übergriffen der Grundfreiheiten und des europäischen Wettbewerbsrechts schützen lassen als in der Vergangenheit. Hier ist etwas grundsätzlich aus dem Ruder gelaufen – und niemand kann wollen, dass jene, die die mitgliedsstaatlichen Arbeits- und Sozialordnungen vor politisch unkontrollierter Liberalisierung bewahren wollen, in strukturelle Opposition zur europäischen Integration geraten.

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24 July 2017

Art. 7 EUV im Quadrat? Zur Möglichkeit von Rechtsstaats-Verfahren gegen mehrere Mitgliedsstaaten

Ungarns Veto blockiert einen Beschluss nach Art. EUV, Polen das Stimmrecht im Rat zu entziehen, und umgekehrt. Lässt sich das Veto umgehen, indem ein Verfahren gegen beide Mitgliedsstaaten gleichzeitig eingeleitet wird?

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19 July 2017

Farewell to the Separation of Powers – On the Judicial Purge and the Capture in the Heart of Europe

After the cautious and carefully prepared dismantling of the Polish Constitutional Court, the Supreme Court’s independence was now swept away in the twinkling of an eye. Late at night on Wednesday, July 12, 2017, a draft law virtually constituting an overnight demolition of the Supreme Court was proposed. This amendment heralds the death knell for the rule of law in Poland.

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18 July 2017

Der Intransparenz-Balken im Auge des Europäischen Gerichtshofs

Rechtlich ist das EuGH-Urteil Breyer nicht überraschend: Der Gerichtshof bestätigt darin seine ständige Rechtsprechung, nach der die Kommission zur Herausgabe auch solcher Schriftstücke und Informationen verpflichtet sein kann, die im Rahmen eines vor der Unionsgerichtsbarkeit geführten Rechtsstreits entstanden sind. Das Verfahren unterstreicht aber, dass endlich eine unmittelbare Transparenz des EU-Gerichtsverfahrens eingeführt werden muss. Der Zugang zu den beim EuGH eingereichten Schriftsätzen und zu sonstigen die Verfahren betreffenden Informationen muss durch den Gerichtshof selbst gewährleistet werden.

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13 July 2017

Family Life Temporarily not Available – Bilateral Limits on Family Unity within the Dublin-System

Germany and Greece bilaterally agreed upon slowing down the family reunification procedures of asylum seekers under the Dublin III Regulation. Now, many doubts and questions surround the exact terms and conditions of the agreement. Who bears the responsibility of delayed transfers? And what can be done to prevent families from being separated longer than legally permitted?

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10 July 2017

„Ehe für alle“ eher nicht: Traditionalismus und Staatshomophobie – Russlands Weg im Umgang mit Diskriminierung

Homophobe Rechtspraktiken in Russland haben eine lange Tradition, die von der russischen Regierung wie auch von der russisch-orthodoxen Kirche bewahrt werden. Das ohnehin schon zerrüttete Verhältnis Russlands zum EGMR wird durch das jüngste Urteil des Gerichtshofes zu einer Verurteilung wegen „Propaganda für Homosexualität“ weiter auf die Probe gestellt.

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07 July 2017

Lex CEU: On the Commission’s Refusal to Disclose its Letter of Formal Notice in the Name of Mutual Trust

This post will offer a brief account of my unsuccessful attempts to gain access to the Commission’s letter of formal notice addressed to Hungary on 26 April 2017, that is, the letter adopted by the Commission in response to the adoption by the Hungarian authorities of what has become known as the Lex CEU. Before offering a critical assessment of the Commission’s reasoning, a brief account of the relevant context will be offered. This post will end with some general remarks on the EU’s repeated failed attempts to prevent illiberal not to say authoritarian regimes from consolidating within the EU.

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28 June 2017

Normality and Exception: The Advocate General’s Opinion in A.S. and Jafari

On 8 June 2017, Advocate General Eleanor Sharpston delivered her Opinion in a case that goes to the core of what (infamously) came to be known as ‘refugee crisis’. On a broader, more systemic, level, the Opinion could be read as a history of the present bringing to the fore issues of geographical hierarchies and injustice and solidarity inscribed into the structure of EU law.

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One year after the Brexit Referendum: More, Fewer or No Referendums in Europe?

One year after Brexit, the issue of referendums seems to be everywhere: Their desirability cannot be described with a clear ‘yes’ or ‘no’. There is simply more than one valid constitutional perspective in evaluating the case for or against referendums.

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An Early Deal-Breaker? EU Citizens’ Rights in the UK after Brexit, and the Future Role of the European Court of Justice

The UK has finally made an offer to allow some EU citizens to retain some rights in the UK after Brexit. There are two sets of issues that arise: the substantive rights that will need to be agreed to, and the enforcement of these rights. The UK government confirmed that the arrangements on offer will be enshrined and enforceable in UK law, that commitments in the Withdrawal Agreement will have the status of international law, but that the CJEU will have no jurisdiction in the United Kingdom. Despite this, there remains much uncertainty.

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24 June 2017

The Brexit Divorce Bill – Großbritanniens Welt der alternativen Fakten

Der Brexit könnte für das Vereinigte Königreich teuer werden. Schätzungen gehen von bis zu 100 Mrd. Euro aus. Darüber wird in den seit dem 19. Juni 2017 offiziell laufenden Austrittsverhandlungen zu sprechen sein. Bisher wollten die Britten allerdings von alledem nichts wissen. Sie glauben gar, demnächst einen Scheck aus Brüssel zu erhalten. Der nachfolgende Beitrag möchte der rechtlichen Fundierung der britischen Gedankenwelt nachgehen. Schließlich macht es verhandlungstaktisch keinen kleinen Unterschied, ob Großbritannien lediglich moralisch oder auch rechtlich zur Zahlung einer Brexit divorce bill verpflichtet ist.

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22 June 2017
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Schengen schlägt zurück!?

Die Rechtsgrundlagen für verdachtsunabhängige Personenkontrollen im Bundespolizeigesetz genügen für sich genommen nicht den Vorgaben des EU-Rechts. Sie sind zu unbestimmt und drohen daher zu einer Kontrollpraxis zu führen, die in ihrer Wirkung im Schengenraum verbotenen Grenzkontrollen gleichkommt, so der EuGH gestern Vormittag. Doch auf den zweiten Blick ist die Entscheidung weit weniger mutig als sie scheint.

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21 June 2017

Reform der EU-Asylpolitik: Fallstricke bei der politischen Aktualisierung von Verfassungswerten

Die relative Ruhe der öffentlichen Diskussion sollte nicht davon ablenken, dass die Krise des Gemeinsamen Europäischen Asylsystems ungelöst bleibt. Umso wichtiger ist, dass die Kommission eine Reihe von Vorschlägen unterbreitete, die derzeit in Brüssel intensiv diskutiert, in Deutschland mit Ausnahme der Reform der Dublin-Verordnung aber kaum beachtet werden. In der Tat sind die vorgeschlagene Reform der Aufnahme-Richtlinie sowie das Vorhaben für eine neue Verfahrens- und Qualifikation-Verordnung, die erstmals im vergangenen Juli kurz vor der Sommerpause veröffentlicht wurden, vergleichsweise technisch angelegt. Wichtig sind sie aber dennoch, weil die drei Rechtsakte den legislativen Kern des GEAS ausmachen und daher auch beim anstehenden Europäischen Rat am 22. und 23. Juni diskutiert werden. Überwindet die EU mit den Vorhaben die Krise?

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15 June 2017

Five Variables of a Catalan Referendum on Independence

On 9 June 2017 the President of the Catalan Government, Carles Puigdemont, announced a referendum on Catalan independence. The Catalan thrive for independence in the current political and legal situation is not easy to grasp. Five variables are essential to discuss the potential success of such a referendum.

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31 May 2017

Mixity after Opinion 2/15: Judicial Confusion over Shared Competences

In its momentous opinion about the Singapore free trade agreement, the ECJ seemed to have eliminated the option of ‘facultative’ EU-only agreements which do not embrace ISDS. It seems to me that this overlooks an important novelty of Opinion 2/15, which gave explicit judicial blessing to the option of ‘facultative’ EU-only agreements, although the Court hides the innovation behind an inconsistent use of the notion of ‘shared’ powers.

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29 May 2017

Der EuGH in H.C. Chavez-Vilchez: Abgeleitetes Aufenthaltsrecht aus der Unionsbürgerschaft und die Bedeutung des Kindeswohls

Der EuGH baut in der Rechtssache Chavez-Vilchez vom 10. Mai auf seine bisherigen Ausführungen auf, inwiefern Drittstaatsangehörige ein Aufenthaltsrecht aus der Unionsbürgerschaft ihrer minderjährigen Kinder ableiten können. Wird dadurch die rechtliche Ausnahme langsam zur Regel? Und welche Bedeutung hat dabei das Kindeswohl?

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26 May 2017

EuG-Urteil zur Europäischen Bürgerinitiative: Gut für Bürgerbeteiligung, zu spät für “Stop TTIP”

Am 10. Mai 2017 hat das Europäische Gericht (EuG) eine Entscheidung zur Europäischen Bürgerinitiative (EBI) getroffen, die Grundsatzcharakter hat. Das Urteil stärkt die Bedeutung der EBI und sichert eine weite Auslegung. Und es ermöglicht die frühe Anwendung einer EBI, die bei internationalen Vertragsverhandlungen eine Einflussnahme noch in diesem Stadium gestattet.

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23 May 2017
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The Singapore Opinion or the End of Mixity as We Know It

Last week on Tuesday, with its decision in Opinion 2/15, on the Union’s competence to conclude ‘new generation’ EU trade and investment agreements, the Court dropped a bombshell. The Court’s ruling is set to significantly simplify the EU’s international economic relations with third countries. If the Commission, the Council and the member states had demanded clarity as to which institutions may legitimately pursue the Union’s external action objectives in its commercial relations: clarity is what they earned. The decision indeed has the potential to greatly facilitate an ‘EU-only’ signing and conclusion of future EU trade agreements. At the same time, as we argue below, the Court’s reasoning entails a number of contradicting elements that may add confusion over the legal parameters of post-Lisbon EU external relations conduct.

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17 May 2017

The Singapore Silver Bullet

Is the CJEU's Opinion on the Singapore free trade agreement a boost for Brexit? After reading the Opinion my feeling is exactly the opposite. The Court has made a clever juggling exercise with Christmas presents for everybody. But in fact, the Court has saved the best Christmas present for itself. And there are hardly any gifts for Britain. In fact, the Opinion contains a paragraph that could blow up the entire Brexit process.

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16 May 2017

A Principle of Direct Effect: The Eurasian Economic Union’s Court pushes for more Integration

In a reply to a Belarusian request, the Court of the Eurasian Economic Union decided in one of the most important cases of its history. It formulated the ‘direct effect’ principle in order to coordinate between EAEU law and the domestic legal orders of the EAEU Member States.

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29 April 2017

Much Ado About Nothing? Legal and Political Schooling for the Hungarian Government

After his infamous law against the Central European University, the EU Commission has announced a treaty infringement procedure against Hungary. That will probably be of limited help against the systemic threat to the rule of law in Viktor Orbán's state. Politically more effective might be the pressure exerted by the European People's Party.

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25 April 2017

Vertrauenswürdigkeit und Rechtsstaatlichkeit: Was die Kritiker der EU nicht sehen (wollen)

Es gibt Probleme der Rechtsstaatlichkeit im europäischen Rechtsraum. Viele sprechen gar von einer Vertrauenskrise in die Europäische Union. Trägt Vertrauen als europapolitische und juristische Perspektive, und was sind die Implikationen?

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21 April 2017

Türkei-Referendum vor dem EGMR: Warum der Gang nach Straßburg diesmal wohl nicht helfen wird

Nachdem die türkische Wahlkommission den Antrag einiger Oppositionsparteien auf Annullierung des Verfassungsreferendums vom 16. April verworfen hat, erwägt die oppositionelle CHP Medienberichten zufolge den Gang nach Straßburg. Dem halten türkische Spitzenpolitiker entgegen, der EGMR sei hierfür nicht zuständig. Was ist hiervon zu halten?

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How Could the ECJ Escape from the Taricco Quagmire?

The Taricco saga shows how difficult has become the coexistence between the doctrines that have been developed so far by the ECJ on one side and the national Constitutional or Supreme Courts on the other side. The ECJ and the Constitutional Courts, in all their isolated splendour (or splendid isolation), preferred so far to follow parallel lines, whose meeting could only take place ad infinitum. However, if the parallelism collapses, the two lines are doomed to crash.

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18 April 2017

Should we fear a Frexit?

What would a ‘Frexit’ look like? Would Le Pen have to go through a referendum? And if so, would it be binding or advisory? Would the hypothetical President encounter the same difficulties as the British Prime Minister did with the Miller case? Would the French legal system allow for the Courts to have such a crucial role?

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17 April 2017

Gibraltar and the “Brexit” – New Scenarios within a Historic Dispute. A Proposal.

The "Brexit" draws its consequences also on the legal status of Gibraltar within the EU. This leads to new perspectives on a historic dispute between British, Spanish and Gibraltan sovereignty interests. What could be the solution?

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10 April 2017

Five Scenarios for Europe – Understanding the EU Commission’s White Paper on the Future of Europe

The European Commission has recently published a White Paper on the Future of Europe. With regards to the many crises the EU is currently facing, a coherent plan seems to be urgently needed. Instead of coming up with one single plan however, the Paper reflects five different scenarios...

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06 April 2017

Judicial Review of the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy: Lessons from the Rosneft case

On 28 March 2017, the Grand Chamber of the EU Court of Justice (CJEU) decided in a preliminary ruling that the restrictive measures adopted by the Council against Russian undertakings, including oil company Rosneft, are valid. The judgment is of constitutional significance. It clarifies the scope of the CJEU’s jurisdiction with respect to acts adopted in the sphere of the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). In particular, it reveals that the EU system of judicial protection fully applies in relation to restrictive measures against natural and legal persons (so-called ‘targeted sanctions’).

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05 April 2017

The Return of the Sovereign: A Look at the Rule of Law in Hungary – and in Europe

The Hungarian law makers have enacted a law that will make the operation of foreign-funded universities all but impossible, and aim to do the same to foreign-funded NGOs. These measures fail to meet even the most basic features of how legal rules are envisioned in a rule of law framework. The carefully crafted new Hungarian laws use the cloak of national security to stab the rule of law, as understood in Europe, in the heart.

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30 March 2017

The Taming of Control – the Great Repeal Bill

Brexit is underway. For voters who wanted the UK to remain in the EU, the risk was how much would change after the UK leaves. For those who wanted the UK to leave the EU, the hope was that, indeed, much would change. Both sets of voters may be surprised at the efforts being placed on seeking continuity in governance. For Remain voters, while this may afford some comfort, it will simply reinforce the view that the better way of keeping things the same was for the UK to remain a Member State of the EU. For Leave voters, the outcome may be more ambiguous.

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26 March 2017
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European parliamentary sovereignty on the shoulders of national parliamentary sovereignties: A Reply to Sébastien Platon

We are really grateful that the Verfassungsblog has been one of the very first forums engaging the discussion on the "Treaty on the democratization of the governance of the euro area" (T-Dem). While the proposal has emerged in the framework of the current French presidential campaign, and is now widely debated in this context, it has been primarily thought of as a contribution to the ongoing transnational conversation over the future of the European Union. As authors of the proposal, we first wish to thank our colleague Sébastien Platon for launching an interesting discussion about the T-Dem.

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24 March 2017

After Article 50 and Before Withdrawal: Does Constitutional Theory Require a General Election in the United Kingdom Before Brexit?

On March 29th, Theresa May will notify the EU Council of the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the EU. This is the result of the Brexit referendum which, for the first time in the United Kingdom’s constitutional history, has opened up a powerful new source of popular sovereignty as a social fact. It is necessary for the constitutional integrity of the United Kingdom that this new stream of popular social legitimacy is realigned with the existing stream of Parliamentary Sovereignty. The most effective and desirable way in which to achieve this would be for a General Election to take place.

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22 March 2017

The Catalan Secessionist Movement and Europe – Remarks on the Venice Commission’s Opinion 827/2015

The Venice Commission has issued an opinion on a Spanish statute on the Constitutional Court's authority. This statute is to be read as a concrete response to the Catalan secessionist movement. The Commission now reveals the European perspective on it...

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21 March 2017

Protection with Hesitation: on the recent CJEU Decisions on Religious Headscarves at Work

The CJEU's Achbita and Bougnaoui decisions on workplace bans of Islamic headscarves are disappointing as they are not providing enough guidance to the national courts concerning the criteria that they need to take into consideration in their attempts to find a balance between the rights in conflict. The judgments do not provide any criteria for the admissibility of dress codes other than that they should be neutral and objectively justified. Even those terms though are not analysed by the court in a sufficient manner.

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17 March 2017

The CJEU’s headscarf decisions: Melloni behind the veil?

On 14 March 2017, the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice (CJEU) handed down two landmark judgments on the Islamic headscarf at work. The twin decisions, Achbita and Bougnaoui, were eagerly awaited, not only because of the importance and delicacy of the legal issues the cases raised, but also because the Advocates General had reached different conclusions on those issues in their Opinions.

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14 March 2017

Von Angstklauseln und Schwarze-Peter-Gesetzgebung: der Kindergeld-Gesetzentwurf des BMF

Deutschland soll Unionsbürgern für ihre Kinder, die nicht in Deutschland leben, das Kindergeld kürzen können. So will es das Bundesfinanzministerium, das aber auch weiß, dass das unionsrechtlich derzeit gar nicht geht. Offenbar meint man, im aufziehenden Wahlkampf auch hierzulande politisches Kapital aus der Überschrift „Wir würden ja gerne den Sozialmissbrauch bekämpfen, wenn nicht die böse EU wäre…“ ziehen zu können. Hat es so eine plumpe „Schwarzer Peter-Gesetzgebung“ in Deutschland schon einmal gegeben?

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13 March 2017

Democratizing the Euro Area without the European Parliament: Benoît Hamon’s “T-Dem”

On the 10th March, the official candidate of the Socialist Party for the French presidential elections, Benoît Hamon, outlined his programme for the European Union. This programme, whilst being against austerity and in favour of more flexibility as regards EU requirements in terms of public budgets and public debts, comes with a treaty proposal, the draft treaty on the democratization of the governance of the euro area (dubbed « T-Dem »). This treaty, which was prepared by the candidate together with the superstar economist Thomas Piketty (who has joined his team) is supposed to bring more democracy to the governance of the Euro area. However noble (and necessary) this ambitious idea might seem, the way this draft treaty has been engineered raises not only political but also legal questions.

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The CJEU on Humanitarian Visa: Discovering ‘Un-Chartered’ Waters of EU Law

Limiting the scope of EU law vis-à-vis national legislative measures is one thing but creating un-Chartered territory in EU law is another. It is understandable why the Court would want to stay away from the currently toxic migration politics. But it is worrying that it is willing to further limit the scope of the Charter when it might be needed the most.

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State Reform in Greece: Legal and Practical Considerations

For the Greek drama to be resolved on a long-term basis, the shift from the exclusive focus on finances to institutional arrangements is long overdue. Armin von Bogdandy and Michael Ioannidis convincingly set out the proposal’s significant advantages. At the same time, however, its implementation might raise a host of both legal and practical considerations.

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12 March 2017

The Asymmetric Bet of Europe

One of the options in Jean-Claude Juncker's White Paper on the Future of Europe is an asymmetric Europe. While some comparative lawyers still treat asymmetry as an exception in the life of federal polities, actually this concept has progressively acquired a key role in the history of federalism. In other words, today asymmetry is the rule rather than the exception in this field.

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10 March 2017

Die transnationale wehrhafte Demokratie

Dürfen wir in Deutschland und Österreich die türkische Demokratie verteidigen? Schließlich bedrohen die Verfassungsreformpläne Erdogans zunächst einmal die türkische demokratische Grundordnung, nicht „unsere“. Können wir trotzdem Auftritte türkischer Politiker in Deutschland und Österreich verbieten, wenn sie für eine Staatsordnung werben, die wir mit „unserer“ für unvereinbar halten? Oder muss uns das Schicksal der liberalen Demokratie in der Türkei egal sein? Das ist die Frage nach der transnationalen wehrhaften Demokratie. Die EMRK könnte die Antwort darauf haben, denn sie ist der Türkei, Deutschland und Österreich gemein.

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09 March 2017

Humanitäre Visa für Flüchtlinge, Teil 2: wirklich keine Angelegenheit der EU?

Sind die Mitgliedstaaten der EU aufgrund ihrer gemeinsamen Werte und Grundrechte in bestimmten Fällen verpflichtet, legalen Zugang zum Asylverfahren zu ermöglichen? Die sich in diesem Kontext stellenden, grundsätzlichen und umstrittenen rechtlichen Fragen werden durch das kurze und ausweichend wirkende Urteil des EuGH nicht geklärt.

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Humanitäre Visa für Flüchtlinge, Teil 1: Nicht mit der EU

In seinem jüngsten Urteil "X und X v. Belgien" musste sich der EuGH erstmals mit der Gretchenfrage des Flüchtlingsrechts befassen: Der Frage nach legalem Zugang zu Schutz. Was besagt das Non-Refoulement-Gebot in Situationen fernab von der Grenze, wenn eine Person gegenüber einer Botschaft ein Schutzgesuch äußert? Wie weit reicht die (extraterritoriale) Verantwortung für den Flüchtlingsschutz? Gibt es nicht nur eine Notwendigkeit, sondern auch die Pflicht legale Zugangswege für Flüchtlinge in die EU zu ermöglichen? Bedauerlicherweise sucht der EuGH in seiner Entscheidung erst gar nicht nach einer Antwort auf diese Fragen, sondern stellt lediglich fest, dass sie jedenfalls nicht im EU-Recht zu finden sei – das sei hier nämlich gar nicht anwendbar.

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03 March 2017

Scharade im kontrollfreien Raum: Hat die EU gar keinen Türkei-Deal geschlossen?

Das erstinstanzliche Gericht der EU hat Klagen gegen den EU-Türkei-Deal als unzulässig abgewiesen – die Europäische Union sei an dem Deal überhaupt nicht beteiligt gewesen. Damit bleibt nicht nur die Frage unbeantwortet, wie sicher Flüchtlinge in der Türkei wirklich sind. Der Beschluss wirft auch verfassungsrechtliche Fragen nach der Reichweite der Rechtsbindung und gerichtlichen Kontrolle der auswärtigen Gewalt der EU auf. Steht die Gerichtsbarkeit der Union in einer als „Krise“ wahrgenommenen Situation bereit, die Rule of Law auch gegen den vereinten Willen der politischen Spitzen von EU und Mitgliedstaaten zu verteidigen?

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Poland and the European Commission, Part III: Requiem for the Rule of Law

On 20 February 2017, the Polish government has replied to the European Commission’s rule of law findings. That reply is so clearly absurd, rude and full of ‘alternative facts’ that the case to trigger the sanction mechanism in Art 7 TEU promptly is more compelling than ever. It is time for Member State governments to get their act together and make explicit their disapproval of a government that finds it acceptable not only to violate its national Constitution and EU values in plain sight but also to bully and disrespect EU representatives such as Frans Timmermans and Donald Tusk.

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28 February 2017

Staatskirchenrecht aus Luxemburg?

Wer wissen will, wie das Verhältnis von Staat und Kirche in Deutschland geregelt ist, hat es ohnehin schon schwer. Noch mehr verkompliziert sich das Bild, wenn darüber hinaus das Unionsrecht auf den Plan tritt. Zwar ist die Rechtsprechung des Gerichtshofs der Europäischen Union hier bisher noch überschaubar. Doch lässt das Jahr 2017 einige Luxemburger Weichenstellungen erwarten, die auch die religionsrechtliche Diskussion in Deutschland bestimmen werden – und zwar nicht unbedingt zu Gunsten der Kirchen.

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24 February 2017

“Jeder, der versuchen würde, das Bundesverfassungs­gericht auszuhebeln, würde sich verheben”

Peter Müller im Verfassungsblog-Interview: warum Verfassungsgerichte in Zeiten von Kaczyński, Trump und Brexit so unter Druck geraten, warum die Politik bei der Umsetzung des NPD-Urteils gut nachdenken sollte, und warum Meinungsfreiheit manchmal das Gegenteil von "Das wird man doch noch sagen dürfen!" bedeutet.

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22 February 2017

Dublin-Transfers: Wann kann abgeschoben werden und wann nicht?

Die Entscheidung C.K. des EuGH zur Menschenrechtskonformität von Dublin-Transfers letzte Woche hat einiges Aufsehen erregt. Zu kurz kommt bei der Debatte aber eine wichtige Unterscheidung: die zwischen zielstaatsbezogenen und inlandsbezogenen Transferhindernissen.

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20 February 2017

In Judges We Trust? A long overdue Paradigm Shift within the Polish Judiciary (Part II)

After the main fundamental problems of the judiciary in Poland have been identified, the search for possible remedies is now on. Polish judges need to do some soul-searching and re-thinking of their role.

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In Judges We Trust? A long overdue Paradigm Shift within the Polish Judiciary (Part I)

The Polish Judiciary is under duress, no question. However, it is not only the pending Supreme Court decision that may determine their fate. Polish judges need a new approach to judicial interpretation and the role of judges as a whole.

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19 February 2017

The Proposed Amendment of the Comitology Regulation – A Constitutional Perspective

On Valentine’s day, the European Commission proposed “four targeted amendments” to the Comitology Regulation. In this blogpost it will be argued that while the proposal contains interesting elements, it is largely flawed from an institutional and constitutional point of view.

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18 February 2017

No More Blame Game: Back to the Future of Comitology

Political responsibility of Member States for sensitive EU executive action will be hard to get. But it is worth trying.

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Klare Worte vom EuGH: bei Abschiebungen darf keine unmenschliche Behandlung drohen

Wenn im Dublin-System ein Flüchtling abgeschoben werden soll, muss sichergestellt sein, dass ihn keine unmenschliche Behandlung erwartet - im Einzelfall, nicht nur im Großen und Ganzen. So sieht man das nicht nur in Straßburg, sondern auch in Luxemburg. Das hat der Europäische Gerichtshof jetzt klargestellt und damit allen, die eine Absetzbewegung vom EGMR vermutet hatten, eine grundrechtliche Lehrstunde erteilt.

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07 February 2017

Visa für Aleppo

Mit einem dramatischen Appell an die Verantwortung Europas will der Generalanwalt am Europäischen Gerichtshof Paolo Mengozzi dem Versagen der EU-Mitgliedsstaaten in der Flüchtlingskrise abhelfen. Nach seinem Verständnis sind sie europarechtlich verpflichtet, akut von Folter oder unmenschlicher Behandlung bedrohten Flüchtlingen aus Aleppo Visa auszustellen.

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05 February 2017

Marine Le Pen’s Constitutional Programme on the European Union: Use, Misuse and Abuse of Referenda

Marine Le Pen, the far-right candidate for President of France, was asked in an interview about her constitutional programme should she be elected in May. Her answer can be summarised in one word: referenda. One of them would be, of course, about “Frexit”, the other would include a vast set of amendments to the French Constitution and would take place just after the legislative elections. That, however, would not most likely not be the end of it.

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03 February 2017

The Miller decision: Legal constitutionalism ends not with a bang, but a whimper

Miller was essentially a case which was argued before, and decided by, the court on the basis of the English Imperial constitutional tradition forged in the Victorian age. This judgment has made the political constitution of the devolved United Kingdom as a whole more unstable, more brittle, more fragile and more likely to break-up precisely because it denies the devolved nations’ institutions any legal right to participate in the Brexit process.

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02 February 2017

Geschlossenheit in welchem Sinne? Europäische Verfassungsfragen beim Treffen in Malta

Beim Gipfel von Malta will die EU in punkto Migrationspolitik Geschlossenheit demonstrieren - auch gegenüber US-Präsident Trump. Die USA schultern aber den Löwenanteil der Kosten für das UN-Flüchtlingshilfswerk und für das Resettlement von Flüchtlingen. Beides unterstreicht, dass es nicht ausreichend ist, die USA an den Pranger zu stellen. Europa als ein Verbund vieler der wohlhabendsten Staaten der Welt trifft eine moralische Pflicht, gerade in so einer Situation die Idee des Flüchtlingsschutzes als einer minimalen weltbürgerlichen Solidarität aufrechtzuerhalten. Aber auch schon die von Ratspräsident Tusk betonte „Wahrung des internationalen Rechts“ macht Europa Vorgaben, was die Grenzsicherung angeht.

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An Instruction Manual to Stop a Judicial Rebellion (before it is too late, of course)

2016 was not a good year for the EU. Among many other things, one of the EU’s proudest achievements, its judiciary, has shown the first signs of worrying instability: In Germany, Denmark and Italy, high-level courts have openly and harshly declared their dissatisfaction with rulings by the European Court of Justice. I would not say that these are nationalist overreactions. These are worrying (and I would add justified) signs of something going wrong.

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31 January 2017

The Italian Constitutional Court in re Taricco: “Gauweiler in the Roman Campagna”

The Italian Constitutional Court’s Tarrico judgement is worded in apparently much milder terms than the BVerfG’s preliminary reference in Gauweiler. The content of the ICC’s decision, though, seems loaded with much more dynamite. In Gauweiler, the CJEU was called to interpret an act of another EU institution. In Taricco, the CJEU is called to reinterpret its own decision, after the ICC essentially asked “please, say it again?”

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30 January 2017
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Legal Disintegration? The Ruling of the Danish Supreme Court in AJOS

On December 6, 2016, the Supreme Court of Denmark (SCDK) ruled in the Ajos case. The ruling will be read, remembered and taught as an example of defiance of clear guidelines from the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) by the highest court in Denmark. EU law is an exterior phenomenon but part and parcel of Danish law. It follows that switching it off, as in Ajos, necessarily entails applying one law by breaking another. That is not a viable path for any legal system taking supranational obligations seriously.

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28 January 2017
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The Taricco Decision: A Last Attempt to Avoid a Clash between EU Law and the Italian Constitution

Is Italy obliged by EU law to pursue criminal acts longer than provided by Italian law? This question might cause a fundamental clash between the Italian Constitutional Court and the European Court of Justice. Unlike the CJEU, the Italian Constitutional Court interprets a retroactive suspension of the limitation period as a matter of principle of legality, and thereby as a matter of a core principle of Italian constitutional law. By referring the case to the CJEU, the Italian Constitutional Court gives the European Court a chance to revisit its jurisdiction while avoiding the identity language of the German Constitutional Court - good news for cooperative constitutionalism in Europe.

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26 January 2017

Money Makes the Court Go Round: The Russian Constitutional Court’s Yukos Judgment

On 19 December 2017 the Russian Constitutional Court (RCC) ruled that payment of just satisfaction in the Yukos case was contrary to the Russian Constitution. It is the first time the apex court of a Council of Europe member state concluded that it should not pay just satisfaction. This blog post provides the background of the case, sums up the reasoning of the RCC and assesses the implications of its judgment of 19 December 2017.

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25 January 2017

Sailing uncharted waters – for how long? On transitional post-Brexit trade arrangements

Given the short timeframe for negotiating an exit agreement, the UK and the EU-27 may not be able to agree on new terms for their future trade relations before the UK’s formal exit from the EU takes effect. Consequently, many experts are pushing for a transitional arrangement.

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24 January 2017

The Supreme Court in Miller – some early comments

The UK Supreme Court’s decision in the Miller appeal was probably greeted with a sigh of relief in 10 Downing Street. Sure, the Government will now need to seek parliamentary approval for triggering Article 50 TEU and starting the formal process of withdrawing from the EU, but the much greater political danger of having to also seek the consent of the devolved parliaments of Scotland, Northern Ireland, and Wales, has not materialised. What follows are a few brief comments on the Supreme Court’s reasoning and an assessment of its implications for the future.

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Europarecht, Prärogative und Devolution: Der UK Supreme Court entscheidet über den Brexit

In seinem heutigen Urteil zum Brexit hat der britische Supreme Court entschieden, dass die britische Regierung nur nach gesetzlicher Ermächtigung den Austritt aus der EU erklären darf. Die Mehrheit des Gerichts sieht das Unionsrecht als eigene Rechtsquelle an, die nur das Parlament trocken legen kann. Dass es das nun tun wird, steht außer Frage.

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19 January 2017

Sklavenhalter auf Europa-Urlaub: Nicht unser Problem?

Am Dienstag, überlagert vom NPD-Urteil, kam eine Kammerentscheidung des EGMR in Straßburg, die mehr Aufmerksamkeit verdient hätte. Es geht darin um eine Familie aus Dubai, die drei filipinische Frauen wie Haussklavinnen hielt.

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Is there Hope for the Right to Hope?

The European Court of Human Rights has overturned its former position that convicts sentenced to life in prison enjoy a "right to hope" to be eventually released. Arguably, in this case we have an instance of interpretation of evolution which lowers rather than heightens human rights protection. In the current climate when there is a growing political appetite to curtail human rights, a Court interpretation towards change in this direction without good reasons may create a dangerous precedent for further reduction of basic human rights guarantees.

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13 January 2017

The Ljubljana Initiative for Re-Launching the European Integration

It is a sign of unconventional times when earnest people wish you a less exciting year 2017 compared to the one that has just, luckily, passed. Starting a new year, a less exciting one then, is an opportunity for reckoning about the past and for charting the plans for the future. For those who care about the project of European integration, these are no easy moments. By looking back we are reminded about the chain of crises that has been strangling the Union. By looking forward we cannot help ourselves but to wring hands at what is yet to follow. It is high time that this self-destructive European (indeed Western) narrative and, unfortunately, praxis were put to a halt. It is high time to present a positive alternative to the present status quo and to the populist decay. It is high time to re-launch the process of European integration.

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12 January 2017

Der Burkini als Technological Fix

Während in ersten öffentlichen Bädern in Deutschland und der Schweiz Burkinis verboten worden sind, befand der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte am 10. Januar 2017, dass der Burkini ein Mittel sein kann, die Teilnahme muslimischer Kinder am koedukativen Schwimmunterricht zu ermöglichen. Der schonende Interessenausgleich, der so erreicht werden konnte, war nur durch diesen Schwimmanzug, der den Charakter eines technischen Konfliktlösungsmittels annimmt, denkbar. Solche technological fixes, die praktische Konkordanz zulassen, stehen auch in anderen Fällen zur Verfügung.

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10 January 2017

The Hungarian Constitutional Court and Constitutional Identity

Ever since the 2010 parliamentary elections Hungary has set off on the journey to became an ‘illiberal’ member state of the EU, which does not comply with the shared values of rule of law and democracy, the ‘basic structure’ of Europe. The new government of Viktor Orbán from the very beginning has justified the non-compliance by referring to national sovereignty, and lately to the country’s constitutional identity guaranteed in Article 4 (2) TEU. This constitutional battle started with the invalid anti-migrant referendum, was followed by the failed constitutional amendment, and concluded in early December last year by a decision of the Constitutional Court, in which the packed body in a binding constitutional interpretation rubber-stamped the constitutional identity defense of the Orbán government.

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06 January 2017
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Poland and the European Commission, Part II: Hearing the Siren Song of the Rule of Law

As Poland has careened away from the rule of law, the European Commission has struggled to work out its response. Given Europe’s multiple crises at the moment, the internal affairs of a rogue government or two may seem less critical to Europe’s well being than crises that affect multiple states at the same time, like the refugee crisis, the Euro-crisis or the fallout from Brexit. But the proliferation of governments inside the EU that no longer share basic European values undermines the reason for existence of the EU in the first place.

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04 January 2017

Is Article 50 Reversible? On Politics Beyond Legal Doctrine

Can the United Kingdom, once it has declared its withdrawal from the EU, revoke this decision later on? This question is at the core of the ongoing case before the UK Supreme Court on Art. 50 TEU. I argue that revocability fits neatly in the letter and spirit of article 50 because of formal and substantive reasons. I further content that the Supreme Court decision may create a bifurcation in which interpretation of a key TEU provision may become purely an issue of domestic law. However, I further content that actors' political decisions have progressively framed a situation in which revocability does not seem politically possible.

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03 January 2017
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Poland and the European Commission, Part I: A Dialogue of the Deaf?

On 21 December 2016, the European Commission adopted an additional Recommendation regarding the rule of law in Poland. Rather than starting the Article 7 sanctioning process, the Commission merely reiterated its old demands, added some new concerns and again held out the threat of Article 7 while apparently moving no closer to actually starting a sanctioning process. It is not that the Commission was unaware of what was happening in Poland. In December, the Commission stood by and watched the Polish government capture the Constitutional Tribunal. The new Recommendation indicates that the Commission simply chose not to act to head off the final stages of the Tribunal’s demise.

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23 December 2016

Do(n’t) think twice, it’s all right: der EuGH beerdigt die Vorratsdatenspeicherung

2016 – das Jahr der zuvor lange aufgeschobenen Entscheidungen? Die Schwedische Akademie zeichnet den seit gefühlten Ewigkeiten als Kandidaten gehandelten Bob Dylan endlich mit dem Literaturnobelpreis aus. Angela Merkel erklärt, dass sie noch einmal kandidiert. Und der EuGH beerdigt kurz vor Weihnachten im zweiten Anlauf die Vorratsdatenspeicherung. Anders als der Preis für Dylan und die Kandidatur von Merkel überraschte die EuGH-Entscheidung jedoch viele.

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22 December 2016

From Greenland to Svalbard: Scotland’s quest for a differentiated Brexit

On 20 December 2016, the Scottish Government released its blueprint on how Scotland can remain in the European Single Market post-Brexit. From the governing SNP’s point of view, the paper can be seen as a compromise given that it does not advocate Scottish independence. Instead, it proposes that the best outcome for the UK as a whole is to remain in the European Economic Agreement following the ‘Norway model’. It recognises, however, that in the current political constellation this seems unlikely. So, it argues for the continued membership of Scotland in the European Single Market.

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21 December 2016

A Game of Values: Particular National Identities Awaken in Europe

The EU’s legitimacy is thin and this weakness is reflected in its impotence in the face of the drift towards authoritarianism in Central and Eastern Europe. It remains to be seen whether such an authoritarian turn as the Hungarian can happen in old democracies and if their institutions are strong enough to limit the effects of global processes which are shaping the national identities of societies and the impact of Member States on the shared EU framework.

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16 December 2016

Towards a Solution for the Ratification Conundrum of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement?

The ratification process of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement has been stalled following "No" victory in the Dutch referendum of 6 April 2016. Yesterday, the EU heads of states have adopted a decision addressing the Dutch concerns. The option which is currently on the table is by far the easiest to solve the ratification conundrum while responding to the arguments of the ‘no-camp’ in the referendum campaign. Any alternatives, such as the inclusion of formal reservations or a procedure leading to a Dutch withdrawal from the agreement, entail the risk of long-term legal uncertainty which would only be detrimental for the EU, the Netherlands and Ukraine.

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Collective Expulsion and the Khlaifia Case: Two Steps Forward, One Step Back

The European Convention on Human Rights forbids member states to expulse foreign citizens collectively. Does this mean that they have to conduct individual interviews with refugees before they send them back? Last year, a chamber of the ECtHR, in a case concerning Tunisians landed in Lampedusa in 2011, had concluded that it does. Now, the Great Chamber has reviewed this decision, considerably narrowing the scope of the collective expulsion ban.

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14 December 2016

The End of the Grand Coalition and the Significance of Stable Majorities in the European Parliament

A few years ago, the German Constitutional Court had to rule on the significance of stable majorities in the European Parliament. Such majorities were not terribly significant, was the conclusion reached by the Court – at least not important enough to justify a three percent threshold for elections to the EP, laid down in German federal law. Under the constitutional conditions of the moment, the Court explained, the formation of a stable majority was not needed in the EU ‘for electing and continuously supporting a government capable of acting’. These past few weeks, a crisis has been unfolding in Brussels and Strasbourg that may turn out to be an interesting test case for the German Court’s analysis.

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12 December 2016

Brexit and the Single Market: You say Article 50, we say Article 127?

Hard on the heels of the Article 50 case heard last week by the UK Supreme Court, comes the announcement of another challenge to the UK Government’s Brexit plans, this time based on Article 127 of the EEA agreement. Much like Article 50 TEU, that provision allows contracting parties to the EEA agreement to withdraw from it. The claimants in the Article 127 challenge contend that withdrawal from the EU under Article 50 will not lead to withdrawal from the EEA, given that with Article 127 the EEA agreement contains its own termination clause. Hence their argument goes that unless the Government also triggers Article 127, the UK will stay in the EEA even after Brexit; and that would mean that the UK would remain in the single market. Much like the Article 50 case, the impending court case therefore seeks a declaration by the High Court that the Government cannot trigger Article 127 without prior approval of Parliament. The claimants’ hope is that while Parliament may feel politically bound by the EU referendum result to allow the Government to leave the EU, it may not vote in favour of leaving the EEA, viz. the single market, as this was not a question on the ballot paper. It is the aim of this blogpost to identify the three main hurdles the claimants are likely to be facing and discuss whether these can be overcome.

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09 December 2016

After the Italian Referendum

So much was at stake for Italy, its political class and its economy, and for the European Union (EU) and its member states in the country’s failed referendum on constitutional reform. In the EU, Germany is a particularly sensitive case. The relations between Germany and Italy are a focal point in Europe. They used to be in an asymmetric, albeit comforting, equilibrium.

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07 December 2016

Shared powers: the elephant in the room in the division of powers-debate

The saga surrounding the signing of the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) has again brought the issue of the division of foreign affairs powers between the EU and its Member States to the centre of attention of many an EU lawyer. How far do the EU’s exclusive powers to conduct a ‘common commercial policy’ reach? Do implied powers supplement the EU’s express exclusive powers in this area? Is it appropriate to apply a so-called ‘centre of gravity’ test when assessing the vires of a particular EU action on the international scene, or should a piecemeal approach be followed, whereby the inclusion of a single provision that reaches beyond the scope of the EU’s exclusive powers requires a proposed international agreement to be adopted as a ‘mixed’ agreement?

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06 December 2016

A Homeless Ghost? European Legal Integration in Search of a Polity

A member of the European Parliament recently compared the European Union to an Airbus on autopilot attempting to cross the Alps without taking off the ground. Be it the EU’s piecemeal approach to fixing its economic governance post-financial crisis or its inability to speak with one voice in matters of common concern from internal border management to external trade: there is a growing sense of urgency in reforming the EU legal architecture to steer European integration back on course. However, such functional necessities are unlikely to sway the peoples of Europe who – tired of the EU’s attempts at technocratic self-rule – increasingly retreat into the homeliness of their nation-states. From the early ‘no more’ war discourse to the ‘no choice’ rhetoric of late in governing a Union in crisis, European integration has often been presented as a political inevitability. Yet it appears that the most ambitious modern project of legal and political integration beyond the state has come to a halt – where from here?

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02 December 2016

After Fragmentation: The Constitution of a Core European Citizenry?

Core European Citizenship as an individual choice: Europeans who were granted the embryonic status of ‘EU citizenship’ with the Treaty of Maastricht, and who rely on this status and these rights for their pursuit of fulfilment throughout the European Union’s territory, should be given the choice to establish themselves in a real European constitutional polity.

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28 November 2016
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Blowin’ against the Wind: the Future of EU trade Policy

U.S. President-elect Trump has announced his intention to stop the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade agreement. In the EU too the wind seems to be blowing in a similar direction. There appears to be a widespread and growing anti-free-trade sentiment in some parts of the population. Should the EU, at this moment in time, continue to pursue a free trade agenda? If so, does the EU have the means to do that effectively?

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22 November 2016

The End of the Eurocrats’ Dream

The premise of this timely and important book is that the Euro crisis has placed the EU in an existential predicament that cannot be resolved in the usual fashion of yet more of the same. Though there is surprisingly little by way of a sketch of what might have been the Eurocrats’ dream, the reader is left in no doubt that we are currently living through what might best be termed the Eurocrats’ nightmare – a form of governance that falls far short of the current challenges confronting the EU, and is indeed partly promotive of them.

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The End of the European Union as We Know It

The European Union is facing a political crisis unprecedented in its 59-year history. This club of democratic countries established primarily to promote peace and prosperity in post-war Europe is facing a nationalist and populist surge that threatens the democratic principles at the very heart of the EU. Capitalizing on the European sovereign debt crisis; backlash against refugees streaming in from the Middle East, Brexit and public angst over the growing terror threat, previously fringe political parties are growing with alarming speed.

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The Future of the EU between Independence and Interdependence

Almost all contributions to the collection ‘The End of Eurocrats’ Dream’ touch upon a tension that has been implicit in the integration process from the very start, but has only explicitly manifested itself during the Euro-crisis: the tension between independence and interdependence. This tension is also evident in the refugee crisis, and in (the aftermath of) Brexit: how can we at once accept Member State autonomy (in fiscal policy, border control or deciding on the conditions for EU membership) while at the same time sustaining collective commitments towards, say, a monetary union, Schengen or free movement?

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Governing at a distance:  democratic responsibility and social solidarity in the Eurozone

As stated in its preface, this impressive collection of essays has the ambitious aim of launching a “fundamental debate” about European integration in the wake of the crisis and, in particular, the institutional reforms and policy choices made since 2008. The volume’s title already contains the basic diagnosis. European integration has fallen prey to a technocratic project - a dystopian dream which has corroded the EU’s constitutional integrity, its legitimation basis, its very point and purpose. This dream has to end, or better yet be brought to an end through an effective, if laborious, intellectual and political work. This is the basic message of the volume, shared by all its contributors.

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After the Eurocrats’ Dream, the Contingence of the History

The Eurocrats’ dream was the stealth Europe. The Monnet method of bureaucratic integration has been mechanical and furtive, dominated by necessity. The principal leaders of integration, on the right and the left, have been driven by a crude determinism that presumed that economic development would inevitably lead to desired institutional improvements. The hidden hand of functional imperatives has been more important than reflection and choices, as if integration could be carried out without the need to make express decisions of the kind that are contained in constitutional moments.

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What comes after ,Ever Closer Union’?  From Teleology and the ‘Managerial Constitution’ to Democracy

The process of European integration was from the outset marked by an integrationist teleology as formally stated in the objective of “ever closer union among the peoples of Europe” in the preamble of the Treaty of Rome. The core message of The End of the Eurocrats’ Dream is that this integrationist teleology has come to an end.

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Putting Europe back on its feet – A timely wake-up call

Are „Eurocrats“ to blame for the bad shape of Europe? First of all, one has to ask whether „Eurocrat“ is a meaningful term at all. Obviously one can find lots of examples in the European law and politics that demonstrate a kind of hubris and at the same time a complete failure to accomplish the goals of the „European Project“ – one needs to mention only the grand „Lisbon“ prospect of technological modernisation.

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The End of the Eurocrats’ Dream in Endless Europe

One person’s dream is another person’s nightmare. This oneiric truth indicates the relative meaning of dreams, yet it also invites a wake-up call. The End of the Eurocrats’ Dream volume edited by Damian Chalmers, Markus Jachtenfuchs and Christian Joerges is such a wake-up call warning fellow academics, European politicians and the general public that what used to be presented by many advocates and agents of European integration as a wonderful dream is now often experienced as a nightmare with potentially disastrous effects for European and national politics in all countries of the EU.

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Reflections on the European Project: Some Thoughts on the Agenda

One ought to be cautious to take a broad spectrum so as to avoid the temptation of narrowing down concerns to a specific set of events such as Brexit or ‘a crisis’. The process of European integration is indeed so advanced that a narrow approach could result in a biased analysis. Meanwhile, one still needs to be precise and concrete so as to induce a constructive dialogue for change.

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Comment on “The End of the Eurocrats’ Dream”

While EU scholarship still tends to narrate the Union’s history as one of successful adaptation, and the ‘euro crisis’ as something like a rite of passage, here is a book in a different mould. Singularities and turning-points are the blocks it builds with, and the present moment marks a conclusion.

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15 November 2016
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The EU and Poland: Giving up on the Rule of Law?

With an off-hand remark in a Belgian newspaper, President Juncker has called off the EU Commission's effort to pressure Poland into following the rule of law. If he went through with this, he would not only pull the rug from under his own First Vice President Timmermans and spare the national governments the necessity to live up to their responsibilities. The Commission President deciding that the slide of a member state into authoritarianism is not his business, with a Trump Presidency in the US coming, forgoes the European Union's claim to be capable of fulfilling its leadership role in the world.

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11 November 2016

National Constitutional Identity in the European Constitutional Project: A Recipe for Exposing Cover Ups and Masquerades

On November 8, 2016 the Hungarian Parliament did not adopt the Seventh Amendment of the Fundamental Law seeking to protect Hungarian constitutional identity in the face of European imposition. The Seventh Amendment was meant to cover up the minor scratch on the Government’s pride caused by lack of popular support for its relentless fight against the EU. Although the Amendment did not pass, supporters of European constitutional projects cannot afford to sit back and relax.

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10 November 2016

The Big Picture

In Europe, UK, and USA constitutional structures are proving unfit to respond to the challenges of the XXI century. Now is the time to ride on the constitutional moment for the all three of them.

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08 November 2016

Miller, Brexit and the (maybe not to so evil) Court of Justice

As strange as this might sound, hardcore Brexiteers have now their closest and most reliable ally not at home. But in what they have considered to be, all these years, the evil, monstrous, devilish, undemocratic, unelected, corrupt and dictatorial Court of Justice of the European Union.

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The Article 50 Litigation and the Court of Justice: Why the Supreme Court must NOT refer

Is the UK Supreme Court in the current Brexit case obliged to refer to the Luxembourg Court? If that were the case, the conformity of any Member State’s EU exit with its own constitutional requirements would be open to review by the CJEU – and hence could no longer be qualified as an act of self-determination since a EU institution would have the final say on it.

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06 November 2016

The Article 50 Litigation and the Court of Justice: Why the Supreme Court must refer

Article 50 TEU says that member states decide to withdraw from the Union "according to their own constitutional requirements". It is for the Luxembourg Court to clarify what this means. Thus, in the current case on Brexit the UK Supreme Court is obliged to refer to the European Court of Justice. One could argue that this should never have been made a Union problem. But it was, and, like it or not, that makes it the Court of Justice’s problem too.

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05 November 2016

PKW-Maut: Kein Sieg der CSU über die EU-Kommission

Im Streit um die PKW-Maut hat die Lösung einer Kombination mit einer Neuordnung der KFZ-Steuererhebung, die sich im Geist der Zeit wohl nur an der Umweltfreundlichkeit der Fahrzeuge orientieren kann, von Anfang an existiert. Eine 1:1-Erstattung, wie sie der CSU vorschwebte, kann es aber auch unter diesem System nicht geben.

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04 November 2016

Enemies of the People?

"Enemies of the People": that is, according to the Daily Mail, what the High Court judges are. Joseph Stalin would have been wildly amused by this way of putting things… Leaving aside such 30s reminiscences, it seems to me too simple to reduce this phenomenon solely to the disgracefulness of the British boulevard press and Tory backbenchers. There is something more fundamental going on. Not only in the United Kingdom. But in the entire Western democratic constitutional space.

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Feinde des Volkes?

"Enemies of the People": So titelt die Daily Mail als Reaktion auf das gestrige Brexit-Urteil des High Court. An dieser Diktion hätte Josef Stalin seine helle Freude gehabt. Aber jenseits solcher 30er-Jahre-Reminiszenzen scheint es mir zu kurz gesprungen, dieses Phänomen allein auf die Verkommenheit der britischen Boulevardpresse und der snotty Tory-Elite zu reduzieren. Da geht etwas Grundlegenderes vor. Und zwar nicht allein im Vereinigten Königreich. Sondern im gesamten westlichen demokratisch-rechtsstaatlichen Verfassungsraum.

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03 November 2016

Sovereignty means Sovereignty: Über den Verlust von Rechten entscheidet das Parlament

Großbritannien darf erst nach einem Parlamentsbeschluss aus der EU austreten. Das hat der englische High Court auf eine Klage von Bürgern hin entschieden. Bleibt die Entscheidung bestehen, könnte sie den Zeitplan für den EU-Austritt durcheinander bringen, noch bevor dieser eigentlich begonnen hat. Verhindert wird der Brexit aber höchstwahrscheinlich nicht mehr.

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02 November 2016

Why all Member States should clarify their Constitutional Requirements for Withdrawing from the EU

The UK’s ‘chaotic Brexit’ may perhaps be the inevitable result of being the first state to even contemplate withdrawal from the European Union. Regardless, the other Member States can now look to this uncertainty as something to avoid. By contrast to the United Kingdom’s current situation, they should look to the clarity of procedure for legitimate secession in Canada and seek to provide a similarly exhaustive statement of how the ‘constitutional requirements’ of Article 50 would be fulfilled in their own constitutional orders.

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31 October 2016

Das CETA-Ratifikationsgesetz bedarf nicht der Zustimmung des Bundesrates!

…jedenfalls nicht deswegen, weil Interessen der Länder berührt wären, und schon gar nicht, weil einzelne Landesregierungen CETA verhindern wollen, koste es, was es wolle.

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Systemic Threat to the Rule of Law in Poland: What should the Commission do next?

Considering the overwhelming evidence of a deliberate governmental strategy of systematically undermining all checks and balances in Poland as well the uncooperative behaviour of Polish authorities, the Commission has been left with no other choice but to trigger the Article 7 mechanism. Even if there is no realistic chance of seeing the Council adopting sanctions against Poland, this step would finally oblige national governments, meeting in the Council, to face up to their own responsibilities.

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24 October 2016

European vetocracy? How to overcome the Wallonian CETA problem

Democracy is not the issue here. Rather, the CETA/Wallonia issue is a vivid demonstration of overfederalization that leaves not only Belgium but the entire European Union unable to act. As an ultima ratio, one option remains: Why not simply close the agreement without Belgium?

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Ganz Gallien? Fehlschlüsse aus dem wallonischen CETA-Veto

Wallonien lässt die westliche Welt zappeln – und wird dafür je nach politischem Standpunkt des Betrachters als einzig aufrechtes gallisches Dorf besungen oder als eigennützige Erpresserbande geschmäht. Stutzig macht jedoch die prompte Reaktion, man hätte CETA besser doch nicht als „gemischtes Abkommen“ einstufen sollen, sondern als Abkommen zwischen der EU und Kanada ohne direkte Beteiligung der Mitgliedstaaten. Diese Reaktion zeugt von Demokratieverachtung.

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Can Poland be Sanctioned by the EU? Not Unless Hungary is Sanctioned Too

Hungary has announced to block any Article 7 sanctions that the EU might propose against Poland. Why should Poland back down when nothing will come of standing up to the EU? Given Polish intransigence, the Commission may be tempted to stall for time or to retreat, which would be disastrous for the rule of law in the European Union. But the power to levy Article 7 sanctions can be restored. The Commission should do now what it should have done long ago. It should begin by triggering Article 7 (1) not only against Poland, but against Hungary as well.

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23 October 2016

Wallonien, CETA und die Tyrannei der Minderheit

Demokratie ist für die Vorgänge in Wallonien nicht das richtige Stichwort. Zu besichtigen ist eine Überföderalisierung mit der Folge einer Handlungsblockade nicht nur Belgiens, sondern der gesamten Europäischen Union. Doch als Ultima Ratio bleibt eine Option: Warum nicht das Abkommen einfach ohne Belgien abschließen?

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22 October 2016

Why the Brexit debate might mark the end of Britain’s unwritten constitution

The current debate in the UK about Parliament's right to vote on the Art. 50 decision suggests that not only the Brexit decision may become subject to revision, but the uncodified constitution may become subject to scrutiny as well. So far, the absence of a written constitution was generally viewed as a sign of “stability of the British polity.” However, the Brexit contestations may change that, and, on the long run, the status of an ‘unwritten’ or ‘uncodified constitution’ may well come to an end. The present constitutional turn in British politics suggests that the long period of stability of the British polity is challenged, just as the Brexit campaign promised the contrary.

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21 October 2016
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EU Judge Dehousse’s Farewell Address, with a short introduction by Professors Alemanno & Pech

Readers of this blog will find here the English translation of Judge Franklin Dehousse’s farewell address, which he had hoped to give on the occasion of his departure from the EU General Court last month. In an apparent break with tradition, no public ceremony was organised for the departing EU judges, and an internal meeting was arranged instead. While regrettable, this is perhaps not surprising. Indeed, Judge Dehousse has been among one of the most outspoken critics of the controversial reform of the EU’s court system.

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17 October 2016

Is the EU Commission’s Rule of Law Fight about Poland already lost?

In ten days, the deadline set by the EU Commission to Poland in the current stand-off about the Polish constitutional crisis will expire. A lot is at stake for both sides. In Warsaw few expect that the Commission will still be able to keep the ruling party from having it their way.

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Hat die EU das Kräftemessen mit Polen bereits verloren?

Zehn Tage. So lange hat Polens Regierungspartei mit dem schönen Namen "Recht und Gerechtigkeit" (PiS) noch Zeit, den Konflikt mit der EU-Kommission um das polnische Verfassungsgericht beizulegen. Für beide Seiten steht enorm viel auf dem Spiel. Doch in Warschau rechnet kaum jemand damit, dass die EU die Entmachtung des Verfassungsgerichts noch stoppen kann. Eine Recherche.

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13 October 2016

Spielstand nach dem CETA-Beschluss: 2:2, und Karlsruhe behält das letzte Wort

Das BVerfG hat gesprochen, und (fast) alle sind zufrieden. Beide Seiten können sich als Sieger fühlen. Der wahre Sieger ist aber, manchen Ungereimtheiten in den Beschlussgründen zum Trotz, das Bundesverfassungsgericht selbst,

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12 October 2016

Warum ein Opt-out aus der EMRK für britische Streitkräfte eher unwahrscheinlich ist

Die britische Premierministerin Theresa May will die Streitkräfte von den Verpflichtungen der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention befreien. Folgt daraus, dass Schadensersatzklagen von Opfern demnächst als unzulässig abgewiesen werden? Oder dass das Vereinigte Königreich nicht mehr an die EMRK gebunden ist, wenn es seine Streitkräfte in den Einsatz schickt? Wohl kaum.

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11 October 2016

Endstation Karlsruhe? Was von der CETA-Verhandlung vor dem Bundes­verfassungs­gericht zu erwarten ist

Die emotionsgeladene öffentliche Debatte um CETA und TTIP steuert auf einen vorläufigen Höhepunkt zu: Am morgigen 12. Oktober 2016 befasst sich das Bundesverfassungsgericht mit mehreren Anträgen, die es dem deutschen Vertreter im Rat verbieten sollen, dem Abschluss des CETA-Abkommens mit Kanada zuzustimmen bzw. durch sein Abstimmungsverhalten die vorläufige Anwendbarkeit des CETA zu ermöglichen. Was sind die verfassungsrechtlichen Maßstäbe? Und wie wird das BVerfG voraussichtlich entscheiden?

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07 October 2016

Brexit – a Tragic Continuity of Europe’s Daily Operation

The British vote to leave the European Union came as a surprise and a shock. It has been understood as an aberration, as a triumph of populism and nationalism, in conflict with the ethos of the Union. But Brexit should not be understood as a mere aberration, but instead as one position on continuum of exhausted thinking about EU and (transnational) law in general.

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06 October 2016

Can private undertakings hide behind “religious neutrality”?

Is the pursuit of religious neutrality an acceptable aim for public and private organisations alike, on the basis of which they may prohibit their employees from wearing religious signs or apparel whilst at work? In two pending cases before the CJEU, the Advocates General seem to arrive at opposite conclusions on this point. To solve this puzzle, I think it is crucial to see that there are two radically different reasons why a private-sector company may wish to adopt an identity of religious neutrality, which reflect two distinct types of interest a company may have in religious neutrality: a business interest and an interest as a member of society.

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03 October 2016

Theresa May’s Great Repeal Bill – a Scottish own goal?

Theresa May’s announcement of a Great Repeal Bill on Sunday has the hallmarks of a stroke of genius: It creates some momentum in the internal Brexit debate without substantively changing anything, it appeases the die-heart Brexiteers in her party, and it may kill off legal challenges pending in the courts of England and Northern Ireland demanding that Parliament be involved before Article 50 TEU is triggered. The Great Reform Bill however raises interesting constitutional questions with regard to the devolved nations of the UK, and in particular Scotland. Has Theresa May scored an own goal by allowing the Scots to block her first big step towards Brexit? Or is this part of an even more cunning plan to delay having to trigger Article 50 TEU for a very long time?

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30 September 2016

Triggering Art. 50 TEU: Interpreting the UK’s ‘own constitutional requirements’

Can the British government initiate the process of leaving the European Union without consulting Parliament? On September 28th the government released its legal position that the only constitutional way to give effect to the Brexit referendum result is through the exercise of the executive power. Some of the government's arguments appear to be on shaky grounds. The mere fact that the process has been caught up in legal wrangling before it has even begun shows that there is still a long, long road ahead before any sense of stability will return to British (constitutional) politics as well as the relationship between the UK and the EU in whatever form that may eventually take.

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22 September 2016

Gemeindemitglied wider Willen: Leipzig beugt sich Karlsruhe und zeigt in Richtung Straßburg

In Deutschland kann man in eine Religionsgemeinschaft eingemeindet werden, der man niemals beitreten wollte. Glaubensfreiheit hin oder her – das geht. So heute das Bundesverwaltungsgericht in einem Urteil, das einen der sonderbarsten religionsverfassungsrechtlichen Streitigkeiten seit langem vorläufig beendet und gleichzeitig die Treue zum Bundesverfassungsgericht vor die eigenen Überzeugungen zur Auslegung der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention stellt.

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21 September 2016

ESM and Protection of Fundamental Rights: Towards the End of Impunity?

The CJEU has sent a strong signal to EU institutions: whether they act in the framework of EU law or at its margins, under the screen of international agreements, the Commission and the ECB should duly take fundamental rights into account, and be ready to be held liable if they fail to do so.

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CJEU Opens Door to Legal Challenges to Euro Rescue Measures in Key Decision

The Ledra Advertising decision by the European Court of Justice breaks down the barrier between European institutions and international-treaty based structures that have sprang up to deal with the needs of euro-area crisis response. This opens the door to legal challenges to the bailout programmes of the EFSF/ESM offering an avenue to a plethora of claimants to unpick the questionable legal underpinnings of conditionality and austerity policies.

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13 September 2016

Straßburg lockert Fair-Trial-Gebot bei Terrorverdächtigen

Die Polizei kann Terrorverdächtige im Einzelfall auch ohne anwaltlichen Beistand verhören, ohne dass die dabei gewonnenen Aussagen im Strafprozess unverwertbar werden. Hauptsache, so der EGMR, dem Gebot des fairen Prozesses sei in einer holistischen Gesamtschau genüge getan.

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06 September 2016

Unionsbürger und Art. 16 II GG: Unangenehme Neuigkeiten für Karlsruhe

Schützt das verfassungsrechtliche Verbot, eigene Staatsbürger an ausländische Staaten auszuliefern, auch Unionsbürger? Nein, sagt das Bundesverfassungsgericht und hielt es bisher nicht für nötig, diese Frage dem EuGH vorzulegen. Jetzt hat dieser ein Urteil gefällt, das Karlsruhe diametral widerspricht.

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24 August 2016

The TTIP Negotiations Innovations: On Legal Reasons for Cheer

After 36 months of talks, the developments in the EU’s proposals for TTIP are far from perfect or complete. However, they demonstrate a huge faith in the EU’s power to institutionally nudge global trade - and render it more legitimate and accountable, as a good global governance actor should. They arguably do provide important reasons for cheer about the evolution of global trade through law.

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17 August 2016
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Jein – eine fehlende Variante bei dem Brexit-Referendum

Großbritannien hat eine Schicksalsentscheidung getroffen. Zwar hat die Volksbefragung nach herrschender Meinung nur beratenden Charakter, doch hat die britische Regierung im Vorfeld ankündigte das Ergebnis zu befolgen und wird es daher kaum übergehen. „Brexit means Brexit“, sagte auch Theresa May, die neue britische Premierministerin und frühere Remain-Befürworterin. Was „Brexit“ bedeutet, bleibt aber unklar.

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26 July 2016

BrEXIT AND BreUK-UP

How to balance the aim of the UK to leave the European Union with the complex independence and border issues this would cause in Scotland and Northern Ireland? One possible scenario could be for Scotland to broker a five-year EFTA-EEA "naughty step" membership for the United Kingdom, at the end of which Scotland could itself become an independent EFTA-EEA member state and thus be well positioned to re-enter the European Union.

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22 July 2016

10 (pro-EU) reasons to be cheerful after Brexit

As the dust continues to swirl around the momentous Brexit referendum result a month ago (and doesn’t show any signs of settling anytime soon) I suspect many EU sympathisers will be somewhere in the middle of the various stages of the Kübler-Ross Grief cycle: denial, anger, bargaining, depression, acceptance. So, somewhat incongruosly, are the ‘leavers’. Whereas there are almost as many emotions being experienced on all sides as there are potential options on what will happen next both in terms of the UK’s future relationship with the EU as well as the future of the EU itself, in this post I want to set out a number of (pro-EU) reasons – some obvious, some optimistic, others wildly speculative – to be cheerful amidst the uncertainty created by the Brexit vote.

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20 July 2016

AG Saugmandsgaard Øe on Mass Data Retention: No Clear Victory for Privacy Rights

The opinion of the CJEU Attorney General on mass data retention has been long awaited by anyone interested in privacy rights, and more generally the relationship between states and their citizens during this period of an extended “war on terror”. While some civil rights groups have already claimed victory, on closer look the opinion of the AG is not an unmitigated success for privacy activists: It gives considerable discretion to member states to enact data retention provisions providing they meet the Digital Rights Ireland standard.

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14 July 2016
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After Brexit: Time for a further Decoupling of European and National Citizenship?

According to the President of the European Council, Donald Tusk, the issue of Scotland’s EU membership after Brexit is ‘a matter for the UK’. That statement is simply false: the future EU citizenship of UK nationals is not a domestic matter but an issue – perhaps the issue – for the Union as a whole to determine.

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13 July 2016

Kopftuchverbot am Arbeitsplatz als Diskriminierung

Ein pauschales Kopftuchverbot am Arbeitsplatz, so EuGH-Generalanwältin Eleanor Sharpston, ist diskriminierungsrechtlich kaum zu rechtfertigen. Dabei möchte die Generalanwältin den Fall offenbar zum Anlass nehmen, ein paar sehr grundsätzliche Dinge zum Verbot unmittelbarer Diskriminierung im Europarecht klar zu stellen.

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Like a Bargaining Chip: Enduring the Unsettled Status of EU Nationals Living in the UK

Yesterday, the UK Government has issued a statement to reassure EU nationals living in the UK as to their post-referendum status. While hundreds of EU nationals channel their relief through social media in welcoming the news and British businesses praise the Government for giving them the reassurance needed, to a more expert eye things seem much less reassuring.

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11 July 2016

Das Brexit-Referendum: Sieg für die Demokratie?

War das Referendum doch zumindest ein Sieg für die Demokratie? Im Ergebnis wohl nicht. Demokratietheoretisch darf die Kritik freilich nicht beim Ergebnis, sondern bei der Entscheidung für das Referendum ansetzen: War die Austrittsfrage eine für ein Referendum geeignete Frage, oder hätte diese dem Parlament vorbehalten sein müssen? Vieles spricht hier für Letzteres.

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06 July 2016

Calling Europe into Question: the British and the Greek referenda

On this day last year, Greeks woke up facing a referendum result that very few had expected. Almost a year later, on the 24th of June 2016, British and other Europeans woke up overwhelmingly surprised by the ‘Leave’ vote. Despite their significant differences, the Greek and the British referenda have some important things in common. Reading them together might have something to teach us about referenda on the EU—especially now that more people seem to be asking for one in their own country.

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Brexit and Art. 50: the Key lies in Luxembourg

A large British law firm has announced legal steps to ensure that the Art. 50 TEU procedure leading to EUV will be triggered by the British parliament. This might lead to a referral to the European Court of Justice.

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05 July 2016

Political Reductionism at its Best: the EU Institutions’ Response to the Brexit Referendum

In their reaction to the Brexit referendum, some EU institutions have shown a troubling understanding of law – law as the mere crystallisation of power relationships, norms as just technicalities, annoying obstacles standing between the political actors and their legitimate goals. This is profoundly wrong and dangerous.

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04 July 2016

Everything you need to know about Article 50 (but were afraid to ask)

After the Brexit referendum, the new prime minister cannot dodge the fact that Article 50 is the only legal way for the UK to secede and that he or she, therefore, has a duty to pull the trigger. Not to deploy Article 50 would result in an even more disorderly situation than we have now. Article 50 it is. And if it were done, it were best done quickly.

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01 July 2016

A Lame Duck for a Member State? Thoughts on the UK’s Position in the EU after the Brexit Vote

Despite the fact that nothing has technically speaking happened in legal terms, the UK’s journey out of the European Union has already commenced and is starting to have tangible legal consequences.

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30 June 2016

Conditionality through the lens of the CJEU: a “blurry” view

From the very beginning of the Eurozone crisis, conditionality progressively entered into the vocabulary and the normative sphere of the EU economic governance. At the time of the first assistance package to Greece, conditionality was just an emergency tool set in the bilateral Loan Agreements, signed by Greece and other Members States. However, after the establishment of emergency funds like the European Financial Stabilisation Mechanism (EFSM) and the European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF), and especially after the creation of a permanent institution, a sort of “European mirror image of the IMF” – the ESM – conditionality has become a sort of leitmotiv of the European response to the economic crisis or, even, a necessary requirement according to the ECJ.

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In the shadow of sovereign debt conditionality: the rise of spending conditionality in the EU

For the last seven years, sovereign debt conditionality dominated the European public discourse. Courts called to adjudicate heavy conditions impeaching on constitutional core of EU nations. National parliaments vocally debating the democratic legitimacy of austerity measures. Executives busy implementing generous reform packages. Scholars actively commenting on the constitutional implications of crisis-driven conditionalities.

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Keine Ratifikation des CETA ohne den Deutschen Bundestag – so oder so …

EU-Kommissionspräsident Juncker will das umstrittene CETA-Freihandelsabkommen in alleiniger Kompetenz der EU behandeln lassen. Vor allem in Deutschland fürchten viele, dass CETA damit einer legitimationsstiftenden Kontrolle des Bundestages entzogen würde. Doch wie steht es tatsächlich um den Einfluss des Bundestages? Nach meinem Dafürhalten ergeben sich für CETA nicht nur im Falle der Behandlung als gemischtes Abkommen, sondern auch im Falle der Behandlung als Abkommen in alleiniger EU-Kompetenz entscheidende Einwirkungsmöglichkeit des Bundestages.

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Populists chairing the European Commission and Parliament

No, the title of this post does not refer to a dystopia to come after the next European elections in 2019. It refers to the two presidents of today – Jean-Claude Juncker and Martin Schulz. Now why can they be seen as populists in some plausible way? In my view, this is because of the way in which they see politics and the role of the “people” in it.

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29 June 2016

Sovereign and misinformed: Brexit as an exercise in democracy?

Rather than criticising the Brexit referendum as a decision-making tool because ‘the people’ don’t have the necessary expertise to take decisions of this magnitude, we should question the conditions in which many UK voters were called to express their opinion. They, like many all over the world, have seen the progressive hollowing-out of those basic rights that make voting the expression of the right to individual and collective self-rule in the first place.

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28 June 2016

England’s Difficulty; Scotland’s Opportunity

Rather than arguing over when and how Article 50 TEU might be activated and by whom, or whether the two year clock ticking for exit can be stopped once started, we need as responsible citizens in a democracy to face up in good faith to what many of us regard as an appalling result, and coalesce around pressing for the quickest possible conclusion of the least worst option which still respects the actual referendum result.

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Chronos and Kairos of Constitutionalism – The Polish case

Τοῖς πᾶσι χρόνος καὶ καιρὸς τῷ παντὶ πράγματι ὑπὸ τὸν οὐρανόν. This Septuagint translation of a verse from the book of Ecclesiastes points to a fundamental distinction regarding the transience – the distinction between chronos (time) and kairos (a right moment). Time is everlasting and consists of singular kairoi. Kairos, being its constitutive part, should not defy the structure of time. This distinction bares on the way in which we should understand any change of a constitution that claims to belong to free and equal citizens.

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The constitutional framework of power distribution within the Eurasian integration process: bellum omnium contra omnes

After the fall of the Soviet Union, many post-Soviet countries pursued integration among themselves, leading to various regional arrangements. Those had little success for an array of reasons stemming from considerable differences among the many integrating states. Eventually, an understanding came along, that in order to make things work, a change in approach is needed. Among others, such a change would require an efficient legal framework and stronger regional institutions capable of upholding it. These features were played with on the way to the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), which was obviously inspired by certain narratives about the EU integration process, and eventually launched in 2015.

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United no more: Constitutional Headaches ahead for the United Kingdom

Those who voted Brexit are now celebrating and singing ‘Rule Britannia’ in the streets. They are still dreaming. When they will wake up, they will have to face the facts: there is no Empire, and Brexit will not solve their economic problems. Immigrants will not be deported, and if foreigners decide to leave, this will not solve their problems either. One day, they will wake up to discover that the Kingdom is dis-United.

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Scotland Can Veto Brexit (sort of …).

Scotland's First Minister Nicola Sturgeon has announced that she would veto any attempt by a future British government to effect the withdrawal of the UK from the EU following the referendum result. This has raised a flurry of questioning of whether this is actually constitutionally permissible. In this blogpost I will argue why I think it is; that is that the Scottish Parliament does, constitutionally, have the power to use the constitution to attempt to veto an attempt by a British government to take the United Kingdom out of the European Union.

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27 June 2016

Brexit im europäischen Verfassungsverbund

Wer jetzt auf den raschen Vollzug der „Entscheidung“ vom 23. Juni drängt, tut dies im besten Interesse der Stabilität und der Sicherheit. Wer dagegen Zeit gibt, zur Besinnung zu kommen und richtige Konsequenzen zu ziehen, könnte dem langfristigen Interesse Europas besser dienen.

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A Disunited Kingdom: two Nations in, two Nations out

The United Kingdom is not a centralised state. It is a ‘family of nations’. There is a strong case for arguing that the referendum carries only if a majority of voters in all four nations respectively give their backing. England and Wales voted to leave, but Scotland and Northern Ireland voted to remain. Recognising that split is not a matter of shifting the goalposts after the fact. It is about respecting an established, indeed a compelling constitutional order.

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26 June 2016

Zwei Jahre sind nicht immer gleich zwei Jahre: wann beginnt der Brexit-Countdown?

Zwei Jahre gibt der EU-Vertrag einem austrittswilligen Land Zeit, mit der EU einen Austrittsvertrag auszuhandeln. Doch wann beginnt diese Frist? Und was, wenn das Land diesen Zeitpunkt mutwillig hinauszögert? Die Antwort lässt sich nicht allein formaljuristisch geben. Gefragt ist auch politische Klugheit.

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A European Future for Scotland?

The fact that Scotland voted with 62% for the UK to remain a member of the EU whereas the majority of the overall UK electorate opted to leave the EU, raises important political and legal questions. Scotland’s First Minister Nicola Sturgeon has announced that a second referendum on Scottish independence is on the table. What are the options for a continued EU membership of an independent Scotland?

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Five Questions on Brexit to LAURENT PECH

Middlesex Law Professor Laurent Pech on the limits if not perils of direct democracy when citizens to are asked to decide complex policy choices in the absence of a clear understanding of the available options and potential consequences of their vote.

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25 June 2016
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Five Questions on Brexit to NTINA TZOUVALA

Young international law scholar Ntina Tzouvala on the difference between the "will of the people" and a manouevre of the political elite, and on the danger for Europe to carry around a constitutional corpse.

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Five Questions on Brexit to KENNETH ARMSTRONG

... and five very succinct answers by Cambridge EU law professor Kenneth Armstrong,

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24 June 2016
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Five Questions on Brexit to JO SHAW

Edinburgh EU citizenship law expert Jo Shaw's answers to my set of questions on the occasion of the Brexit referendum.

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Five Questions on Brexit to GERTRUDE LÜBBE-WOLFF

Former Constitutional Court Judge Gertrude Lübbe-Wolff on why she deeply regrets to see the British go, on the reversibility of the Brexit decision, and on an independent Scotland's prospects to continued EU membership.

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Nach dem Brexit-Referendum: ein Fast Track zur deutschen Staatsbürgerschaft für bedrohte Unionsbürger!

Viele Britinnen und Briten verzweifeln regelrecht angesichts der Aussicht, ihren "grundlegenden Status" (EuGH) als Unionsbürger ohne ihr Zutun und Verschulden einbüßen zu müssen. Da die Unionsbürgerschaft an die Staatsangehörigkeit in einem EU-Mitgliedsstaat geknüpft ist, wäre es ein starkes Zeichen für die europäische Integration, für Mit-Unionsbürger, die vom Verlust dieses Status akut bedroht sind, einen eigens auf sie zugeschnittenen Tatbestand in § 10 StAG zu schaffen.

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Ultra-vires-Kontrolle durch Bundesregierung und Bundestag – Für eine materielle Subsidiarität des Vorgehens gegen das Parlament

Das Bundesverfassungsgericht ist mit seinem Urteil zum OMT-Programm der Europäischen Zentralbank seiner Verantwortung, das (Verfassungs-)Recht in seinem größeren Bezug zu interpretieren (Art. 23 Abs. 1 S. 1 GG), gerecht geworden. Die Bundesregierung und der Bundestag werden dabei aber in die Rolle von Rechtshütern gedrängt, die sie funktional und institutionell-gewaltenteilig nur schwer spielen können. Dies gilt vor allem für das Parlament.

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Brexit and the Argentinisation of British citizenship: Taking care not to overstay your 90 days in Rome, Amsterdam or Paris

What are the likely consequences of Brexit for the status and rights of British citizenship? Is it possible to mitigate the overwhelming negative consequences of the UK’s withdrawal from the EU on the plane of the rights enjoyed by the citizens of the UK? The Brexit referendum result will most likely mark one of the most radical losses in the value of a particular nationality in recent history.

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22 June 2016

Das OMT-Urteil des BVerfG: Europa­rechtlich überzeugend, verfassungs­prozess­rechtlich fragwürdig

Rechtlich verfasste Herrschaft darf niemals ungebunden sein, sonst verkommt sie zur puren Macht. Die Einordnung des OMT-Verfahrens der Europäischen Zentralbank durch das BVerfG zu in dieses verfassungsrechtliche Grundgefüge offenbart einen eklatanten Widerspruch: Auf der einen Seite wird das BVerfG seiner Kontrollaufgabe gemeinsam mit dem EuGH in hohem Maße gerecht. Auf der anderen Seite schafft es sich die verfassungsprozessuale Grundlage hierfür selbst.

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The EU General Data Protection Regulation: Powerful Tool for Data Subjects?

Two months ago, the European Parliament and the Council have enacted the European General Data Protection Regulation as the result of a 4 years running legislative procedure. For a long time, it was uncertain whether the regulation could be passed at all: Not only has there been considerable opposition by EU Member States, but there have also been about 4.000 amendments by Parliament, accompanied by an enormous engagement of lobby groups.

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The Hungarian Constitutional Court’s case with the ECHR: an ambivalent relationship

Hungary was the first country in the post-Soviet bloc that joined the Council of Europe and ratified the European Convention on Human Rights and this remains a matter of national pride. While the Convention is perceived as a yardstick in human rights protection that may not be circumvented, still lively debate surrounds the authority of the case-law of European Court of Human Rights. The recent constitutional reform has left the status of the Convention largely untouched. The Convention still enjoys a supra-legislative rank: it is subordinated to the Fundamental Law but is superior to all other pieces of legislation.

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Time to Overcome TTIP’s Many Informational Asymmetries

As calls for a political check of the TTIP mandate multiply, time has come to pinpoint where the problem in the on-going negotiations lies.

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Transformation of EU Constitutionalism

The EU constitutionalism has been transformed. For the worse. The causes for that are well known. They are the sum of consecutive, unresolved financial, economic, political, humanitarian and security crises. This post is not interested into causal relationship between the crises. It centers instead on their aggregate negative outcome and the possible way ahead. It asks what exactly the EU constitutionalism, as a dominant narrative of European integration, has (d)evolved into and what can be done to fix its fissures?

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21 June 2016

Staunenswertes aus Karlsruhe: zum OMT-Urteil des BVerfG

Über die heutige Entscheidung aus Karlsruhe zur Geld- bzw. Wirtschaftspolitik der EZB und das darin zur Vollendung gelangte "Grundrecht auf Demokratie".

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The referendum of the UK’s EU membership: No legal salve for its disenfranchised non-resident citizens

On Thursday 23rd June 2016, pursuant to the European Union Referendum Act 2015, a UK-wide referendum will be held on the question: ‘should the UK remain a member of the EU or leave the EU’. Hitherto, much of the referendum debate has concerned immigration (to the UK) by EU citizens, exercising their mobility rights, with rather unsavoury rhetoric concerning deportation of criminals and ‘warnings’ about future arrivals from candidate accession states. Alongside immigration, leading campaigners have argued that the referendum is, at heart, a about questions of sovereignty and democracy.

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Brexit, Identity, and the Rise of the Euro-Celts

EU law not only protect fundamental rights and freedoms, but also the national identities of the Member States. Perhaps for “Little England”, that is not enough. But after Brexit, who would protect the national identities of the other nations of the UK?

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20 June 2016

Brexit and Citizenship

What are the likely consequences of Brexit for the status and rights of British citizenship? Can the fact that every British national is an EU citizen mitigate the possible negative consequences of the UK’s withdrawal from the EU on the plane of the rights enjoyed by the citizens of the UK? These questions are not purely hypothetical, as the referendum on June 23 can potentially mark one of the most radical losses in the value of a particular nationality in recent history.

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19 June 2016

ICON*S 2016 Conference, Session 3: “Judicial Interview and Dialogue”, with KOEN LENAERTS, GUIDO RAIMONDI, GRÁINNE DE BÚRCA and JOSEPH H.H. WEILER

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16 June 2016

Britain’s Neverendum on Europe

The UK Prime Minister has told us that the June 23rd vote will settle ‘once and for all’ Britain’s vexed relationship with Europe. I wouldn’t count on it. The current marathon is only beginning. The upcoming referendum has all the hallmarks of a ‘neverendum’: a campaign that tries to resolve an issue yet only succeeds in polarizing opinion yet further, guaranteeing its presence on the political agenda for years, if not decades, to come.

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The Brexit Vote: The Wrong Question for Britain and Europe

Referendums are supposed to provide decisive interventions in the affairs of state. Yet the referendum theory is in fact deeply flawed. European ‘membership’ for a country of Britain’s size, influence and location should be less a matter of ‘yes or no’ than one of ‘more or less’. The reduction of a complex and graduated choice to a basic dichotomy simply does not reflect the position or serve the interests of the vast majority who will be affected by the outcome. What is more, and worse, the crude logic of either-or plebiscitary politics threatens to become a self-fulfilling prophecy.

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15 June 2016
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“Wir sollten sagen: Wer nicht will, der hat schon”

Christoph Möllers im Verfassungsblog-Interview über das bevorstehende Brexit-Referendum, und warum die EU die Briten selbstbewusst ziehen lassen sollte, wenn diese das wollen.

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14 June 2016

Supranationale Demokratie als Demokratieflucht: Die Kommission im Freihandelsmodus

In Sachen TTIP und CETA ist die Kommission nach mehrfachem Hin und Her offenbar entschlossen, den nationalen Parlamenten doch kein Recht zur Mitsprache einzuräumen. Das ist ein kognitiver Rückschritt der Kommission in Sachen Responsivität gegenüber demokratischer Öffentlichkeit und mit der Prämisse, durch das Europäische Parlament seien die Abkommen noch irgendwie durchzubringen, auch eine demokratische Milchmädchenrechnung.

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13 June 2016

A Tale of Two Exits: Scotland and Brexit

The EU referendum has become is a form of displacement activity, a chance for the English voters to affirm their Englishness. If England votes for Brexit and Scotland to stay in the EU, the question will be whether the other EU Member States would accept Scotland – perhaps in a confederation with Northern Ireland – as a new or continuing EU Member State or even as the continuing UK.

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The European Union and the Erosion of State Capacity

The broad assumption in Europe is that member states of the European Union inherently have the capacity to implement EU legislation. This proceeds from the general understanding of Weber’s definition of the modern state as having a monopoly of legal violence within its territory. To this can be added the capacity of the state to “read” the population, to know through censuses, registers data bases who the inhabitants of the state are and, for that matter, where they are; the ability to impose taxes; and the capacity to sustain the uniform distribution of authority.

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Jurisdiction, legislation, and creative interpretations in the Opinion of AG Wathelet in C-72/15 Rosneft

The frequent legal challenges to the European Union’s economic sanctions regimes have resulted in several judgments chiseling out key issues of EU law. Case C-72/15 Rosneft, which will be decided in the coming months, provides the European Court of Justice (ECJ) yet another opportunity to do so. In particular, the Rosneft case invites the ECJ to clarify its jurisdiction and power of judicial review over decisions taken by the Council under the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) – in the context of a reference for preliminary ruling.

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11 June 2016

An Ideal, not a Place: A Euro-Critic’s Case for the UK Remaining in the EU

The entire Brexit debate has been sadly misdirected as each side seeks to assert its own ‘statistical truth’. By contrast, no attention is paid to visions of how the global world, the EU and the UK within it, might be ordered for the good.

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09 June 2016

The Judicial Battle over Mutual Trust in the EU: Recent Cracks in the Façade

In a little-noticed decision in April, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) significantly revised its approach to the doctrine of mutual trust among the member states. Even though the decision was issued only as an interpretation of the European Arrest Warrant, it will have profound consequences for the Area of Freedom Security and Justice more generally, including ongoing controversies concerning refugees.

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07 June 2016

Über Antisemiten, und wen man als solchen bezeichnen darf

Kann ein Israelkritiker einer jüdischen Organisation, die ihn des Antisemitismus beschuldigt, diesen Vorwurf kurzerhand gerichtlich verbieten lassen? Das kann er, so der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte, wenn es für diesen Vorwurf keine hinreichende Faktengrundlage gibt. Grund genug, sich Gedanken zu machen, was es mit dieser Art, von der Meinungsfreiheit Gebrauch zu machen, auf sich hat.

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06 June 2016

Gehen oder bleiben? Der Gesetzgeber kann sich nicht entscheiden

Die Politik sendet inzwischen unzählige Signale aus, um die Fluchtmigration einerseits zu steuern und andererseits die Integration jener voranzutreiben, die dauerhaft bleiben werden. Doch wer legt fest, wer darunter fällt? Zunehmend rekurriert der Gesetzgeber auf die Bleibeperspektive von Schutzsuchenden während des laufenden Asylverfahrens. Dabei wird derzeit mit allzu groben Rastern gearbeitet. Überhebt sich der Gesetzgeber mit seinem Vorhaben, die situative Vielfalt angemessen zu berücksichtigen? Oder scheitert er am Integrations-Dilemma (wer integriert werden sollte, weiß man immer erst hinterher)? Und dann ist da noch ein Passus im Integrationsgesetz, der uns an die allerletzte Option erinnert.

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03 June 2016

Für eine Verfassungskrise gibt es keine politische Lösung

Was Polen will, kann die EU-Kommission nicht akzeptieren, und umgekehrt. Nach Wochen des "konstruktiven Dialogs" (Kommissionsvize Frans Timmermans) gibt es immer noch überhaupt kein Zeichen des Aufeinanderzugehens. Ist das schlimm? Im Gegenteil.

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23 May 2016

Was an unserer Verfassung ist UNSERE Verfassung?

Ich war in Dresden und habe bei der dortigen FDP einen Vortrag zum Jahrestag der Verfassungsgebung in der Bundesrepublik gehalten.

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19 May 2016

Marokko, Tunesien, Algerien: sicher nicht sicher

Mit ihrem Beschluss, Marokko, Algerien und Tunesien als „sichere Herkunftsländer“ im Sinne des Art. 16a Abs. 3 einzustufen, missachtet die Regierungskoalition die Rechtsprechung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts, die Asylverfahrensrichtlinie und ein entscheidendes Urteil des EuGH. Für verfolgte Homosexuelle aus den Maghrebstaaten wurde damit das individuelle Grundrecht auf Asyl in Deutschland praktisch abgeschafft.

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10 May 2016
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Deutsche und Französische Verwaltungs­gerichtsbarkeit im europäischen Mehrebenensystem: ein Interview mit JEAN-MARC SAUVÉ und KLAUS RENNERT

Wie die Verfassungsgerichte in Europa zusammenarbeiten, darüber gibt es eine breite und intensive Debatte - aber wie sieht es mit den obersten Verwaltungsgerichten aus? Die obersten Repräsentanten des deutschen Bundesverwaltungsgerichts und des französischen Conseil d'Etat geben im Verfassungsblog-Interview Auskunft über Stand und Möglichkeiten ihrer Zusammenarbeit.

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26 April 2016

Pluralismus-Lehrstunde für die Türkei

Mit zwei wichtigen Entscheidungen, eine davon sogar epochal wichtig, versucht der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte in Straßburg heute, die Türkei auf den Pfad zu Pluralismus und Rechtsstaatlichkeit zu lenken. Beide betreffen Regelwerke und Rechtspraktiken, die dem Staat erheblichen Spielraum gewähren, je nach Nützlichkeit und Laune so oder anders zu entscheiden. Beide verschaffen Minderheiten, vor denen der Staat Angst hat, Schutz. Beide hindern den Staat daran, sich um ihrer besseren Lenkbarkeit willen eine uniforme Gesellschaft zu schaffen. Beide werden der Türkei noch schwer zu schaffen machen.

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24 April 2016

Is the European Central Bank Becoming a Central Bank for the People of Europe?

In February 2016, while David Cameron and the other EU-leaders were busy negotiating the terms of Britain’s membership of the Union, the European Central Bank (ECB) did something curious. It changed its self-description on its website from: the ECB “is the central bank for Europe's single currency, the euro” to: the ECB “is the central bank for the euro area” and “of the 19 European Union countries which have adopted the euro.” The ECB, it seems, confines itself no longer to being the central bank of a free floating currency, defying and denying national specificities and territorial borders. Furthermore, its governmental activities are no longer limited to governing the currency: it claims to govern for the euro area as a central bank of the 19 euro countries.

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12 April 2016

Anti-Roma-Märsche in Ungarn: Staat muss Anzeichen auf Hasskriminalität nachgehen

Die Neonazi-Aufmärsche von Gyöngyöspata 2011 haben Ungarn eine Verurteilung vor dem EGMR in Straßburg eingebracht – und den Staaten Europas die klare Ansage, Hasskriminalität als HASSkriminalität zu verfolgen und die Augen vor rassistischen Motiven von Straftaten nicht zu verschließen.

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07 April 2016

Mit den eigenen Waffen geschlagen: Die Reaktion des EuGH auf den unbedingten Vorrang der Menschenwürde vor dem Unionsrecht nach dem BVerfG

Der EuGH bewegt sich – aber er gibt dabei klar die Richtung vor. Das ist das Fazit zu seinem Urteil von vorgestern zum europäischen Haftbefehl. Die Antwort auf eine Vorlage des OLG Bremen, in der es um die Auslieferung aufgrund eines europäischen Haftbefehls bei der Gefahr menschenrechtswidriger Haftbedingungen im ersuchenden Staat ging, war zuletzt mit besonderer Spannung erwartet worden. Denn das BVerfG hatte vor kurzem einen Auslieferungsfall nach Italien zum Anlass genommen, nach Jahrzehnten die Solange-Rechtsprechung für den Anwendungsbereich der Menschenwürde in den Ruhestand zu verabschieden: Künftig hat Art. 1 Abs. 1 GG über den Hebel der Identitätskontrolle, und zwar ungeachtet des generellen Grundrechtsschutzstandards in der EU, immer Vorrang vor kollidierenden unionsrechtlichen Verpflichtungen. Dies konnte von europäischer Seite kaum unwidersprochen bleiben.

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05 April 2016

Menschenwürde schlägt Anerkennungsgrundsatz

Europa fußt auf Vertrauen. Aber was, wenn manche europäischen Mitgliedsstaaten aufhören dieses Vertrauen zu verdienen? Ist die Vertrauenswürdigkeit ihrerseits Vertrauenssache? Angesichts der Mir-doch-egal-Haltung, die einige mittel- und osteuropäische Regierungen gegenüber dem Europarecht und den fundamentalen Verfassungsgrundsätzen Europas mittlerweile an den Tag legen, ist das keine theoretische Frage, sondern eine, von der Europas Zukunft abhängt. Heute hat der Europäische Gerichtshof sie auf eine Weise beantwortet, die mir einen Stein vom Herzen fallen lässt.

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29 March 2016

Pressefreiheit im Strafprozess und ihre Grenzen

Die heutige Entscheidung Bédat v. Schweiz des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte lässt sich für Journalisten, die ein waches Gefühl für liberale Freiheitsrechte und ein noch wacheres für ihre eigenen professionellen Interessen besitzen, leicht skandalisieren: "Straßburg lässt die Pressefreiheit im Stich!" wäre eine mögliche Überschrift. "Straßburg billigt Kriminalisierung von Justizberichterstattern!" eine andere. Ich bin auch ein professioneller Journalist, und in punkto Sorge um liberale Freiheitsrechte lasse ich mich für gewöhnlich ungern von irgendwem übertreffen. Trotzdem, oder gerade deswegen, komme ich zu einem anderen Schluss: Ich halte das heutige Urteil der Großen Kammer für richtig.

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22 March 2016

Beschütze uns, Europa!

Euroskeptiker rufen nach den Anschlägen von Brüssel schriller denn je nach einer Renationalisierung der Sicherheitspolitik. Dabei scheint das Gegenteil viel plausibler: Um uns vor grenzüberschreitendem Terror effektiv zu schützen, ist Europa zu schwach und nicht zu stark.

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15 March 2016

Rule of law in Greece buckles under institutionalised ill-treatment by law enforcement agents

Rampant police violence, institutionalized racism and a "culture of impunity": The Council of Europe Anti-Torture Committee's latest report on Greece reveals once again a shocking lack of respect for human rights and the rule of law in the Greek law enforcement system.

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14 March 2016

Poland, Hungary and Europe: Pre-Article 7 Hopes and Concerns

The European Commission’s opening of a rule of law dialogue with Poland in the new pre-Article 7 format developed last year is an important test of European constitutionalism both on the EU and on the Member State level. The mechanism is meant to address systemic violations of the rule of law in several steps, in the format of a structured dialogue. The new procedure does not preclude or prevent the launching of an infringement procedure by the Commission. The probe into Poland’s measures against the Constitutional Tribunal and its new media regulation is expected to test the viability of an EU constitutional enforcement mechanism against a Member State.

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How to Protect European Values: Assessing European Responses to Recent Reforms in Poland

The European Commission announced its decision to further investigate whether the recent reforms of Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal and Public Service Broadcasters are consistent with the rule of law, a common value of the EU. At the same time the Council of Europe´s Venice Commission investigates the reforms at the request of the Foreign Minister of Poland. Are the new mechanism and the evaluation by an expert body fit to protect European constitutional values? A conference organized by the Max Planck Society and Verfassungsblog searches for answers.

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Fünf Thesen zum Wahlerfolg der AfD

Warum es nicht reicht, die AfD-Anhänger wegen ihrer Rechtschreibfehler zu veralbern: Fünf Thesen zum Aufstieg der Identitären in Deutschland und Europa.

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12 March 2016

Taking refugee rights seriously: A reply to Professor Hailbronner

Reactions to the proposed “refugee swap” between the EU and Turkey have been predictably absolutist. On the one hand, most advocates have opposed the draft arrangement, asserting some combination of the right of refugees to be protected where they choose and/or that a protection swap would clearly breach the ECHR’s prohibition of “collective expulsion” of aliens. On the other hand, Professor Hailbronner argues against any right of refugees to make their own decisions about how to access protection, believes that refugees may be penalized if arriving in the EU “without the necessary documents,” suggests that it does not matter that Turkey is not relevantly a party to the Refugee Convention, and confidently asserts that there is no basis to see the prohibition of “collective expulsion” as engaged here. As usual, the truth is somewhere in the middle.

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11 March 2016

Legal Requirements for the EU-Turkey Refugee Agreement: A Reply to J. Hathaway

There are many open questions and objections against the EU-Turkey deal on an agreement whose details are yet to be negotiated to manage the Syrian refugee crisis. In particular on the reciprocity part: could the agreement as an easily available tool by Turkey to blackmail visa liberalization and progress in the EU Accession negotiations? How will the EU make sure the proper treatment of all returnees? How is the resettlement of refugees from Syria to the EU (and to Germany) going to take place? James Hathaway on this blog has listed three legal requirements for the agreement to be legal. In my view none of these are likely to block an agreement.

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09 March 2016

Why the EU-Turkey Deal is Legal and a Step in the Right Direction

Pro-refugee NGOs were quick to castigate the EU-Turkey refugee deal for falling foul of the EU’s on legal standards and for being an anti-humanitarian solution, in particular insofar as forced returns to Turkey are concerned. Academics also present a critical outlook reiterating the legal criticism or criticising the EU for burden-shifting. The critique highlights a number of valid concerns, but these caveats do not unmake the legal and conceptual value of the approach pursued by the EU: mass-influx scenarios require international cooperation.

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Three legal requirements for the EU-Turkey deal: An interview with JAMES HATHAWAY

"The right to decide where to seek recognition of refugee status does not entail the right to choose where international refugee protection is to be enjoyed": One of the foremost experts in international refugee law, James C. Hathaway (Michigan), gives some preliminary indications on the legality of the emerging EU-Turkey agreement on Syrian refugee resettlement.

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Von wegen „Rückkehr zum Recht“: Warum die deutsche Grenzpolitik den Maßgaben des Dublin-Systems entspricht

Seit einigen Wochen wird vielerorts – und seit kurzem auch auf diesem Blog (zuletzt hier und hier) – die Forderung einer „Rückkehr zum Recht“ diskutiert. Nicht ganz selbstverständlich ist dabei der Art. 20 IV Dublin-III-VO in das Zentrum der Diskussion gerückt. Peukert, Hillgruber, Foerste und Putzke haben dabei eine für Migrationsrechtler*innen doch überraschende Lesart dieser Vorschrift präsentiert: Danach soll es für Deutschland möglich sein, unionsrechtskonform Einreiseverweigerungen an der Grenze auszusprechen, weil nach Art. 20 IV 1 Dublin-III-VO die Zuständigkeit unbestreitbar bei anderen Mitgliedstaaten liege. Faktisch liefe dies darauf hinaus, Schutzsuchende pauschal an ein Land zu verweisen, das soeben Obergrenzen für die Behandlung von Asylanträgen beschlossen hat. Das ohnehin stark reformbedürftige Dublin-System würde mit einem solchen Ergebnis vollends ad absurdum geführt.

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08 March 2016

Einer raus, einer rein: vielleicht keine Lösung, aber immerhin Völkerrecht

Für jeden syrischen Flüchtling, den die Türkei aus Chios, Lesbos und Kos zurücknimmt, lässt die EU einen anderen syrischen Flüchtling aus der Türkei legal einreisen. Ein bewegliches Kontingent soll es geben, das den Syrern in der Türkei als legale, sichere und preiswerte Alternative zum Schlauchboot offen steht und dessen Größe schrumpft und wächst mit der Zahl der irregulär eingereisten Flüchtlinge, die die Türkei aus Griechenland wieder zurücknimmt. Das ist der Plan nach dem gestrigen EU-Gipfel in Brüssel. Pro Asyl findet ihn ganz fürchterlich. Ich bin da ehrlich gesagt nicht so sicher.

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Sovereignty Safeguards in the UK-EU Settlement

The U.K.-EU settlement, despite being legally binding and only amendable with the U.K.’s consent, does little to reaffirm British sovereignty. It is primarily a set of restatements and interpretations of existing EU law with new proposals primarily in the area of social policy.

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Investitionsschutz­gericht in CETA: ein Schritt in die richtige Richtung

Am Montag, den 29. Februar 2016 hat die Europäische Kommission den finalen (vorerst nur englischen) Entwurf des CETA-Abkommens veröffentlicht. Während eine mit besonderer Spannung erwartete Antwort auf die Frage, ob die Europäische Kommission CETA nun als gemischtes oder als Abkommen in alleiniger EU-Kompetenz entwerfen würde, ausblieb (die EU-Mitgliedstaaten werden lediglich in eckigen Klammern als Vertragsparteien genannt), finden sich insbesondere in dem, vor allem wegen des darin verankerten Systems schiedsgerichtlichen Investitionsschutzes, vielkritisierten Investitionsschutzkapitel („Chapter Eight“) interessante Neuerungen.

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07 March 2016

Poland and Europe: live on Verfassungsblog

How to deal with Poland? On Friday, the Council of Europe's Venice Commission will decide on its opinion of the Polish government's recent attempt to clip the wings of the Constitutional Tribunal – a hugely controversial issue not just in Poland. On Monday, the Venice Commission's rapporteur Christoph Grabenwarter will be our guest at a roundtable discussion hosted by the Max Planck Society in coooperation with Verfassungsblog.

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04 March 2016

Ist der deutsche Transit österreichisches Hoheitsgebiet?

Im Streit um den rechtskonformen Umgang mit von Österreich kommenden Asylsuchenden haben Peukert, Hillgruber, Foerste und Putzke ein neues Kapitel aufgeschlagen. Sie halten die Zurückweisung der aus Österreich kommenden Schutzsuchenden für europarechtlich unbedenklich, da der an der deutschen Kontrollstelle gestellte Antrag auf österreichischem Hoheitsgebiet gestellt sei. Ich halte, um das Ergebnis vorwegzunehmen, diese Argumentation für abwegig. Den Autoren ist nicht einmal zugute zu halten, dass sie Art. 20 IV VO Dublin III in die Debatte eingeführt haben. Die Bestimmung ist bisher keineswegs übersehen worden, es ist nur noch niemand auf die Idee verfallen, den deutschen Transit als österreichisch zu definieren.

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02 March 2016
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Nochmals: Die Politik offener Grenzen ist nicht rechtskonform

Die Diskussion über die Frage, ob die Politik offener Grenzen mit dem geltenden Recht in Einklang steht, gewinnt an Dynamik und Tiefenschärfe. Mit Roman Lehner hat erstmals ein Fachkollege auf unsere andernorts vertretene Auslegung der Dublin III-VO und des Schengener Grenzkodex erwidert. Seine Gegenthese lautet im Kern: Schutzanträge an der deutsch-österreichischen oder einer anderen Binnengrenze unterfallen Art. 3 Abs. 1 und nicht Art. 20 Abs. 4 Dublin-III-VO, weshalb die Zuständigkeits- und letztlich die Antragsprüfung in Deutschland und nicht in Österreich stattzufinden haben. Dieser Einwand beruht freilich auf einem grundlegenden Missverständnis der Konzeption des Gemeinsamen Europäischen Asylsystems (GEAS) und speziell des Art. 3 Abs. 1 S. 1 Dublin III.

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28 February 2016

EU Law and Politics: the Rule of Law Framework

A voice from within Hungary's ruling party: György Schöpflin, Fidesz MEP and former politics professor from UCL, on the EU Commission's rule of law Framework, its activation against Poland and its use as a legal and a political tool.

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26 February 2016

Grenze zu, dank Art. 20 Abs. 4 Dublin-III-VO? Eine Replik

Darf Deutschland Flüchtlinge an seiner Grenze (jetzt doch) zurückweisen? In diesem Blog wurden die europa-, verfassungs- und asylrechtlichen Vorgaben, die dem entgegenstehen, hinreichend ausgebreitet (hier, hier, hier und hier). Trotzdem reißt die Debatte, ob Deutschland sich zu Recht für zuständig hält, aus Österreich kommende Flüchtlinge auf ihre Asylberechtigung zu überprüfen, nicht ab. Zuletzt haben vier Juraprofessoren in der FAZ die These aufgestellt, es gebe sehr wohl eine Rechtsnorm, die diese Verantwortung Österreich zuweist – nämlich Art. 20 Abs. 4 Dublin-III-VO. Doch bei näherem Hinsehen zeigt sich: Die Norm gibt das nicht her.

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23 February 2016

Lokale Zuzugssperren für Arme: für Straßburg kein Freizügigkeitsproblem

Das Recht auf Freizügigkeit hat es schwer in diesen dunklen Tagen in Europa. In der EU sowieso, wo die Freiheit, sich grenzüberschreitend in Europa frei zu bewegen und niederzulassen, massiv unter Beschuss ist. Der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte (EGMR) hat heute ein Urteil veröffentlicht, das die innerstaatliche Freizügigkeit betrifft – das ganz normale Recht von Staatsbürgern, im eigenen Land überall hinziehen zu dürfen, wo man hinziehen möchte, ohne dass der Staat sagen darf, dich wollen wir hier nicht. Mit diesem in Art. 2 Prot. 4 EMRK verankerten Grundrecht, zu dem es bislang nicht viel Judikatur gibt, weiß der Straßburger Gerichtshof offenbar nicht viel anzufangen.

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22 February 2016

Es ist wieder da: Der EuGH bestätigt das Grundrecht auf Sicherheit

Vor zwei Jahren, in seinem epochalen Urteil zur Vorratsdatenspeicherung, erwähnte der EuGH erstmals ein eigenständiges Grundrecht auf Sicherheit, welches sich aus Art. 6 GRCh ergeben soll. Eine höchst fragwürdige Innovation: schließlich soll das Grundrecht im Wesentlichen vor willkürlichen Verhaftungen schützen, mit anderen Worten will es die Sicherheit vor dem Staat, nicht durch den Staat. Dass diese beiläufige Erwähnung dieses „Grundrechts auf Sicherheit“ kein Ausrutscher war, bestätigt jetzt eine neue Entscheidung der Großen Kammer. Darin bekräftigt der EuGH, und zwar unter explizitem Verweis auf die entsprechende Passage in Digital Rights Ireland, dass nach Art. 6 GRCh jeder Mensch nicht nur das Recht auf Freiheit, sondern auch auf Sicherheit hat (Rn. 53). Europa ist damit nun also tatsächlich um ein Grundrecht reicher geworden – allerdings um ein mehr als zweifelhaftes.

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18 February 2016

Sind Staaten auch nur Menschen?

Grundrechte sind für Menschen da, nicht für Staaten. Das ist nach deutscher Verfassungsdoktrin so selbstverständlich, dass man sich kaum traut es hinzuschreiben. Der Staat hat keine Grundrechte, kann schon aus denklogischen Gründen keine haben. Grundrechte binden die öffentliche Gewalt: Sie sollen ihr nicht Freiheit geben, sondern welche nehmen. Gilt das auch für europäische Grundrechte? Das könnte zweifelhaft erscheinen, wenn man das heute verkündete Urteil Bank Mellat des Europäischen Gerichtshofs ansieht.

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Human Dignity and Constitutional Identity: The Solange-III-Decision of the German Constitutional Court

As long as the German constitution is in force, the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany intends to enforce the right to human dignity, law of the European Union not withstanding. It is going to enforce that right not only against conflicting Union law if necessary, but also parallel to its European protections. That is the central message of the court's historic decision of January 26th, 2016, in its second European arrest warrant case.

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17 February 2016

Blutige Nase im Endspiel oder im Freundschaftsspiel? Eindrücke von der zweiten Karlsruher Verhandlung im OMT-Verfahren

Was ist von der Entscheidung des BVerfG in Sachen OMT zu erwarten? Auch wenn man sich dafür ein wenig aus dem Fenster lehnen muss, so scheint doch vorstellbar, dass das Gericht seine Rechtsprechung zur Integrationsverantwortung um ein weiteres Element bereichern wird: eine als Minderheitenrecht ausgestaltete Befugnis des Bundestages, über Art. 23 Ia GG hinaus Nichtigkeitsklagen nach Art. 263 I, II AEUV vor dem Gerichtshof wegen Kompetenzverletzungen zu erheben. Andere mögliche Urteilsaussprüche wie z.B. eine Befassungspflicht des Bundestages mit behaupteten Kompetenzüberschreitungen blieben dann doch eher symbolhaft, auch wenn der Senat einen gewissen Glauben in die legitimatorische Kraft solcher Debatten erkennen ließ. Wie auch immer die Lösung des Gerichts aussehen wird: sie wird sich voraussichtlich auf den Maßstabsteil beschränken.

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Hitting where it hurts the most: Hungary’s legal challenge against the EU’s refugee quota system

Following the drama and confusion on the South-Eastern borders of the EU in the hot summer of 2015, the EU and the Member States adopted a Council Decision which introduced a quota system for the distribution and settlement of asylum seekers and migrants. Its aim was to establish a regime for the fair sharing of burdens among the Member States. This quota system was opposed and subsequently challenged before the EU Court of Justice by Hungary, one of the worst affected EU Member States, by which it affirmed its position as a Member State which regards the Union primarily as an arena for vindicating its national interests, and which is not hesitant to prioritise its own interests, mainly in areas which fall within competences retained by the Member States, over those of other Member States and of the Union.

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12 February 2016

On the new Legal Settlement of the UK with the EU

In this brief comment I discuss some of the legal questions that arise out of the proposals for a new settlement between the UK and the EU.[1] As I will show, the precise nature of the draft agreement is unclear. This legal instrument raises difficult issues of both EU and public international law and could potentially cause serious uncertainty or even a constitutional crisis. Press reports have missed this legal complexity. Ministerial statements have been silent about it.

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10 February 2016

What will happen if the Dutch vote ‘No’ in the Referendum on the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement?

On 6 April 2016, a referendum on the approval of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement will be held in the Netherlands. This is the direct result of a new law that gives citizens the right to initiate a so-called ‘corrective’ referendum to refute decisions taken at the political level. If the "No" camp prevails, as polls suggest it will, that would not be a victory for democracy as proclaimed by the Dutch initiators of the referendum but rather the opposite. Allowing a relatively small part of the population in a relatively small member state to block the entry into force of an agreement which is approved by the national parliaments of 29 countries and the European Parliament would be very cynical. It would also undermine the consistency and legitimacy of the EU’s external action taking into account that other, largely comparable agreements would remain unaffected.

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09 February 2016

Why Tusk’s Proposal is not so Bad

Should the other EU member states rebuff the UK’s reform demands and seize the opportunity to amend the Constitutional treaties instead? Unlike Federico Fabbrini, who in his post of the 3rd of February proposed they should, I will argue that European integration doesn’t follow a linear path, and it may therefore be necessary to give in to some requests. This would not lead to EU disintegration.

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Ganz, aber doch nur teilweise – die Beteiligung des Deutschen Bundestages an gemischten völkerrechtlichen Abkommen der EU

Die Bundesregierung und der Deutsche Bundestag streiten zurzeit über die Notwendigkeit der Zustimmung zur Ratifikation des Wirtschaftspartnerschaftsabkommens zwischen Westafrika und der Europäischen Union. Es liegt auf der Hand, dass im Hintergrund der Ratifikationsfrage die weitreichende innenpolitische Debatte zu TTIP steht. In diesem Beitrag sollen die Rechtsfragen, die sich im Hinblick auf die Zustimmung zur Ratifikation des WTA als (nach Unionsrecht) gemischtem Abkommen stellen, kurz systematisch aufbereitet werden.

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04 February 2016

Obergrenze ist nicht gleich Obergrenze – und warum es derzeit trotzdem keine gibt

Die Forderung nach Obergrenzen für Flüchtlinge ist ein fester Bestandteil der aktuellen flüchtlingspolitischen Diskussion. Die Berechtigung der Forderung ist das eine; das andere ist ihre Bedeutung: Was genau soll eigentlich mittels einer „Obergrenze“ beschränkt werden: die Einreise von Flüchtlingen oder die Reichweite des Flüchtlingsschutzes? Diese beiden Bezugspunkte stehen in unterschiedlichen normativen Kontexten, die in der Diskussion deutlich auseinandergehalten werden müssen. Die zentralen rechtlichen, politischen und moralischen Wertungen, die den Umgang mit dem massiven Flüchtlingszustrom der letzten Monate leiten, kommen ansonsten nur verzerrt zum Ausdruck.

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03 February 2016

President Tusk’s Proposal for a New Settlement for the UK in the EU: Fueling – not Taming – EU Disintegration

The European Union is at the crossroad. On 17 February […]

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27 January 2016

Awakenings: the “Identity Control” decision by the German Constitutional Court

The GCC has applied, for the first time, its “identity control” to a case fully covered by EU Law. In the end, it quashes the decision of the instance court but it states that EU and German law are perfectly in line with the solution it comes to. What is all the fuss about? Why has the GCC made an “identity control” when the Framework Decision solves the case anyway in the same terms? It seems as if the GCC is sending a message to Luxembourg. It is a harmless judgment on the facts, but a very important one on the symbolic side.

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Deutschland und die Flüchtlinge: zwischen Scylla und Charybdis

An die Stelle des Zuständigkeitssystems nach Dublin ist das Prinzip der freien Wahl des Asylstaates getreten. Das ist ein Pull-Faktor ersten Ranges. Kann sich Deutschland nun auf eine Art Notstand berufen und die Vorgaben des EU-Rechts abschütteln nach dem Motto: Wenn die anderen Staaten Dublin nicht beachten, dann dürfen wir uns auch davon lösen und Flüchtlinge an der Grenze zurückweisen? Es ist nicht auszuschließen, dass sich die Bundesregierung eines Tages dazu gezwungen sehen wird. Dass eine solche Maßnahme bislang nicht getroffen geworden ist, stellt aber keinen Rechtsbruch dar.

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26 January 2016

Europarechtsbruch als Verfassungspflicht: Karlsruhe zündet die Identitätskontroll­bombe

Jetzt ist es passiert. Der Zweite Senat des Bundesverfassungsgerichts hat die Bombe gezündet. Hier ist er, der Fall, wo Deutschland sagt: Wir tun nicht, was wir europarechtlich müssen, weil wir glauben, es verfassungsrechtlich nicht zu dürfen. Europarechtsbruch als Verfassungspflicht! Seit Jahrzehnten wälzen wir uns unruhig im Schlaf bei diesem Gedanken. Und ausgerechnet jetzt, in diesem unseligen Januar 2016, wo uns ohnehin schon allerorten die Fundamente Europas unter den Füßen wegbröckeln, wird er Wirklichkeit. Nun muss man zugeben, dass der zuständige Berichterstatter Peter M. Huber es verstanden hat, seinen Senatskolleg_innen einen Fall zu präsentieren, der diesen Schritt geradezu nahelegt.

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David Cameron’s EU reform claims: If not ‘ever closer union’, what?

UK Prime Minister David Cameron claims that the reforms he seeks for Britain will be good for the European Union as a whole. That proposition deserves examination. Here we focus on only one, but the most totemic of his demands – namely that the UK wins a ‘formal, legally-binding and irreversible’ exemption from the EU’s historic mission of ‘ever closer union of the peoples of Europe’. Jobs and immigration might stir the masses in the referendum campaign, but it is the issue of ‘ever closer union’ that divides most sharply the sovereignists from the federalists and could, if mishandled, do severe collateral damage to the rest of the EU.

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25 January 2016

The Commission vs Poland: The Sovereign State Is Winning 1-0

Studying Soviet legal theory is probably one of the most tedious activities imaginable, but it can teach us a great deal, sadly, about the contemporary reality in some of the Member States of the EU: a reality captured by Uładzisłaŭ Belavusaŭ’s catchy phrase ‘Belarusization’ of the EU with enviable precision. Not a single person familiar with the basics of the principle of the Rule of Law could possibly be in doubt that what is going on in Poland now is a partly Soviet-style dismantlement of the Western values of democracy and the Rule of Law. By having started its famed Pre-Article 7 Procedure against Poland the Commission made four drastic mistakes and did not move any closer to stopping Polish backsliding.

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24 January 2016
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A New Page in Protecting European Constitutional Values: How to best use the new EU Rule of Law Framework vis-a-vis Poland

The application of the EU Commission's Rule of Law Framework in the current Polish case is a step in the right direction. It seems a good instance to develop the Framework as an EU mechanism to protect European constitutional values in a European legal space which is rife with constitutional crises, but short of instruments to address them. Its pertinence appears even more clearly in comparison to the Council's (in)activity under its own rule-of-law mechanism, hastily put forward after the Commission’s Framework. The activation of the Framework has shown its potential to mobilize European public opinion and orient public discourses to the current condition of EU values.

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22 January 2016

Der Rechtsstaat und die deutsche Staatsgrenze

Die Sicherung der Staatsgrenze dient im politischen Diskurs als Symbol für die Ausrichtung der Flüchtlingspolitik. Diese symbolische Bedeutung der Staatsgrenze verträgt sich nur schwer mit dem Umstand, dass diese heute von einer ganzen Reihe an Detailvorschriften erfasst wird. Grenzkontrollen sind längst keine Arkansphäre einer souveränen Exekutivgewalt mehr. Der Schengener Grenzkodex und die Dublin-III-Verordnung sind so komplex, dass man auch bei der wiederholten Lektüre immer etwas Neues findet. Dies ist mühsam, auf der Suche nach juristischen Antworten aber unumgänglich. Dies gilt auch für die Frage, ob Asylbewerber an der Grenze abgewiesen werden können. Hier ergibt die Erkundung des Rechtsmaterials manche Überraschung, die in der bisherigen Debatte zu kurz kommt.

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21 January 2016

Keine Asylanerkennung für Flüchtlinge aus türkischen Lagern?

In der Flüchtlingsdebatte mehren sich Initiativen, die europäisch und international nach Lösungen suchen. Dabei steht die Idee im Zentrum, Kooperationen mit Nachbarstaaten Europas, allen voran mit der Türkei voranzutreiben. Perspektivisch sollen der Türkei bestimmte Quanten an Schutzbedürftigen (Kontingente) abgenommen werden, um so im Idealfall eine reguläre, aber nach oben begrenzte Fluchtmigration nach Europa zu realisieren. Voraussetzung für die Kontingentaufnahmen soll sein, dass die Zugänge nach Europa tatsächlich begrenzt werden, notfalls dadurch, dass jenseits der vereinbarten Quanten nach Europa durchgedrungene Asylsuchende von der Türkei zurückgenommen werden. So etwas ist weder nach der Genfer Konvention noch nach dem Europäischen Asylrecht schlechthin ausgeschlossen, allerdings ist es voraussetzungsreich, und diese Zulässigkeitshürden werden in der Debatte unterschlagen.

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Politik, Recht und die Rule of Law irgendwo dazwischen: zur Rechtsstaatlichkeits­debatte zwischen EU und Polen

Die polnische Regierungschefin Beata Szydło hat am Dienstag in ihrer Rede vor dem Europaparlament ein wenig Erstaunen über die europäische Aufgeregtheit um jüngste Reformen der Verfassungsgerichtsbarkeit und des öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunks in Polen durchblicken lassen. Trotz mehrmaliger Betonung der polnischen Souveränität musste aber auch sie einsehen: Brüssel hat die rechtliche Kompetenz, sich in bestimmten Grundwertefragen politisch auch auf nationaler Ebene einzubringen. Das Pech der polnischen Regierung – und gleichzeitige Glück des polnischen Volkes – ist der augenscheinliche Beschluss der Kommission, einem vormals politischen Totschlagargument nun endlich konkrete, normativ verwendbare Schärfe zukommen zu lassen.

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19 January 2016

Karlsruher Ruderkünste: zur erneuten OMT-Verhandlung vor dem Bundes­verfassungsgericht

Das OMT-Verfahren vor dem BVerfG geht am 16. Februar 2016 mit der Fortsetzung der mündlichen Verhandlung in die nächste Runde. Die in Juristenkreisen viel gescholtene ökonomische Analyse könnte dem BVerfG dabei wertvolle Dienste leisten. Denn die Situation, in die sich der Zweite Senat des BVerfG mit seiner OMT-Vorlage an den EuGH manövriert hat, wird man nur als Leckerbissen für Spieltheoretiker bezeichnen können.

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18 January 2016

Asyl und Migration – Recht und Wirklichkeit

Vernünftige und angemessene Reaktionen in Gesetzgebung und Rechtsanwendung sind, wie so häufig, auch in der Asyl- und Migrationspolitik zugleich die kompliziertesten, unbequemsten und langwierigsten, aber letztlich doch die einzig möglichen Wege, auch wenn sie die Ziele nicht immer zu vollster Zufriedenheit erreichen werden. Leider ist viel Zeit durch gut gemeinte Appelle, auch solche an die gesamteuropäische Solidarität, durch halbherzige bis völlig ungeeignete Reaktionen und teilweise durch abstruse, jenseits des rechtlich Möglichen und des tatsächlich Vollziehbaren liegende Reaktionsvorschläge vergeudet worden. Je länger dieser Zustand andauert, desto schmerzlicher für alle wird das schlussendlich unausweichliche Umsteuern.

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15 January 2016

Gemischte Abkommen der EU: Chance auf mehr parlamentarische Beteiligung

TTIP, CETA – Handelsabkommen der Europäischen Union werden derzeit heiß diskutiert. Nicht nur was drinsteht, sondern auch wie sie zustande kommen, ist umstritten. Eine politisch wie juristisch besonders interessante Frage ist dabei, ob der Bundestag solchen Abkommen zustimmen muss. Diese Frage stellt sich im Moment nicht bei den prominenten Beispielen TTIP und CETA, sondern bei dem sonst wenig beachteten Wirtschaftspartnerschaftsabkommen (WPA) zwischen den westafrikanischen Staaten, ihrer Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion UEMOA und der EU und ihren Mitgliedstaaten. In dieser Woche hat der Bundestag dazu in einer öffentlichen Anhörung des Rechts- und Verbraucherausschusses ein halbes Dutzend prominenter Staats- und Völkerrechtler befragt.

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12 January 2016

Straßburg nimmt den Kampf gegen Überwachungsstaat auf

Die Europäische Menschenrechtskonvention schützt uns davor, dass unser Staat zu einem Überwachungsstaat mutiert. Das zumindest ist der Anspruch, den der Straßburger Menschenrechtsgerichtshof vor wenigen Wochen in seiner epochalen und in der deutschen Öffentlichkeit viel zu wenig wahrgenommenen Entscheidung Sacharow v. Russland aufgestellt hat: Wenn Polizei oder Geheimdienst die Telefon- und Internetkommunikation von buchstäblich jedem überwachen darf, dann darf auch buchstäblich jeder dagegen klagen. Und wenn es an hinreichend robuster Kontrolle dieser Überwachung fehlt, dann verletzt sie buchstäblich jeden von uns in unserem Recht auf Privatsphäre. Vielleicht hatte die vergleichsweise geringe Resonanz auch damit zu tun, dass es ein russischer Fall war. Aber heute hat es mit der Kammerentscheidung Szabó v. Ungarn den ersten EU-Staat erwischt. Es wird nicht der letzte bleiben.

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22 December 2015

Die EU rüstet auf: Außengrenzschutz der nächsten Generation

Als Teil eines umfassenden Legislativpakets schlägt die Europäische Kommission vor, notfalls auch ohne oder gegen den Willen des betroffenen europäischen Küstenstaates EU-Grenzschutzoperationen durchzuführen. Der erwartete Aufschrei potentiell betroffener Staaten zum Erhalt ihrer domaine reservé in Sachen souveräner Grenzsicherung ließ nicht lange auf sich warten. Der Vorschlag bringt zwar einige Neuerungen. Letztendlich vertieft die Kommissionsvision allerdings nur die hybride Grenzschutzstruktur, statt (endlich) den Weg eines konsequenten einheitlichen supranationalen Grenzschutzes einzuschlagen.

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15 December 2015

European Defence: Myth or Reality?

After the attacks of November 13, the French President François Hollande called for Europe’s help in the fight against ISIS and islamist terror. Europe justified its inaction by arguing that the Treaties leave no choice. Especially, Article 42 would only make viable the intergovernmental procedure, i.e. bilateral agreements that every state should stipulate with France. It cannot be neglected, though, that the first six paragraphs of Article 42 draw a common strategy in the defence and foreign affairs sectors, which has to be followed with the consent of all the States. Now, this shared – even if not exclusive – competence of the EU was not triggered. Why not?

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03 December 2015

„Reformierter“ Investitionsschutz in TTIP: Zwei Schritte voran – und gegen die Wand

Die Europäische Kommission verspielt gerade ihre Chance, das umstrittene internationale Investitionsschutzrecht ernsthaft zu reformieren und am Gemeinwohl auszurichten. In ihrem nun vorgelegtem Vorschlag an die USA für ein Investitionsschutzkapitel in TTIP (Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership) lässt sie die wesentlichen Probleme des Investitionsschutzrechts weitgehend unberührt. Nur auf den ersten Blick bietet sie Lösungen etwa für die strukturelle Einseitigkeit des Schiedsgerichtssystems.

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02 December 2015

Deutschlands Weg in den Kampf gegen den IS – ein Pflaster aus rechtlichen Stolpersteinen

Die Bundesregierung will Frankreich im Kampf gegen ISIS helfen. Rechtlich stützt die Bundesregierung die Mission im Kern auf drei Gründe: die UN-Sicherheitsratsresolution Nr. 2249 vom 20.11.2015, das Selbstverteidigungsrecht Frankreichs aus Art. 51 UNCh sowie die Beistandspflicht unter EU-Mitgliedern aus Art. 42 Abs. 7 EUV. Doch dieser anscheinend dreifach fundierte Weg in den Kampf gegen den Terror erweist sich als ein Pflaster aus rechtlichen Stolpersteinen. Völker-, europa- und verfassungsrechtlich ist die Rechtmäßigkeit des Vorgehens zweifelhaft.

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01 December 2015

Why the British demands on national parliaments must be resisted

Six years ago today, the Treaty of Lisbon came into force, introducing an early warning system for national parliaments concerned with the principle of subsidiarity. UK Prime Minister David Cameron has called for more incisive rights of national parliaments to block EU legislation. The UK government, which normally preens itself on its flexibility and pragmatism, is trying to impose a one-size-fits-all approach on national parliaments, ignoring their very different mandates, powers, practices, timetables and levels of political interest and staff support. The fact is that waving subsidiarity cards is the least important EU function of national parliaments.

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Trilogverfahren und Transparenzgebot: Wer kontrolliert den Europäischen Gesetzgeber?

Die Bilder von den nächtlichen Krisengipfeln in Brüssel, auf denen die Staats- und Regierungschefs mit den Vertretern der EU-Institutionen stundenlang hinter verschlossenen Türen mühsam um Zugeständnisse und Kompromisse ringen, sind wohl den meisten EU-Bürgern mittlerweile vertraut. Weniger bekannt dürfte vielen Bürgern sein, dass nach einem ganz ähnlichen Verfahren ca. 80 % der alltäglichen europäischen Gesetzgebung bewältigt wird. Gemeint sind hier die informellen Triloge, die heute bereits fester Bestandteil nahezu jedes europäischen Gesetzgebungsverfahrens geworden sind. Ähnlich wie die Verhandlungen zum transatlantischen Freihandelsabkommen oder die vertraulichen Beratungen innerhalb der EZB-Gremien scheint diese spezielle Form der legislativen Willensbildung in Brüssel im Hinblick auf Transparenz besonders bedenklich. Die Europäische Bürgerbeauftragte, die seit Mai diesen Jahres dazu eine Untersuchung vorantreiben will, scheint vorläufig auf Granit zu beißen. Das wirft die Frage auf, wie es generell um die Transparenzkontrolle in der europäischen Gesetzgebung bestellt ist.

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25 November 2015

Das TTIP-Gericht: Keimzelle oder Stolperstein für echte Multilateralisierung des internationalen Investitionsrechts?

Am 12. November 2015 hat die Kommission ihren offiziellen Verhandlungsvorschlag für die Etablierung eines permanenten Investitionsgerichts im Rahmen des Transatlantischen Handels- und Investitionsabkommen (TTIP) vorgelegt. Der Vorschlag ist couragiert und richtungsweisend und stellt einen historischen Wendepunkt im Denken um das internationale Investitionsrecht dar. Trotz seines Leitcharakters leidet der Kommissionsvorschlag jedoch als Basis für eine grundlegende und globale Reform des internationalen Investitionsrechts an konzeptionellen Schwächen.

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21 November 2015

Terrorgefahr und Vorratsdatenspeicherung in Europa: unterschiedlichste nationale Schutzstandards mangels klarer unionsrechtlicher Grenzen

Bereits wenige Tage bevor Europa durch Terrorangriffe in Paris erschüttert wurde, haben sich in Großbritannien, Frankreich und Deutschland bemerkenswerte sicherheitsrechtliche Kurskorrekturen vollzogen. Sie betreffen insbesondere das Instrument der Vorratsdatenspeicherung und gewinnen angesichts der Debatte, welche Lehren wir aus den jüngsten Anschlägen ziehen sollten, enorm an Relevanz.

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18 November 2015

Awakening dormant law – or the invocation of the European mutual assistance clause after the Paris attacks

After the terrorist attacks of November 13th, France has invoked the mutual assistance clause in the European Treaty. What does this clause actually imply? The short answer to this question is that nobody precisely knows. The statement made by the French Defence Minister on 17 November qualified the invocation of Article 42(7) TEU as a mainly political act – implying that it is symbolic in nature. This, however, is not the whole story. France is requesting her European neighbours to stand united against external security threats – not only by declaratory statements, but by concrete military commitments. This demand, in turn, will impact on the future course of European security and defence, a policy which France has always been keen to enhance.

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Der Europäische Beistandsfall als Katalysator für eine Militarisierung der Europäischen Außenpolitik?

Wenn ein EU-Mitgliedsstaat angegriffen wird, dann schulden ihm alle anderen Mitgliedsstaaten „alle in ihrer Macht stehende Hilfe und Unterstützung“. Dieser so genannte Beistandsfall war bisher bloße Theorie – doch jetzt hat Frankreich ihn erstmals aktiviert. Die anderen Mitgliedsstaaten, u.a. Deutschland, reagierten zwar im Wortlaut vage, aber im Grunde zustimmend. Frankreich schwebt dabei insbesondere (zumindest mittelbare) militärische Unterstützung im Kampf gegen IS vor. Dies könnte die Union tiefgreifend verändern, wenn die Aktivierung der Beistandsklausel die Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik (GASP) der Europäischen Union militarisiert.

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How to make the Brexit deal formal, legally-binding and irreversible

Whatever one thinks (and one does) about the British renegotiation of its terms of EU membership, one can only marvel at the prime minister’s bravado when he insists on the changes being ‘formal, legally-binding and irreversible’. Nobody expected David Cameron to be so categorical when he embarked on his long-anticipated speech and ‘Dear Donald’ letter, eventually delivered on 10 November. Surely somebody warned him that to demand something so trenchant would pose huge legal problems?

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The Teething of EU’s Mutual Defence Clause

France was the first member state to call for mutual assistance under Article 42(7) of the Lisbon treaty. The move came as a surprise. Most of the discussions in previous days were focused on the possibility to use the much heftier Article 5 defence clause of NATO. Compared to the tangible military assistance that NATO partners can offer, Europe’s obligation to assist has so far been seen as toothless and symbolic. While the EU’s mutual defence clause is still limited in its effect, its use is a timely reminder that there is strong interest within the EU to work closer together on defence.

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17 November 2015
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Europe Does Need a Constitution. But Of What Kind?

Matej Avbelj’s contribution ‘Now Europe Needs a Constitution’ is surely right in its diagnosis that constitutionalism must play a role in the re-generation of the EU. The gulf between the EU’s leaders and its population, and between distinct groups of EU states, is wider than it has ever been. If constitutionalism is an act of ‘putting things in common’ in a spirit of open dialogue, of deciding on the crucial question about the type of society we want to live in, such a discussion about Europe’s future is sorely needed. The key question, however, is not whether Europe needs a Constitution but what kind of Constitution the EU should build. Many commentators suggest that the lesson to be learned from the failed constitutional project in the early 2000s is that it was too ambitious: too laden with constitutional symbolism and state-paradigms. Perhaps, we argue, the failed constitutional project was not ambitious enough: it made no attempt to break with the models of the previous EU Treaties and in doing so, to capture the political imagination of Europe’s citizenry.

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13 November 2015

David Cameron is not a visionary, he is an illusionist

The UK Prime Minister proclaims EU reforms. But the reform steps he demands address none of the actual problems of the EU. Neither on the sovereign debt crisis nor on the refugee and migration crisis any proposals or solutions from Cameron are forthcoming. Instead, he focuses on comparatively insignificant issues that affect the UK. This explains the largely ‘open-minded’ response by most European leaders after the speech.

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11 November 2015

Dieudonné before the Strasbourg Court: Negationism isn’t freedom of expression

Satire is protected by the right to freedom of expression. Holocaust denial is not. This is the bottom line of yesterday’s decision by the European Court of Human Rights in the case of the French comedian Dieudonné M’Bala M’Bala, notorious for his frequent run-ins with French courts for antisemitic speech, defamation, or advocation of terrorism, and also known for his political involvement with right-wing extremists.

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Now Europe Needs a Constitution

I am a constitutional sceptic. I have been turned into one a decade ago, when the European Union embarked on its first ever process of explicit documentary constitutionalization. That process ended up in tatters. There are strong legal, socio-political and philosophical reasons that speak against endowing the European Union with a constitution understood in conventional terms. However, they may no longer be strong enough.

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10 November 2015

Brexit, Voice and Loyalty: What ‘New Settlement’ for the UK in the EU?

The UK Prime Minister, David Cameron has finally found time to write a letter to the European Council President Donald Tusk setting out the basis for the UK’s renegotiated membership of the EU. Although in recent weeks, European leaders have complained that they lacked clarity as to what it was that Mr Cameron would seek in these negotiations – despite his recent tour of European capitals – in the end, the themes contained in the letter have been well rehearsed both by the Prime Minister, and more recently by the UK Chancellor in his speech to the BDI in Germany. There are four pillars to the ‘new settlement’ sought by the UK government: economic governance, competitiveness, sovereignty and immigration. The Prime Minister’s stated aim is – through voice – for the UK to remain a member of the EU, albeit an EU with differentiated membership obligations. As he reiterated in a speech at Chatham House to trail the letter to Donald Tusk, if he succeeds in his negotiations, the Prime Minister will campaign for the UK to remain in the EU. He also made clear that a vote for Brexit would be just that, with no second referendum to seek a better deal. So what then are the key policy planks supporting the four-pillars?

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Cameron’s EU reforms: political feasibility and legal implications

David Cameron, the UK’s Prime Minister, has set out his objectives for EU reforms in a speech at Chatham House on 10 November 2015 – objectives which he later clarified in a letter to the President of the European Council Donald Tusk. Cameron’s demands fall in four categories – i) safeguarding Britain’s position in the Union’s ‘variable geometry’; ii) strengthening the competitiveness of the Union’s internal market; iii) bolstering the democratic authority of the EU by strengthening the role of national parliaments in the EU’s decision-making process; and iv) ensure changes to the principles of free movement and equal treatment of Union citizens in access to welfare systems in the host state. The political feasibility and legal implications of these objectives differ quite significantly. More crucially, each of the stated objectives can be interpreted and implemented in different ways. Generally, it seems, Cameron’s success seems to depend on presenting reforms that at the same time address British domestic issues as well as strengthen the EU’s functioning.

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05 November 2015

Staatliche Gewährleistung der Informationsfreiheit zwischen #netneutrality und #notneutrality

Das Internet der Gleichheit, in dem alle Daten unter den genau gleichen Bedingungen befördert werden, wird es in Europa langfristig so nicht mehr geben. Diese Entwicklung hat das Europäische Parlament mit dem Erlass der Verordnung zum Telekommunikationsmarkt angestoßen. Daten sollen danach im Grundsatz zwar weiterhin unter gleichen Bedingungen befördert werden. „Spezialdienste“ können davon aber ausgenommen werden. Im Zentrum der öffentlichen Debatte steht daher die Ungleichbehandlung unterschiedlich zahlungsstarker Dienste und Nutzer. Verfassungsrechtlich stellt sich zudem aber die Frage, wie weit die Pflicht des Staates allgemein reicht, Informationsfreiheit zu gewährleisten. Dann wird das Bild komplexer, weil ein Netzmanagement den Zugang zu Daten einerseits reglementiert, die enormen digitalen Datenströme dadurch unter Umständen aber auch gemäß ihren Anforderungen zielführend geordnet werden könnten.

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Perinçek v. Switzerland: Between Freedom of Speech and Collective Dignity

In its recent Grand Chamber decision "Perinçek v Switzerland" the ECtHR, once again, declares Armenian genocide denial protected against criminal prosecution by the right to free speech. The Court substantially disregards the specific atmosphere of denialism and gross violations of the rights of minorities in Turkey, moving central attention instead to Switzerland where – supposedly – no tensions are possible on the anti-Armenian grounds. The Court has failed to acknowledge the existence of the anti-Armenianism as a specific ideology prevalent amongst Turkish and Azeri nationalists, including those scattered in huge Turkish diasporas in Europe these days.

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04 November 2015

The ECJ’s First Bitcoin Decision: Right Outcome, Wrong Reasons?

A few days ago, the Court of Justice of the European Union issued its first ever ruling on the digital currency known as Bitcoin. The case is likely to be only the opening salvo in the barrage of legal quandaries to come. It is the provenance of courts to pour new wine into old wine skins. Lawmakers, policymakers, and the academics who advise them, on the other hand, should start thinking long and hard about whether what we are dealing with is wine at all anymore.

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01 November 2015

Jenseits von Dublin: zulässige Rückschiebungen in die Nachbarstaaten

Wie kann man in der Zusammenarbeit mit anderen Ländern mittelfristig wieder ein funktionierendes Asylsystem in Europa und darüber hinaus etablieren? Das ist die Königsfrage der derzeitigen Debatte um die Bewältigung der Flüchtlingskrise. Zwischenschritte hierzu könnten sein, das bilaterale Rückführungsabkommen mit Österreich zu reaktivieren oder sicherer Aufenthaltsorte auszuweiten und so im geltenden deutschen Recht die Verantwortung anderer Staaten zu betonen.

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30 October 2015

Grenze auf, Grenze zu? Die transnationale Wirkung von Rechtsverstößen im Dublin-System

In der Flüchtlingskrise bedarf es einer europäischen Lösung. Die verbreitete Vorstellung, man könne Flüchtlinge an der deutschen Grenze massenhaft abweisen, erweist sich vor dem Hintergrund des europäischen Asylrechts als Irrglaube. Dieses beruht auf dem wechselseitigen Vertrauen darauf, dass alle Mitgliedstaaten die rechtlichen Vorgaben einhalten. Die Rechtsverstöße einiger gehen nun zulasten Deutschlands. Einen Ausweg aus diesem Dilemma wird man nicht an der nationalen Grenze finden.

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29 October 2015

EuG-Urteil zur Ukraine: Scheitert die europäische Außenpolitik an den eigenen Ansprüchen?

In seinem neuesten Urteil vom 26. Oktober 2015 zum Einfrieren von Konten, auf denen veruntreute ukrainische Staatsgelder zu vermuten sind, unterwirft sich die europäische Justiz strengen Maßstäben. Obgleich es grundsätzlich wünschenswert ist, dass Eingriffe der EU in die Handlungsfreiräumer Einzelner so restriktiv wie möglich behandelt werden, scheint das Gericht der Europäischen Union (EuG) in diesem Fall die außenpolitische Handlungsfreiheit des Rates der Europäischen Union über Gebühr zu beschränken.

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27 October 2015

Portugal auf dem Weg in die Verfassungskrise?

Portugals Präsident Cavaco Silva verweigert der linken Mehrheit im Parlament den Auftrag zur Regierungsbildung. Ist das ein Verfassungsbruch? Wohl nicht, wenngleich die vermutliche Strategie dahinter verfassungspolitisch zu größter Sorge Anlass gibt.

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24 October 2015

The Delvigne judgment and the European franchise: going boldly… but perhaps not boldly enough

In it's recent "Delvigne" decision, the Court took a rather bold stance on the material scope of the right to vote and to stand as a candidate at elections to the European Parliament. I will however also argue that, in some respect, this stance was not bold enough.

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16 October 2015

What Schrems, Delvigne and Celaj tell us about the state of fundamental rights in the EU

The overall message looks puzzling. First, privacy is a super-fundamental right that reigns supreme above all other rights after the Court’s decision in Schrems. Second, national electoral rules governing the right to vote in elections to the European Parliament come under the scope of application of the Charter, but Member States can restrict such a right as long they do so in a proportionate way, says the Court in Delvigne. And third, illegal immigrants who have already been ordered to abandon the territory of the EU can be subject to criminal prosecution if they ever return, according to the Court in Celaj. In sum, Privacy is a super-fundamental right. The right to vote is quite super, but not as much. The rights to liberty and free movement are not super at all, at least when they concern third country nationals. Is this the kind of case-law one would expect from a fundamental rights court? Does this make any sense at all? Maybe it does.

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The Force awakens – The Schrems case from a German perspective

Just like Star Wars, the "Solange" saga about German constitutional order’s approach to fundamental rights protection in the context of European integration appeared as a story told and settled. But now there are rumours that in Germany Solange Episode III is in the making, with a release date around 2016. The ECJ’s Schrems decision will bring some turmoil to the Solange Episode III production in Germany.

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14 October 2015

Transitzonen für Flüchtlinge im Dublin-System?

Um eine Überforderung von Behörden und Zivilgesellschaft in der Flüchtlingskrise abzuwenden, schlagen manche so genannte Transitzonen an den deutschen Außengrenzen vor. Abgesehen von der Frage, wie dies ins Dublin-System passt – wer sich die jüngsten Äußerungen aus der CSU dazu genauer ansieht, der kann erahnen, wohin die Reise eigentlich gehen soll: Die Transitzonen sind der Versuch, das Konzept der bayerischen Erstaufnahmeeinrichtungen für Asylbewerber vom Balkan bundesweit als Standard zu etablieren – nur mit Stacheldraht abgeriegelt und vom Bund bezahlt. Und ob das mit europäischen Grundrechtsstandards vereinbar ist, wird womöglich bald der EuGH zu klären haben.

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12 October 2015
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The Schrems Judgement: New Challenges for European and international companies

In Schrems the CJEU has declared the Safe-Harbor-Decision of the European Commission invalid whilst strengthening the EU fundamental rights. The Court has done so with astonishing clarity. Although the matter is about Facebook Ireland’s transfer of data to servers of Facebook, Inc. in the U.S., it, ironically, will not be Facebook but companies of the European “old economy” that will have to face severe consequences in the aftermath of this landmark judgement. In many cases of every day data processing in the business world, the consent of data subjects will be impossible to obtain. It is at the same time nearly impossible to prevent data to be transferred outside the EU. Hence, a vast number of data processing operations which were lawful before Schrems are now illegal.

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11 October 2015

Could the Schrems decision trigger a regulatory “race to the top”?

By and large the possibility of challenging mass surveillance worldwide can be strengthened by two factors. Perhaps counter-intuitively, the first should be the support of the business community. The second is democracy.

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09 October 2015
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Safeguarding European Fundamental Rights or Creating a Patchwork of National Data Protection?

On Tuesday, the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice of the European Union declared the Commission’s US Safe Harbour Decision invalid. The Court’s ruling in Case C-362/14 of the Austrian Internet activist Maximillian Schrems v the Irish Data Protection Commissioner is a milestone in the protection of European fundamental rights, but it also preserves space for different national supervisory standards and national discretion on whether data may actually be transferred. Is the ruling opening the way for a patchwork of national data protection? How does this ruling influence the TTIP negotiations?

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08 October 2015

The Sinking of the Safe Harbor

The judgment of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) in Schrems v. Data Protection Commissioner (Case C-362/14) is a landmark in EU data protection law, but one about which I have serious misgivings. While I share the Court’s concern regarding the surveillance practices of the US government (and other governments for that matter) and some of its criticisms of the EU-US Safe Harbor Arrangement, I take exception to its lack of interest in the practical effects of the judgment and the global context in which EU law must operate.

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Kein Recht auf Namensänderung für Frau Toilette

Der somalische Name "Moxamed" bedeutet, mit X ausgesprochen, auf Somali "Toilette". Das soll für eine Namensänderung nicht ausreichen, und zwar dem EGMR zufolge völlig zu Recht. Die Begründung verrät wenig Sensibilität für die Situation von Migranten.

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07 October 2015

Schrems v. Commissioner: A Biblical Parable of Judicial Power

We might celebrate the Court’s decision in Case C-362/14 as an improbable victory of good (data-privacy) over evil (consumer and intelligence data abuses). But I want to offer some words of caution about god-like judicial power.

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Cameron’s bid for irreversible guarantee means constitutional chaos

The UK Conservative government’s attempt to renegotiate the UK’s terms of membership of the European Union continues to distress Britain’s pro-Europeans, antagonise its anti-Europeans and bamboozle its EU partners.

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The ‘Brexit’ Referendum: We Need to Talk about the (General Election) Franchise

The franchise for the ,Brexit' referendum will mostly follow eligibility for voting in a UK general election. This invites serious reflection on the anomalies of the current general election franchise in the UK: Citizens living abroad are not allowed to vote, and neither are EU citizens from other countries – unless they are Irish, Cypriots or Maltese who are enfranchised as citizens of member states of the Commonwealth. Could this be challenged under EU or ECHR law?

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06 October 2015

Luxemburg rüttelt an Wohnsitzauflage für Flüchtlinge

Bürgerkriegsflüchtlingen, die internationalen Schutz genießen und Sozialhilfe beziehen, wird in Deutschland von den Behörden ein verbindlicher Wohnsitz zugewiesen. Das, so Generalanwalt Cruz Villalón in seiner wohl letzten Amtshandlung, dürfte so pauschal europarechtswidrig sein: Flüchtlinge dürfen nicht nach ihrem Rechtsstatus diskriminiert werden, und das bloße Ziel, die Belastung der Kommunen besser zu verteilen, rechtfertige eine solche Ungleichbehandlung nicht. Und das ist im Schatten des epochalen "Schrems"-Urteils nur eine von vielen weit reichenden Luxemburger Neuigkeiten dieses denkwürdigen Tages.

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01 October 2015

Peter M. Huber in nationaler Mission, oder: Wann kommt das dritte Solange-Urteil aus Karlsruhe?

Peter M. Huber, Staatsrechtsprofessor aus München und fürs Europäische zuständiger Richter im Zweiten Senat des Bundesverfassungsgerichts, beklagt in der FAZ die angebliche Zaghaftigkeit des deutschen Auftritts in Europa. Das überrascht – macht aber einen gewissen Sinn, wenn man die Sorgen des Bundesverfassungsgerichts um seine eigene Relevanz in Europa bedenkt. Mit dem OMT-Urteil wird wohl auch die jüngste Runde im Wettstreit mit dem EuGH bald ihr friedliches Ende finden. Doch ein Fall, den Karlsruhe angeblich noch in diesem Jahr entscheiden will, scheint bereits eine Steilvorlage zu bieten, sich als Verfassungsinstanz über europäisches Recht und europäische Institutionen wieder kraftvoll ins Spiel zu bringen.

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29 September 2015

The Proposed TTIP Tribunal and the Court of Justice: What Limits to Investor-State Dispute Settlement under EU Constitutional Law?

In its controversial Opinion 2/13, the European Court of Justice has rejected the accession of the EU to the European Convention on Human Rights. The constitutional hurdles the CJEU has erected in this opinion are not only relevant in the area of human rights, but also require us to think hard about the EU constitutionality of the suggested TTIP Tribunal, or any other mechanism of investor-state dispute settlement under future EU international investment agreements. To reduce this uncertainty it may be advisable to request the CJEU through an advisory opinion.

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28 September 2015

Ohrfeige im Polizeigewahrsam: Menschenwürde kennt keine Bagatellgrenze

Es ist so lange nicht her, dass der Schlag ins Gesicht des Gegenübers eine wenn schon nicht übliche, so doch im Großen und Ganzen sozial akzeptierte und respektierte Sache war. Mit einer Ohrfeige stellt die Frau ihre Ehre, mit einem Fausthieb der Mann seine Männlichkeit, und mit einem ganzen Assortissement aus Klapsen, Nasenstübern, Watschen, Kopfnüssen und weißgottnichtallem alle beide ihre Autorität gegenüber aufmüpfigen Kindern wieder her. Immer ins Gesicht musste es jedenfalls gehen, aus dem der Geschlagene gerade noch so unverschämt und rotzfrech herausgeschaut hat, anstatt, wie es sich gehört, die Augen schamvoll zu Boden zu richten. Das ist zwar heute umfassend verboten, aber wenn die Frechheit nur groß genug ist, sind wir auch heute nicht gefeit davor, das schon mal ganz in Ordnung oder zumindest verständlich zu finden, wenn da jemandem "die Hand ausrutscht". Dieser Art von klammheimlichem Verständnis hat heute die Große Kammer des Europäischen Gerichtshofs, zumindest was die Polizei betrifft, ein klares Ende bereitet.

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24 September 2015

Regulatory Cooperation under TTIP: Democracy on this Side of the Bridge

A week ago, the EU Commission announced that investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) will no longer be part of its proposals on TTIP. This was the Commission’s response to public contestation and fears that such a mechanism could place unjustified constraints on democratic institutions and on the capacity of states and of the EU to preserve their regulatory autonomy. The change announced by the Commission may be a step in the right direction. But there are other reasons of concern in the current Commission proposals, which have been overshadowed by the discussion on ISDS. Once the agreement is in place, how will decisions be made on the differences between EU and US regulation that could be usefully overcome? On which technical requirements are unnecessarily duplicated? On which standards should remain in place because they contend with health safety in a way that would not be compatible with EU standards? On which areas are too distinct to justify attempts at mutual recognition? Such issues will be decided, in a first instance, via regulatory cooperation between the EU and the US. Thus far there has been little debate on this chapter of TTIP. Yet, regulatory cooperation may remove decision-making further away from parliamentary oversight and impact on existing institutional balances in the EU.

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23 September 2015
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Where do we stand on the reform of the EU’s Court System? On a reform as short-sighted as the attempts to force through its adoption

Last October, the CJEU has proposed to double the number of judges at the General Court to help tackling its growing workload. The legislative process this proposal is currently undergoing appears to be marred by a pattern of procedural irregularities whose only aim seems to be the speedy adoption of the reform and – more troublingly – may also be construed as a joint advocacy strategy designed to systematically eliminate any opportunity for a public, well informed and evidence-based debate. Should this reform go through (as it appears likely), damaging evidence might yet come to light and the authority and legitimacy of relevant EU institutions will be further undermined at a time where they have little to spare.

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22 September 2015

TTIP-Rechtsschutz zu Ende denken

Die EU-Kommission hat für ihren jüngsten Vorschlag zu TTIP viel Lob erfahren. Eine grundsätzliche Frage lässt der Vorschlag allerdings weiterhin offen: Warum sollen nur ausländische Investoren, nicht aber einheimische Unternehmen, Verbraucher und Arbeitnehmer, die jeweils zu ihren Gunsten vereinbarten Schutzstandards einklagen können? Ist die einseitige Klagemöglichkeit nicht ein ungerechtfertigter Vorteil ausländischer Investoren gegenüber anderen von TTIP betroffenen Personen und Gruppen?

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18 September 2015

Dublin, Schengen und der Stöpsel

Deutschland muss in diesen Tagen für seine Flüchtlingspolitik eine Menge Kritik einstecken. Eine nüchterne Betrachtung zeigt: Die Kritik geht im Wesentlichen fehl. Auch wenn es einigen europäischen Staaten nicht gefallen dürfte; im Gegensatz zu ihnen hält Deutschland die unionsrechtlichen Vorgaben in punkto Dublin-Verfahren und Schengen-Besitzstand ein. Wer glaubt, dass Menschen, die enorme Strapazen in Kauf nehmen und sogar bereit sind ihr Leben zu riskieren, erst den Wink der Kanzlerin abwarten müssen, um eine lebensverändernde Entscheidung zu treffen, unterschätzt die Migrationsdynamik gewaltig.

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17 September 2015

„A new era in the settlement of investment disputes?“ – Reformvorschläge der EU-Kommission zum Investitionsschutz in TTIP

Kaum ein völkerrechtliches Thema wurde in den letzten Monaten so intensiv diskutiert wie die künftige Struktur des Investitionsschutzes in EU-Freihandelsabkommen. Die Sicherung staatlicher Regulierungsrechte, die Erneuerung des institutionellen Gefüges, eine Verfahrensreform sowie klare Regelungen zu dem Verhältnis von Investitionsschutz und nationalem Recht bzw. nationalen Rechtswegen waren Gegenstand der Diskussion. Zuletzt hatte sich auch das EU-Parlament für eine Reform des Investitionsschutzes ausgesprochen. Jetzt hat die EU-Kommission ihren mit Spannung erwarteten Entwurf eines TTIP-Investitionsschutzkapitels (Kommissions-Entwurf) vorgestellt. Tatsächlich ist dieser in vielerlei Hinsicht als gelungene Antwort auf die geforderten Reformen zu bewerten.

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16 September 2015

Radikale Kosmopolitik – ein Rejoinder

Asylrecht und Kosmopolitismus, aber bitte in klaren Grenzen wünscht sich Christoph Brendel. Das ist verständlich und entspricht der überwiegenden Ratio staatlicher Politik. Deswegen vermag das Thema der Flüchtlinge diese staatliche Politik auch dermaßen zu verunsichern. Denn die Figur des Flüchtlings stellt die Idee absoluter territorialer Souveränität in Frage.

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Radikaler Kosmopolitismus im Kanzleramt – eine Replik

Ich bleibe dabei, eine Verabsolutierung des Asylrechts ist falsch. Pro Asyl oder die Opposition darf so eine Position vertreten. Die Bundesregierung aber handelt unverantwortlich nach innen und außen, wenn sie nicht auf die Voraussetzungen und Grenzen dieses Rechts hinweist. Ohne einen funktionierenden Staat und eine intakte Gesellschaft gibt es überhaupt kein Asylrecht für niemanden.

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Der Umbau der europäischen Sozialbürgerschaft: Anmerkungen zum Urteil des EuGH in der Rechtssache Alimanovic

Die Unionsbürgerschaft verspricht eine gleiche Bürgerschaft auf der Basis wechselseitiger sozialer Inklusion. Ihre solidarische Dimension ist jedoch aktuell umstritten (hier und hier). Im Kern geht es um die Frage, unter welchen Bedingungen Unionsbürger*innen Anspruch auf gleichberechtigten Bezug von beitragsunabhängigen Sozialleistungen haben, also darum, wer wem wieviel Solidarität schuldet. Nachdem der EuGH bereits entschieden hat, dass ein Ausschluss zulässig ist, wenn die Einreise „allein mit dem Ziel“ erfolgt, Sozialleistungen zu beziehen (Rs. C-333/13, Dano), folgt nun der nächste Schritt: In der Rs. Alimanovic (C-67/14) hat der EuGH gestern entschieden, dass die Mitgliedstaaten Sozialleistungen sogar gegenüber arbeitssuchenden Unionsbürger*innen verweigern dürfen. Dies hat gravierende Auswirkungen auf die solidarische und inklusive Dimension der Unionsbürgerschaft. Es wirft die Frage auf, ob die unionsbürgerschaftliche Freizügigkeit zu einem Privileg gut situierter Unionsbürger wird.

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15 September 2015

Radikaler Kosmopolitismus – eine Entgegnung

Zu radikal ist Christoph Brendel der Kosmopolitismus dieser Tage, wenn sich Angela Merkel, zumindest zeitweise, mit Nachdruck zum Grundrecht auf Asyl bekannte. Und darin liegt bereits Stoff für ein Drama. Denn diese Idee, das Recht auf Asyl, ist in der Tat radikal, kann es gar nicht anders sein.

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14 September 2015

Moving Beyond the Asylum Muddle

The horrific images of refugees dying on European shores seem – finally – to have galvanized public opinion in favor of a shift to protection rather than deterrence. Some leaders seem still to be committed to harsh action. But the proverbial tide does seem to have turned. Pro-refugee marches in Vienna, Icelanders demanding that their government let them open their homes to refugees, and English and German football fans displaying banners welcoming refugees to join them at matches seem to have paved the way for the momentous announcement by Austria and Germany that those countries would open their doors to refugees trapped in Hungary. German Chancellor Merkel has emerged as the voice of reason, rightly insisting that the protection of refugees “is morally and legally required” of all state parties to the Refugee Convention. What now? First, it is important not to simply go back to “business as usual” when the immediate humanitarian emergency ebbs. The current pressures will abate as some states will inevitably follow the Austrian and German lead and open their doors to at least some refugees.

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02 September 2015

Deutschland und die Flüchtlingskrise: von wegen Reluctant Hegemon

Deutschland unter Angela Merkel wird oft als "reluctant hegemon" beschrieben, als gutmütiger Riese, der am liebsten gemütlich weiter seinen kleinen provinziellen Garten bestellen würde, sich aber widerwillig von den Weltläuften gezwungen sieht, einer ihm aufgedrängten Führungsrolle in Europa und der Welt gerecht zu werden. Ich habe immer größere Zweifel, ob diese Beschreibung stimmt.

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01 September 2015

Straßburg zu Lampedusa: Menschenwürde muss krisenfest sein

Das Urteil kommt zur rechten Zeit: Flüchtlinge haben ein Recht auf Achtung ihrer Menschenwürde, auch wenn sehr viele in sehr kurzer Zeit ankommen und das Ankunftsland darauf sehr schlecht vorbereitet ist. Das ist die Quintessenz des heutigen Lampedusa-Urteils des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte. Die "Krisen-" und "Notstands"-Argumente, mit denen der Aufnahmestaat sich verteidigt, mögen noch so berechtigt sein – gegen die Menschenwürde richten sie nichts aus.

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26 August 2015

Responsibility Sharing of Asylum Seekers in the EU: Good Quality First Reception is the Key

Why are we surprised that asylum seekers will go to great efforts to arrive somewhere where they have a chance of decent reception conditions rather than being forced to live on the street or locked up in horrific detention centres? Clearly good quality first reception is the key to equitable distribution of asylum seekers. Until there are good quality reception facilities available in all Member States there is no point even addressing the question of responsibility sharing.

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19 August 2015

Im Spiegelkabinett des Parlamentarismus – Macht und Ohnmacht der europäischen Bürgervertretungen

Einziger Tagesordnungspunkt des Bundestages auf seiner Sondersitzung am 19. August 2015 war die Zustimmung zum dritten Hilfspaket für Griechenland. Wieder einmal hat ganz Europa auf ein nationales Parlament geschaut und sich gefragt, ob es dem Weg zustimmen wird, den die Gubernativen Europas ausgehandelt haben. Dabei stellt sich die grundsätzliche Frage, welche Rolle Parlamenten überhaupt zukommen kann, zukommen soll, wenn die zugrundeliegenden politischen Projekte gekennzeichnet sind durch Inter- und Transnationalität, große Geheimhaltung und oftmals Zeitdruck. Die These ist: Es zeigen sich widersprüchliche Tendenzen in Europa. Einerseits gewinnen Parlamente an Bedeutung – während das Bundesverfassungsgericht eine Stärkung des deutschen Parlamentarismus vorgibt, stärkt sich das Europäische Parlament aus eigener Kraft. Die Wertschätzung für das Prinzip Parlamentarismus findet andererseits aber in der politischen Realität zur Zeit dort ihre Grenzen, wo die Bürgervertretung ein „Nehmer-Land“ repräsentiert.

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16 August 2015

Data Protection in the US and the EU: the Case for Federal Solutions

Which level is better placed to provide efficient data protection – the federal or the state level? This question is topical both in the United States and in the European Union. In the US, there are concerns regarding the increased fragmentation of American data privacy law and the lack of relevant federal consolidation. In the EU, the proposed General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) supposed to replace the Directive of 1995 was met with opposition regarding the “over-centralization of powers” in the European institutions.

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13 August 2015

Tausche Britannien gegen Schottland, oder: Volkssouveränität mal ganz anders

Ein Austritt des Vereinigten Königreichs aus der EU ist zur realen Möglichkeit geworden. Dies sollte eine Frage in den Fokus rücken, die sowohl im politischen als auch im rechtswissenschaftlichen Diskurs bislang keine große Rolle spielt: Was wird eigentlich aus den (Unions-) Bürgern? Mit Vollzug des Austritts leben Unionsbürger aus fremden Staaten, die sich in dem austretenden Staat niedergelassen haben, plötzlich außerhalb des Unionsgebiets, womit ihre Unionsbürgerrechte hier keine Geltung mehr finden. Umgekehrt mutieren die Bürger des Austrittsstaates im Verhältnis zu Rest-Union eo ipso zu Drittstaatsangehörigen, was zum Verlust des Unionsbürgerstatus überhaupt führt.Diese ungeheuerliche Konsequenz ist weder theoretisch noch dogmatisch hinreichend reflektiert. Im Fall eines „Brexits“ wird sie sich aber unmittelbar stellen. Dies könnte Anlass sein, das Verhältnis zwischen nationaler (Volks-) Souveränität und den Rechten der Unionsbürger zu neu zu denken. Ist der Unionsbürger nicht am Ende (auch) ein Souverän?

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17 July 2015

Greece: a constitutionalist’s two (euro)cents.

Greece is obviously at the forefront of many EU scholars’ minds over the past number of weeks. There has been an avalanche of commentary and analysis on the Greek bailout negotiations both from those with intimate knowledge of the situation and familiarity with Greek politics, the EMU and sovereign debt crises as well speculation from the sidelines from those of us more ignorant of these matters. Therefore as someone whose credibility in the debate (such as it is) is limited to the expertise of the constitutional lawyer with a good familiarity of EU law generally, I have limited my two (euro)cents on the topic to a number of (mostly factual) propositions related to the crisis for what they are worth. Most I think are obvious and (hopefully) few are contentious but I think that they are worth (re)stating in the context of the war of words and recrimination from all sides present in the debate in recent days.

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16 July 2015

The Euro Summit deal: defeat or victory? A response to Robert Howse

Avoiding Grexit is, of course, the important achievement of the Agreement. But this counts as a success no more than surviving self-inflicted wounds: Concrete discussions on Grexit revived only in the last months and especially after the recent referendum. They are actually the product of the negotiation strategy itself. If we are looking for success then, we are left with debt relief and the new conditionality.

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15 July 2015

Damned if you do, Damned if you don’t: Reflections on Brexit and Grexit

Greece might leave the Euro zone, the UK might leave the European Union, Scotland might leave the UK. The naif belief that the market will fix inequality and take care of political unity will have to face reality: Equality and solidarity are not provided by the market, nor are they to be expected without governing institutions. Either there is a clear vision that binds together countries by providing safety nets and solidarity. Or the union will break apart.

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13 July 2015

The Deal on Greek Debt: Political Gamechanger for Europe, Tactical Retreat (not Surrender) by Tsipras

The conventional wisdom, delivered before anyone could really ponder the fine print of the Greek debt deal, is that Tsipras surrendered to the creditors in a humiliating defeat. His referendum and prior tenacity in negotiations proved futile,according to the predominant account that has emerged in the media and the twitter and blog worlds. Wrong on all counts. And here's why.

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„Haircut“ für Griechenland? (Un-)mögliche Frisuren eines Schuldenschnitts

Die Euro-Regierungschefs wollen Griechenland offenbar mit verlängerten Kreditlaufzeiten und niedrigeren Zinsen helfen, im Euro bleiben zu können. Solange eine Rückzahlungspflicht der Nominalschuld bestehen bleibt, ist eine solche Form des "Haircuts" wohl europarechtlich zulässig - anders als ein tatsächlicher Schuldenschnitt.

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12 July 2015

Eine Schuldenrestrukturierung setzt keinen Grexit voraus!

Bundesfinanzminister Wolfgang Schäubles Behauptung, Griechenland könne wegen Art. 125 AEUV nur außerhalb der Eurozone seine Schulden gegenüber anderen Euro-Staaten und EFSF bzw. ESM restrukturieren, beruht auf einem Denkfehler, wenn nicht gar auf einem Taschenspielertrick. Die Pringle-Rechtsprechung des EuGH zeigt: Das Europarecht schaufelt sich nicht sein eigenes Grab. Man muss es nicht erst umgehen, um die Ziele der Union wahrhaft zu verwirklichen.

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11 July 2015

The battle over Europe

In the Anglophone press and in some intellectual circles there appears to be a broad alliance favouring an “end to austerity”. What all these positions share is that they treat the crisis as a matter of theoretical dispute: If only the correct economic or philosophical view would prevail the appropriate course of action would be clear. The current situation might help to remind us, the theorists, that in the course of actions we can only watch and sometimes, like when Hegel saw Napoleon, get a glimpse of world history. It might also remind us that before theoria was invented as an eternal idea a different, more mundane view reigned: Heraclitus's reflection of polemos (war, fight, struggle) as the father of all things.

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Lustration and guilt: Evolution of the Venice Commission’s approach

On 19 June 2015 the Venice Commission issued its final opinion on the Law on government cleansing (lustration law) of Ukraine. Compared to the interim opinion, the final document is much more favorable to the Ukraine’s lustration initiative. One of the most interesting changes concerns the role of guilt in the lustration framework.

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08 July 2015

Merkel, Tsipras und die Schwierigkeit, das offensichtlich Richtige zu tun

In dem aktuellen Drama um Griechenland sehen sich zwei europäische Politiker mit der Erwartung konfrontiert, etwas offensichtlich Richtiges, aber gleichzeitig offenkundig Unmögliches zu tun. Alexis Tsipras soll aus Griechenland endlich einen funktionalen Staat machen, Angela Merkel soll Griechenland endlich aus der Schuldenfalle rauslassen. Wenn das so offensichtlich ist, warum tun sie es dann nicht? Ein großer Teil der Öffentlichkeit übt sich in personalisierender Kompetenz- und Motivationsdiagnostik. Ich halte einen anderen Punkt für interessanter.

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How to Leave the Euro More or Less Legally

There is much speculation, some of it silly, about how to leave the euro if you want to. The ordinary way requires unanimity in the Council, so Greece (or anyone else) could veto the plan. So is there a way for Greece to exit the euro by qualified majority voting (QMV)? Here the logical thing to do is turn to the decision-making process that applies to joining the euro, and reverse the thrust.

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06 July 2015

The EU elephant in the Greek room: What would EU citizens have voted for in the referendum?

July 5, 2015 will go down in history as a game changer for Europe, regardless of what you think, or would have voted for, in the Greek referendum. The future of the Eurozone is no longer a private affaire by EU leaders and creditors but – amid an ill-designed and largely unanticipated referendum – suddenly became the object of a transnational and pan-European political conversation about our collective future. For the first time, no single EU citizen – regardless of her passport – could credibly claim not to care about what was going on in another Member State.

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03 July 2015

Looking for the ‘Justice’ in EU civil and private law?

It is great to see this debate on the EU justice deficit. To me this debate goes to the fundamental issue of legitimacy, with which the EU continues to grapple. However I have one regret, which relates to the lack of attention devoted to the European Union's justice deficit in the area of civil and private law. All of us enter into private law obligations throughout our lives, making small contracts, buying property, inheriting property, being involved in an accident; the list is endless. The justice or injustice consequences of these civil law interactions, in terms of the way in which these obligations operate, are construed and adjudicated upon which can dramatically impact individuals and society.

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02 July 2015
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Why the Greferendum IS NOT a Problem under Greek Constitutional Law

Amongst mounting controversies surrounding the Greek bailout program and the referendum called by the Greek government, questions about the constitutionality of the initiative have been raised. The matter is of great importance, since the Council of the State will rule on the constitutionality of the bill this Friday. Given what is at stake, this might seem to be a totally peripheral question. That said, we will attempt a response, so as to clarify certain legal questions and also to point at the uses and abuses of constitutional arguments.

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Griechenland und die EU: Kann mal jemand auf uns Scheidungskinder hören?

Zu jeder richtigen Ehekrise gehört dazu, dass die beiden Partner an irgendeinem Punkt aufgehört haben, die Rekonstruktion der Wirklichkeit des jeweils anderen verstehen zu wollen. Spätestens seit dem letzten Wochenende scheinen mir Griechenland und der Rest der Eurozone in einem ebensolchen Zirkel angekommen zu sein. Und an "Freunden" und "Freundinnen", die den Streit nach Kräften befeuern, fehlt es auf beiden Seiten nicht. Ich fühle mich unterdessen wie das Kind des Scheidungspaares, das sich im Kleiderschrank versteckt.

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01 July 2015

Greece: voting for or against Europe

A ‘no’ result in the Greek referendum next Sunday will set in motion the process of disengagement from the Eurozone. It is true that the EU cannot throw Greece out of the Euro. There is no legal mechanism for ‘Grexit’ as Syriza’s ministers say again and again. But this is irrelevant. The mechanism will work the other way round: the Greek government will beg for Grexit, when it finds out that it absolutely has to recapitalise its banks within a matter of days and discovers that the unilateral creation of a new currency is against EU law.

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30 June 2015

Solidarität mit Griechenland: Gern, aber ich hätte da ein paar Fragen

Heute erreicht mich eine Mail, in der ich aufgefordert werde, einen Aufruf zur Solidarität mit der griechischen Regierung und ihrem geplanten Referendum zu unterstützen. Gleichheit, Gerechtigkeit, Solidarität, Demokratie – wer will da schon dagegen sein. Aber ich bin ehrlich gesagt ein bisschen durcheinander. Ich hätte da noch ein paar Fragen, bevor ich mich entscheide.

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28 June 2015

Democratic Russian Roulette

It is inevitable to speak about Greece today. There is a generalized feeling of astonishment about the Greek government’s decision to hold a referendum on the Eurogroup’s second-to-last offer laid down on Thursday. The astonishment has basically two strands: some say it is economic and political suicide for Greece; some say it is the most dignified way out for the Greek people (and its government). I am personally not astonished. I am enraged.

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27 June 2015

A few more thoughts on equality and solidarity

Although discussions on justice in Europe are not new, ’justice […]

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24 June 2015

Justice Deficit or Justice Deficient?

A legal order centered on the market, far from being vacant from a justice perspective, embodies a particular theory of justice: one that valorizes voluntary economic exchange for its conduciveness to peace, prosperity, and freedom. Whether commerce is, indeed, conducive to all of these things is another question.

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22 June 2015

The Empire of Principle

The idea of Constitutionalism beyond the state perfectly matches the essentially non-political, economic arrangement that has clothed itself in political discourses of human rights, rule of law and democracy. The forms and procedures put forward by Kumm et.al. conceal the initial lack of substance and proximity with the life of Europeans and their daily dealings and the relations which the framework they were designed to merely formalize. The Union postulates the a-priori conditions of unity which do not dynamically (organically) emerge from within the heat of political life - unity appears as extraneous layers superimposed on the disarray of European communities. What remains, within the framework the European Union, is an expression without anything to express, devoid if not of meaning then of a connection to the sources of meaningfulness.

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19 June 2015

The EU’s limited justice capacities

The starting premise behind Europe’s Justice Deficit? is that we have to associate justice not only with the state, but also with sub- and supra-state entities. Considering the depth and breadth of European integration, the EU cannot escape our scrutiny; the EU is, as the editors remark, ‘clearly at the very least a potential agent of (in)justice’. One cannot but wholeheartedly agree with this starting assumption, but we should also acknowledge that it leaves a very important question unanswered: does the EU possess the same capacities for delivering (in)justices as other entities, in particular the state? Can we simply apply our justice vocabulary to the EU without even the slightest modicum of translation that takes into account the context within which the EU is situated? While it is not denied that the EU has the ability to deliver justice, it is suggested that there are limits to the EU’s justice capacities.

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Delfi v. Estonia: Privacy Protection and Chilling Effect

In its decision Delfi v. Estonia, the ECHR Grand Chamber continues the trend to increase the protections afforded to rights of reputation and privacy generally (and possibly to increase the controls available for grossly unacceptably speech) as a bulwark against the enhanced possibilities for the exercise of freedom of expression de facto provided by the internet.

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18 June 2015

Ökonomenstreit produziert Juristenstreit: zum OMT-Verfahren zwischen EuGH und BVerfG

Stellt man die Vorabentscheidung des EuGH dem Vorlageersuchen des BVerfG gegenüber, wird deutlich, dass die materielle Kollision auf einem Import gegensätzlicher Ansichten aus der Ökonomie beruht und die Auseinandersetzung in der Sprache des Rechts juristisch fortgesetzt wird. Das BVerfG hat sich einer Fallhöhe ausgesetzt, die einen gesichtswahrenden Rückzug als dritte Möglichkeit neben der Aktivierung der Verfassungsvorbehalte oder der Akzeptanz der gegebenen Auslegung durch den EuGH unwahrscheinlich macht.

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Mutually Assured Discretion: The ECJ on the ECB’s OMT Policy

In a political and economic perspective, the recent ECJ judgment on the OMT program is not more than a footnote, a short sideshow in a seemingly never-ending sequel of another dimension. Legally, however, I find the case quite remarkable. Unlike its Advocate General, the ECJ did not yield to the temptation to respond in kind to the FCC’s provocations. In particular, it avoids the issue of domestic vs. European constitutional identity that juxtaposed the FCC and the Advocate General. Instead, the ECJ has shown political responsibility and legal foresight in framing what could become a masterpiece of truly cooperative, other-regarding constitutional pluralism.

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When asking, ‘if there is justice deficit in Europe?’ we should query the power of Member States

As the winds of populism blow across Europe, from the Algarve to Lapland and from the Irish to the Aegean Sea, it might be tempting to dismiss the return to nativism as a temporary and transitory vehicle of popular protest. However, as UKIP, Golden Dawn, Jobbik, the Sweden Democrats, Podemos, Syriza, Vlams Belang and True Finns all secure seats in local, regional, national and supranational assemblies, the questions mount about differential impact of the Euro crisis on comparative attractiveness of these political forces to national electorate over the idea of a unified and indeed just Europe. With populist parties advocating extremely diverse political agendas, they all reach out to their voters hushing them away from the political forces who have dominated the political scene during the years of plenty before the Euro crisis.

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17 June 2015

Cybertrolls in Straßburg: ein Urteil zwischen Himmel und Hölle

Was ist das Internet? Ist es ein paradiesischer Ort, in dem Meinungsfreiheit und demokratische Gleichheit in nie da gewesenem Maß gedeihen und die eben noch utopische Vision einer weltumspannenden Gemeinschaft freier und selbstbestimmter Diskursteilnehmer plötzlich in greifbare Nähe rückt? Oder ist es ein infernalischer Ort, in der Trolle, Cyberbullies, Spione und andere üble Gestalten auf die Jagd gehen, von jeder sozialen Kontrolle befreit ihren niedrigsten Instinkten freien Lauf lassen und die Welt in einem Spülicht aus Rassismus, Antisemitismus, Sexismus und Gewaltfantasien ersaufen lassen? Die Große Kammer des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte hat im Fall Delfi v. Estland über diese Frage sozusagen eine Abstimmung durchgeführt. Gestern (wahrhaftig ein Tag für künftige Geschichtsschreiber der europäischen Judikative) hat er das Urteil veröffentlicht. Ergebnis: Paradies 2. Inferno 15.

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Das OMT-Urteil des Europäischen Gerichtshofs: Fünf Beobachtungen

Nüchtern im Ton, nachvollziehbar in der Sache hat der EuGH die Vorlagefragen des Bundesverfassungsgerichts zum Anleihenkauf durch die EZB beantwortet. Wenn die Antwort anders ausgefallen ist als die, die man hätte hören wollen, dann sollte man das nur dann kritisieren, wenn man die Frage, ob es für das OMT-Programm überhaupt einen grundgesetzlichen Maßstab gibt, positiv beantworten zu können glaubt. Man sollte jedenfalls nicht vergessen, wie überaus voraussetzungsvoll die Prämissen dieser verfassungsrechtlichen Konstruktionen sind, und deshalb auch nicht empfindlich sein, wenn gelegentlich daran erinnert wird.

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Was nun, Herr Voßkuhle?

Mit seinem Vorlagebeschluss zum OMT-Programm der EZB hatte das Bundesverfassungsgericht hoch gepokert. Im Schrifttum wurde der Vorlagebeschluss bereits mit einem spieltheoretischen „chicken game“ verglichen, bei dem Bundesverfassungsgericht und Europäischer Gerichtshof auf den sinnbildlichen Abgrund (alternativ: aufeinander) zurasen, um herauszufinden, wer von ihnen zuerst ausweicht oder auf die Bremse tritt. Nach dem OMT-Urteil des Gerichtshofs (Rs. C-62/14) wird man sagen müssen: der Europäische Gerichtshof tut es jedenfalls nicht, er hat nicht einmal gezuckt. Nun wird Karlsruhe entscheiden müssen, ob es „das Hühnchen“ gibt, oder ob es es mit seinem bereits in der Vorlageentscheidung vorbehaltenen „letzten Wort“ zu einem veritablen Zusammenprall der beiden Gerichtshöfe kommen lässt.

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Reform of the EU’s Court System: Why a more accountable – not a larger – Court is the way forward

The European Court of Justice and its President Vassilios Skouris have been subject to unprecedented media scrutiny following intense internal infighting about a contentious proposal which officially aims to ‘reinforce the efficiency of justice at EU level’ by doubling the number of judges working at the General Court. The real challenge facing the Court today, though, is more qualitative than quantitative in nature. The proposal to double the number of GC judges appears to be ‘yesterday’s solution for yesterday’s problem’.

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16 June 2015

Nach dem OMT-Urteil aus Luxemburg: zwei Szenarien

Der Europäische Gerichtshof hat gesprochen: Die EZB durfte 2012 auf dem Höhepunkt der Eurokrise ihr berüchtigtes OMT-Programm auf die Spur setzen. So weit, so erwartbar. Die Frage ist jetzt: Was wird das Bundesverfassungsgericht mit dieser Antwort auf seine Vorlagefragen anfangen? Die Antwort hängt davon ab, wie der Senat mit seinem eigenen Vorlagebeschluss umgehen wird. Dazu zwei Szenarien:

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15 June 2015

Des Menschen Wille ist sein Himmelreich: Das EGMR-Urteil zur Sterbehilfe

Der lange Streit um das Leben und Sterben des Vincent Lambert hat zumindest juristisch sein Ende gefunden. Die Große Kammer des EGMR hat entschieden, dass der Schritt, die Versorgung Lamberts mit Nahrung und Flüssigkeit einzustellen, nicht gegen die Menschenrechtskonvention verstößt. Doch das Urteil fiel nicht einstimmig. In ihrem abweichenden Votum kritisierten fünf der 17 Richter die Mehrheitsentscheidung ungewöhnlich scharf. Die Spaltung über den Fall Lambert, die seine Familie und ganz Frankreich in zwei Lager geteilt hat, hat damit auch den Gerichtshof erfasst.

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14 June 2015

European Justice for Migrants and Refugees

By enlisting transport companies in migration control, and denying visas to refugees, the EU is complicit in the grotesque scenes in the Mediterranean Sea: Those fleeing cannot board regular flights and ferries, for lack of visas and as carriers face sanctions if they allow them to board. We are willing to spend billions on rescue at sea, but not provide safe means of access to refugees. Those most in need, including those whose needs we would recognize by offering asylum, risk their lives to reach the relatively safety of the EU. Unjust? Unethical? Indecent? Cruel? All of these, surely.

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13 June 2015

Taking the European Court of Justice up on its Name

Recognising “justice” as inherently contestable, one might raise the more specific question what role the European Court of Justice has in (re)assuring justice in Europe, and whether the Court, insofar as it possesses a distinct role in that regard, succeeds in promoting justice. The avalanche of criticism at, amongst others, Laval, McCarthy, Dereci and, most recently, Dano, represents a deep belief that the European Court of Justice should not betray its name. In the knowledge that we fiercely disagree about what justice entails, however, it is not easy to substantiate the Court’s role and scope of responsibility.

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On Europe’s justice deficit, and how to reduce it

The main obstacle nowadays to communities that are perceived as such is the level of inequality that we have reached in our societies. Tony Judt, before he died, wrote that I cannot perceive someone as a member of my community if the distance of my income to his is too big. Taxation is what we need and what we can use. But this requires something beyond of what Europe can do.

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12 June 2015

Foreign Policy and the Luxembourg Court: How to Address a Key Roadblock to EU Accession to the ECHR

The Court of Justice of the European Union recently declared the European Union cannot join the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) unless the Luxembourg court has jurisdiction over all questions of EU law that reach the Strasbourg court – including Common Foreign and Security Policy. The reasons behind this decision have been discussed elsewhere. The big question now is, how to proceed?

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Maybe we just don’t like the Justice we see…

If the economic advancement of the lender states is at least in part attributable to the access to the markets of the debtors, then the latter have a right to solidarity and political redistribution of economic benefits. Building solidarity – as a basis for political redistribution – in Europe from such premises would not be impossible: it is very much in contrast with the self-righteous attitude adopted by lender states today, and condoned by much of mainstream economic theory.

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The EU is no supranational ,Unrechtsstaat’!

Most of the short texts on the blurb praise the […]

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11 June 2015

The ‘Justice’ Potential of EU Constitutional Law

The term justice is far too abstract to provide meaningful guidance on how to resolve specific legal questions. Normative ideals of justice are usually conceptualised, in contemporary constitutional law, in terms of human rights and countervailing public policy objectives. While I am, by and large, happy with the constitutional infrastructure of the EU, my outlook on the judicial practices of European Court of Justice is less optimistic.

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The Unfair Eurozone

The Eurozone crisis has raised serious concerns about injustice in the distribution of resources, burdens and risks. The functioning of the Eurozone has had great unintended consequences. In the past five years five member states have needed assistance of one kind or another (Greece, Portugal, Ireland, Spain and Cyprus) and are going through painful adjustment. This shows that the problem is systemic, not particular to each one of them. The problems in the design of the Eurozone, which is not an ‘optimal currency union’ are well known.

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Justice in Europe

It is high time to think of Europe as committed to a just society. This requires a fully-fledged ethical vision for Europe. It should be asking for more than political justice, which simply asks EU political institutions to correct the injustice produced by the market.

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10 June 2015

Justice within and between Polities

My account on Europe's justice deficit will depart from a tension inherent to the project, and I will submit three groups of observations: The first one will deal with what we have experienced about the nature of “the economic”; with the use of this notion, I wish to insinuate an analogy to what we associate with “the social”; namely, the social embeddedness of the economy. The following observations are concerned with the distinction between justice within consolidated polities and justice between such polities. The third part of my story will ask, first, whether a synthesis of both concerns, i.e., of domestic and inter-European justice, is conceivable in principle - and then whether it is still available. After the crisis, this is the 1 million dollar question: How can the European project get back on track, regain legitimacy, rise from its ruins?

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How just is the EU, or: is there a ‘new’ European deficit?

Let us face it: the EU affects the lives of many people in ways they perceive as profoundly unjust. Lives are dramatically affected by the policies of austerity, widely understood to be EU-imposed. With the Court of Justice appearing to stand for its own authority and EU autonomy at any cost; with migrants attempting to reach fortress Europe and drowning en masse as the EU cuts back its rescue services; and with economic inequalities in the Member States reaching new heights, could it be that there is a justice deficit in Europe, exacerbated by the European Union? It has never been made abundantly clear whether the achievement of justice is among the EU’s objectives, thus leading to a sub-optimal legal-political reality. There is an urgent need to address the question of justice openly and without reservation, and not to permit nationalists and Eurosceptics to monopolize this debate.

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08 June 2015

The EP 2014 Elections: Constitutional Change or Window-Dressing?

The constitutional expectations developed around the European elections of May 2014 were effectively quite high. Faced with a mounting crisis affecting their output legitimacy, European institutions had to strengthen their status through a different channel. An agreement was struck among the main European political parties for nominating a candidate to the President of the European Commission to be supported, in case of victory at the polls, before the European Council. This novelty was introduced as a two-fold opportunity: first, as a chance for enhancing the representative quality of EU lawmaking and, second, to move the relationship between Parliament and Commission toward a form of parliamentary government. Did it succeed? In hindsight, it is clear that the elections of 2014 did produce some effects, but not those of significant politicisation initially envisaged.

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01 June 2015

Junckers Scheidungs-Drohung gegen Ungarn: Noch nicht mal lustig

Jean-Claude Juncker hat in den letzten Wochen beachtliche Erfolge erzielt beim Verbreiten des Eindrucks, er sei bereit und in der Lage, die Europäische Union vor dem autoritären ungarischen Regierungschef Viktor Orbán zu beschützen. Sollte dieser die Todesstrafe in Ungarn einführen, so Juncker im SZ-Interview, so wäre dies ein "Scheidungsgrund". Was das heißen soll, erklärt er nicht (und es fragt auch keiner nach). Stattdessen betont er, dass seine Angewohnheit, Orbán mit dem Spitznamen "Diktator" zu begrüßen, als "Freundschaftsbeweis" zu verstehen sei.

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27 May 2015

An Empire of Capital? Transatlantic Investment Protection as the Institutionalization of Unjustified Privilege

The field of investor state arbitration is historically connected to purposes and contexts, which are strikingly different from the contemporary world of trade and investment relations between liberal constitutional democracies. What might conceivably have been a mutually useful policy instrument in the relationship between developing and developed countries has no plausible role to play in the relationship between developed liberal constitutional democracies. The idea of investment arbitration as a field with its own separate dispute resolution infrastructure should be seen as an inherently dubious transitional phenomenon that deserves to wither away over time, rather than being reformed.

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22 May 2015

Helft Griechenland!

19 Intellektuelle aus Deutschland und Frankreich fordern, das Krisenland in der Euro-Zone zu halten. Nötig seien Reformen, eine Sonderwirtschaftszone und noch ein Hilfsprogramm.

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19 May 2015
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“Germany should take up a leadership role towards a global solidarity system of refugee protection”

Is the European Union with its motion for military intervention against refugee smugglers asking the UN Security Council to bless a blatant breach of international human rights law? James C. Hathaway, one of the most respected experts on international refugee law in the world, on Europe's response to the refugee crisis in the Mediterranean Sea, on its failure to provide protection for the 4 million refugees from Syria and the urgent need for a global system of shared responsibility.

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Dublin ist gescheitert: Thesen zum Umbau des europäischen Asylsystems

Wer in Europa Zuflucht sucht, bekommt es mit dem so genannten Dublin-System zu tun: In der Dublin-Verordnung ist geregelt, welcher europäische Staat sich um welchen Asylbewerber kümmert. Das Dublin-System dient von seinem Ursprung im Schengenrecht her primär Staateninteressen. Jeder Flüchtling soll innerhalb des Kooperationsraumes ein Asylverfahren erhalten, die Zuständigkeit dafür soll effizient geklärt werden, wobei zentraler Zuordnungsgrund der Ersteintritt ist (Verursacherprinzip). Dieses System ist gescheitert.

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18 May 2015

Europäische Freizügigkeit für Flüchtlinge: Warum die EU-Quote gegen die Interessen der Flüchtlinge gerichtet ist

Die EU-Kommission plant, die Verteilung ankommender Flüchtlinge in der EU künftig über eine Quote zu regulieren. Ob es dazu kommt, ist angesichts massiver Widerstände in vielen Mitgliedstaaten mehr als fraglich. Aber selbst wenn – ist die Quote tatsächlich der große Durchbruch, als der sie von vielen gefeiert wird, oder nur ein Versuch, die Komplexität von Migrationsbewegungen und Flucht durch ein mathematisches Verfahren bürokratisch zu organisieren?

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10 May 2015

“Brexit/Scot-in”: could a non-independent Scotland stay in the European Union in case of a Brexit?

If the UK will leave the European Union after a Brexit referendum in 2017, Scotland will either have to secede or, unwillingly, leave the EU along with the rest of the Kingdom. Or so goes conventional wisdom. Is the prospect of a non-independent Scotland remaining part of the EU while the UK leaves really totally inconceivable? Not entirely.

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08 May 2015

Vielleicht ist ein Brexit-Referendum gar nicht das Schlechteste

Die Engländer_, Schott_, Waliser_ und Nordir_innen haben gewählt, und es ist Gewissheit: In zweieinhalb Jahren wird es ein Referendum über die Mitgliedschaft des Vereinigten Königreichs in der Europäischen Union geben. It's In or Out. Und das finde ich jetzt, wo das geklärt ist, gar nicht unbedingt so übel. Ist dies vielleicht nicht sogar eine einmalige Gelegenheit, eine Reihe von Vertragsänderungen durchzuführen, die wir für die Bewältigung der immer noch ungelösten Probleme der Währungsunion dringend brauchen?

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07 May 2015

Viktor Orbán’s rampage to attract more far right voters

The latest dangerous ideas of PM Orbán and his government to reintroduce the death penalty in Hungary, to legitimate the disclosure of immigrants through the foreseeable result of a ‘national consultation’, and to legalize the segregation of Roma in public education further undermine the democratic values of Article 2 of the Treaty of the European Union. This new wave of anti-rule-of-law populism is a direct consequence of the continuous decline of the governing party’s popularity.

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06 May 2015
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PKW-Maut: Nächster Halt Bundespräsidialamt

Am Freitag entscheidet der Bundesrat, ob in Sachen PKW-Maut der Vermittlungsausschuss angerufen wird. Aber selbst wenn nicht: die Zweifel, ob die Maut europarechtlich überhaupt zulässig ist, bleiben bestehen. Kann der Bundespräsident das Gesetz vor seiner Ausfertigung nicht auch auf seine Vereinbarkeit mit dem Europarecht prüfen? Sowohl aus verfassungs- als auch aus europarechtlicher Sicht spricht viel dafür.

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01 May 2015

Die Angst vor der epistemischen Unsicherheit: das gruppenspezifische Blutspendeverbot vor dem EuGH

Gestern urteilte der EuGH über die Vereinbarkeit des französischen Blutspendeverbots für Männer, die gleichgeschlechtliche Sexualkontakte haben. Nachdem er sich in letzter Zeit vor allem im Bereich des Datenschutzes durchaus als Grundrechtsgericht profiliert hat, bestätigt sich diese Tendenz auch im vorliegenden Urteil, das sich durch eine detaillierte Grundrechtsprüfung mit ausgewogener Verhältnismäßigkeitsprüfung auszeichnet. Für die Zukunft ist dem EuGH auch aus Eigeninteresse anzuraten, künftig mutiger auch unter epistemischer Unsicherheit zu entscheiden und diese grundrechtsdogmatisch operabel zu machen.

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23 April 2015

Straßburg schützt anwaltliches Recht auf Justizkritik

Wenn ein Anwalt sich mit einem Justizskandal konfrontiert sieht, dann darf er das öffentlich anprangern. Solange er nicht lügt, beleidigt oder irreführende, ins Blaue hinein geäußerte oder nicht zur Sache gehörende Bemerkungen dabei macht, ist er vor Strafverfolgung sicher. In diesem Sinne hat die Große Kammer des Europäischen Gerichtshofs in Straßburg den verheerenden Eindruck, den das Gericht in der Sache Morice v. Frankreich vor knapp zwei Jahren hatte entstehen lassen, heute wieder korrigiert: Whistleblowing durch Anwälte ist erlaubt und geschützt.

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21 April 2015

Flüchtlingspolitik in der EU: Heiliger Sankt Florian, verschon’ mein Haus, zünd’ and’re an!

In den vergangenen Tagen sind vermutlich über tausend Menschen im Mittelmeer ertrunken, als in kurzer Folge zwei Boote untergingen. Der dringliche Ruf nach einem der Gefahrenlage angemessenen Seenotrettungssystem ist absolut berechtigt und richtig. Die Rettung aus Seenot ist eine uralte völkerrechtliche Pflicht, und sie als Unterstützung für Schlepper anzuprangern, ist so zynisch wie irreführend. Wer nicht will, dass Schlepper profitieren, muss legale Zugangswege zu schützendem Asyl schaffen – und damit überlasteten Aufnahmestaaten in Krisenregionen diejenige Solidarität leisten, die die Präambel der Flüchtlingskonvention einfordert. Das erfordert ein grundlegendes Umdenken; die soeben verabschieden Maßnahmen der EU sind hier allenfalls ein Anfang.

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20 April 2015

The UK’s general election: a fundamental change to UK/EU relations?

The result of the current British election campaign could be crucial for the future of the UK’s relations with the European Union. Every UK-wide election party which is likely to win seats in the election has now released its election manifesto, namely: the Conservatives;Labour; Liberal Democrats; UKIP; and the Greens. It’s therefore a good time to examine what the parties are saying about the EU, and what the various post-election scenarios would mean for the UK’s relations with the EU.

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30 March 2015

Enteignung der Sparer im Namen der Geldwäsche? Anmerkungen zu dem in Frankreich geplanten Barzahlungsverbot

Die EZB verfolgt bekanntlich derzeit eine gegen eine tatsächliche oder vermeintliche Deflation im Euroraum gerichtete Politik. Die Niedrigzinspolitik stößt indes an Grenzen, solange sich die Bürgerinnen und Bürger der Negativverzinsung durch Flucht ins Bargeld entziehen können. Ein radikales Bargeldverbot wäre selbst in Zeiten „alternativloser Euro-Rettungspolitik“ kaum durchsetzbar. Weitgehend unangreifbar erscheint dagegen der unbestritten legitime Kampf gegen die Geldwäsche und die Finanzierung des Terrorismus. Frankreich plant ab Herbst 2015 Barzahlungen massiv einzuschränken. Diese Pläne werfen mindestens drei grundsätzliche währungsverfassungs- und grundrechtliche Fragen auf.

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26 March 2015

Turning point: maintaining the independence of the European Court of Human Rights

2015 is a crucial year for the European Court of Human Rights: a new president will be elected, a major number of judges will be replaced. One can argue that the Court is going through a turning point in its history. The perceived independence of the Court is a key to its legitimacy, while proper, transparent and clear procedure of selection of judges is a basic requirement of such independence. The most crucial stage of the process is clearly the national round of selection of candidates. It should have clear and foreseeable rules, the information about the competition should be broadly available and the selection committee should be independent from the executives. In practice, however, this first stage is the most problematic.

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23 March 2015

Plural Constitutionalism as Theory and Method: A Reply to Critics

I enjoyed the exchange on my article providing a qualified constitutional defense of Opinion 2/13. I will not delve into a point-by-point rebuttal of the critics here. Instead, I shall make three quick points and end with a methodological challenge in the interest of moving forward.

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21 March 2015

The Greek Crisis and the Need for Constitutional Reform in the Eurozone

As the handling of the Greek crisis is making clear, Greek citizens are unable to shape their destiny through the electoral process (since their wishes for a clear shift away from austerity have been thwarted). And if they were, this would imply that German citizens would be unable to shape their destiny through the electoral process (since their wishes for only limited financial support to Greece would be disrespected). The Eurozone is based on separate claims of national democracies that cannot be reconciled. And this is why the need for constitutional reforms of the Eurozone is more urgent than ever.

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20 March 2015

Hybride Investitionsgerichtsbarkeit zwischen Rechtsstaaten

In der Debatte um die Verankerung von Investitionsschutzvorschriften und Investor-Staat-Streitbeilegungsmechanismen im geplanten Freihandelsabkommen TTIP hat Bundeswirtschaftsminister Gabriel die Errichtung eines TTIP-Gerichtshofes ins Spiel gebracht. Die Liste möglicher Optionen, um die widerstreitenden Interessen an ISDS an größtmöglicher staatlicher Autonomie zusammenzubringen, muss sich freilich nicht in der Wahl zwischen hergebrachten Schiedsverfahren und einem TTIP-Gerichtshof erschöpfen. Ich möchte hier daher zur Ergänzung der Debatte versuchen, Grundzüge einer weiteren denkbaren Variante für den Investitionsschutz unter Rechtsstaaten zu skizzieren: Eine hybride Investitionsgerichtsbarkeit.

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16 March 2015

It’s not about pluralism. It’s about power politics!

Opinion 2/13 is not about pluralism (and, indeed, not about the autonomy of Union law). It seeks to secure the ECJ’s last word in Convention matters. As such, it is an expression of power politics.

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Auf der Suche nach dem Ariadnefaden: von den rechtlichen Schwierigkeiten von Grexit und Graccident

Allenthalben verdichten sich die Anzeichen, dass Griechenland die Reformforderungen der Eurogruppe für die Auszahlung noch zur Verfügung stehender Hilfsgelder oder sogar für ein weiteres Hilfsprogramm nicht erfüllen will oder aus den unterschiedlichsten politischen Gründen nicht erfüllen kann. Die unmittelbare Konsequenz scheint offenkundig: Griechenland müsste, bewusst oder unabsichtlich, die Währungsunion verlassen. Doch das ist rechtlich äußerst problematisch. Sollte es dennoch zu "Grexit" oder "Graccident" kommen – die steuernde Kraft des Währungsrechts stößt mitunter an Grenzen – so würde dies eine Flut von Prozessen nach sich ziehen und auf Jahre erhebliche Rechtsunsicherheit in Griechenland mit sich bringen.

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15 March 2015

Searching for the Ariadne‘s thread – The Legal Complexities of “Grexit” and “Graccident”

It seems more and more likely that Greece will not be able or willing to fulfill the reform demands by the Eurogroup, condition for the payment of available funds under the prolonged financial assistance programme, not to mention an additional programme. The immediate consequence seems obvious: Greece would, deliberately or not, have to leave the Euro. But that is tremendously problematic, legally. Should grexit or graccident still occur – the regulatory power of monetary law is sometimes limited – this would produce an aftermath of legal proceedings and generate legal uncertainty for years to come, at least in Greece.

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The Autonomy Paradox

Daniel Halberstam’s “constitutional defense” of Opinion 2/13 is certainly thought-provoking, but it ultimately fails to convince. By taking on the seemingly impossible task of defending the indefensible, Daniel allows us to see more clearly what’s really wrong with the Court’s view. However, he mischaracterizes the Court’s many critics by alleging that “they rushed to embrace Strasbourg while forgetting about the constitutional dimension of EU governance along the way”. Criticism of Opinion 2/13 is grounded in more than amnesia about the distinctive character of EU constitutionalism. Rather, the true problem is precisely the Court’s interpretation of the EU’s constitutional order: it ignores the fact that accession is a constitutional requirement and engages in cherry-picking when it comes to the relationship between EU law and international law. To move accession forward, we need to unpack what I call the “autonomy paradox.”

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14 March 2015

It’s a stupid autonomy…

Risking further escalation of the rhetorical contest over a more catchy title, I would like to comment on Daniel Halberstam’s analysis of the ECJ’s Opinion 1/13 from a wider perspective. I would like to try to challenge the starting assumption which Daniel (and in fact also the commentators who were critical of the Opinion) makes – that the EU has a federal constitutional order, whose autonomy deserves the protection required by the ECJ. It is also because that no matter how much I find Daniel’s technical legal analysis insightful, I do not think the core issue concerns the doctrinal level.

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13 March 2015

EU Accession to the ECHR: What to Do Next

The Opinion is the latest manifestation of the historic tension in post-war Europe between federal and international law. This is important unfinished business. Nobody can be complacent about the opening up of a gap between the human rights regime of the Council of Europe and the fundamental rights regime of the European Union. A fall-out between the ECtHR at Strasbourg and the CJEU at Luxembourg is a bad thing for European rights protection.

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Opinion 2/13 and the ‘elephant in the room’: A response to Daniel Halberstam

Halberstam is right to highlight the CJEU’s focus on autonomy. But in so doing so we are missing something far more important. Human rights are here the elephant in the room. Accession to a human rights treaty should not be primarily about the autonomy of the EU legal order. It should be primarily about how best to protect human rights.

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Still a flawed decision

Nobody can tell whether the Court wanted to say “no unless” or simply “no”. The path to accession is very obscure after Opinion 2/13 – so much so that it is unclear if any accession agreement at all would withstand the Court’s scrutiny next time.

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12 March 2015
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It’s about Human Rights, Stupid!

Prof. Halberstam’s assessment of the Opinion 2/13 is based on the premise that the EU’s constitutional order is, as he put it, a “deep federal-type structure”. This federalist approach to Opinion 2/13 (and the autonomy of EU law) appears to be influenced by US constitutional experience and thinking. It neglects some important features of Europe's multi-layered human rights protection system as well as the EU's own constitutional order.

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Autonomy now?! A brief response to Daniel Halberstam

I read Daniel Halberstam’s eloquent and erudite defence of Opinion 2/13 with great interest and I agree that (some of) the Court’s arguments can be rationally explained. What struck me about his piece, however, is that while it is centred on the concept of autonomy, he doesn’t seem to regard it necessary to provide us with a definition of it. In order to mount an effective defence of the Court’s position, it would have surely been a good starting point to defend the Court’s conception of autonomy as expressed in the Opinion.

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11 March 2015

Transatlantische Investitionsgerichtsbarkeit: Ansätze der Gestaltung eines TTIP-Gerichtshofs

Die SPD und mit ihr Bundeswirtschaftsminister Sigmar Gabriel begegnet der anhaltenden Kritik am geplanten Freihandelsabkommen TTIP nun mit dem beachtenswerten Vorschlag eines echten Investitionsschutzgerichtes, einem TTIP-Gerichtshof. Ein solcher konsequent umgesetzter Gerichtshof könnte tatsächlich die vorgebrachten institutionellen und verfahrensrechtlichen Bedenken aus rechtwissenschaftlicher Perspektive in weiten Teilen entkräften. Ob er politisch tragfähig ist, darf jedoch bezweifelt werden.

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08 March 2015

Re-Organizing Europe’s Judicial Power through the Backdoor?

Dropping CETA’s current investment chapter and trilateralising its (re-)negotiation would provide the space for making a conscious, open, and unbiased decision in favour of an investor-state dispute-settlement mechanism in European trade and investment agreements.

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04 March 2015

Doch nicht allmächtig: das europäische Gericht erklärt eine Verordnung der EZB für nichtig

Das EuG hat eine Verordnung der Europäischen Zentralbank mangels Rechtsgrundlage für nichtig erklärt. Das dürfte nicht nur die klagenden Briten freuen, die um die Bedeutung des Finanzplatzes London fürchten. Das Urteil zeigt, dass die Idee der Integration durch Recht auch und gerade für die EZB Geltung beansprucht und dass jedenfalls das Gericht diese Idee auch ernst nimmt.

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A referendum on Britain’s EU membership is a sure fire way to encourage the breakup of the UK

David Cameron has pledged to hold a referendum on the UK’s EU membership if his Conservative party wins a majority at the British general election in May. Jo Murkens writes on the impact an EU referendum would have on the UK’s place in Europe and on the UK as a whole. He argues that the EU referendum debate highlights the extent to which the UK has failed to contribute to the EU’s political goals in key areas like the Ukraine crisis, and that the net effect of the referendum could be to weaken the unity of the United Kingdom itself.

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26 February 2015

Poland: trust no one but the law

The Strasbourg court has found that Poland violated the European […]

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Gibt es eine Sauberkeitsvermutung für völkerrechtlich legitimierte Konflikte?

Wenn ein Krieg mit Mandat des UN-Sicherheitsrats oder im "Konsens der internationalen Gemeinschaft" geführt wird, dann kann man ganz ruhig davon ausgehen, dass dabei keine Kriegsverbrechen begangen werden. So sieht das heute der EuGH in seinem Urteil Sheperd. Kann man?

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25 February 2015

Does property protection entail a right to obtain social benefits under the ECHR?

It goes without saying that a supranational court’s engagement with national social policy is a sensitive endeavour. This is all the more so when the norms this court is protecting are of a ‘classic’, rather than of a socio-economic kind. In the recent case of Béláné Nagy v. Hungary the European Court of Human Rights seemingly recognises a right to obtain social security benefits under Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 to the European Convention on Human Rights, which contains the right to protection of property. The case was decided by a three to four vote and hence might be referred to the Grand Chamber. Yet it is especially the strong and diverging conclusions of the majority and the minority on a sensitive issue like the protection of social security qua property rights issue, that make this judgment worth elaborating upon.

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20 February 2015

Von blinden Männern und Elefanten: was kann und sollte die Rechtswissenschaft gegen die „Desintegration“ Europas tun?

Wie weit darf man / muss man als Europarechtler für Europa auf die Barrikaden gehen, vielleicht auch nur im übertragenen Sinne, wenn und soweit die Europäische Union und das europäische Verfassungsrecht in Gefahr sind? Vor der Hintergrundfolie einer Vergewisserung über die Rolle der Wissenschaft vom Europäischen Verfassungsrecht in europäischen Krisenzeiten möchte ich diese Frage in zwei Schritten behandeln. In einem ersten Schritt will ich prüfen, was es mit europäischen Desintegrationsprozessen auf sich haben könnte. In einem zweiten Schritt will ich verschiedene Ebenen der Herausforderungen für die Rechtswissenschaft, namentlich der Europarechtswissenschaft, in den Blick nehmen. Es wird sich zeigen, dass das Hantieren mit Desintegrationskonzepten gegenüber anderen Ansätzen nur begrenzten Mehrwert verspricht.

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17 February 2015

Who’s Afraid of National Parliaments’ “Green Card”?

Five years from the entry of the Lisbon Treaty into force, national parliaments are evaluating the means of their influence and control over the EU law and policies. New ideas and improvements of existing procedures are being tabled. One of them is the so-called "green card" initiative, explored recently at least by Danish, Dutch and British parliament. In my opinion none of the objections against this proposal is convincing, and there are indeed good reasons for trying out the green card.

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11 February 2015

Gelegenheit macht Diebe: Von V-Männern, Strafrechtsdogmatik und dem Recht auf ein faires Verfahren

Darf die Polizei mich aktiv dazu bringen, ein Verbrechen zu begehen, nur damit sie mich hinterher deswegen verhaften kann? Das darf sie natürlich nicht, alles andere wäre ein Fußtritt in die Magengrube des Rechtsstaats. Die Strafjustiz darf sich die Kriminalität, zu deren Bekämpfung sie da ist, nicht selbst bauen. Nicht nur um meinet- und meiner Grundrechte willen. Sondern weil sie sonst in einen Wirbelkreislauf aus Ursache und Wirkung geriete, in dem sie sich selbst völlig ad absurdum führen würde. Darin sind sich im Prinzip alle einig, vom EGMR über das Bundesverfassungsgericht bis zum letzten Provinzlandgericht. Aber was passiert, wenn sie es trotzdem tut? Hier hört die Einigkeit ganz schnell auf, wie ein heute verkündeter Kammerbeschluss aus Karlsruhe zeigt, der, wenn mich nicht alles täuscht, die ohnehin nicht geringe Sorgenlast, die derzeit auf den Schultern des Straßburger Menschenrechtsgerichtshofs ruht, noch um einiges vermehren dürfte.

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09 February 2015

Welcoming Russian Navy to Cyprus Should Be a Violation of EU Law

The struggle for the continued observance of Article 2 TEU values in the EU is on-going. Arguably, it is now much more acute than ever before. The news that Cyprus considers granting the Russian military access to military bases on its territory is just another urgent reminder of the mounting necessity to upgrade the Union’s role in dealing with values crises in the Member States – both internally and externally – issues which are indispensable for the Union’s survival.

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30 January 2015

Schlägt das Imperium zurück? Die Straßburger Reaktion auf das EuGH-Gutachten zum EMRK-Beitritt

Jahresberichte internationaler Gerichte sorgen selten für Kontroversen oder gar Konflikte zwischen Gerichten. Die scharf formulierte Antwort auf das Gutachten 2/13 des EuGH zum EMRK-Beitritt, zu finden im Jahresbericht des EGMR, der am Donnerstag von Präsident Spielmann vorgestellt wurde, stellt sicherlich eine Ausnahme dar. Der EuGH hatte entschieden, dass der Entwurf eines Beitrittsabkommens der EU zur EMRK aus mehreren Gründen als mit den Verträgen unvereinbar war. Die akademische Kritik folgte prompt. Die kurze Passage im Vorwort des Präsidenten zum Jahresbericht, die wahrscheinlich in letzter Minute eingefügt wurde, stellt die erste Reaktion der Institution dar, die von dem Gutachten am meisten betroffen war.

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27 January 2015

Liberalisierung der Leihmutterschaft: Straßburg legt nach

Staaten, die Leihmutterschaft bekämpfen und verbieten wollen, dürfen das tun – aber sie dürfen diesen Kampf nicht auf dem Rücken des Kindes austragen. Im letzten Sommer hat der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte entschieden, dass die Staaten vor lauter Empörung nicht so tun dürfen, als habe ein von einer Leihmutter ausgetragenes Kind nicht einmal einen biologischen Vater mehr. Und erst im Dezember hat der Bundesgerichtshof daraus für Deutschland die Konsequenzen gezogen. Heute hat der Straßburger Gerichtshof eine Kammerentscheidung veröffentlicht, die zeigt, wie weit der Gerichtshof diese Linie zu treiben bereit ist.

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OMT-Verfahren in der Kritik: Von Juristen, Ökonomen und wer wofür kompetent ist

Daran, dass Ökonomen, die über keinerlei juristische Ausbildung verfügen, über Rechtsfragen räsonieren (oder auch schwadronieren), daran hat man sich in der Eurokrise längst gewöhnt. Dass sie anfangen, Juristen umgekehrt deren freimütige Einräumung ihrer ökonomischen Unkenntnis auch noch anzukreiden, das ist neu. Nichts anderes aber hat Jürgen Stark, immerhin ehemaliger Chefvolkswirt und Mitglied im Direktorium der Europäischen Zentralbank, jedoch getan.

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24 January 2015

A Tale of Two States: Rule of Law in the Age of Terrorism

As a reaction to the recent terrorist attacks in France, several EU member states as well as the EU itself have announced significant anti-terrorism measures. To fear, which is the first result of terrorism, the state has to respond with the wisdom of a legislator, which should not act under the pressure of understandable emotional feelings. The State of Terror wants to spread chilling fear and make people feel alone and without protection by the State of Law. The State of Law should respond by educating its community to the values of legality, tolerance and solidarity. Its duty, in times of fear, is an ethical rather than a police one; it has to make the people leave their isolation and facilitate their social and political inclusion. This action requires concrete actions by political decision-makers.

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22 January 2015

Mehr Akzeptanz für Europa – ein verfassungspolitisches Problem?

Die Zahl der Menschen in Europa, die der europäischen Integration tatsächlich am liebsten den Hals umdrehen würden, hat ein Ausmaß erreicht, das wir nicht mehr ignorieren können. In Frankreich würde, wenn jetzt Europawahlen wären, der Front National zur stärksten Partei, in Großbritannien ist es die UKIP bereits. Wir müssen etwas machen. Nur was? An dieser Frage scheiden sich im Verfassungsrecht die Geister. Das wurde bei einer höchst lohnenden Veranstaltung am Wissenschaftskolleg hier in Berlin mit Dieter Grimm, Christoph Möllers und Deirdre Curtin zum Thema "Legitimationsressourcen und Legitimationsdefizite der EU" offenbar.

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20 January 2015
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From bad to worse? On the Commission and the Council’s rule of law initiatives

The rule of law is one of the fundamental values on which the EU is founded according to Article 2 TEU. Faced with a rising number of ‘rule of law crises’ in a number of EU countries, the Commission adopted a new ‘pre-Article 7’ procedure last March in order to address any instance where there is a evidence of a systemicthreat to the rule of law. Having criticised the Commission’s initiative primarily on the (unconvincing) ground that it would breach the principle of conferral which governs the allocation of powers between the EU and its Member States, the Council proposed its own solution: a rule of law dialogue between national governments and to be held once a year in Brussels. Both initiatives, and in particular, the Council’s, appear grossly inadequate to tackle the problem of ‘rule of law backsliding post EU accession’ to quote Frans Timmermans, the First Vice-President of the Commission in charge inter alia of the Rule of Law.

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16 January 2015
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Outright Monetary Transactions before the ECJ: In search of the ‘golden mean’

In its preliminary ruling on the the ‘Outright Monetary Transactions’ programme of the ECB, the ECJ will have to find the ‘golden mean’. On the one hand, it is improbable that the European judges will risk a constitutional conflict with the highest German court by given their unqualified approval of the OMT. On the other hand, not only the unlikely rejection of the OMT in its entirety, but also the imposition of limits on the overall amount of purchases of government bonds could compromise the success of the mere announcement of the OMT in calming the markets and, moreover, provoke a resurgence of the Euro area financial and debt crisis. Arguably the dilemmas this involves are reflected in the opinion on this case by Advocate General Cruz Villalón.

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Die OMT-Schlussanträge als Anfang vom Ende der Troika?

Die Wege verfassungsrechtlicher Entscheidungen in der Krise sind häufig verschlungen. Die Vorlage des Bundesverfassungsgerichts zum OMT-Programm ging aus Anträgen hervor, die sich ursprünglich nur gegen den ESM und den Fiskalpakt richteten, also gegen Akte des Europäischen Rates. Erst durch einen Antrag kurz vor der Verkündung des ESM-Urteils im einstweiligen Rechtsschutz wurde das OMT-Programm und damit eine Ankündigung der EZB überhaupt indirekt zum Gegenstand und letztendlich zum Kern der verfassungsgerichtlichen Überlegungen. Die Schlussanträge des Generalanwalts zum OMT-Programm deuten in einem interessanten Ausschnitt eine Rückkehr zur Auseinandersetzung mit dem ESM und der Troika an. Zwar ist diese Auseinandersetzung mit der Troika erfreulich, doch bleiben die Schlussanträge hinter einer anspruchsvollen Konzeption der demokratischen Legitimation der Troika zurück.

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Charlie und die Meinungsfabrik: Zum medialen Umgang mit den Anschlägen von Paris

Wenig lässt sich so verlässlich vorhersagen wie der Verlauf des politischen Diskurses. Es war daher nur eine Frage der Zeit, bis die Toten von Paris (erneut) instrumentalisiert würden. Die Rede sei hier nicht von abendländischen Demonstranten in Dresden und anderswo, auch nicht von manch einem Sicherheitspolitiker, der seit Jahren bei jeder Gelegenheit dieselben Behauptungen wiederholt. Angesprochen seien stattdessen einige Zeitgenossen, die offenbar durch die weltweite Solidarisierung das (Vor-)Urteil „Lügenpresse“ revidiert und sich wieder im Aufwind sehen. Sie bedienen sich einer altbewährten Textgattung: der Kolumne. Diese erlaubt es ihnen, in mehr oder weniger gehobener Form dasselbe zu tun wie ihre tumben Kritiker auf Dresdner Straßen: eine von Fakten weitgehend unbeeinflusste Meinung in die Welt zu setzen.

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15 January 2015

Cruz Villalón’s ,Gauweiler’ Opinion: Lost in Platitudes

On 14 January 2015, Advocate General Cruz Villalón delivered his Opinion in the Gauweiler case. The Opinion had been eagerly awaited, because it concerns the first reference ever for a preliminary ruling made by the German Constitutional Court (GCC), after decades of refusal to engage into direct dialogue with the ECJ. Nevertheless, it would be misguided to portray the GCC’s request for a preliminary ruling as a major turning point in its case law, heralding a new, gentler era in its relationship with the ECJ. For several reasons, which have been discussed extensively elsewhere, it seems that the preliminary reference procedure was not used for purposes of ‘judicial cooperation’ or ‘judicial dialogue’. One of those reasons is that the GCC claims for itself the last word on the legality of the impugned EU act. Even if the ECJ were to conclude that the Union had remained within the limits of its powers as laid down in the Treaties and, thus, that its action was valid, the GCC reserves to itself the right to review the action in light of Germany’s constitutional identity.

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14 January 2015

Schlussanträge zu OMT-Vorlage: Lob der Zweideutigkeit

Der Europäische Gerichtshof in Luxemburg hat in den letzten Wochen keine besonders souveräne Figur gemacht. Sein Gutachten zum EMRK-Beitritt der Union ist eine Katastrophe, und in diesem Urteil scheint sich so ziemlich die gesamte Fachwelt einig zu sein – nicht nur hier auf dem Verfassungsblog. Vielleicht gibt es ja jemanden, der mit dieser Entscheidung sympathisiert. Alle, mit denen ich gesprochen habe, rollen jedenfalls die Augen, halb entsetzt, halb beschämt über die machohafte Unverblümtheit, mit der der EuGH hier sein Terrain verteidigt gegenüber der potenziellen Konkurrenz aus Straßburg. Vor diesem Hintergrund sind die heutigen heute veröffentlichten Schlussanträge von Generalanwalt Pedro Cruz Villalón im so heiß umstrittenen OMT-Verfahren ein besonders interessantes Dokument.

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12 January 2015

Nudge and the European Union

Europe has largely been absent from the US-dominated debate surrounding the introduction of nudge-type interventions in policy-making. As the EU and its Member States are exploring the possibility of embracing nudging, it appears desirable to reframe such a debate so as to adapt it to the legal and political realities of the European Union.

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04 January 2015

Verhinderte Rechtsanwendung: deutsche Gerichte, CETA/TIIP und Investor-Staat-Streitigkeiten

Selten war das Interesse an völkerrechtlichen Verträgen so groß wie im Fall der geplanten Freihandelsabkommen TTIP und CETA. Doch im CETA-Entwurf, der auch für TTIP als Muster dienen soll, findet sich ein auf den ersten Blick eher unscheinbarer Artikel zu den Private Rights, der gleichsam en passant die innerstaatliche Anwendung des Abkommens ausschließt. Dies bestätigt, dass die Auswirkungen der Abkommen weniger dramatisch wären, als es bisweilen erscheint.

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26 December 2014

CJEU Opinion 2/13 – Three Mitigating Circumstances

The academic response to CJEU Opinion 2/13 on EU accession to the European Convention on Human Rights can be characterised as a combination of shock, disbelief and protest. Indeed, the Opinion looks like total overkill, as the grounds for rejecting the draft accession agreement are so many and so diverse that they unavoidably give the impression of being primarily based on a defensive and territorial attitude of protecting the exclusive and superior nature of the CJEU’s own jurisdiction. That said, the critical discussion on Opinion 2/13 should include a search for rational explanations as to why the CJEU’s opinion is negative, even if in the extreme. What follows is a short reflection on three factors towards that kind of an approach, without any intention to defend the Opinion itself.

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24 December 2014

Opinion 2/13 on EU accession to the ECHR: a Christmas bombshell from the European Court of Justice

On 18 December 2014, the ECJ delivered its long awaited Opinion 2/13 on the compatibility with EU law of the draft agreement for EU accession to the ECHR. The ECJ concluded, to the great surprise of many, that the accession agreement is not compatible with EU law. Indeed it found so many obstacles with the agreement that it has now rendered accession very difficult, if not impossible.

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23 December 2014

Thou shalt have no other courts before me

Opinion 2/13 has already spurred outrage throughout the blogosphere. I concur with the statements published on this site: none of the Court’s arguments is compelling, some can be attributed to its exaggerated cautiousness, some, however, are utterly ill-founded. My contribution will focus on the ECJ’s statements under the caption ‘The specific characteristics and the autonomy of EU law’ (starting at marginal number 179) which I consider to be those with the most glaring blunders and misapprehensions.

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Zellhaufen, Embryo, Mensch? Die jüngste Entscheidung des EuGH zu Stammzell-Patenten

Manipulierte menschliche Eizellen, aus denen nach einigen Tagen der Entwicklung Stammzellen gewonnen werden, sind nicht patentierbar. Dies schien die Linie des Europäischen Gerichtshof seit der richtungsweisenden Entscheidung Brüstle v. Greenpeace von 2011 zu sein. Doch jetzt hat der Gerichtshof in Luxemburg seine Rechtsprechung in einem wichtigen Punkt präzisiert, wenn nicht gar korrigiert. So genannte Parthenoten, so der EuGH in seinem jüngsten Urteil International Stem Cell Corporation, sind (doch) keine menschlichen Embryonen! Deshalb können biotechnologische Erfindungen, welche die Verwendung von Parthenoten zum Gegenstand haben, patentiert werden.

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Acceding to the ECHR notwithstanding the Court of Justice Opinion 2/13

The Court’s Opinion on the accession of the EU to the European Convention on Human Rights may have shattered expectations. The revised accession agreement that was renegotiated by the EU and its Member States with the State Parties to the ECHR, after an initial rejection in the Council by the UK and France, has been dodged by the Court. Tobias Lock in his very fast and intelligent comment answered that question by stating that ‘[i]t is clear that the drafters of the DAA will have to return to the negotiating table’. I respectfully disagree.

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21 December 2014

Mehr Offenheit wagen! Eine kritische Annäherung an das Gutachten des EuGH zum EMRK-Beitritt  

So viel scheint sicher: Der 18. Dezember 2014 wird nicht als Ruhmestag europäischen Menschenrechtsschutzes in die Geschichte eingehen. In ungewöhnlich rigoroser Weise hat der EuGH dem Beitritt der Union zur EMRK einen Riegel vorgeschoben und sich hinter einem Bollwerk unionaler Autonomie verschanzt. Es entsteht das Bild eines Gerichtshofes, der seine Kontrollkompetenzen argwöhnisch und unnachgiebig selbst gegenüber einem externen Menschenrechtsorgan abzuschirmen versucht und einen Zugriff desselben selbst dort glaubt verhindern zu müssen, wo sein eigener Arm nicht hinreicht. Dabei scheint der Gerichtshof billigend in Kauf zu nehmen, den primärrechtlich vorgegebenen Beitritt der Union abermals über einen längeren Zeitraum hinweg zu blockieren und die menschenrechtliche Glaubwürdigkeit der Union extern wie intern zu beschädigen.

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18 December 2014

Oops! We did it again – das Gutachten des EuGH zum EMRK-Beitritt der EU

Heute hat der EuGH die Frage der Europäischen Kommission „Ist der Entwurf des Vertrags über den Beitritt der Europäischen Union zur Konvention zum Schutz der Menschenrechte und Grundfreiheiten mit den Verträgen vereinbar?“ mit einem klaren „Nein“ beantwortet (Guachten 2/13). Diese Antwort ist für viele wohl überraschend, nicht zuletzt für diejenigen, die an der Verfassung des Entwurfs des Beitrittsübereinkommens (ÜE) beteiligt waren. Deren Ziel ein Übereinkommen zu hervorzubringen, das die verfassungsrechtlichen Vorgaben des Unionsrechts mit dem EMRK-System vereinbart, wurde klar nicht erreicht. Nachdem der EuGH einen früheren Versuch eines Beitritts als mit den Verträgen unvereinbar angehesehen hatte (Gutachten 2/94), hat er es nun wieder getan. Er hat damit seinen Widerwillen bestätigt, die Unionsrechtsordnung (und insbesondere seine eigenen Urteile) einer externen Prüfung durch den EGMR zu unterwerfen. Der EuGH nahm an nahezu jedem Gesichtspunkt des ÜE, inklusive dessen Hauptbestandteilen, dem Mitbeschwerdegegnermechnismus und dem Verfahren zur Vorbefassung des Gerichtshofs, Anstoß.

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11 December 2014

Torture, Human Rights and the Northern Ireland Conflict

At what point does harsh treatment of detainees amount to torture? With the US Senate report on CIA interrogation practices dominating all the headlines, this question is very much on our minds right now. That the European Court of Human Rights will have to consider this question, is a mere coincidence, though. The Irish Government has decided to reopen a decades old case from the darkest days of the Northern Ireland conflict (Ireland v United Kingdom). The case will raise once again the ugly spectre of the systematic abuse of prisoners in Northern Ireland. Moreover, the litigation has the potential to have far-reaching effects in the relationship between the European Court and the United Kingdom, and in the constitutional settlement within the United Kingdom itself.

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Der Gazprom-Fall vor dem EuGH: Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit und europäisches Prozessrecht

Die Enttäuschung gleich am Anfang: Es geht in diesem Beitrag weder um TTIP noch um CETA. Immerhin aber sind einige andere zeitgerechte Schlagworte im Angebot: Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit (allgemein), Gazprom, Russland, Litauen, Gaslieferungen. Politisch geht es um einen hochbrisanten Komplex: Die Entflechtung der Gasmärkte im Baltikum. Das findet auch der EuGH spannend, weshalb er das Vorabentscheidungsersuchen des Kassationsgerichtshofs von Litauen Ende September vor der Grand Chamber verhandelte (C-536/13). Anfang Dezember hat nun der Erste Generalanwalt Melchior Wathelet seine Schlussanträge vorgelegt.

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10 December 2014
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„Dass der EuGH als internationales Gericht angesehen wird, ist ein großes Missverständnis“ – Interview mit Prof. Dr. Koen Lenaerts

In unserem Symposium diskutieren wir derzeit über Spannungen zwischen Völkerrecht […]

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05 December 2014

Darf es ein bisschen mehr sein? Gleichheit und Verfassungsidentität vor dem EuGH

Die EU schützt die Verfassungsidentität der Mitgliedsstaaten. Diese Verpflichtung hat auch im OMT-Beschluss des BVerfG eine Rolle gespielt. Der EuGH hat das Potential dieser Norm bisher nicht ansatzweise ausgeschöpft. Das gilt auch für den Vorzeigefall aus der Luxemburger Rechtsprechung hierzu: Schutz der Gleichheit steht hier im Vordergrund, und Gleichheit ist der Gegenspieler jeder lokalen und regionalen Identität.

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29 November 2014

Populismus, oder was wir sagen, wenn wir Wir sagen

"Die Stunde der Populisten" hört die FAZ schlagen und wirbt in ihrem Leitartikel dafür, die Ängste dieser Leute ernst zu nehmen, ohne natürlich gleich ihre "schlichten und brachialen Lösungen" zu übernehmen. Das greift einerseits zu kurz und geht andererseits zu weit.

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28 November 2014

Wie Verfassungsgerichte miteinander reden: Das Potential des Vorlageverfahrens für Europas pluralistischen Verfassungsverbund

Vor nicht allzu langer Zeit war die Diskussion zum Verhältnis zwischen dem EuGH und nationalen Verfassungsgerichten bestimmt von Fragen nach dem Vorrang und der Letztentscheidungskompetenz. Das Vorlageverfahren wurde bei dieser Diskussion meist nur am Rande erwähnt. Das Terrain hat sich geändert. Das jedenfalls suggeriert eine mit Spannung erwartete Rede, die der Vizepräsident des Gerichtshofs der Europäischen Union, Koen Lenaerts, am letzten Montag an der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin gehalten hat.

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27 November 2014

The European Court of Human Rights and the Armed Conflict between Russia and Ukraine

The European Court of Human Rights has announced that it has communicated to the government of Russia two inter-state complaints that the Ukraine has brought against it concerning the events that took place in the Crimea and the Eastern regions of Ukraine (‘the Donbas’) in the spring and summer of 2014. It seems that the ongoing conflict in Ukraine will pose a number of complex normative questions to the Court.

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18 November 2014

Soll sie halt ins Heim: Pflege für gelähmte alte Mutter ist kein geschütztes Familienleben

In unserer alternden Gesellschaft sind erwachsene Kinder, die sich um ihre kranken Eltern kümmern, zunehmend normal, und nicht nur das: sie sind auch eine sozialpolitisch dringend benötigte und ziemlich kostbare Ressource. Der EGMR hat heute eine Kammerentscheidung verkündet, die dieser Entwicklung Hohn spricht.

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14 November 2014

Wir revolutionslosen Deutschen

Bruce Ackerman hat am WZB einen Einblick in seine Gedankenwerkstatt gegeben, in der gerade sein neues Buch entsteht. Was er plant, ist offenbar eine Art Große Erzählung der vergleichenden Verfassungsgeschichte der ganzen Welt. Und wir Deutschen, so viel lässt sich nach dem Abend am WZB sagen, dürften dabei besonders viel zu lernen haben.

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13 November 2014

Straßburg: Lebenslang kann durchaus lebenslang sein

Die britischen Konservativen überlegen bekanntlich zurzeit, sich von der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention loszusagen. Einer der Gründe dafür ist die angeblich übergriffige Rechtsprechung des EGMR und darin ganz besonders die zur lebenslangen Haftstrafe. In dem Papier, das die Tories vor einigen Wochen dazu verabschiedet haben, heißt es: "In 2013 the Strasbourg Court ruled that murderers cannot be sentenced to prison for life, as to do so was contrary to Art. 3 of the Convention." Das hat noch nie gestimmt. Eine heute veröffentlichte Kammerentscheidung zur Rechtslage in Frankreich stellt das noch mal unmissverständlich klar.

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12 November 2014

EU-Freizügigkeit als rechtliche Konstruktion – nicht als soziale Imagination

Die Währungsunion zeigt, dass auf EU-Ebene bisweilen ein Projekt realisiert wird, bei dem nicht alle Eventualitäten bedacht wurden. Im Fall des Euro offenbarte die Krise vertragliche Lücken im Bereich der Wirtschafts- und Haushaltspolitik, die von den politischen Akteuren mit neuen Ansätzen gefüllt werden mussten. Bei der Unionsbürgerschaft sind die vertraglichen Ungewissheiten weniger dramatisch, aber dennoch vorhanden – und zwar speziell beim Sozialleistungsanspruch von Personen, die nicht arbeiten. Diese Lücke hatte der Gerichtshof im Dano-Urteil zu füllen und er entscheidet sich für einen überraschend konventionellen Zugriff, der die Unionsbürgerschaft nicht länger als Projektionsfläche für gesellschaftliche und politische Vorstellungen vom guten Leben nutzt.

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11 November 2014

Auf Kollisionskurs: Die Unionsbürgerfreizügigkeit und der Kampf gegen den vermeintlichen „Sozialtourismus“ in der Rs. Dano

Seit Monaten schwelt die Diskussion um angeblichen „Sozialtourismus“ aus ärmeren in die reicheren EU-Staaten. Es geht um den Konflikt zwischen einerseits den grundlegenden Rechten auf Freizügigkeit und Gleichbehandlung von Unionsbürger*innen und andererseits dem Interesse der Mitgliedstaaten, ihre Sozialsysteme vor „unangemessener“ Inanspruchnahme zu schützen. Im Kern ist die Frage zu beantworten, wie viel Solidarität in der Unionsbürgerschaft steckt. Der EuGH hat nun heute in der Rechtssache Dano (Rs. C-333/13) entschieden, dass jedenfalls Unionsbürger*innen, die nur mit dem Ziel in einen anderen Mitgliedstaat reisen um Sozialleistungen zu beziehen, legitimerweise von diesen ausgeschlossen werden dürfen. Das Urteil birgt eine Reihe von Problemen und stellt die historische Errungenschaft einer lückenlosen europäischen Sozialrechtskoordinierung in Frage.

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Selbstermächtigung und Selbstentmachtung in einem – die Europäische Union und der Investorenschutz nach CETA

Der mit Kanada verhandelte Text eines „Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement“ (CETA), das die Kommission dem Rat der EU zum Abschluss empfehlen will, liegt seit Ende September vor. In zwei ausführlichen Rechtsgutachten ist er inzwischen für unvereinbar mit dem EU-Recht erklärt worden. Kompetenzrechtlich ist auf Grund der Gutachten festzustellen: Die Kommission betreibt mit CETA eine Selbstermächtigung und eine Selbstentmachtung der EU in einem. Das Kunststück kann aber nach Gesetz und Recht der Union nicht gelingen.

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06 November 2014

Im Namen der Wahrheit? – Kritische Anmerkungen zu der mit Otto-Brenner-Preis geehrten Berichterstattung zu TTIP und CETA

Der "Otto-Brenner-Preis für kritischen Journalismus" geht in diesem Jahr an einen Artikel über CETA und TTIP aus der ZEIT. Eine "spannende Geschichte", wie es in der Pressemitteilung der Otto-Brenner-Stiftung heißt – aber in Teilen unzutreffend und dies nicht im Hinblick auf marginale juristische Details, sondern in zumindest einer zentralen Frage der kritischen öffentlichen Debatte um die europäischen Freihandelsabkommen.

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04 November 2014

Stasi-Spitzel: Wer trägt die Beweislast?

Wenn ich öffentlich jemanden als Stasi-Spitzel bezeichne, muss ich meine Behauptung beweisen. Und wenn das Behauptete nicht lückenlos aufgeklärt und nachgewiesen ist, muss ich das zumindest dazusagen. Heute kommt indessen aus Straßburg eine Kammerentscheidung des EGMR, die hier - je nach Lesart - einiges durcheinander bringen könnte.

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22 October 2014

Strafen für Atatürk-Beleidigungen: Straßburg, wie hältst du’s mit der Meinungsfreiheit?

Jemanden für 13 Jahre ins Gefängnis zu sperren, weil er ein paar Atatürk-Statuen mit Farbe beschmiert hat, ist unverhältnismäßig. Zu diesem wenig überraschenden Schluss kommt der EGMR heute in einer Kammerentscheidung gegen die Türkei. Interessant wird die Entscheidung durch die Sondervoten: Drei der sieben Kammermitglieder nehmen den Fall zum Anlass, eine gerichtsinterne Diskussion vom Zaun zu brechen, wie sie grundsätzlicher nicht sein könnte – nämlich über Nutzen, Grenzen und Ausgestaltung des in Straßburg praktizierten Verhältnismäßigkeitstests.

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15 October 2014

Ökonomen warnen vor dem nächsten Banken-Bailout, und keiner hört zu

Öffentliche Anhörungen in den Ausschüssen des Bundestages sind dazu da, den Abgeordneten und der Öffentlichkeit das Expertenwissen zu aktuellen Gesetzgebungsfragen zugänglich zu machen. Die Öffentlichkeit nimmt von diesen Befragungsritualen nur selten Notiz – aber für die Parlamentarier müsste es von hohem Interesse sein, zu erfahren, ob ihre Pläne der Kritik der Experten standhalten oder nicht. Sollte man meinen. Die Wirklichkeit in Zeiten der Großen Koalition ließ sich letzte Woche bei den Anhörungen des Finanz- und Haushaltsausschusses zum Thema Bankenunion und ESM studieren.

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08 October 2014

The EU Commission’s “contempt” of national courts?

On 11 September 2014, the European Court of Justice heard a case officially categorised as a competition law matter: Case C-170/13 Huawei Technologies. However, the issue before the Court is much more fundamental; it raises deep constitutional questions concerning the inter-relationship between the national courts and the European Commission - and in particular the asserted ability of the Commission to restrict certain classes of applicants from having access to national courts (and/or penalise their exercise of that right).

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30 September 2014

Über die Toten nur Gutes? GROSS v. SCHWEIZ endet im Eklat

Es war einer der profiliertesten Fälle zum umstrittenen Thema Sterbehilfe vor dem Europäischen Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte: Gross v. Schweiz. Jetzt wird es kein materielles Urteil geben, denn die tief gespaltene Große Kammer des EGMR hat die Klage mit hauchdünner Mehrheit als missbräuchlich abgewiesen: Wie sich herausgestellt hat, ist die Klägerin schon seit drei Jahren tot.

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27 September 2014
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“Ultimately, the member states decide” – interview with Andrew Moravcsik on the Scottish referendum and European Union politics

One week after the Scottish vote, has life for the […]

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25 September 2014

Pitfalls of the National Selection Processes of Judges to the ECtHR

Even though the selection process in the Council of Europe is quite rigorous and strict, it does not fully exclude the possibility of day-to-day politics interfering with the national selection process. The Council of Europe does not have much influence on the national selection procedures. Consider, for instance, the ongoing difficulties to select a judge on behalf of Slovenia.

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19 September 2014
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“There was truth in what the independence sectors objected to”

Ist das Thema Unabhängigkeit Schottlands nach dem erfolglosen Referendum jetzt erledigt? Welchen Anteil hat die Global City London an der Entstehung einer schottischen Unabhängigkeitsbewegung? Fünf Fragen an die Soziologin Saskia Sassen.

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17 September 2014

Scotland and the EU: Eleventh hour thoughts on a contested subject

Is the ‘spectre of disintegration’ haunting Europe? Joseph Weiler fears that it is, and that, were an independent Scotland to be admitted as an EU state, this would lead to a domino effect whereby others would demand independence within the EU – testimony of an atavistic, retrogressive mentality, and adverse to the EU’s raison d’etre. This is a strongly put view, and not all will agree with it. Nonetheless, most of the papers in this highly stimulating symposium address, albeit in very different ways, the concern that lies at the base of Weiler’s argument – namely, the character of the EU, the nature of its values, its very reason for being. They also address the more workaday, but nonetheless critical, legal and practical issues that an independent Scotland’s membership pose.

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16 September 2014

Von wegen Würde des Bundestages: Demo im Plenarsaal ist Meinungsfreiheit

Dass Bundestagspräsident Norbert Lammert ganz schnell den Humor verliert, wenn seine Abgeordneten drunten im Plenarsaal ihre politische Meinung auf andere Weise kundtun als durch Redenhalten und Zwischenrufen, ist bekannt: Mal fliegen Parlamentarier raus, weil sie bei der Debatte um das Afghanistan-Mandat Schilder mit den Namen der Kundus-Opfer hochhalten, mal, weil sie auf ihren T-Shirts ihren Protest gegen Stuttgart 21 anmelden. Alles, was wie eine organisierte Demo aussieht, wird als Angriff auf die "Würde des Hauses" gewertet und ohne viel Federlesens unter zustimmendem Nicken der veröffentlichten Meinung unterbunden. Damit hat Lammert damit womöglich gegen die Europäische Menschenrechtskonvention verstoßen. Das legt zumindest ein heute verkündetes Urteil des EGMR in Straßburg nahe.

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15 September 2014

Scotland and the EU: Comment by CHRISTOPHE HILLION

Like many participants in this stimulating symposium, I am in agreement with several of Sionaidh Douglas-Scott’s contentions. But like some others, I am less persuaded by one of her conclusions: namely, that a treaty revision based on Article 48 TEU would suffice to codify an independent Scotland’s membership in the EU. While admittedly unprecedented, such a situation could not in itself warrant a complete disregard of EU membership rules, eg Article 49 TEU. As part of ‘the particular constitution and rules of the EU’, they should instead be applied, given their specific function in the treaties, albeit in a ‘pragmatic and purposive fashion’ in consideration of the existing and future ties between Scotland and the EU.

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12 September 2014

Scotland and the EU: Comment by CARLOS CLOSA

No one disagrees that an independent Scotland qualifies for EU membership and that it would no doubt become an EU member state. Why then is there so much normative argument around “seamless transition”? It may or may not happen and, should it come it pass, I believe that it may be a good thing, albeit that I fail to see a “normative” case which supports it. Why should third parties guarantee to a self-determining self that its constitutive decision will be costless regardless of any other consideration? This would deprive citizenship of an essential responsibility for decisions taken which I consider indispensable to democracy.

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11 September 2014

Scotland and the EU: Comment by NEIL WALKER

The presence of the EU both offers a spur to new projects of national sovereignty but also, and in my view more emphatically, it supplies a set of considerations which makes the project of new statehood less pressing, less consequential, and provided we can trust in continuing UK membership of a continuing EU (both of which statuses, of course, need careful attention) less relevant and ultimately unnecessary.

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10 September 2014

Scotland and the EU: Comment by STEPHEN TIERNEY

I agree with Sionaidh that the accession of an independent Scotland to the European Union is not in any serious doubt. I develop this point in a paper written with Katie Boyle here. In this blog I argue that although accession will no doubt take time, there is unlikely to be any period within which Scotland is effectively cast out of the EU. More speculatively I would like to ask whether there might in fact a duty on the part of the EU to negotiate Scotland’s membership, and whether the Secession Reference to the Supreme Court of Canada may provide an interesting analogy supportive of this argument.

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Scotland in the EU: Comment by DIMITRY KOCHENOV

the Union cannot be possibly expected to throw its weight behind ensuring that there is no choice for the nations seeking independence within Europe – it is not the Union’s realm. The contrary would amount to turning the EU into an instrument of blackmail of the emerging states by the existing state entities which is radically deprived of any purpose and is in strong contradiction with the values of democracy and the rule of law which the Union espouses.

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The Timing of Dialogue: Slovenian Constitutional Court and the Data Retention Directive

On 3rd July 2014, the Slovenian Constitutional Court struck down Articles 162 - 169 of the Act on Electronic Communications (ZEKom-1) which regulate data retention and were adopted in order to implement the Directive 2006/24/EC. The case is of interest not so much for the legal argumentation presented in the judgment but because of the positioning of the Slovenian court in the Europe-wide judicial response to the Data Retention Directive. In that sense, it’s a contribution to the discussion on the role of an individual constitutional court in a multi-level network of courts, especially in cases when a number of constitutional or other high courts in the member states are seized with issues stemming from the same piece of legislation.

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Scotland and the EU: Comment by BRUNO DE WITTE

Whereas the Article 48 route has major advantages over the Article 49 route, and would be feasible – in my view at least – as a matter of legal principle, it would create many complications all the same, both for the Scots and for the rest of Europe.

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09 September 2014

Scotland and the EU: Comment by MICHAEL KEATING

To suggest that a nation that has followed the Scottish route should not be allowed into the European family while others with more dubious pedigrees are, would violate basic democratic principles. Effectively, Scotland would be expelled from the union for exercising a widely-recognized democratic right.

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Scotland and the EU: Comment by KALYPSO NICOLAIDIS

With the Treaty of Lisbon, the EU formalised and entrenched a right of exit (article 50) which is at the heart of its nature as a polity: the peoples of Europe have come together and will remain together by choice, not under duress. In the same way as the exit clause proclaims loudly and clearly that EU member states and their citizens remain in the EU by choice, leaving the EU should be a collective choice too. It should not be a choice inferred from another choice, that of one part of a country to leave the whole.

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Scotland and the EU: Comment by PIET EECKHOUT

Constitutional, doctrinal and practical reasons why the EU has to negotiate after a Yes referendum.

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08 September 2014

Scotland and the EU: Comment by JO MURKENS

Sionaidh Douglas-Scott’s reliance on Article 48 is far from persuasive on technical legal grounds (is it the correct legal basis to accommodate a new Member State?) as well as for strategic reasons (the negotiation process may well be dominated by the UK’s negotiating team pursuing its own agenda). But even if an independent Scotland’s continued membership in the EU were ‘smooth and straightforward’, Douglas-Scott provides no answer to the question as to what kind of member an independent Scotland would be.

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Scotland and the EU: a Comment by JOSEPH H.H. WEILER

It would be hugely ironic if the prospect of Membership in the Union ended up providing an incentive for an ethos of political disintegration. In seeking separation Scotland would be betraying the very ideals of solidarity and human integration for which Europe stands.

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Why the EU should welcome an independent Scotland

The comments below focus on the importance of an EU perspective on an independent Scotland’s EU membership, highlighting the EU as a distinctive, sui generis and new type of legal organisation. They argue that a strong case can be made for Scotland’s continued EU membership on the basis of EU law itself.

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05 September 2014

Wird ein unabhängiges Schottland EU-Mitglied bleiben?

In weniger als zwei Wochen wird sich herausstellen, ob Schottland Teil des Vereinigten Königreichs von Großbritannien und Nordirland bleiben wird oder nicht. In den Umfragen liegen die Gegner der Unabhängigkeit zwar noch vorne, aber nur noch knapp und ihr Vorsprung schrumpft. Es könnte also wirklich passieren, was es bisher noch nie gab: Aus einem EU-Mitgliedsstaat werden zwei. Oder, werden sie?

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04 September 2014

EGMR erschwert Auslieferung von Terrorverdächtigen an die USA

Lebenslange Haft ohne Aussicht auf Bewährung in den USA ist unmenschlich und nicht mit der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention vereinbar. Kein Mitgliedsstaat darf daher einen Menschen, dem eine solche Strafe droht, an die USA ausliefern. Zu diesem Schluss kommt eine EGMR-Kammer in dem heute verkündeten Urteil Trabelsi v. Belgien.

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Mehr Schutzpflicht wagen? In den USA beschäftigt die Abtreibungsfrage erneut die Gerichte

Im Süden der USA ist die politisch und verfassungsrechtlich aufgeladene Debatte zur Abtreibungsfrage wieder neu entflammt. Wie kaum ein anderes Thema werden uns hier fundamentale Unterschiede und vorsichtige Annäherungen zwischen US-amerikanischem und deutschem Verfassungsverständnis veranschaulicht. Im Mittelpunkt steht dabei neben Fragen des Grundrechtsföderalismus auch eine juristische Gretchenfrage des Verfassungsvergleichs: Sind Grundrechte nur Abwehrrechte oder (und wenn inwieweit) sind aus ihnen Schutzpflichten ableitbar?

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03 September 2014

Parodie ist Meinungsfreiheit – aber nicht, wenn sie rassistisch ist

Wenn jemand einen Text, den ich geschrieben habe, mit lauter rassistischen Stereotypen vollpackt und als "Parodie" veröffentlicht - darf der das? Das darf er mit hoher Wahrscheinlichkeit nicht, wenn man dem Europäischen Gerichtshof folgt, der dazu heute ein Urteil veröffentlicht und dabei, wenn ich das richtig sehe, paradoxerweise die Meinungsfreiheit eher gestärkt als geschwächt hat.

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19 August 2014

Blending National Autonomy into the EU Charter. A Reply to Leonard F.M. Besselink

I attended this year’s FIDE conference and my recollection of the plenary debate contrasts with Leonard Besselink’s account. Irrespective of who said precisely what in Copenhagen, my vision of the structural shifts in the interaction of national constitutions and the EU Charter differs respectfully from the position put forward by Leonard Besselink. I do not agree that national human rights are being ignored and that the constitutive power has shifted to the European Union. It seems to me that the situation is not quite as dramatic and I will suggest, to the contrary, that the ECJ is moving in the right direction.

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18 August 2014

The ECJ as the European “Supreme Court”: Setting Aside Citizens’ Rights for EU Law Supremacy

We recently celebrated the 50th anniversary of one of the landmarks of the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice, the decision Costa v ENEL. In strong contrast to last year’s celebration of another founding stone of European law, the Van Gend & Loos decision, the Court of Justice seemed not to pay any attention. In reality, however, various members of the Court of Justice and others attached to the Court are engaged in a renewed effort to turn primacy into full supremacy of EU law over national constitutional law and constitutional courts well beyond Costa/ENEL.

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Das europäische Misstrauensparadox: Die EU zwischen Elitenvertrauen und Demokratieversagen

Nachdem die Europawahlen vorüber sind und der Aufmerksamkeitswert des Europäischen Parlaments sich auf ein normales Maß einzupendeln beginnt, sollte es möglich sein, wieder einen nüchternen Blick auf die Realität des supranationalen Experiments zu werfen. Unübersehbar ist eine Reihe von Paradoxa, in die das europäische Einigungsprojekt hineingelaufen ist, aus denen es mit der systemeigenen Integrationslogik nicht mehr herauskommt.

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14 August 2014

RiBVerfG Masing: Vorläufige Einschätzung der „Google-Entscheidung“ des EuGH

Angesichts des Interesses einer inzwischen auch breiteren Fachöffentlichkeit in Anknüpfung an diesbezügliche Diskussionen auf verschiedenen Internetforen habe ich mich entschieden, meinen nachfolgenden, nicht mehr ganz jungen Vermerk mit einer vorläufigen ersten Einschätzung der Google-Entscheidung, anders als zunächst vorgesehen, nun doch öffentlich zu stellen. Es sei jedoch betont, dass er lediglich eine schnell geschriebene, erste vorläufige Einschätzung ist, nicht aber ein endgültig durchgearbeiteter Text, der nach wissenschaftlichen Standards ausgeformt ist. Ich hatte ihn deshalb zunächst nur einzelnen Personen zugeleitet, mit denen ich auch sonst in fachlichem Austausch gestanden habe. Andererseits hat das Papier inhaltlich nie einen spezifischen Vertraulichkeitscharakter gehabt und gibt es von der Sache her keinen Grund, es nicht auch einer weiteren Öffentlichkeit zugänglich zu machen. Es ist ein Papier, das versucht dazu beizutragen, die Probleme der Google-Entscheidung besser zu verstehen und mir hierüber auch selbst auf der Grundlage von Diskussionen mit wissenschaftlichen Kollegen und Fachleuten schrittweise Klarheit zu verschaffen. Wenn er in diesem Verständnis weiterdiskutiert wird, kann das der Sache nur dienen.

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24 July 2014

Zur Geselligkeit verpflichtet

Mein Pass ist eigentlich gar nicht mein Pass. Ich bin es zwar, in dessen Tasche oder Schublade er steckt. Ich bin es, den er identifiziert. Aber er gehört mir nicht. Ein kleiner unauffälliger Satz auf der letzten Seite klärt mich auf: „Dieser Reisepass ist Eigentum der Bundesrepublik Deutschland.“ Das gleiche gilt, wenn man der Logik des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte (EGMR) in Straßburg folgt, auch für einen Teil meines Körpers. Der Teil, der mich als ich kennzeichnet, der mich erkennbar macht, mit dem ich spreche, sehe und höre, das Inter-Face zwischen mir und der Gesellschaft: mein Gesicht.

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Der britische Odysseus und der Sirenengesang der Souveränität

Freiheitsgewinn durch Selbstbindung – wenn es das ist, was Verfassungen leisten, wie ist es dann um die Verfassung Großbritanniens bestellt? Die Frage stellt sich gerade jetzt, weil die britische Regierung offenbar ihr Maß an konstitutioneller Bindung als ein Zuviel empfindet.

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21 July 2014

Demokratieprinzip versus Rechtsstaatsprinzip? UK strebt nach “democratic override” des EGMR

m Vereinigten Königreich spitzt sich die Auseinandersetzung um den EGMR, so scheint es, immer mehr zu. Nach der jüngsten Kabinettsumbildung scheinen die Konservativen entschlossen, dem Parlament von Westminster das letzte Wort darüber zu geben, ob ein Urteil des EGMR im Vereinigten Königreich umgesetzt wird oder nicht. Man reibt sich verwundert die Augen und möchte sich frei nach Asterix fragen: Ja spinnen die denn, die Briten?! Ich meine, ganz so einfach ist es nicht.

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18 July 2014

“Ich bin nicht Stiller!”: Sexuelle Identität lässt sich nicht amtlich feststellen

Homosexuelle, denen in ihrer Heimat Verfolgung droht, können in der EU Asyl beantragen. Aber was, wenn die Behörden ihnen die Homosexualität nicht glauben? Dazu ist ein Verfahren beim EuGH anhängig. Generalanwältin Sharpston nimmt in ihren Schlussanträgen die Praxis, Homosexualität amtlich feststellen zu lassen, nach allen Regeln der Kunst auseinander.

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15 July 2014

Bosnien und die Schwierigkeit, verallgemeinerbare Maßstäbe des Menschenrechtsschutzes zu schaffen

Seit fünf Jahren stemmt sich Bosnien dagegen, seine Verfassung den Vorgaben der EMRK anzupassen und auch Nicht-Bosniaken, -Serben und -Kroaten für die zweite Kammer und die Präsidentschaft wählbar zu machen. Jetzt hat der EGMR Bosnien erneut verurteilt. Doch was, wenn man seine Maßstäbe auf die Verfassung der Europäischen Union anwendet?

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08 July 2014

Dobrindts Maut-Pläne verstoßen gegen das EU-Recht

Die Pläne für die PKW-Maut in Deutschland sind fertig. Doch selbst wenn man es äußerst freundlich mit der CSU meint, besteht kein Grund, euphorisch „habemus pedagium“ zu rufen. Zu offensichtlich sind die Fehler, die dem Konzept von Minister Dobrindt immer noch anhaften. An zwei Stellen verletzt die Maut das unionsrechtliche Verbot der Diskriminierung aufgrund der Staatsangehörigkeit.

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Der unendliche Raum der Geselligkeit

Wir haben alle das Recht, uns „in einem das Zusammenleben erleichternden Raum der Geselligkeit zu bewegen“. So hat es die Große Kammer des EGMR am vergangenen Dienstag entschieden und daraus die Zulässigkeit des französischen „Burka-Verbots“ abgeleitet. Ein Raum der Geselligkeit, in dem ich meinem Gegenüber ins Gesicht schauen kann – das klingt erst einmal schön, zumal in Zeiten der Fußballweltmeisterschaft, in denen sich Menschen allerorten zu großen Geselligkeitsgelagen zusammenfinden. Fragt sich nur, wo dieser Raum beginnt und – vor allem – wo er endet.

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03 July 2014
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EU-Kommissionspräsident: Wen und was wollten wir eigentlich wählen?

Der neue Kommissionspräsident, wie immer man die Stärkung seiner Legitimation beurteilen mag, wird nicht ausrichten können, was den Bürgern Europas angekündigt wurde. Die Leere des Versprechens kann gefährlich werden.

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01 July 2014

Burkaverbot: Grundrechtsschutz auf Proportionalitäts-Fläschchen gezogen

Wussten sie schon, dass Sie ein Recht gegenüber dem Staat […]

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28 June 2014

Deutschland wird sein Regime zur Leihmutterschaft ändern müssen

Der EGMR hat in zwei französischen Fällen gefordert, von Leihmüttern im Ausland ausgetragenen Kindern nicht die Anerkennung als Kinder ihrer faktischen Eltern zu verwehren. Das dürfte auch in Deutschland Folgen haben.

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25 June 2014

Arbeitslohn illegaler Einwanderer als „Proceeds of Crime“: ein zauderhaftes Urteil aus Straßburg

Wer illegal nach Europa einwandert, kann offenbar nichts richtig machen: Bezieht man Sozialhilfe, bekommt man Ärger – aber wenn man ehrlich arbeitet, womöglich auch. So ist es dem Ivorer Didier Pierre Paulet in Großbritannien ergangen: Weil er mit einem gefälschten französischen Pass eingereist war, zogen die Behörden sein ganzes, in jahrelanger harter Arbeit verdientes Geld als „Einkünfte aus krimineller Tätigkeit“ ein. Dagegen zog Paulet vor dem Europäischen Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte. Jetzt ist das Urteil ergangen – und die Lösung, die Straßburg für diesen Fall findet, dürfte niemanden so richtig zufrieden stellen.

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20 June 2014

Why the Debate between Kumm and Armstrong is about the Wrong Question

We can achieve a parliamentary system under the current EU legal regime, if politicians in the European Parliament have the ambition to take the necessary steps. If that happens then it will only be an academic question whether it follows from the treaties as a legal duty or whether it is just political reality and non-legal constitutional convention which were merely allowed by the legal rules.

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17 June 2014

Forum Shopping zwischen Luxemburg und Straßburg?

Wenn die EU der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention beitritt, wird dann der EuGH das letzte Wort über die Unionsrechtsordnung behalten können? Den EuGH scheint die Sorge zu plagen, dass dann eine Art "Forum Shopping" zwischen Straßburg und Luxemburg droht – doch kann er dem selbst Einhalt gebieten, indem er den mitgliedstaatlichen Gerichten ihre unionsrechtlichen Pflichten in Erinnerung ruft.

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13 June 2014

Why Kumm is Wrong and there is not in LAW a duty to appoint Juncker

I would go so far to say that were the European Council to make a nomination based on the sort of legal duty Kumm asserts, and were that nomination to be taken by the qualified majority vote which the treaty permits, an outvoted state would have good legal grounds for challenging the decision before the European Court of Justice. Maybe then we would see who is right and who is wrong.

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Why Armstrong is wrong and there IS in fact a legal duty to appoint Juncker

Thankfully the Treaties provide the basis for leaving behind the ancien régime of executive federalism and pushes towards a more democratic politics in Europe. Ironically the path to a brighter democratic future in Europe depends to a nontrivial extent on the Council acting in conformity with its duty to nominate a perhaps less than inspiring steady hand of the past as Commission President.

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12 June 2014
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Valuing the values and diluting the dilemma: a call for an EU framework for fundamental rights

The European Union is entering a time of revival and renewal. It has a brand new Parliament and will soon have a new Commission, one of whose members is likely to be made responsible specifically for fundamental rights. The European Council is about to adopt strategic guidelines that will guide the Union’s future policies in the area of Justice and Home Affairs – an area of utmost importance for fundamental rights. And the Union as a whole is in the process of acceding to the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights. Similar to proposals by the European Union Agency for fundamental rights (FRA), the Council of the European Union concluded on 5 June 2014 that the EU could indeed “gradually” develop a “Union internal strategy on fundamental rights, possibly through an action plan on a mid-term basis, regarding the respect and promotion of the Charter”. This opens new perspectives for the protection and promotion of fundamental rights within the EU. This is the right moment to establish an EU internal framework for fundamental rights that mirrors the existing external fundamental rights framework. It would send a strong signal to the outside world, demonstrating that the EU and its Member States are prepared to ‘walk the talk’ and thus decrease the dilemma of inconsistency between the Union’s internal and external behaviour.

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11 June 2014

Why the European Council is NOT under a legal duty to appoint Jean-Claude Juncker

Speculation over the nominee for the next President of the European Commission has been rife in newspapers, media and the blogosphere. In the face of such uncertainty, it might be reassuring to believe that, as Mattias Kumm asserts, there is an actual legal duty to appoint a particular candidate. No such luck. If there was to be legal certainty, then the authors of the treaty could quite easily have provided that clarity, including by institutionalising the Spitzenkandidat concept in the treaties. They did no such thing.

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06 June 2014

Der Europäische Rat ist verpflichtet, Juncker vorzuschlagen

Die Position von Bundeskanzlerin Angela Merkel, "jetzt alle Gespräche genau in diesem Geiste (zu führen), dass Jean-Claude Juncker auch Präsident der Europäischen Kommission werden sollte" ist nicht nur politisch angemessen, sondern europarechtlich und verfassungsrechtlich geboten.

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03 June 2014

Expelling dissent: On account of the ECtHR judgment in Baka v Hungary

The European courts have been rather active in finding Hungary in violation of European constitutional and human rights minimum standards in April and in May 2014. In the most recent judgment in this line of cases, Baka v Hungary, the ECtHR found that the last chief justice of the Hungarian Supreme Court, András Baka, had been removed from office through constitution-making before the end of his term due to his criticism of the government’s judicial reforms. The Baka case is symptomatic of a fundamental shortcoming of Hungary’s new constitutional reality: the suppression and expulsion of dissent from the domestic political sphere. Sadly, the timing of the ECtHR’s judgment is perfect, as it comes at a time when the government is taking intense legal steps and other measures silence dissenting voices even further.

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02 June 2014
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Languages and EU law discourse: A view from a bilingual periphery

Typically, researchers go for impact; impact on other research, other legal practices along legal research, notably in the legislative, administrative and judicial branches. And the very idea of research includes the element of sharing – and sharing your results is easier if you are understood. In order to take part in the relevant discussions you need to go for two publication channels in parallel: national discourse and communication in foreign languages.

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31 May 2014
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“Wer Wählerinnen und Wähler mobilisieren will, muss bessere Argumente haben”

Dorothée de Nève, Expertin für Nichtwähler_innenforschung, im Interview über Wahlverweigerung und Protest, und warum politische Appelle, zur Wahl zu gehen, nicht nur nichts fruchten, sondern sogar kontraproduktiv sind.

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‘My dear, the Noise, the People…’: On Fears about Assemblies

The European Parliament is institutionally shielded against any tangible negative consequences of the shameful election results actually derailing vital policies. ‘Europe’, in the first place, is a way to protect the Member States from their own stupid, homophobic and racist people (among others), and the EP is the worst possible place for parochial hatred policies. The remedy against turning EP elections into xenophobic crusades of the vile would be to make the EP a full-fledged Parliament.

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Was hilft mir das Recht auf Vergessen, wenn ich nicht für mich sein kann?

Privacy heißt, für mich bleiben zu können. Eine Grenze ziehen zu dürfen zwischen mir und der Gesellschaft, ab der sie mich in Ruhe lassen muss und ich von ihrer moralischen, politischen und ökonomischen Inanspruchnahme unbehelligt bleibe. Mich undurchsichtig machen, mich verhüllen, mich verbergen zu dürfen, in meinen Kleidern am Leib, in den Wänden meiner Wohnung, in meiner eigenen Person. Das Google-Urteil des EuGH hat eine Menge Kritik erfahren, weil es das Informationsinteresse der Öffentlichkeit und die Meinungsfreiheit derer, die Informationen verbreiten wollen, nicht ausreichend schützt. Sollten wir uns nicht mindestens genau so viel Sorgen um jenes Recht auf Privacy machen, das das Google-Urteil eigentlich schützen soll? Reflexionen über das Recht auf Vergessen anlässlich eines Vortrags von Jack Balkin zu Freedom of Speech im Überwachungsstaat.

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30 May 2014

Paying Tribute to the Ghost of Democratic Deficit

Literally a week ago any scholar daring to advocate “less power for the EU Parliament” and “hands off the Commission” would have faced a storm of dramatic accusations from all sorts of legal and political scientists. EU academia is deeply infected by a virus called “democratic deficit”. Last week parliamentary elections in Europe revealed the need to challenge this virus and explain why politicising the Commission (the direction enthusiastically advanced in recent EU scholarship) is largely erroneous and potentially mortal for the EU immune system.

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29 May 2014

Die Einsamkeit des deutschsprachigen Europarechts

Europarechtler im Ausland nehmen deutschsprachige Diskussionsbeiträge kaum noch wahr. Doch auch in Deutschland werden auf Englisch geführte Debatten teilweise ignoriert. Dies erschwert den internationalen Austausch über die Vorzüge und Defizite des Unionsrechts und stellt die deutsche Europarechtswissenschaft vor die Frage, wie sie es mit den Publikationen (auch) auf Englisch hält.

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15 May 2014

Einige Gedanken zur zwischenstaatlichen Entschädigung beim EGMR

Was ist das Verhältnis zwischen einem regionalen Menschenrechtssystem, etwa dem […]

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Streitigkeiten über gemeinwohlorientierte Regulierung von Investoren gehören im demokratischen Rechtsstaat vor die nationalen Gerichte

Wenn jede Form der demokratischen Regulierung des Investitionsumfeldes zu einem potenziellen Haushaltsrisiko für den Gaststaat wird, weil er befürchten muss, von einem Investor vor einem privaten ad-hoc-Schiedsgericht auf Entschädigung verklagt zu werden, wirft dies fundamentale Fragen der demokratischen Selbstbestimmung und der innerstaatlichen Gewaltenteilung auf. Das über mehr als 3000 bilaterale Verträge inzwischen weltweit etablierte System der Investitionsschiedsgerichtsbarkeit geht über das ohne Zweifel berechtigte Anliegen von Investoren, wirkungsvoll gegen willkürliche Enteignungen geschützt zu werden, inzwischen weit hinaus. Ist die Schraube überdreht worden?

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Mind the Gap

The European UnionData Protection Directive of 1995 has always had […]

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14 May 2014
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“Der EuGH erfindet sich gerade neu”

Indra Spiecker genannt Döhmann, Datenschutzexpertin von der Universität Frankfurt, im Verfassungsblog-Interview zum Google-Urteil des Europäischen Gerichtshofs, zu den Auswirkungen auf Meinungs- und Informationsfreiheit und zur neuen Rolle des EuGH im institutionellen Gefüge der Europäischen Union.

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Google – nur just another Grundrechtsträger?

Das epochale Urteil des Europäischen Gerichtshofs gestern, dass man das Bild, […]

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Der EGMR als regionaler IGH? Entschädigung und Bestrafung im Staatenbeschwerdeverfahren

„The Cyprus v. Turkey (just satisfaction) case is the most important contribution to peace in Europe in the history of the European Court of Human Rights.” Wenn Richter ihre Entscheidungen so feiern wie der Richter Pinto de Albuquerque in seinem Sondervotum, dann besteht meistens Anlass zur Skepsis. Was ist passiert?

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Internationaler Investitionsschutz und Verfassungsrecht

Die Diskussionen um das Transatlantische Handels- und Investitionspartnerschaftsabkommen (TTIP) zwischen der EU und den USA fokussieren häufig in erster Linie auf die konkrete Ausgestaltung der materiell-rechtlichen und prozessualen Regelungen des Investitionskapitels. Führt die Formulierung des Grundsatzes billiger und gerechter Behandlung zu einem angemessenen Ausgleich von Investoreninteressen und staatlichen Regulierungsinteressen? Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit: ja oder nein? Wird die Öffentlichkeit an Schiedsverfahren angemessen beteiligt? Werden Interessenkonflikte bei Schiedsrichtern effektiv verhindert? Ist die Behandlung der Verfahrenskosten adäquat? Weniger im Zentrum steht die Frage, an welchem Maßstab die künftige EU-Investitionsschutzpolitik zu messen ist und woran sich Reformbestrebungen im Investitionsrecht orientieren sollten. Geht es rein um außenwirtschaftliche Opportunität? Oder spielen nicht, wie im Folgenden argumentiert, Wertungen des Verfassungsrechts von Union und Mitgliedstaaten eine bedeutende Rolle?

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13 May 2014

Zur falschen Zeit am falschen Ort – Reform des Investitionsrechts auf Abwegen

Eine im Umfang einzigartige wechselseitige Investitionstätigkeit prägt seit Jahrzehnten die transatlantischen Wirtschaftsbeziehungen. Sie hat sich über die Jahre als wesentlich problemloser erwiesen als der Handel, der mit dem Vorhaben einer transatlantischen Handels- und Investitionsinitiative (TTIP) in vieler Hinsicht erleichtert werden kann. Das kann man von dem Investitionskapitel in dem jetzt verhandelten Abkommen kaum sagen.

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TTIP und Verfassungsrecht

Die Verpflichtung der Staaten zur „gerechten und billigen Behandlung“ der Investitionen aus dem Ausland und die Unterwerfung des Staates unter Schiedsgerichte, die von den Investoren selbst angerufen werden und den Staat zu Entschädigungen verurteilen können, widerspricht mehrfach dem deutschen Grundgesetz. Sie bringen die demokratisch begründete Staatsgewalt unter Fremdbestimmung (1), verdrehen die Garantie des Rechtsweges (2), zwingen den Staat zur Ausländerprivilegierung und Inländerdiskriminierung (3) und enthalten eine Selbstermächtigung der Europäischen Union (EU), die dieser nach den EU-Verträgen nicht zusteht (4). Auch mit dem Verfassungsrecht anderer Staaten, namentlich dem der USA, dürften sie nicht vereinbar sein (5).

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12 May 2014

Straßburg verschafft sich mehr Durchschlagskraft

Es kommt nicht jeden Tag vor, dass ein Gerichtsurteil von der Richterbank aus in den Urteilsgründen als "wichtigster Beitrag zum Frieden in Europa in der Geschichte des Gerichts" und Beginn einer "neuen Ära in der Durchsetzung der Menschenrechte" gefeiert wird. So geschehen heute in Straßburg anlässlich der Entscheidung der Großen Kammer des EGMR, die Türkei zu verurteilen, Zypern 90 Millionen Euro zu zahlen, um damit griechisch-zypriotische Opfer türkischer Repressalien bei der Besetzung von Nordzypern 1974 zu entschädigen.

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08 May 2014

„Investitionsschutz in TTIP in der Kritik“ – oder nicht?

Bevor wir einen „besseren“ Investitionsschutz und „besseres“ ISDS akzeptieren, sollten wir verstehen, warum wir dies tun. Bloße Verweise auf Grundrechte, Gleichgewicht und Rule of Law überzeugen mich nicht.

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Ships that pass in the night: Die Debatte über TTIP und die Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit

Seit Wochen diskutieren Medien und Blogs über TTIP – und dabei vor allem über ein Thema: die Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit. Man mag das Investitionsschutzrecht mögen oder nicht. Aber wer Rechte festschreibt, sollte sie so ausgestalten, dass sie effektiv durchgesetzt werden können.

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07 May 2014

Ein weiterer Schritt zum unitarischen Grundrechtsschutz? Das Pfleger-Urteil des EuGH

Der Gerichtshof der Europäischen Union (EuGH) zeigt sich unbeeindruckt von der Kritik an seiner expansiven Rechtsprechung zum Anwendungsbereich der Grundrechte in Åkerberg Fransson. Stattdessen hat sich die dritte Kammer des EuGH in der Rechtsache Pfleger weiter vom engen Wortlaut der EU-Grundrechtecharta emanzipiert. Die Charta sieht in Art. 51 Abs. 1 Satz 1 vor, dass sie für die Mitgliedsstaaten „ausschließlich bei der Durchführung des Rechts der Union“ gilt. Im Urteil vom 30. April 2014 versteht der EuGH hierunter auch Konstellationen, bei denen ein Mitgliedsstaat von den Grundfreiheiten abweichen will. Damit hält sich der Gerichtshof eine weitere Möglichkeit offen, nur entfernt mit dem Unionsrecht verbundene Sachverhalte seinem Grundrechtsschutz zu unterstellen.

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04 May 2014

Fünf Fragen zur Europawahl und zum “Spitzenkandidaten”-Prozess: Antworten von MATEJ AVBELJ

Ein Blick aus Slowenien: Matej Avbelj über den "Spitzenkandidatur"-Prozess und die Legitimation der künftigen EU-Kommission.

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30 April 2014

Abschiebehaft darf keine Strafe sein

In der Mehrzahl der deutschen Bundesländer werden Migranten, die in […]

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Fünf Fragen zur Europawahl und zum “Spitzenkandidaten”-Prozess: Antworten von PASQUALE PASQUINO

Fünf sehr kurze Antworten des New Yorker Verfassungstheoretikers Pasquale Pasquino auf unsere fünf Fragen zum Vorhaben der europäischen Parteien, Spitzenkandidaten für das Amt des Kommissionspräsidenten zu nominieren.Five very brief answers by Pasquale Pasquino, political scientist from New York, to our five questions on the "Spitzenkandidat" process.

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29 April 2014

Fünf Fragen zur Europawahl und zum “Spitzenkandidaten”-Prozess: Antworten von MARCO DANI

Für die kommenden Europawahlen haben die meisten Parteien europäische Spitzenkandidaten nominiert, die im Fall ihres Wahlsiegs EU-Kommissionspräsident werden sollen. Wie deutsch ist diese Idee? Kann sie der europäischen Gesetzgebung mehr demokratische Legitimation verleihen? Wird sie die Machtbalance in der EU in Bezug auf die Mitgliedstaaten verändern? Diese und andere Fragen haben wir einer Reihe von Experten gestellt. Marco Dani von der Universität Trient war der erste, der geantwortet hat.

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26 April 2014

Geschenk von unschätzbarem Wert: Nachlass von Francis Mann an der HU

Ein überraschendes Geschenk von hohem Wert wurde der Humboldt-Universität (und […]

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22 April 2014

Begrenzte Schiedsgerichte – Absicherung der Demokratie?

Ich möchte mich in meinem Beitrag zur Bewertung des Investitionsschutzrechts im Rahmen des Transatlantischen Handels- und Investitionspartnerschaftsabkommens („TTIP“) dem bislang eher wenig beachteten Vorschlag der Kommission widmen, die Auslegungskompetenzen der Schiedsgerichte zu begrenzen (Frage 11 des Konsultationsdokuments). Die Kommission möchte Regelungen einführen, die es der EU (gemeinsam mit den USA) ermöglichen, auf die Auslegung der Investitionsschutzbestimmungen durch Schiedsgerichte einzuwirken. Die Kommission will durch solche Regelungen fehlerhaften Interpretationen der Investitionsschutzbestimmungen durch Schiedsgerichte entgegenwirken. Ist diese begrenzte Auslegungskompetenz der Schiedsgerichte nun der richtige Weg, Fehlurteile zu vermeiden und sicherzustellen, dass die Investitionsschutzbestimmungen stets im Einklang mit den Parteiwillen ausgelegt und so die regulatorischen Interessen der Staaten (aus Sicht der Vertragsparteien) ausreichend beachtet werden? Oder wird hier das „Kind mit dem Bade ausgeschüttet“ und die Unabhängigkeit der Schiedsgerichte so sehr eingeschränkt, dass faire Verfahren nicht mehr möglich sind?

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17 April 2014

Grundrechte-Überdruck in Europa?

Über unsere Grundrechte brauchen wir uns anscheinend keine großen Sorgen […]

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EGMR schützt Meinungsfreiheit von Anti-Neonazi-Aktivisten

Wer Bürgermeister werden will, muss sich mehr an Kritik gefallen […]

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16 April 2014

Neujustierung der Balance von Investorenschutz und „right to regulate“

Am 27. März 2014 hat die Europäische Kommission eine Online-Konsultation […]

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Die TTIP- Verhandlungsposition der EU-Kommission – ein überzeugender Reformansatz mit leichten Schwächen im Detail

Den Organisatoren möchte ich einleitend für ihre Initiative zu diesem […]

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12 April 2014

In Defence of “Good Intergovernmentalism”

Kaarlo Tuori’s and Klaus Tuori’s account of the the Eurozone […]

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The Eurozone Crisis: Some reflections on economic sustainability and the issue of legitimacy

The Eurozone Crisis: A Constitutional Analysis by Kaarlo and Klaus […]

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Where the Law Ends

“Die Wirtschaft ist das Schicksal” (the economy is our destiny) […]

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“The Eurozone Crisis”: Introduction by the Authors

Our book on the Eurozone crisis is built on two […]

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“The Eurozone Crisis” – A Book Debate

Kaarlo Tuori, Klaus Tuori. The Eurozone Crisis. A Constitutional Analysis. […]

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11 April 2014

Werner Heun lässt vom Karlsruher OMT-Beschluss nur einen feuchten Fleck übrig

Wenn die Mehrheitsrichter des OMT-Beschlusses im Zweiten Senat geglaubt hatten, […]

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10 April 2014

Collective Constitutional Learning in Europe: European Courts Talk to Hungary (Again)

Both the CJEU and the ECtHR have handed down decisions against Hungary, on the same day and only two days after the Hungarian national elections in which the party of PM Viktor Orbán, FIDESz, won an overwhelming majority. While the CJEU judgment on the data protection ombudsman is spectacularly technical, the ECtHR judgment on the 2011 church law is much more comprehensive. Both judgments bring sobering and timely reminders to a freshly reelected Hungarian government on the shortcomings of Hungary’s reinvented constitutional framework. At the same time, the two judgments can be read as a timely reality check on some key aspects of the Commission’s newly envisioned EU Framework for strengthening the Rule of Law. Both the CJEU and the ECtHR have handed down decisions against Hungary, on the same day and only two days after the Hungarian national elections in which the party of PM Viktor Orbán, FIDESz, won an overwhelming majority. While the CJEU judgment on the data protection ombudsman is spectacularly technical, the ECtHR judgment on the 2011 church law is much more comprehensive. Both judgments bring sobering and timely reminders to a freshly reelected Hungarian government on the shortcomings of Hungary’s reinvented constitutional framework. At the same time, the two judgments can be read as a timely reality check on some key aspects of the Commission’s newly envisioned EU Framework for strengthening the Rule of Law.

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09 April 2014

EuGH und Vorratsdatenspeicherung: Emergenz eines Grundrechts auf Sicherheit?

An einer Stelle seines gestrigen Urteils zur Vorratsdatenspeicherung verweist der EuGH auf Art. 6 GRCh, nach dem „jeder Mensch nicht nur das Recht auf Freiheit, sondern auch auf Sicherheit hat“. Diese Feststellung ist bemerkenswert. Nimmt man die Formulierung ernst, wäre es künftig durchaus denkbar, sich in der EU auf ein Grundrecht auf Sicherheit zu berufen. Was könnte damit gemeint sein? Hätten Individuen dann Anspruch auf die Vornahme bestimmter Sicherheitsmaßnahmen durch die Europäische Union? Wurde hier der Grundstein für künftige mögliche subjektiv-grundrechtliche Schutzpflichten auf europäischer Ebene gelegt? Oder erwächst aus diesem Grundrecht zumindest eine objektiv- aber dennoch explizit grundrechtliche Pflicht der EU zur Vornahme von Sicherheitsmaßnahmen? Wäre es, provokant gefragt, gar denkbar, die Schaffung einer neuen Vorratsdatenspeicherungsrichtlinie, die den Anforderungen des EuGH genügt, grundrechtlich zu begründen? In its data retention judgment the CJEU mentions a right of any person "not only to liberty, but also to security". This finding is remarkable in several ways.

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Wider die Mär vom Grundrechtsblinden: Der EuGH und die Vorratsdatenspeicherung

Er kann es also doch. Dieser Gedanke mag zahlreichen Beobachtern in aufatmender Erleichterung durch den Kopf gegangen sein, als der Europäische Gerichtshof gestern Vormittag die Richtlinie über die Vorratsdatenspeicherung in einem lange erwarteten Grundsatzurteil für nichtig erklärte. Das Urteil ist ein Meilenstein für den europäischen Grundrechtsschutz. Mit ihm tritt die Große Kammer dem Narrativ vom grundrechtsblinden EuGH entgegen.

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Arbeitskampfrecht: Karlsruhe und Straßburg wollen sich nicht einmischen

Die Rolle des Staates im Arbeitskampf kann man vielleicht mit […]

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08 April 2014

Doppelschlag: Zwei Europa-Gerichte gegen Ungarn

Kurz nach Viktor Orbáns spektakulärem Wahltriumph bekommt die ungarische Regierung […]

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EU-weiter Konsens über Standards von Privatheit und Datenschutz ist möglich

Der EuGH gibt mit seinem Urteil zur Vorratsdatenspeicherung auch einen wichtigen Hinweis zur aktuelleren Diskussion um NSA und GCHQ: So zeigt sich, dass es durchaus einen EU-weiten Konsens geben kann über Standards von Privatheit und Datenschutz. Auch Richter aus Staaten, die mehr und aktuellere Erfahrungen mit Terrorismus haben als die Deutschen, tragen das Urteil offenbar mit. Zum anderen ist für den EuGH ein Kriterium, ob die Daten auf Unionsgebiet gespeichert werden. Das richtet sich gegen NSA und USA.

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Seht her: ein Verfassungsgericht!

Wir Unionsbürger haben ein Gericht, das uns vor der Polizei […]

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02 April 2014

Muss sich Cameron für seinen Geheimdienst vor dem EuGH verantworten?

Franz Mayer hat vor einigen Monaten hier geprüft, was das […]

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31 March 2014
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Transatlantischer Investitionsschutz in der Kritik: Ein Online-Symposium des Verfassungsblogs

Das Stichwort Investitionsschutz hat sich in der Öffentlichkeit zu einem regelrechten Reizthema entwickelt – ausgelöst vor allem durch die Verhandlungen zum so genannten Transatlantischen Handels- und Investitionspartnerschaftsabkommen (TTIP) zwischen EU und USA. Um auf die wachsende öffentliche Kritik zu reagieren, hat die EU-Kommission am 27. März 2014 eine öffentliche Online-Konsultation eröffnet. Dies nehmen wir zum Anlass für ein Online-Symposium, in dem Völker-, Europa- und Staatsrechtler_innen zu dem Konsultationsdokument der Kommission kritisch Stellung nehmen werden.

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28 March 2014

„Wie viele Divisionen hat der Papst?“ Die EU, Putins Russland und der lange Atem normativer Außenpolitik

„Der Papst? Wie viele Divisionen hat der denn?“ Mit diesen Worten verhöhnte Josef Stalin im Jahre 1935 den Vatikan und sprach diesem somit jede außenpolitischer Beachtung aus Sicht der Sowjetunion ab. Heute, fast achtzig Jahre später, gibt es schon lange keine Sowjetunion mehr. Der Papst, seinerseits, herrscht auch weiterhin ohne die Hilfen von Panzerkolonnen im Vatikan und zieht regelmäßig Menschenmengen auf den Petersplatz in Rom oder auf seinen Auslandsreisen um die Welt an. Auch die EU hat keine Divisionen, wenn wir einmal von den kleinen und eher auf Papier ihr Dasein fristenden „Battle Groups“ absehen, und verschreibt sich einer Außenpolitik basiert auf ‚soft power’ und normativen Inhalten. Doch auch sie wird Putins Russland überdauern.‘The Pope? How many divisions has he got?’ With these scoffing words, Joseph Stalin dismissed in 1935 the Vatican as a factor of any significance for the Soviet Union and its foreign policy. Today, almost 80 years later, the Soviet Union is long gone. The Pope, on his part, continues to rule from the Vatican without the help of armored divisions and attracts on a regular basis vast crowds to St. Peter’s Square or on his trips abroad. The European Union does not have any divisions either, if we leave aside the small ‘battle groups’, which in any event exist to a greater extent on paper than on the ground. It, too, commits itself to a foreign policy based on ‘soft power’ and normative influence. And it, too, will outlast Putin’s Russia.

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27 March 2014

GASP: Reden oder Angst haben?

Wie einst Lyndon B. Johnsohn behauptet die EU, in ihrer Außenpolitik auf die Eroberung der Herzen zu setzen. Sie positioniert sich als Wertegemeinschaft und transferiert und implementiert ihre (exklusiven und richtigen) Werte auch in die Welt, denn diese sind übertragungsfähig und befolgungswürdig, sie machen das Leben der Völker weltweit besser und die Missionare dieser Werte zu besseren Menschen. Dabei bleibt leider die Frage offen, ob diese Werte wirkungsvoll in der empirischen Realität einer höchst heterogenen Gesellschaft implementiert werden können. Like Lyndon B. Johnsohn, the EU claims to struggle with its foreign policy for the "hearts and minds" of people. It itself as a community of shared values that is exporting its (exclusive and universally valid) values to the entire world. This export is the “thing to do” because these European values (are likely to?) improve the living conditions of people worldwide and at the same time morally perfect the missionaries of the right. Still the question remains whether it is empirically possible to realise such noble ideas within the deeply heterogenous Ukranian enviroment.

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25 March 2014

EU Sanctions against Russia – Halfhearted or Best Response?

Much has already been written about the European Union’s sanctions against a number of Russian officials following the actions of the Putin government in the region of Crimea. One main point of criticism is that they are unlikely to have any effect because the measures are too weak and the circle of targets is too limited. However due to the lack of better alternatives, the EU’s targeted sanctions may be the best response. This is perhaps not an argument that can win hearts but it should certainly win minds.Much has already been written about the European Union’s sanctions against a number of Russian officials following the actions of the Putin government in the region of Crimea. One main point of criticism is that they are unlikely to have any effect because the measures are too weak and the circle of targets is too limited. However due to the lack of better alternatives, the EU’s targeted sanctions may be the best response. This is perhaps not an argument that can win hearts but it should certainly win minds.

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24 March 2014

The ENP: A policy without a strategy…

Finally, the EU has woken up to geopolitics. Most crucially, the government in Berlin shed the last glimmer of hope it entertained when it was dreaming that the man in the Kremlin might be amenable to dialogue and win-win reasoning. But the EU policy in the European East is still lacking strategic thinking. Before revamping any European Neighborhood Policy, it is a strategy vis-à-vis Russia that is in dire need.Finally, the EU has woken up to geopolitics. Most crucially, the government in Berlin shed the last glimmer of hope it entertained when it was dreaming that the man in the Kremlin might be amenable to dialogue and win-win reasoning. But the EU policy in the European East is still lacking strategic thinking. Before revamping any European Neighborhood Policy, it is a strategy vis-à-vis Russia that is in dire need.

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Russlands Selbstwertgefühl und die Kurzsichtigkeit der Ukraine-Politik der EU

Der größte Fehler der EU im Konflikt um die Ukraine besteht in der offensichtlichen Kurzsichtigkeit des eigenen Handelns. Gerade wenn damit zu rechnen war, dass Russland jeden Moment sein „wahres Gesicht“ zeigen und militärisch eingreifen würde, bleibt unverständlich, warum sich offenbar bislang niemand in der EU Gedanken über mögliche Reaktionen auf diesen worst case gemacht hat.

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20 March 2014

Europe’s Eastern Partnership – a successful failure?

The depiction of the European Union as an economic giant but political dwarf is a classic, and criticisms for its failure to get its act together when it comes to foreign and security policy are an old hat. With the recent events in Ukraine, however, EU bashing has reached a new dimension. While the EU might have failed to actively shape the developments in its Eastern neighbourhood, arguably because it has refused to buy into Putin’s world of geopolitics, it did have influence. Despite its external failures, it is the internal success of the EU in transforming Europe into a region of lasting peace, prosperity and security that draws post-Soviet countries to the European Union.

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Another litmus test for the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy

As NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen recently observed, the crisis in Ukraine is “the gravest threat to European security since the end of the Cold War.” It is somewhat ironic that this crisis unfolded as a result of discussions surrounding the planned signature of an Association Agreement, which essentially aims to create a zone of stability, prosperity and security on the European continent. This raises the need for self-reflection on the part of the EU. Does the crisis in Ukraine illustrate the limits of the European Neighbourhood Policy? And, how can the EU play a constructive role to solve the crisis? As NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen recently observed, the crisis in Ukraine is “the gravest threat to European security since the end of the Cold War.” It is somewhat ironic that this crisis unfolded as a result of discussions surrounding the planned signature of an Association Agreement, which essentially aims to create a zone of stability, prosperity and security on the European continent. This raises the need for self-reflection on the part of the EU. Does the crisis in Ukraine illustrate the limits of the European Neighbourhood Policy? And, how can the EU play a constructive role to solve the crisis?

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19 March 2014

Die EU muss sich stärker für Rechtsstaatlichkeit in Osteuropa engagieren

Demokratie, Rechtsstaatlichkeit und Menschenrechte sind Grundsätze, die die Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik leiten sollen. Gleichwohl hat die EU in der Vergangenheit keine Strategien gefunden, die Ukraine bei der Umsetzung dieser Werte wirkungsvoll zu unterstützen. In der Zeit nach der Orangen Revolution wurde das Feld im Bereich der Verfassungskonsolidierung weitgehend dem Europarat überlassen. Stattdessen ließ sich die EU auf die Putinsche Logik der Integrationskonkurrenz ein. Will die EU aber ihre rechtsstaatlichen Ziele ernstnehmen, muss sie ihre Strategien zur Rechtstaatsentwicklung deutlich erweitern. The European Neighbourhood Policy, the Eastern Partnership and the EU’s negotiated Association Agreement with Ukraine are based on the joint undertaking to strengthen democracy, the rule of law, human rights and good governance. The special significance of these values reflects the normative requirement relating to the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy based on Art. 21 of the EU Treaty. Nevertheless, the EU has not in the past found any strategies to effectively support Ukraine in its implementation of these values. During the period after the Orange Revolution, the field of constitutional consolidation was largely left to the European Council. Instead of making concentrated efforts to counteract Ukraine's constitutional decline, the EU accepted Putin’s concept of integration rivalry. If the EU plans to take its targets of establishing the rule of law seriously, it will have to significantly extend its relevant strategies.

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18 March 2014

(K)ein Mythos? – Unsere Abhängigkeit vom russischen Gas

Sanktionen gegen Russland zu verhängen würde wegen der deutschen Abhängigkeit vom russischen Gas die Energiewende in Gefahr bringen. Stimmt das überhaupt?

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Zwischen Völkerrecht und Selbstbestimmung

Gegenwärtig kann es in Kiew, Berlin und Brüssel nur um Schadenbegrenzung gehen. Auf der Ebene der internationalen Politik müssen Signale an Russland ausgesandt werden, dass seine Aggressionspolitik keine Zukunft hat. Hier muss dem Denkmodell des Völkerrechts gefolgt werden. Auf der Ebene des Selbstbestimmungsrechts sollte die ukrainische Regierung dagegen davon überzeugt werden, der Selbstbestimmungsdiskussion in der Ostukraine konstruktiv entgegenzutreten.

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ESM in Karlsruhe: Damals Fieberkrämpfe, heute Achselzucken

Die heutige endgültige Entscheidung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts, dass der Europäische Stabilitätsmechanismus […]

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Der EGMR, zerrieben im Konflikt Russland-Ukraine?

Der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte (EGMR) hat vor wenigen Tagen im Wege einer vorläufigen Maßnahme gem. Art. 39 der Verfahrensordnung in den laufenden Konflikt zwischen Russland und der Ukraine eingegriffen (vgl. Pressemitteilung ECHR 073 (2014)). Man mag fragen: Warum mutet sich der EGMR das zu? Oder auch: Was maßt sich der Gerichtshof an? Glaubt er wirklich, im Wege des vorläufigen Rechtsschutzes einen internationalen Konflikt befrieden zu können, an dem sich die internationale Diplomatie die Zähne ausbeißt? Der Versuch einer Standortbestimmung.On 13th March 2014, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has intervened in the ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine by indicating provisional measures under Rule 39 of the Rules of Court (cf. Press Release ECHR 073 (2014)). One might ask: Why does the Court undergo such a burden? Or, seen from another perspective: Why is the Court attributing itself such a power? Do the judges really belief that they can pacify an international conflict, which international diplomacy is unable to solve, just by means of an interim injunction? The attempt of defining a position.

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15 March 2014

The Commission gets the point – but not necessarily the instruments

This week the European Commission issued a Communication about a new framework for protecting the rule of law within EU Member States.[1] Is this the long hoped for mechanism that allows the EU to deal with internal threats to liberal democracy (the democratic deficits within Member States, so to speak) effectively? The clear-cut answer is: yes and no. This week the European Commission issued a Communication about a new framework for protecting the rule of law within EU Member States.[1] Is this the long hoped for mechanism that allows the EU to deal with internal threats to liberal democracy (the democratic deficits within Member States, so to speak) effectively? The clear-cut answer is: yes and no.

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10 March 2014

OMT-Vorlage: Richter Huber signalisiert Demut gegenüber dem EuGH

Wer den OMT-Beschluss des Bundesverfassungsgerichts als herrisches Ultimatum an den […]

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06 March 2014

Voßkuhle drinnen, ich draußen

Und da sage noch jemand, Verfassungsthemen seien nur für ein […]

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EGMR zur FIAT-Affäre: Ein Bußgeld ist Strafe genug

Sie nannten ihn l'avvocato, den Anwalt: Giovanni Agnelli, der legendäre FIAT-Chef und verhinderte Jurist, hätte sich vielleicht über den Sieg gefreut, den seine früheren Geschäftsfreunde vor dem Europäischen Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte (EGMR) errungen haben. Weil sie von der Börsenaufsicht bereits mit einem Bußgeld wegen Marktmanipulation belegt wurden, darf gegen sie in der selben Sache kein weiteres Strafverfahren angestrengt werden, urteilte eine EGMR-Kammer in einer gestern veröffentlichten Entscheidung.

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28 February 2014

Streikverbot vor dem Bundesverwaltungsgericht: Auf dem Weg zur supranationalen EMRK?

Beamte dürfen nur noch für eine Übergangszeit generell vom Streikrecht ausgeschlossen werden. Das hat das Bundesverwaltungsgericht mit Urteil vom 27.02.2014 unter Berufung auf die EMRK und die einschlägige Rechtsprechung des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte (EGMR) entschieden (Az. 2 C 1.13). Damit wird nicht nur eine über hundertjährige Tradition in Deutschland gekippt. Das Urteil aus Leipzig dokumentiert auch einen Bedeutungsverlust des Bundesverfassungsgerichts, der den Richtern in Karlsruhe alles andere als gleichgültig sein dürfte. Sie sind die eigentlichen Verlierer im institutionellen Dreiecksverhältnis zwischen Leipzig, Karlsruhe und Straßburg.

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27 February 2014

Wer hat Angst vor Franken und Rentnern? Wie Karlsruhe den europäischen Wähler stärkt

Die Marginalisierung des Europaparlaments, die Kritiker der Sperrklausel-Rechsprechung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts beklagen, löst sich bei genauer Betrachtung in Luft auf. Marginalisiert wird nicht die Bedeutung des Europaparlaments, sondern das destabilisierende Potential deutscher Splitterstimmen, die sich in Abgeordnetenmandate verwandeln.

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Groundhog Day in Karlsruhe: Und täglich grüßt das Murmeltier…

Von den Entscheidungen des Bundesverfassungsgerichts geht in Sachen EP-Wahl mangels klarer Mehrheiten keine befriedende Funktion aus. Deswegen muss der Verfassungsgesetzgeber entscheiden.

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26 February 2014

Franken für Deutschland? Zeit für ein einheitliches EU-Wahlrecht!

Wenn man dem heutigen Urteil des zweiten Senats etwas eindeutig Positives abgewinnen will, dann dies: Es legt erneut offen, dass es ein verfassungspolitisch und unionsverfassungsrechtlich unhaltbarer Zustand ist, daß es immer noch keine Einigung über ein unionsweites Wahlrecht für das Europäische Parlament gibt. Man kann durchaus von Politikversagen sprechen.

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Politisierung des Europaparlaments: Für Karlsruhe nichts als “spekulativ”

Gibt es Gründe, sich um die Funktionsfähigkeit des Europaparlaments Sorgen […]

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25 February 2014
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Ukraine: Morgendämmerung des Parlaments?

Seit etwa einer Woche überstürzen sich die politischen Ereignisse in der Ukraine. Der Umsturz in Kiew wirft viele, gerade auch verfassungspolitische Fragen auf. Wir haben mit dem Osteuropaexperten und DAAD-Fachlektor an der Nationalen Universität „KiewMohyla-Akademie“, Dr. Dr. Andreas Umland, über die aktuellen Entwicklungen gesprochen.

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22 February 2014

Die verfolgte Unschuld vom Lande oder: Warum es keines „Grundrechts auf Diskriminierung“ bedarf

In einem Beitrag für die FAZ vom 21. Februar 2014 schreibt Christian Hillgruber einen aufregenden Satz: „In den westlichen Gesellschaften sind es mittlerweile schon weniger die Homosexuellen als vielmehr diejenigen, die Homosexualität für moralisch fragwürdig und homosexuelle Praxis für anstößig halten, deren Freiheit, anders zu denken und in Übereinstimmung mit ihrer inneren Überzeugung zu leben, gefährdet erscheint.“ Diese Äußerung Hillgrubers spricht eigentlich für sich selbst – achselzuckend ließe sich zur Tagesordnung übergehen. Besonders an dem Beitrag in der FAZ ist allerdings die Tatsache, dass da ein Bonner Staatsrechtslehrer quasi ex cathedra ein „Grundrecht auf Diskriminierung“ fordert für eine homophobe Minderheit, die angeblich gerade wegen dieser Minderheiteneigenschaft geschützt werden müsse. In solchem Falle ist es vorzugswürdig und notwendig, in aller Öffentlichkeit einer Auffassung entgegenzutreten, die sich als autoritative Experten-Meinung geriert.

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20 February 2014

Die Europäische Staatsanwaltschaft – Eine Gefahr für den fair trial-Grundsatz?

Die EU möchte im Jahr 2015 eine Europäische Staatsanwaltschaft einrichten. Diese soll es erleichtern, Straftaten zum Nachteil der finanziellen Interessen der Union zu verfolgen. Aber sie birgt auch Gefahren: Nur wenn parallel auch die Rechte der Beschuldigten gestärkt werden, ist dieses Ziel mit dem fair trial-Grundsatz vereinbar.

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18 February 2014

Schottland auf dem Weg in die EU – oder aus ihr heraus?

Ein unabhängiges Schottland als 29. EU Mitgliedsstaat im Jahr 2016. Schnell, unkompliziert, ohne Brüche. Das ist der Plan von Alex Salmond, dem Ministerpräsidenten Schottlands. Wie wahrscheinlich ist dieser Zeitplan? Eine Frage, die für die Abstimmung über die Unabhängigkeit Schottlands am 18. September 2014 entscheidend ist und sich schwer juristisch lösen lässt. Antworten darauf liegen nicht in Edinburgh sondern in London, Brüssel und Madrid.

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Warum EU und Mitgliedsstaaten verpflichtet sind, eine schottische EU-Mitgliedschaft zu fördern

Ein mögliches eigenständiges Schottland stellt die EU vor rechtliche Herausforderungen. Denn die europäischen Verträge enthalten keine speziellen Regelungen für den Fall, dass ein Teil eines EU-Mitgliedsstaates unabhängig wird. Allerdings folgt aus dem Demokratieprinzip in Verbindung mit der Unionsbürgerschaft eine Rechtspflicht der EU, die schottische EU-Mitgliedschaft zu fördern. Auch die Mitgliedsstaaten unterliegen aufgrund der Unionstreue dieser Pflicht. Ein unabhängiges Schottland muss daher auch Mitglied der EU werden können.The possibility of an independent Scotland poses legal challenges for the EU. The European Treaties do not contain specific rules for the case of a part of a EU Member State becoming independent. But from the principle of democracy and EU citizenship follows a legal obligation for the EU to support a EU membership for Scotland. Further, due to their duty of cooperation (Unionstreue), the Member States are under this legal obligation as well. An independent Scotland therefore has to be able to become a EU Member State.

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13 February 2014

Armenian Genocide v. Holocaust in Strasbourg: Trivialisation in Comparison

At the end of 2013, the European Court of Human Rights delivered an impressively extensive judgement in the case Perinçek v. Switzerland. The condemnation of a Turkish politician for the denial of Armenian genocide by Swiss courts violated freedom of expression. Along with many human rights scholars, I would hardly shake hands with a Holocaust or an Armenian genocide denier. Yet I will be equally sceptical of courtrooms being appropriate sites to qualify historical truth. For a summary of that position, see my recent paper (“Historical Revisionism: Law, Politics, and Surrogate Mourning”). At first glance, the outcome of Perinçek is a victory for civil rights. Limiting historical discussion by criminal prosecution is clearly an anachronism in the 21st century. However, on a deeper reading, this decision reveals yet another judicial pitfall which substantially undermines its outcome for freedom of speech in Europe. This pitfall stems from a sort of legal hypocrisy embedded in the Court’s distinction between the Holocaust and other mass atrocities of the 20th century.At the end of 2013, the European Court of Human Rights delivered an impressively extensive judgement in the case Perinçek v. Switzerland. The condemnation of a Turkish politician for the denial of Armenian genocide by Swiss courts violated freedom of expression. Along with many human rights scholars, I would hardly shake hands with a Holocaust or an Armenian genocide denier. Yet I will be equally sceptical of courtrooms being appropriate sites to qualify historical truth. For a summary of that position, see my recent paper (“Historical Revisionism: Law, Politics, and Surrogate Mourning”). At first glance, the outcome of Perinçek is a victory for civil rights. Limiting historical discussion by criminal prosecution is clearly an anachronism in the 21st century. However, on a deeper reading, this decision reveals yet another judicial pitfall which substantially undermines its outcome for freedom of speech in Europe. This pitfall stems from a sort of legal hypocrisy embedded in the Court’s distinction between the Holocaust and other mass atrocities of the 20th century.

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Identitätskontrolle auf Britisch

Der Europäische Gerichtshof braucht sich derzeit über einen Mangel an […]

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11 February 2014

Risikofaktor Cameron: die gewagte Datenschutz-Klage vor dem EGMR

Gegen Einladungen, die man lieber nicht erhalten hätte, hilft es regelmäßig, Krankheit, die Unverfügbarkeit des Babysitters oder Handwerkerbesuch vorzuschützen. Gegen Klagen, über die man lieber nicht entscheiden würde, hilft Gerichten bestenfalls der Einwand der Unzulässigkeit, der aber mit deutlich höherem Begründungsaufwand verbunden ist. Datenschützer haben jetzt beim Europäischen Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte (EGMR) Klage gegen die Überwachung durch den britischen Geheimdienst GCHQ eingereicht - eine Einladung zur Auseinandersetzung mit der Regierung Cameron, für die man dem Gericht eine gute Ausrede wünschen möchte: Wenn es sich darauf einlässt, könnte es viel verlieren.

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10 February 2014

Bankenabwicklungsfonds: Gemeinschaftsmethode sticht Unionsmethode

Der Rat der EU-Finanzminister möchte Teile des vorgeschlagenen Bankenabwicklungsfonds in einen zwischenstaatlichen Vertrag verschieben. Was technisch anmutet, ist im Kern ein demokratischer Präzedenzfall: Die EU-Institution, in der die Regierungen der Mitgliedstaaten vertreten sind, umgeht nämlich das Mitbestimmungsrecht des Europäischen Parlaments. Demokratiepolitisch darf es jedoch nicht im Ermessen der Mitgliedstaaten stehen, Teile eines Gesetzesvorschlags, bei denen mit Widerstand im Parlament zu rechnen ist, einfach in einen Vertrag zu verschieben, wo das EU-Parlament keine Mitsprache hat und die nationalen Parlamente nur ihren Segen geben dürfen. So sieht es auch das Europarecht.

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Karlsruhe wagt den Schritt nach Luxemburg

Das Bundesverfassungsgericht (BVerfG) hat einen historischen Schritt getan: Die Abtrennung der Fragen zum Ankaufprogramm von Staatsanleihen (OMT) der Europäischen Zentralbank vom Verfahren zum Europäischen Stabilitätsmechanismus ESM und die Vorlage der Fragen zum OMT an den Gerichtshof der Europäischen Union (EuGH): Nie zuvor hat das Gericht eine Frage im Vorlageverfahren nach Art. 267 AEUV an den EuGH gerichtet. Schade allerdings wäre es, wenn der EuGH die Vorlage als unzulässig abweisen müsste, weil die Fragen hypothetischer Natur sind und das Vorlageverfahren nicht als Gutachtenverfahren oder sonst missbraucht werden darf. Während normalerweise die Gerichte dem EuGH die Frage nach der Gültigkeit von Rechtsakten der Unionsorgane vorgelegt wird, fragt das BVerfG hier, ob das Programm der EZB zum Ankauf von Staatsanleihen OMT unvereinbar mit den Unionsverträgen ist und macht sehr deutlich, dass es von der Ungültigkeit ausgeht.

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08 February 2014

Eine Quelle in der Wüste

Die Medien waren sich schnell einig: eine Sensation, ein Paukenschlag, ein Wendepunkt. Mein Fazit ist nüchterner. Karlsruhe erkennt die eigenen Grenzen und versucht den EuGH als Verbündeten zu gewinnen.Among domestic commentators, the initial response was amazement: the reference by the German Constitutional Court was perceived as a sensation and turning point. My reaction is more moderate. Judges in Karlsruhe recognise their limits and try to push the ECJ in their direction.

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07 February 2014

Deutscher Verfassungslegalismus zum Abgewöhnen

Wer sich angesichts der heutigen Entscheidung aus Karlsruhe verstört fragt, […]

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02 February 2014

Von der Währungsunion wollte Francis Mann nichts wissen

Das Manuskript, das der emigrierte deutsche Jurist Francis Mann Anfang […]

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29 January 2014

Welche Schulaufsicht durch den Staat? Ein Beitrag aus Straßburg zur Staatshaftung durch Unterlassen

Ein Staat, der dem systematischen sexuellen Missbrauch von Kindern tatenlos zusieht, verletzt das Recht der Kinder, vor unmenschlicher Behandlung bewahrt zu werden - auch wenn ihr konkretes Einzelschicksal dem Staat zunächst gar nicht bekannt war. Dies hat heute der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte (EGMR) in der lang erwarteten Rechtssache O’Keeffe ./. Irland entschieden. Die Große Kammer verurteilte Irland mit elf gegen sechs Stimmen, der Klägerin insgesamt 115.000 Euro Schadensersatz und Schmerzensgeld zu zahlen.

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28 January 2014

Quergelesen: Feldforschungen im Europarecht

Dass die Europäische Union eine Schöpfung des Rechts ist, wussten […]

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25 January 2014

Der Strafprozess vom Opfer her gedacht

Als Frau W. 18 Jahre alt war, wurde sie von sieben Männern vergewaltigt. Als sechs der Täter deswegen zu Gefängnisstrafen verurteilt wurden, war Frau W. Anfang 30. Sie musste so lange auf die Bestrafung ihre Peiniger warten, weil die slowenische Justiz das Verfahren verbummelte. Dies hat Slowenien jetzt eine Verurteilung durch den Europäischen Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte (EGMR) eingetragen: Der Staat, so der EGMR in einer am Donnerstag veröffentlichten Entscheidung, verletzt seine Pflicht, seine Bürger vor unmenschlicher Behandlung (Art. 3 EMRK) zu schützen, wenn er Vergewaltiger so lange nicht bestraft. Jetzt muss Slowenien Frau W. mit 15.000 Euro entschädigen.

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23 January 2014

Kampf gegen Korruption in Rumänien: Das Verfassungsgericht verhindert eine Katastrophe

Die EU-Kommission hat gestern ihren 13. Fortschrittsbericht unter dem Kooperations- und Kontrollverfahren für Rumänien veröffentlicht. Sowohl Rumänien als auch Bulgarien werden seit 2007 von der EU-Kommission überwacht, die dabei hilft, rechtsstaatliche Reformen umzusetzen. Der Bericht betont die Sorgen der Kommission über die bedrohte Unabhängigkeit der Justiz und lobt den Verfassungsgerichtshof dafür, das Desaster einer „übereilten und intransparenten Änderung des Strafgesetzbuchs im Dezember 2013“ verhindert zu haben.The EU Commission published yesterday its 13th progress report under the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism (CVM) for Romania. Both Romania and Bulgaria have been subjected to monitoring by the EU Commission since 2007, which assisted the countries in their rule of law reforms. The report stressed the EU Commission’s concerns about threats to the independence of justice and praised the Constitutional Court for preventing the disaster of the “rushed and untransparent amendment of the Criminal Code in December 2013.”

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17 January 2014

Mangold hat Grenzen: Zur Horizontalwirkung von EU-Grundrechten

In einer eher unauffällig daherkommenden Entscheidung vom 15. Januar 2014 hat der EuGH die Reichweite seiner Mangold-Rechtsprechung eingeschränkt. Gleichzeitig steht die Rechtsache AMS für eine potentiell weitreichende, aber komplexe Horizontalwirkung von EU-Grundrechten.With a seemingly unspectacular decision, the Court of Justice of the European Union (ECJ) significantly limited the scope of the controversial Mangold jurisprudence. At the same time, the AMS judgment indicates a potentially far reaching and complex approach to the idea of horizontal effect of fundamental rights.

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16 January 2014

Militanz mindert Meinungsfreiheit

Deutsche Gerichte dürfen der Meinungsfreiheit militanter Aktivisten bisweilen ein geringeres […]

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15 January 2014

Die Krux mit der Maut

Es war inhaltlich die größte Überraschung der Koalitionsverhandlungen: EU-Verkehrskommissar Siim Kallas hatte auf Anfrage aus dem Europäischen Parlament erklärt, die Einführung einer Pkw-Maut für deutsche Autobahnen bei gleichzeitiger Senkung der Kfz-Steuer sei grundsätzlich mit dem Unionsrecht vereinbar. In den Medien wurde dies schnell als „Bestätigung für Seehofer“ gewertet. Das Momentum war auf Seiten der CSU, die die Einführung einer Vignettenpflicht auf deutschen Autobahnen im Koalitionsvertrag mit CDU und SPD festschreiben lassen konnte. Die Krux liegt jedoch in den beiden dort verankerten Bedingungen: Die Maut muss europarechtskonform sein und gleichzeitig gewährleisten, dass kein Kfz-Halter in Deutschland bei Addition seiner jährlichen Kfz-Steuer und des Preises einer Jahresvignette stärker belastet wird als bisher. Geht das überhaupt? Drei Hürden stehen im Weg.It was the most surprising moment of the German coalition negotiations: EU Traffic Commissioner Siim Kallas replied to a parliamentary question as to whether Member States can introduce a charge on using their motorways and concomitantly lower the vehicle tax in the affirmative. The mass media were quick to celebrate that statement as a backing from Brussels for Bavarian Minister President Horst Seehofer who had declared a “toll for foreigners” his top priority during the campaign for last year’s national elections. The momentum was on the side of the Bavarian Conservatives who got their way in the coalition negotiations with their reluctant sister party CDU and the Social Democrats. The coalition agreement now contains a clause on introducing an obligatory vignette for using German motorways. The devil, however, lies in the conditions: Any new road charge system must, firstly, be compatible with EU law and, secondly, ensure that German car owners will not have to pay more than to date when adding their future annual vehicle tax and the price of a one-year vignette. But can you really have it both ways? There are at least three major obstacles.

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19 December 2013

EEG-Beihilfeverfahren: Genickbruch für die Europäische Union

Dass mit dem angekündigten Beihilfeverfahren der EU-Kommission in Sachen EEG […]

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17 December 2013

Wer kontrolliert den digitalen Frankenstein? Die Zukunft der Vorratsdatenspeicherung

Internet und Mobiltelefon sind Symbole unserer Zeit. Von daher überrascht es nicht, dass die Vorratsdatenspeicherung für das rechtspolitische Selbstverständnis der Gegenwart ungefähr dieselbe Bedeutung besitzt wie die Fristenlösung beim Schwangerschaftsabbruch vor 30 Jahren. Dies erklärt die mediale Aufmerksamkeit, als Generalanwalt Cruz Villalón die EU-Richtlinie als Grundrechtsverstoß einstufte. Diesem Ergebnis dürfte sich alsbald auch der EuGH anschließen, nachdem bei der mündlichen Verhandlung im Juli bereits deutlich geworden war, dass die Große Kammer die Vorratsdatenspeicherung überaus kritisch beurteilt. Das Endergebnis in Luxemburg könnte mithin dasselbe sein wie beim Generalanwalt und zuvor beim BVerfG: Ein kraftvolles „Ja-Aber“, das den EU-Gesetzgeber zur Nachbesserung auffordert und diesem konkret vorschreibt, die Zugriffsvoraussetzungen restriktiv auszugestalten.

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12 December 2013

Vorratsdatenspeicherung: Dunkle Worte aus Luxemburg

Wie schön: Die EU-Richtlinie zur Vorratsdatenspeicherung verletzt unser Grundrecht auf Privatsphäre, so der EuGH-Generalanwalt Pedro Cruz Villalón heute in seinen Schlussanträgen. Das ist sicher schon mal eine gute Nachricht - doch ob sie so gut ist, wie z.B. Heribert Prantl glaubt, da bin ich mir nicht so sicher. Zunächst: Einen so dunklen Text wie diese Schlussanträge habe ich lange nicht mehr gelesen. Eine große Wolke von Fragezeichen schwebt über meinem brummenden Schädel.

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08 December 2013

How to turn Article 2 TEU into a down-to-Earth provision?

Coming from such an established voice advocating the protection of rule of law at the national level, Kim Scheppele’s proposal definitely enjoys sufficient legitimacy to be taken very seriously. In what follows, I look at the “problem” of democracy (1.), the “problem” with bundling infringements (2.), the problem of determining the meaning of “values” (3.), and the problem with penalties (4.). I conclude that two problems are fictitious but two others are real.

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05 December 2013

Systemic infringement action: an effective solution or rather part of the problem?

Kim Lane Scheppele suggests a comprehensive, holistic approach to deal with prominent challenges to the basic principles of the European Union. I very much sympathize with this idea, but believe a purely legal approach in itself is not sufficient (and might even be counter-productive).

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28 November 2013

EGMR stärkt Informationsfreiheit von NGOs gegenüber dem Staat

Wer als Journalist oder NGO gelegentlich vom Staat Informationen will, […]

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27 November 2013

EU-Kommission will Beschuldigtenrechte stärken

Es gehört zu den dunklen Flecken der EU als “Raum […]

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26 November 2013

EMRK kann zum Völkerrechtsbruch zwingen

Wenn der UN-Sicherheitsrat einem europäischen Staat befiehlt, gegen die Europäsche […]

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18 November 2013

Mit Europarecht gegen die amerikanischen und britischen Abhöraktionen? Teil 2: GCHQ

Anders als bei den USA erscheint im Fall des britischen Geheimdienstes GCHQ der Konnex zum Europarecht nicht sonderlich fernliegend. Großbritannien ist seit 1973 Mitglied der EWG bzw. heute der EU. Die verdeckte, systematische, großflächige und anlasslose Sammlung von personenbezogenen Daten von Unionsbürgern durch einen Mitgliedstaat berührt Garantien, wie sie in Art. 8 Charta der Grundrechte sowie in Art. 16 AEUV und im geltenden Sekundärrecht niedergelegt sind. Dass hier Kerngewährleistungen des Unionsrechts berührt sind ergibt sich bereits aus folgender Testfrage: Würde man einen Beitrittskandidaten in die EU aufnehmen, der einen solchen Datenstaubsauger wie die GCHQ betreibt? Die Antwort ist ziemlich klar: Nein. Die Mitgliedschaft in der EU setzt das Einhalten bestimmter Grundrechtsschutz- und Rechtsstaatsstandards voraus.

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Mit Europarecht gegen die amerikanischen und britischen Abhöraktionen? Teil 1: NSA

Ob die NSA wirklich so mächtig ist? Wochenlang sollen die Digitalschlapphüte unbescholtene Bürger in Washington DC abgehört haben bis sie merkten, dass man die Vorwahl von Washington DC mit der Ländervorwahl von Ägypten verwechselt hatte. Wochenlang - das macht doch stutzig. Vielleicht hat die NSA längst den Überblick verloren. Wer sich darauf nicht verlassen will und doch lieber auf das Recht vertraut hat ein Problem: Auf welches Recht? Mit dem deutschen Straf- oder gar Verfassungsrecht wird man gegen das durch Edward Snowden bekannt gewordene flächendeckende anlasslose Ausspähen von privaten Daten durch die NSA nicht sehr weit kommen. Eine bessere Antwort: Europarecht.

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07 November 2013

Asylschutz gilt auch (und gerade!) für offen auftretende Homosexuelle

Ein Leben als Closet Gay ist keine Fluchtalternative. Wer in […]

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04 November 2013

A whistle blowin’ in the wind? Why indifference towards mass surveillance will make a difference

“One of the most disturbing aspects of the public response to Edward Snowden’s revelations about the scale of governmental surveillance is how little public disquiet there appears to be about it.“ But why should we care when most likely the majority of us will never even notice that their data are being stored and can easily be accessed by State authorities? To put it simply: because it is against the law.

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31 October 2013

Muss Straßburg hinter der Eurokrise zusammenkehren?

Die Eurokrise und der fürchterliche Flurschaden, den sie in Südeuropa […]

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Bans of Political Parties and the Case of Golden Dawn’s Right Wing Extremism in Greece

Prosecution is pending in Greece against the Right Wing extremist party “Golden Dawn”. The accusations concern the criminal activity of the organization which is also a political party represented in Greek Parliament by 18 members. The accusation of having committed criminal acts is enough from the point of view of political liberalism for the criminal process to begin against them. Criminal prosecution for the accusation of acts and not only ideological discourse is justified and imposed under political liberalism since such acts directly harm others.

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Die verspätete strafrechtliche Verfolgung der „Goldenen Morgenröte“ und ihre verfassungsrechtlichen Folgen

In den letzten Wochen befindet sich der griechische Staat in einer beispiellosen verfassungsrechtlichen und politischen Lage: Die „Goldene Morgenröte“ (GM), eine parlamentarische Partei, die staatliche Finanzierung erhält (bis vor kurzem zumindest), besteht offenbar zum Teil aus einer kriminellen Vereinigung. Drei Abgeordnete dieser Partei sitzen bereits in Untersuchungshaft, sechs weitere wurden angeklagt. Alle werden schwerer Verbrechen beschuldigt. Zwar kennt die europäische politische Geschichte Beispiele von Abgeordneten, die in Strafverfahren verwickelt wurden, meist wegen ökonomischer Delikte. Es ist jedoch das erste Mal, dass in einer parlamentarischen Demokratie Abgeordnete, unter ihnen der Chef einer Partei, verhaftet werden, weil sie der Anklage zufolge Gründer und Anführer einer kriminellen Vereinigung sind, die Verbrechen bis hin zu Morden verübt hat. Dieser Beitrag beleuchtet kritisch den Weg bis zur Verhaftung der Leitungsgruppe von GM. Dabei wird berücksichtigt, dass rassistische und gewaltsame Ideologien, die der Kern des politischen Diskurses und der Praxis von GM bilden, weit verbreitet und in der griechischen Gesellschaft tief verwurzelt sind.

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Griechenland in der Krise

Rasante Veränderungen vollziehen sich in Griechenland derzeit täglich, mitunter gar stündlich. In solch einer volatilen Situation ist es unmöglich, eine endgültige Bilanz zu ziehen. Möglich und erstrebenswert ist es aber, die Geschehnisse zu dokumentieren und eine vorläufige Einordnung zu versuchen. Dies soll in den kommenden Wochen in einem Online-Symposium auf dem Verfassungsblog geschehen. Griechische Wissenschaftler_innen werden die Krise in Griechenland verfassungsrechtlich und politikwissenschaftlich beleuchten und ihre Einschätzungen vorstellen. Die Beiträge werden sich drei besonders einschneidenden und verfassungsrechtlich bedeutsamen Themen widmen: dem drohenden Kollaps des akademischen Systems, dem Umgang mit der neonazistischen Partei „Goldene Morgenröte“ und der Umgestaltung des Arbeitsrechts, die besonders auch den öffentlichen Dienst betrifft und verfassungsrechtlich angegriffen wird.

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21 October 2013

„Es gibt kein solidarisches Asylsystem in Europa“

Europas Innenminister ziehen nicht die richtigen Lehren aus der Katastrophe von Lampedusa: Ein legaler und sicherer Zugang zum Asylsystem in Europa tut not, sagt der Gießener Asylrechts-Experte Jürgen Bast - ebenso wie ein Resettlement-Programm für Flüchtlinge, die weder in ihrem provisorischen Aufnahmeland bleiben noch in ihr Herkunftsland zurückkehren können, und wirtschaftliche Freizügigkeit für anerkannte Flüchtlinge, um die Aufnahmeländer zu entlasten.

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EGMR schafft sich das blutige 20. Jahrhundert vom Hals

Kriegsverbrechen aus der Nazi- und Stalin-Ära und andere Entsetzlichkeiten des […]

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18 October 2013

Aufbruch in die Euro-Union

Warum ohne mehr Integration weitere Krisen drohen. Elf deutsche Ökonomen, Politologen und Juristen – die Glienicker Gruppe – entwickeln Vorschläge für ein vertieftes Europa.

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17 October 2013

Der maschinenlesbare Mensch: EuGH kann kein Problem erkennen

Darf die EU mir die Pflicht zumuten, dem Staat meine […]

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11 October 2013

EGMR: Haftung für Troll-Kommentare verletzt nicht die Meinungsfreiheit

Jeder, der im Internet unterwegs ist, und definitiv jeder, der […]

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Ein „Königsteiner Schlüssel“ für die EU-Flüchtlingspolitik

Nach der Tragödie von Lampedusa wird über die Verteilung von Flüchtlingen in der EU gestritten. Wie sähe diese aus, wenn sie nach dem gleichen Schlüssel wie in Deutschland organisiert wäre? Daniel Thym, Caroline Beverungen und Sigrid Gies haben errechnet, wie dies die Lastenverteilung verändern würde - mit überraschendem Ergebnis: Es sind keineswegs nur die Grenzstaaten im Süden und Osten der Union, die die Hauptlast tragen, sondern gerade auch Länder wie Belgien oder Schweden, die über tausend Kilometer von Lampedusa entfernt liegen. Länder wie Malta und Zypern sind sicherlich überlastet, umgekehrt gibt es jedoch in den meisten osteuropäischen Staaten sowie Italien und Spanien relativ wenig Asylanträge.

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02 October 2013
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Turning EU Citizenship into a Viable Tool of EU Federalism

Dozens of years after the European Economic Community turned into the European Union, we are (still) speaking of the EU as an economic organisation. The Internal Market, which was one among many in a potential palette of the tools of integration became seemly the only tool . The Union has moved on from the customs union and the four types of free movement: it is about so much more now, compared even with 20 years ago. To present the Internal Market as the only tool of European Integration is thus most probably wrong. Yet, what should the alternatives be? What else can be deployed to underpin the core of EU integration next to the internal market? It is to respond to this question that a number of leading scholars on EU citizenship gathered in Oslo on September 13–14, 2013.

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01 October 2013
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Kein Vollstreckungsschutz für insolvente Kommunen

Der EGMR in Straßburg hat letzte Woche eine Entscheidung veröffentlicht, […]

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30 September 2013

Hoffentlich keine Odyssee – Der Beitritt der EU zur EMRK

Seit dem 4. Juli 2013 liegt der Entwurf eines Übereinkommens zum Beitritt der EU zur EMRK auf dem Prüfstand des EuGH. In diesem Zusammenhang hat Daniel Thym die Frage aufgeworfen, ob ein EMRK-Beitritt der EU als „trojanisches Pferd“ in den Mauern des Unionsrechts dessen Effektivität bedrohe. Marten Breuer hat diesen Vorwurf zurückgewiesen: Von einem Danaer-Geschenk könne keine Rede sein. Diesem Ergebnis schließt sich auch Thomas Streinz an – wenn auch mit zum Teil anderer Begründung.

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24 September 2013

Wie EGMR und nationale Gerichte gemeinsam den Menschenrechtsschutz verbessern können

Einen großen Beitrag zur Diskussion über die Reform des Straßburger Systems leistete am vergangenen Wochenende eine Konferenz in der Göttinger Paulinerkirche, die von Anja Seibert-Fohr, Professorin in Göttingen und Mitglied des UN-Menschenrechtsausschusses, und dem EGMR-Richter Mark E. Villiger organisiert worden war. Unter der Überschrift „Judgments of the European Court of Human Rights – Effects and Implementation“ wurden in transnationaler Perspektive neue Wege diskutiert, wie das Zusammenspiel zwischen der Rechtsprechung des Gerichtshofes und ihrer innerstaatlichen Durchsetzung verbessert werden kann.

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16 September 2013

Kein Danaergeschenk! Eine Erwiderung auf Daniel Thyms „Ein trojanisches Pferd?”

Beeinträchtigt das Abkommen für den Beitritt der EU zur EMRK den Vorrang des Unionsrechts? Anders als Daniel Thym hält Marten Breuer diese Bedenken für unberechtigt.

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11 September 2013

Ein trojanisches Pferd? Der Vorrang des Unionsrechts im Lichte des Beitrittsübereinkommens der EU zur EMRK

Der Entwurf für den Beitritt der EU zur Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention steht. Aus EU-Sicht verliefen die Verhandlungen durchaus erfolgreich – und dennoch wirft der Vertragsentwurf eine Reihe von Fragen hinsichtlich des Vorrangs des Unionsrechts auf. Eben diese Fragen wird der EuGH alsbald zu beantworten haben: vor der Sommerpause verwies die EU-Kommission den Beitrittsentwurf nach Luxemburg, auf dass dieser im Gutachten 2/13 über die Vertragskonformität entscheide. Nach den EU-Verträgen dürfen völkerrechtliche Verträge, wie derjenige über den EMRK-Beitritt, nämlich nur in Kraft treten, wenn Sie mit den EU-Gründungsverträgen der vereinbar sind.

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05 August 2013

Überlegungen zur Zukunft der EU

Christian Calliess hat am 13. Juni in Potsdam vor der Europaministerkonferenz der Länder einen viel beachteten Vortrag zur Zukunft der Europäischen Union gehalten. Wir veröffentlichen den Vortrag in voller Länge.

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22 July 2013

Kadi II: Europas Freiheitsrechte werden in Luxemburg verteidigt

Der sogenannte Kampf gegen den Terrorismus wird vorwiegend mit Informationen geführt. Mächtig ist, wer sie besitzt und über ihre Verwendung bestimmt. Die Europäische Union hat sich in diesem Kampf mit der Rolle des Erfüllungsgehilfen begnügt. Sie hat Sanktionen gegen einen Mann erlassen, auf Grundlage zweifelhafter amerikanischer Geheimdienstinformationen, in die sie selbst keinen Einblick hatte. Mit dem Kadi II-Urteil verwirft nun der EuGH diese Rollenverteilung endgültig als Verstoß gegen europäische Grundrechte. Die Entscheidung, der zwölf Jahre rechtlicher Auseinandersetzung in unterschiedlichen Foren vorausgingen, zeichnet ein grelles Bild der von vernetzten Exekutiven dominierten „Neuen Weltordnung“. Sie zeigt indes auch einen Gerichtshof, der – vor der öffentlichen Aufmerksamkeit versteckt im Märchenland Luxemburg und nach Meinung mancher angeblich ohne die Legitimität und den Willen zu einer ernsthaften Grundrechtsrechtsprechung – zum bedeutenden Akteur in der Auseinandersetzung zwischen Freiheit und Sicherheit gereift ist.

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18 July 2013

EuGH entkafkaisiert globales Terrorbekämpfungs-Regime

Fünf Jahre nach seinem epochalen Kadi-Urteil zeigt der EuGH wenig Neigung, dem Kompromissdruck der Regierungen nachzugeben und seinen Anspruch, im globalen Antiterrorkampf mit europäischem Grundrechtsschutz querzuschießen, zurückzuschneiden. In seinem heutigen Urteil Kadi II hält er seine Herausforderung an die Weltgemeinschaft, selbst einen effektiven Rechtsschutz für Betroffene globaler Anti-Terrormaßnahmen zu entwickeln, aufrecht.

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16 July 2013

Kein Recht auf Whistleblowing für Anwälte

In diesen Zeiten der Fassungslosigkeit über das Ausmaß überwachungsstaatlicher Methoden im vermeintlichen Rechtsstaats-Paradies westlicher Demokratien verdienen Nachrichten über so genannte Whistleblower besondere Aufmerksamkeit - Leute wie Edward Snowden, die extreme persönliche Risiken auf sich nehmen, um Fälle staatlichen oder privaten Machtmissbrauchs öffentlich zu machen. Ob Maître Olivier Morice ein Whisteblower ist, weiß ich nicht. Jedenfalls scheint mir aber das Urteil, das der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte heute in seinem Fall veröffentlicht hat, für Anwälte als Whistleblower nichts Gutes zu bedeuten.

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15 July 2013

“Wegsperren für immer” ist in ganz Europa verboten

Ich kann nicht alles nachholen, was während meines Urlaubs alles an Bloggenswerten aufgelaufen ist. Das ist eine ganze Menge, allem voran natürlich die NSA-Affäre, die uns ja wohl hoffentlich noch eine Weile erhalten bleiben wird. Eine letzte Woche ergangen Entscheidung des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte finde ich aber doch so aufregend, dass ich hier doch kurz auf sie hinweisen möchte.

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Guys with Guns vs. Guys with Reports: Egyptian and Hungarian Comparisons

Sind Fidesz und die Muslimbrüderschaft vergleichbare Phänomene? Gábor Halmai über Parallelen und Unterschiede zwischen Ägypten und Ungarn.

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12 July 2013
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Es geht eben doch: Nochmals zur ersten Vorlage des Conseil Constitutionnel an den EuGH

Man muss als nationales Höchstgericht in EU-Angelegenheiten nicht mit Ultra-vires-Knüppeln […]

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08 July 2013

Warum sich Eric Stein nie für Archive interessierte

Am 8.7.1913 wurde in der tschechischen Kleinstadt Holice Eric Stein […]

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05 July 2013

Auslegungsmethodik und Ultra-Vires-Kontrolle

Im Streit um die Eurorettung geht es immer wieder um die Auslegung der vertraglichen Kompetenzen der EU. Das Bundesverfassungsgericht legt dabei materielle, einseitig definierte Maßstäbe an, wo die Grenze zum verfassungswidrigen Ultra-Vires-Akt verläuft. Dem ist aber die Frage vorgelagert, welche Kompetenzen überhaupt übertragen wurden - und die ist nach völkerrechtlichen Kriterien zu beantworten. Eine stärkere Orientierung an völkerrechtlichen Auslegungsregeln könnte die Konflike zwischen BVerfG und EuGH jetzt und in Zukunft mildern.

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In Praise of the Tavares Report: Europe finally said No to Viktor Orbán

The Tavares Report, adopted by the European Parliament with a surprisingly large majority, provides a bill of particulars against the Hungarian government and lays out a strong program to guide European Union institutions in bringing Hungary back into the European fold. With the passage of this report, Europe has finally said no to Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his constitutional revolution.

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23 June 2013

The Idea of Democracy Protection in the EU Revisited

Im Umgang mit Mitgliedsstaaten, in denen Demokratie und Rechtsstaatlichkeit ins Rutschen kommen, zeigen sich EU-Kommission und EU-Parlament weniger hilflos und unentschlossen, als manche befürchtet hatten. Doch reicht solch punktueller Druck aus? Jan-Werner Müller berichtet über die jüngsten Entwicklungen in Brüssel und antwortet zum Abschluss des Verfassungsblogs-Symposiums "Ungarn - was tun?" auf die Kritiker seines Vorschlags, als unabhängige Instanz eine "Kopenhagen-Kommission" einzurichten.

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14 June 2013
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Wie die rumänische Regierung die Verfassung “verbessern” will

Letztes Jahr scheiterte der Versuch der rumänischen Regierungskoalition, den Präsidenten per Referendum zu stürzen, an zu niedriger Wahlbeteiligung und am Widerstand des Verfassungsgerichts. Jetzt bereitet sie einen zweiten Anlauf vor - und will dabei die Verfassung ihren Plänen anpassen. Ein Parlamentsausschuss hat entsprechende Änderungen beschlossen - unter dem Vorsitz von niemand anderem als dem Präsidentschaftskandidaten der Koalition.

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13 June 2013

The EU in its most serious crisis ever (and that’s not the Euro crisis)

Following the recent fascinating exchange in the ‘pages’ of the […]

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12 June 2013

Die EZB vor dem Bundesverfassungsgericht, Teil 2

Wie immer das Verfahren um die Anleihenkäufe durch die EZB auf die Eurorettung auswirkt - im Europarecht wird dieser Fall auf jeden Fall tiefe Spuren hinterlassen: Das BVerfG hat offenbar vor, den Bürgern ein Grundrecht gegen Kompetenzverschiebungen in Europa zu geben. Das ist die Erkenntnis des zweiten Verhandlungstags.

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11 June 2013

Die EZB vor dem Bundesverfassungsgericht, Teil 1

Es ist wieder Sommer in Karlsruhe, und wieder wird über […]

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10 June 2013

“Eine Krise des europäischen Rechts und auch des Verfassungsrechts”

Ingolf Pernice gibt im Verfassungsblog-Interview Auskunft, was er sich von der ESM-Verhandlung vor dem Bundesverfassungsgericht erwartet, ob eine bloße Ankündigung künftiger Anleihenkäufe überhaupt ein tauglicher Verfahrensgegenstand sein kann und ob Karlsruhe mit einem zu weit gehenden Urteil eine nationale Verfassungskrise auslösen könnte.

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03 June 2013

Ist das deutsche Zustimmungsgesetz zur EU-Bankenaufsicht verfassungswidrig?

Eine EU-Verordnung bedarf eigentlich keines nationalen Gesetzgebungsverfahrens mehr. Im Falle der europäischen Bankenaufsicht will Deutschland aber trotzdem ein Zustimmungsgesetz nach Art. 23 I 2 GG dazu erlassen. Ist das überhaupt erlaubt? Nein, sagt Franz Mayer, Europarechtsprofessor aus Bielefeld, und warnt vor Verfassungsbruch und europarechtlicher Destabilisierung.

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31 May 2013

Gutachten aus Straßburg: Mehr Arbeit für den ohnehin überlasteten EGMR

Das europäische System des Menschenrechtsschutzes steht vor einer weitreichenden Reform. Die obersten nationalen Gerichte werden, wenn sie auf Schwierigkeiten bei der Auslegung der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention stoßen, den EGMR um ein Rechtsgutachten anrufen können. Diese Maßnahme könnte große Auswirkungen auf die Funktionalität des Systems haben - ob günstige oder nicht, wird sich erst noch zeigen.

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30 May 2013

Vorratsdatenspeicherung: Schweden ist nicht Deutschland

Der EuGH hat Schweden wegen dessen Versäumnis, die EU-Richtlinie zur Vorratsdatenspeicherung umzusetzen, zu drei Millionen Euro Bußgeld verurteilt. Den gleichen Vorwurf könnte man auch Deutschland machen. Doch das Urteil taugt nicht für voreilige Schlüsse, denn die deutsche Situation ist mit der Schwedens nicht vergleichbar.

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19 May 2013

Nachdenken über van Gend en Loos: Reflexionstag beim EuGH

Wer eine Rechtsgemeinschaft gründen will, muss dafür Juristen gewinnen. Niemand […]

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17 May 2013

Dreiprozenthürde bei Europawahl: Der Bundestag will’s wissen

Eineinhalb Jahre ist das Urteil des BVerfG zur Fünfprozenthürde bei […]

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14 May 2013

Ungarn kann doch nicht ganz machen, was es will

Ungarns Verfassungspolitik, den Lesern dieses Blogs wohl vertraut, hat heute […]

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Vom Recht auf selbstbestimmten Tod und seinen Folgen

Muss der Staat mir ermöglichen, mich auf schmerzlose und sichere […]

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“Wir haben viele Fehler gemacht. Sie passieren. Und dann korrigiert man sie.”

Menschenrechte hatten es schwer in Europa in letzter Zeit. In […]

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13 May 2013

The Crisis of Democracy in Hungary and Romania – Learning from Weimar?

Hungary’s political development under the Orbán government is by now […]

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08 May 2013

The Hungarian Dilemma from a Pluralist Perspective

The constitutional and political developments in Hungary in the last […]

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25 April 2013

Ethnische Konfliktlösung durch Verfassungsdesign: Donald Horowitz in der American Academy

Wenn der Bürgerkrieg vorbei ist, die Guerrillas ihre Waffen niedergelegt […]

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24 April 2013

Antiterrordatei-Urteil: Fäusteschütteln in Richtung Luxemburg

Die Antiterrordatei ist im Prinzip verfassungsmäßig, im Detail jedoch nicht, […]

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23 April 2013

Verbot politischer Fernsehwerbung: Straßburg will keinen Ärger mit Westminster

Airtime für politische Forderungen ist auch weiterhin nichts, was man […]

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22 April 2013

Was den Motor antreibt: Der EuGH als Wegbereiter der europäischen Integration?

In den Debatten um die Integration Europas wird der Gerichtshof […]

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20 April 2013

Demnächst in Karlsruhe: die EZB vor Gericht

Im Fußball hat Karlsruhe nach einer tollen Siegesserie derzeit gute […]

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16 April 2013

Wenn nicht mit euch, dann halt ohne euch

27 Mitgliesstaaten hat die EU (ab Juli 28), und überall […]

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Schizophrene Terrorverdächtige darf man nicht an die USA ausliefern

Die in den USA üblichen Haftbedingungen können also doch ein […]

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15 April 2013
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Das Röhren der Hirsche: Erste Vorlage des Conseil constitutionnel an den EuGH

Walter Scheel, Richard von Weizsäcker, Horst Köhler und Christian Wulff […]

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12 April 2013

Ukrainisches Versammlungsrecht: Rechtslücke als Menschenrechtsverstoß

Die ukrainische Verfassung garantiert, wie jede vernünftige und auch sehr […]

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08 April 2013

Sinn und Unsinn einer Kopenhagen-Kommission

1. Versäumnisse Von den politischen Akteuren wird eingeräumt, dass es […]

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07 April 2013

Opening the enforcement of EU fundamental values to European citizens

Over the last two years, the adoption, implementation and, more […]

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0
31 March 2013
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“Die Armen werden entscheiden, dass es sich nicht lohnt, da dabeizusein”

Hamburg, 23. März 2013. Die Eröffnung der Internationalen Bauausstellung lockt […]

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27 March 2013

Supremacy of the EU Charter in National Courts in Purely Domestic Cases

The European Union is not just a community based on […]

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25 March 2013

The EU Is More Than A Constraint On Populist Democracy

Jan-Werner Müller’s eloquent proposal on what the EU should do […]

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22 March 2013

Less Constraint of Popular Democracy, More Empowerment of Citizens

While I share Müller’s concern about the situation in Hungary […]

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21 March 2013

“What” versus “Who”: Europe’s Rule of Law Agenda Revisited

As we all know, observance of the “Rule of Law” […]

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19 March 2013

Rechtsschutz gegen UN-Sanktionen: Rudert der EuGH zurück?

Vor viereinhalb Jahren hat der EuGH sein epochales Urteil Kadi […]

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14 March 2013

Man muss Sarkozy einen “pauvre con” nennen dürfen

Nicolas Sarkozy ist nicht mehr Präsident der französischen Republik, was […]

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13 March 2013

Die EU als wehrhafte Demokratie, oder: Warum Brüssel eine Kopenhagen-Kommission braucht

Kann es innerhalb der Europäischen Union eine Diktatur geben?  Vor […]

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Ungarn – was tun?

Am Montag hat das ungarische Parlament ein Paket von Verfassungsänderungen […]

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11 March 2013

Polizeigewahrsam für Fußball-Hools: Straßburg weicht Verbot von Präventivhaft auf

Einen weniger sympathischen Kläger als den des EGMR-Urteils Ostendorf kann […]

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08 March 2013

Mangold Reloaded?

In mehrschichtigen Grundrechtssystemen stellt sich stets die Frage, welche Grundrechtsschicht […]

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07 March 2013

Mehr Rechtsstaat für Migranten/innen

Viel Lärm hat der jüngste Beschluss des Bundesverfassungsgerichts (BVerfG) zu […]

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04 March 2013

Ein europapolitisch starker Bundestag, und ein Dutzend Fragezeichen

Wer etwas für die Demokratie in Deutschland und Europa tun […]

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01 March 2013

“Die Krise ist ein Perpetuum Mobile”

Was sehen Sie vor sich, wenn Sie an Europa 2023 […]

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28 February 2013

Von Karlsruhe nach Bückeburg – auf dem Weg zur europäischen Grundrechtsgemeinschaft

Es gibt Urteile, deren Tenor ist ein Paukenschlag – und […]

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26 February 2013

Wo das Unionsrecht hinreicht, da reicht auch die Grundrechtecharta hin

Verstößt Schweden, wenn es Steuerhinterzieher doppelt bestraft, gegen die Europäische […]

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24 February 2013

Im Fegefeuer des Rechts: Lorenzo Zucca über „A Secular Europe“

Etwas Infernalisches hatte er mitunter schon, der Konflikt zwischen religiösen […]

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22 February 2013

Hungarian Ban Of Totalitarian Symbols: The Constitutional Court Speaks Up Again

Although the Hungarian government promised not to strike back after […]

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“Ernstnehmen des Anderen. Und zwar als Rechtsgebot! Darum geht es in Europa”

Wenn Sie an Europa 2023 denken, welche Veränderungen fallen Ihnen […]

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21 February 2013

Karlsruhe und Europa: Da kommt noch was

Wir hatten uns ja schon fast daran gewöhnt, dass zwischen […]

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19 February 2013

Sukzessivadoption: Karlsruhe schiebt den schwarz-gelben Peter zurück

Eigentlich ist es doch ganz einfach, zu erklären, was heute […]

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15 February 2013

Recht elitär: Benjamin Lahusen porträtiert Savigny

Warum studiert man in Deutschland nicht das Recht, sondern die […]

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„Je mehr Vorschläge zur Demokratisierung, desto mehr Abwendung der Bürger“

An was denken Sie, wenn Sie an die EU in […]

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0
13 February 2013

“The traditional one-size-fits-all approach to European integration is obsolete”

When you think of Europe ten years from now – […]

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0

Adoptionsrecht: Karlsruhe-Straßburger Synchronschwimmen

Am Dienstag stellt sich heraus, ob homosexuelle Paare ein Recht […]

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09 February 2013

“Not universal, but all over the place”: Zur Globalität der Geschichte des Völkerrechts

Eine Weltgeschichte des Völkerrechts: Da steckt gleich eine Handvoll höchst […]

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08 February 2013
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“Cameron hat völlig Recht. Wir müssen über Rückbau reden.”

Herr Isensee, Herr Hillgruber, Sie stehen beide in der Tradition […]

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05 February 2013

Heute vor 50 Jahren: Die Geburtsstunde Europas als Rechtsordnung

Am 5. Februar 1963 fällte der Europäische Gerichtshof in Luxemburg […]

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Schottland sieht Island als Modell bei Verfassungsgebung

300.000 Isländer können sich kollektiv eine Verfassung geben; das hat […]

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0
01 February 2013

„Wir stehen vor Jahrzehnten der institutionellen Schizophrenie“

Wenn Du die Augen schließt und an Europa 2023 denkst, […]

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29 January 2013

„Die EU wird ausfransen, die Verteilungskonflikte werden sich verschärfen“

Wenn Sie die Augen schließen und sich Europa 2023 vorstellen, […]

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25 January 2013

“Most People See That The UK Is A Lot Better Off Within The EU”

Do you think the EU and the United Kingdom will […]

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0
23 January 2013

„Eine parlamentarisch verantwortliche Regierung für Europa“

Wenn Sie an Europa im Jahr 2023 denken – woran […]

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0
21 January 2013

„Es wird keinen großen Wurf und keinen großen Knall geben“

Das ganze Jahr 2012 haben wir viele große Visionen über […]

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15 January 2013

Religion am Arbeitsplatz: EGMR hat für alle ein bisschen was

Airlines dürfen ihren Angestellten nicht das Tragen von Kruzifixen verbieten, […]

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09 January 2013

Nuclear War between the Court of Justice and Czech Constitutional Court (hopefully) averted

There has been an incessant debate in the last decades […]

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Neues Recht im Kontext WP: Armin von Bogdandy über Grundprinzipien

Armin von Bogdandys Kapitel “Grundprinzipien von Staat, supranationalen und internationalen […]

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0
17 December 2012

Alain Supiot über Sozialstaat, Globalisierung und Solidarität

In seiner Antrittsvorlesung im Collège de France skizzierte der Arbeits- […]

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0
27 November 2012

Pringle-Urteil des EuGH: Bailout plus Austerity ist erlaubt

Was immer das so genannte Bailout-Verbot in Art. 125 I […]

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15 November 2012

EuGH korrigiert strikte Linie der ersten Instanz zu Anti-Terrorlisten

Der EuGH hat heute zwei Entscheidungen veröffentlicht, an denen Eric […]

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06 November 2012

Die verschiedenen Köpfe der EU-Kommission

Kann, wer über die Rechtswidrigkeit einer Handlung entscheidet, hinterher wegen […]

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Altersdiskriminierung: EuGH kippt Ungarns Justizreform

In Karlsruhe wird heute und morgen über fundamentale Verfassungsfragen verhandelt: […]

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05 November 2012

Der europäische Bundesstaat: Das Grundgesetz hätte nichts dagegen

Seit dem Lissabon-Urteil des Bundesverfassungsgerichts ist die Vorstellung in der […]

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25 October 2012
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Herr Pringle geht nach Luxemburg…

Auf mitgliedstaatlicher Ebene hat der Europäische Stabilitätsmechanismus (ESM) schon die […]

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24 October 2012
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Grundrechtsschutz im Plural: Wie EuGH und EGMR künftig miteinander zurechtkommen wollen

Zwei Tage nach der Prinzenhochzeit widmete sich am Montag in […]

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0
12 October 2012

Ein Hoch auf das weltweit erfolgreichste Friedenssicherungs-Projekt ever!

Mir ging es wie vielen: Erst dachte ich WTF. Dann: […]

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08 October 2012

Die EU als Empire

Was ist das eigentlich für ein Besuch, den die Kanzlerin […]

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20 September 2012

Griechenland hat Wichtigeres zu tun als Beihilfen einzutreiben

In der Eurokrise ist bisweilen, was rechtens ist, nicht ohne […]

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13 September 2012

Des Kaisers neue Kleider

Die Diskussion der vergangenen Wochen hatte etwas Unwirkliches. Die globalen […]

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Wie das ESM-Urteil umgesetzt werden kann

Von CHRISTIAN CALLIESS und CHRISTOPHER SCHOENFLEISCH Im Ergebnis ist die […]

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12 September 2012

Das ESM-Urteil des Bundesverfassungsgerichts: ein fiebersenkendes Mittel

Was hatten wir eigentlich alle in den letzten Tagen? Wieso […]

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11 September 2012

Wir händeringenden, karlsruhehörigen Deutschen

Soso, er ist also gescheitert mit seinem eiligsten aller Eilanträge, […]

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10 September 2012

Die EZB vor Gericht, Teil 2: Spärliche Erfolgsaussichten

VII.  Eine Klage gegen die EZB könnte nur dann Erfolg […]

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Die EZB vor Gericht? Teil I: Wer klagen könnte, und wogegen

Jetzt also auch die Europäische Zentralbank. Die jüngste Ankündigung der […]

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05 September 2012

Asylrecht schützt nicht nur “Kernbereich” der Religionsfreiheit

Wegen seines Glaubens verfolgt wird nicht nur, wem verboten ist […]

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14 August 2012

„If We Embark On A Global Constitutional Process We Will Fail“

National parliamentary democracy is in peril as a result of […]

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22 July 2012

Die Euro-Verfassung und die Ewigkeitsklausel in Karlsruhe, Teil II: Stabilisierungsmechanismus

Leider hat es etwas länger mit Teil II gedauert. In […]

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10 July 2012

ESM/Fiskalpakt in Karlsruhe, Teil 3: Von Kernschmelzen, bodenlosen Fässern und anderen Katastrophen

Drei Komplexe hat die heutige Verhandlung umfasst: Da ist zum […]

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ESM/Fiskalpakt in Karlsruhe, Teil 2: Parlamentarier und ihre Verantwortung

Als weitere Vorfrage zog der Senat anschließend die Frage vor […]

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ESM/Fiskalpakt in Karlsruhe, Teil 1: Lieber später und verlässlicher entscheiden

Mindestens über den Sommer werden wir noch warten müssen, bis […]

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05 July 2012

Das Europäische Parlament sollte den Fiskalvertrag vor den EuGH bringen

Die Debatte über die Rechtmäßigkeit des Fiskalvertrages wird derzeit vornehmlich […]

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04 July 2012
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Would the election of a Member of the European Parliament as President of the Commission make democratic sense?

By CHRISTIAN JOERGES and FLORIAN RÖDL In a May 23rd […]

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28 June 2012

Informelle Direktwahl des EU-Kommissionspräsidenten: ein Gebot des Grundgesetzes

Wenn künftig die EU-Kommission über die haushaltspolitische Vernunft der Mitgliedsstaaten […]

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26 June 2012
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Direktwahl des EU-Kommissionspräsidenten: Mehr Schaden als Nutzen

Von CHRISTIAN JOERGES und FLORIAN RÖDL Mattias Kumm hat in […]

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25 June 2012

Die Euro-Verfassung und die Ewigkeitsklausel in Karlsruhe, Teil I: Fiskalvertrag

Der Europäische Stabilitäts-Mechanismus und der Fiskalvertrag, dies ist nun zumindest […]

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24 June 2012

Strategic Decoration in the Persianate and Latinate Worlds c. 1500-1700

As the academic year draws slowly to a close, we […]

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23 June 2012

Heribert Prantl schreibt einfach irgendwas

Was Peter Gauweiler für die CSU im Bundestag ist, das […]

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21 June 2012

Karlsruhe schnipst, Bundespräsident spurt

Das Bundesverfassungsgericht findet also, dass der Europäische Stabilitätsmechanismus nicht schon […]

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19 June 2012

Europapolitik ist keine Geheimdiplomatie

Wie Regierung und Parlament in europapolitischen Angelegenheiten zusammenzuarbeiten haben, ist […]

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18 June 2012

Grundsätzliches zu Eurorettung und Menschenwürde

Das wird eine verfassungspolitisch heiße Woche. Das liegt natürlich an […]

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12 June 2012

Eine Formel für die mitgliedsstaatliche Bindung an EU-Grundrechte

In welchem Umfang gibt die EU-Grundrechtecharta dem EuGH das Recht, […]

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08 June 2012

Grenzen dicht, weil Nachbar doof

Der gestrige Beschluss der Innenminister zur Schengen-Reform hat bei aller […]

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06 June 2012

Grundrechtecharta ist österreichisches Verfassungsrecht

Stellt euch vor, das Bundesverfassungsgericht würde  die EU-Grundrechtecharta für unmittelbar […]

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05 June 2012
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Eurobonds, Episode VI – The Return of the Jedi: Projektbonds

Von FRANZ C. MAYER und CHRISTIAN HEIDFELD  „… the biggest […]

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04 June 2012
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Eurobonds, Episode V – The Verfassungsrecht strikes back

Von FRANZ C. MAYER und CHRISTIAN HEIDFELD „… an elegant […]

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03 June 2012
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Eurobonds, Episode IV: A New Hope?

Von FRANZ C. MAYER und CHRISTIAN HEIDFELD Die neuesten Überlegungen […]

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01 June 2012
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Eurobonds, Episode III: Don’t underestimate the Force – Eurobonds und Verfassung

Von FRANZ C. MAYER und CHRISTIAN HEIDFELD Zur verfassungsrechtlichen Dimension […]

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31 May 2012
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Eurobonds, Episode II: “Bail out Member States you not must!”

Von FRANZ C. MAYER und CHRISTIAN HEIDFELD „I find your […]

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23 May 2012

Democratic Governance Of The Euro: Two Practical Suggestions

By MATTIAS KUMM On May 10 my colleague Miguel Maduro […]

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18 May 2012

L’Uom di Sasso! L’Uomo Bianco!

Ich bin gerade in Turin auf einer Konferenz über Societal […]

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17 May 2012

Der Krieg der Richter findet doch statt – in Tschechien

Im Februar hatte das tschechische Verfassungsgericht für große Aufregung gesorgt, […]

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08 May 2012

Fiskalpakt und Grundgesetz: Ja, wattn nu?

Keiner kennt sich mehr aus, ob Fiskalpakt und ESM nun […]

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26 April 2012

EuGH nimmt sich der Rechte von Drittstaats-Ausländern an

Unser famoser Innenminister findet es gemeinsam mit seinem französischen Kollegen […]

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17 April 2012

Rescue Package for Fundamental Rights: Comments by MICHAELA HAILBRONNER

The Heidelberg proposal, with its suggestion of the adoption of […]

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0
13 April 2012

Der Fiskalpakt – eine Sprosse auf der Integrationsleiter

Die Bundesregierung hat den Entwurf eines Gesetzes zu dem Vertrag […]

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0
03 April 2012

Rescue Package for Fundamental Rights: Further Comments by DANIEL HALBERSTAM

Peter Lindseth’s post directed at my own intervention on the […]

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0
29 March 2012

ESM-Gesetz: Drei Pünktchen für den Bundestag

Gesetzesvorlagen werden beim Bundestage durch die Bundesregierung, aus der Mitte […]

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22 March 2012

Nationale Parlamente sind in der Euro-Krise nicht entbehrlich

Von FRANZ C. MAYER Vielleicht wäre es am einfachsten, das […]

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0

Rettungsschirm für Grundrechte: Anmerkungen von ANTJE WIENER

Auch wenn „Rettungsschirm“ nicht unbedingt das Wort des Monats ist […]

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13 March 2012

EuGH stoppt Sippenhaft durch Sanktionen

Der Sohn kann nicht unbedingt etwas dafür, wenn der Vater […]

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08 March 2012

Ending The Honeymoon: Constructing Europe Beyond The Market

By MORITZ HARTMANN and FLORIS DE WITTE In Greek mythology, […]

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Ende der Flitterwochen: Europa jenseits des Marktes

Von MORITZ HARTMANN und FLORIS DE WITTE Sisyphos ist ein […]

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0
06 March 2012

EU-Recht setzt Ungarns Isolation Grenzen (aber sehr, sehr weite)

EU-Mitgliedsstaaten müssen sich nicht vertragen. Aber ihr Streit darf nicht […]

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05 March 2012

Braucht der Fiskalpakt wirklich eine Zweidrittelmehrheit?

Aus dem Deutschen Bundestag hört man, dass der neue Fiskalpakt […]

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04 March 2012

Reforming the European Court of Human Rights: The Draft Brighton Declaration

By NOREEN O’MEARA Efforts to reform of the European Court […]

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02 March 2012

Reich werden mit euroskeptischen Verfassungsbeschwerden

Im Januar habe ich hier über einen klitzekleinen und auffällig […]

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EGMR: Großbritannien zieht die Handschuhe aus

Die britische Regierung macht Ernst mit ihrer Ankündigung, ihren gegenwärtigen […]

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01 March 2012

Ist die Bundesversammlung demokratisch korrekt zusammengesetzt?

Am 18. März wird die Bundesversammlung Joachim Gauck zum Nachfolger […]

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Rettungsschirm für Grundrechte: Anmerkungen von MATTIAS KUMM

Ungarns Ministerpräsident Victor Orban und die von ihm kontrollierte Regierungspartei […]

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28 February 2012

Neun Abgeordnete sind kein Parlament

Der Bundestag muss zustimmen, wenn das Geld der Deutschen verliehen […]

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Rescue Package for Fundamental Rights: Further Comments from PETER LINDSETH

It is a tribute to the thoughtfulness of the Heidelberg […]

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0
27 February 2012

Rescue Package for Fundamental Rights: Comments by RENATA UITZ

In order to full appreciate the Heidelberg proposal, I believe […]

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0

Rescue Package for Fundamental Rights: Comments by DIMITRY KOCHENOV

Armin von Bogdandy and his team have come up with […]

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24 February 2012

Rescue Package for Fundamental Rights: Comments by WOJCIECH SADURSKI

The Hungarian debacle is both a challenge and an opportunity […]

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23 February 2012

Rettungsschirm für Grundrechte: Anmerkungen von DANIEL THYM

Die Parallelen zwischen den Notoperationen zur Euro-Rettung und einer EuGH-Grundrechtsintervention […]

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22 February 2012

Rescue Package for Fundamental Rights: Comments by DANIEL HALBERSTAM

I welcome the Heidelberg proposal! Several years ago – long […]

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Playing With Matches: The Czech Constitutional Court’s Ultra Vires Revolution

By JAN KOMAREK When the Czech Constitutional Court (CCC) declared […]

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18 February 2012

Rescue Package for Fundamental Rights: Comments by PETER LINDSETH

I’d like to thank Alexandra, Max, and Christoph for inviting […]

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15 February 2012

Rettungsschirm für Grundrechte: Anmerkungen von ANNA KATHARINA MANGOLD

Die Heidelberger Forschergruppe um Armin von Bogdandy schlägt in ihrem […]

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Rescue Package For Fundamental Rights: Comments by PÁL SONNEVEND

The European Union could not be imagined without respect for […]

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Ein Rettungsschirm für europäische Grundrechte – dargestellt am Beispiel der Medienfreiheit

Von ARMIN VON BOGDANDY, MATTHIAS KOTTMANN, CARLINO ANTPÖHLER, JOHANNA DICKSCHEN, […]

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Rettungsschirm für Grundrechte: Ein Online-Symposium auf dem Verfassungsblog

Die Konstitution der EU wird bestimmt durch die Grundrechtslage in […]

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Hat Tschechiens Verfassungsgericht die Ultra-Vires-Bombe gezündet?

Es war das Bundesverfassungsgericht, das sie einst erfunden hat, die […]

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04 February 2012

Irland und der Fiskalpakt: Verfassungsrecht, das nicht Verfassungsrecht sein darf

Am Montag haben die EU-Regierungschefs ihren Fiskalpakt unter Dach und […]

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02 February 2012

The Eurozone Crisis and Europe’s Persistent ‘No-Demos Problem’

By PETER LINDSETH As usual, things are moving so quickly […]

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30 January 2012

The Faith of Crisis

By  MARK SOMOS Last week’s “Athenian Legacies: European Debates on […]

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20 January 2012

Gauweiler und die fünf Profs kriegen ein Drittel ihrer Prozesskosten

Die Kläger beim Euro-Rettungsschirm-Urteil haben zwar verloren. Aber der Zweite […]

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17 January 2012

Crisis Talk at Humboldt University

By ISABEL FEICHTNER It’s easier to talk about love than […]

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07 January 2012

Die Schande Ungarns ist auch unsere eigene

Menschenwürde, Freiheit, Demokratie, Gleichheit, Rechtsstaatlichkeit, Wahrung der Menschenrechte. Das sind […]

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21 December 2011

Warum das Asylrecht den Daseinsgrund der EU korrodiert

  Die EU lebt vom Vertrauen: Ihre Mitglieder müssen einander […]

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20 December 2011

Dosenpfand – das Ende einer Ära

Erinnert sich noch jemand? Schröder war Kanzler, Trittin war Umweltminister, […]

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19 December 2011

Das Recht in der Eurokrise: Teil der Lösung oder Teil des Problems?

Bis März 2012 wollen  die Staats- und Regierungschefs des Euro-Währungsgebietes […]

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18 December 2011

A Constitutional Moment?

                    […]

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14 December 2011

Vertragsänderung statt effektiver Unterwanderung

Ist nicht jeder Rechtssatz, jedes Gesetz, ist nicht jeder Vertrag […]

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13 December 2011

Unterwanderung des Defizitverfahrens ist verboten, Effektivierung nicht

Es gehört zu den angeborenen Instinkten von Europapolitikern und Europarechtlern, […]

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Ein Bypass, kein Herzinfarkt

In den ersten Reaktionen auf das britische Veto des „Fiskalpakts“ […]

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Our new “Fiscal Union”: What Is It All About?

Last week’s EU summit has sent a shock wave through […]

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09 December 2011

Die rechtlichen Haken der Fiskalunion

Bislang hatte bei der Euro-Rettung die Politik weitestgehend das Heft […]

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Letting the British go

We had this coming for a long time. At times, […]

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08 December 2011

The Dual Character of Supra-Nationalism and the Euro Crisis

By CORMAC MAC AMHLAIGH Thirty years ago, Joseph Weiler wrote […]

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06 December 2011

Grenzen des Wachstums parlamentarischer Beteiligung?

Von FRANZ C. MAYER Am Dienstag, dem 29. November 2011 […]

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30 November 2011

Man kann Rührei nicht wieder trennen

Ist die Euro-Krise die Chance, endlich ein demokratisches Europa zu […]

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29 November 2011

The Eurozone Crisis Is Also a Governance Crisis – Isn’t It?

by Kenneth Anderson Over the last few months, as the […]

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17 November 2011

Polnischer Verfassungsgerichtshof will über EU-Recht urteilen

Das deutsche Bundesverfassungsgericht hat es immer nur angedroht, aber nie […]

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15 November 2011

Wird Schottland das 28. EU-Mitglied?

Nächste Woche fahre ich für drei Tage nach Edinburgh, um […]

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13 November 2011

CDU denkt an ein neues Grundgesetz

Das schreibt der SPIEGEL in seiner neuesten Ausgabe pünktlich in […]

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09 November 2011

5%-Hürde: Kein Grund zur Freude (außer für die CSU vielleicht)

Das EU-Parlament ist ja gar kein vernünftiges Parlament. Also kann […]

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02 November 2011

Das Ende der Alternativlosigkeit

Warum finden alle Papandreous Ankündigung, die Euro-Rettung seinem Volk zur […]

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20 October 2011

Auch Führerscheintouristen haben ein Recht auf den gesetzlichen (Europa-)Richter

Das Bundesverfassungsgericht ist mal wieder einem OLG in die Hacken […]

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18 October 2011

Das wichtigste Gericht der Welt

Europa hat generell keine so dolle Presse im Moment, und […]

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19 September 2011

Ein neues Grundgesetz: Warum eigentlich nicht?

Die Gründung der Vereinigten Staaten von Europa ist mit dem […]

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09 September 2011

Europarecht sticht Grundgesetz, und Karlsruhe prüft Europarecht

Wir sind alle noch ganz erschöpft von dem Eurorettungs-Urteil und […]

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07 September 2011

“Die Vorlage wäre die saubere Lösung gewesen”

Christoph Möllers, Professor für Verfassungsrecht an der Humboldt-Universität in Berlin, […]

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23 August 2011

Schwieriger Geburtstag in Karlsruhe

Am 7. September 1951 nahm das frisch gegründete Bundesverfassungsgericht in […]

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