EU Citizens’ Right to Join Political Parties

16 December 2024

EU Citizens’ Right to Join Political Parties

The Maastricht Treaty formally created the concept of citizenship of the European Union, based upon holding the nationality of a Member State. Now provided for in Article 20 TFEU, EU citizenship includes the right for EU citizens to vote in municipal and European Parliament elections in a Member State other than that of their nationality on the same basis as nationals. Two recent judgments by the Court of Justice enhance the role of EU citizenship as regards political rights, but its recognition of the importance of national identity in this area means that Member States can still place some limits on non-nationals’ role in politics.

05 December 2024

Francesco de Cecco

Added value(s)?

During the hearing in the infringement proceedings against Hungary’s ‘anti- LGBTIQ+ Law’, the Commission placed the values of the EU at the heart of its pleas. Following its publication in the Official Journal, some expected (while others feared) that the Commission’s infringement action would rely on Article 2 TEU (which set out the values of the EU) as a self-standing ground. Instead, during the hearing, the Commission’s representatives were adamant that Article 2 may only be invoked in connection with other EU law provisions. That is a welcome clarification. Grounding an infringement action solely on Article 2 would be unwise. Yet, the inclusion of these values among the pleas is legally, politically, and morally significant.

05 November 2024

Daniel Holznagel

Art. 21 DSA Has Come to Life

Art. 21 DSA is a new, unusual and interesting framework to settle disputes over online content moderation decisions. By now, the first four online dispute settlement bodies (ODS-bodies) have been certified, and most of them have already started taking cases. In this article, based on recent interviews with representatives from all certified bodies, I will explore how these very first ODS-bodies are set up and which very first experiences they have made.

04 November 2024

Hannah Ruschemeier

The role of the EU Charter in disputes concerning fundamental rights standards between the EU and Member States has been characterized by ambiguity ever since the Charter’s inception. As the EU deepens integration of Member States to effectively face the challenges ahead, I advocate for a pluralistic interpretation of Article 53 of the Charter that allows for a greater degree of accommodation of national particularities. In that way, one would reduce constitutional tensions and find that there may be unity in diversity after all.

Katerina Linos, Mark Pollack

Interviewing EU Judges

Who are the women and men behind the CJEU’s decisions? The CJEU is an incredibly powerful institution, yet little is known about the backgrounds, judicial philosophies, and ambitions of its judges and advocates general. The Union’s “Help Desk,” as CJEU President Koen Lenaerts modestly describes the Court, is now interpreting broad-ranging rules while also giving legal meaning to ambitious and ambiguous values such as the rule of law. This is where the Borderlines archive comes in – we interview the judges and advocates general of the Court of Justice, to learn about their backgrounds, varied experiences, and their jurisprudential philosophies.

01 November 2024

Emma Bolopion

The European Union and Climate Security

As the discourse linking climate change and security keeps on developing, the Union has positioned itself as a key player on the matter. Political and military realities however seriously hinder its action.

Maciej Grześkowiak

EU Asylum Law in the Face of a Paradigm Shift

The contribution looks into what be be termed a paradigm shift in the field of asylum law, decisively away from a focus on the individual and towards harsh, indiscriminate measures, whenever ‘security’ so dictates.

Francesco Saitto

So, has the Charter come of age, now that it is nearing its quarter century, and has been binding in force for nearly 15 of those years. No longer is the Charter a “sleeping beauty”, and no longer are fundamental rights mere epiphenomena in EU law – offshoots framed in the amorphous category of “general principles of law” – creations of the EU’s earlier desire for legitimacy in its quest for greater integration. The EU Charter contains the essence of a common language, a currency that all can understand. And the EU is better with it than without it.

Jakob Gašperin Wischhoff

The EU Charter’s Odyssey

Since its inception, the Union has grown into a tremendously powerful political actor through ever-increasing legal harmonization. This development has significantly marginalized the role of national apex courts – the lighthouses of democracy. Moreover, the globally observed trajectory of authoritarian forces is shaking EU's roots and questioning the vision of a lasting European polity. To fend off all these challenges, the Union should be centred around the hard-won humanistic freedoms and common values defined in the Charter, serving as a basis for common identification and a canvas to project shared visions of a political entity.

29 October 2024

Andreina De Leo

Managing Migration the Italian Way

The Italy-Albania deal provides a new, some say innovative, approach to externalization in migration procedures. It differs from the current EU toolbox, raising issues related to these differences and the treatment of procedural rights. Where these issues arise and how they will be litigated nationally and/or in front of the ECJ is unclear but will shape migration discourses beyond Italy.

Leon Seidl

A 486 Billion Dollar Investment

The Russian war of aggression against Ukraine has caused not only untold human suffering, but also immense damage to Ukraine’s physical, economic and social infrastructure. This contribution highlights the leading role of the European Union in coordinating international assistance for the reconstruction of Ukraine and its implications for the Union’s capacity to be a global player in peacebuilding and crisis management.

Carolyn Moser

On the Way to a European Defence Union

Is the EU on the path to a European Defence Union? Previously seen as militarily insignificant, the EU’s defence landscape is rapidly evolving in the wake of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. This post explores how EU defence is changing in terms of aims, actors, and activities. It shows that the EU has left its comfort zone as a normative power to get ready for the geostrategic challenges of our time.

28 October 2024

Joelle Grogan, Barbara Grabowska-Moroz

The Missing Chapter

The European Commission’s Annual Rule of Law Report aims to prevent further rule of law backsliding within the EU by examining the rule of law situation in Member States. However, the report is missing an important chapter: the EU itself. On 28 October 2024, the Rule of Law Clinic (CEU Democracy Institute, Budapest), together with experts from across Europe, began bridging this gap by publishing the first report on EU adherence to rule of law standards. Without a meaningful self-assessment of its own compliance with rule of law principles, the EU weakens its credibility, particularly when addressing systemic non-compliance with EU law by Member States.

Kerttuli Lingenfelter

A New European Map of Core International Crimes Accountability Spaces

For the core international crimes committed in Ukraine in the wake of the Russian war of aggression, criminal accountability remains a priority shared by, among others, Ukraine, the EU, EU member states, and the ICC. The contribution delves into the remaining uncertainty where accountability will be ensured.

Robert Stendel

The Common European Asylum System (CEAS) is under attack. In a recent Judgment against Hungary, the European Court of Justice has unambiguously stated that non-compliance with the rules of the CEAS undermines solidarity between Member States and strikes at the very heart of EU law. Traditional means of enforcement, however, seem insufficient to foster compliance with these rules. Against this backdrop, this blogpost argues for the unexplored avenue for enforcing the CEAS via horizontal state liability.

Emilia Sandri

Fundamental Rights Score a Goal

Amid the significant number of rulings delivered by the ECJ on 4 October 2024, the long-awaited judgment pitting football against the media stands out. In Real Madrid vs Le Monde, the Court held that excessive defamation damages may breach the freedom of the press and trigger the public policy exception under Brussels Ia Regulation concerning recognition and enforcement of foreign judgments. In doing so, the ECJ allowed national courts to conduct a substantive review of foreign judgments despite the principle of mutual trust, to ensure the enforcement of fundamental rights across the EU.

16 October 2024

Niklas Täuber

Admissibility Revisited

In an effort to force the European Union to adopt more ambitious climate targets, two environmental NGOs initiated a proceeding before the EU General Court, invoking the rarely used mechanism of “internal review” under the EU’s Aarhus Regulation. The reason for this unusual approach lies within a reoccurring issue of climate litigation: overcoming restrictive admissibility requirements. This new approach follows a path that had not yet been considered by legal scholarship or practice. While the line of argument is rather innovative, it goes beyond the boundaries of the Aarhus Regulation and is therefore likely to fail.

15 October 2024

Katarzyna Szepelak

Taking Locus Standi of International Actors Seriously

On October 4th 2024 the Court of Justice issued its judgement in Front Polisario II upholding the judgement in which GC annulled Council’s decision on the conclusion of the trade agreement between European Union and Morocco. In its landmark judgement the Court acknowledged the legal standing of Front Polisario – the liberation movement representing rights of the people of Western Sahara. The Court’s findings advance the flexible and adequate approach on access to EU’s courts – and for that are worth applauding.

11 October 2024

Maximilian Petras

Scholarly debates on climate change law in general and climate change litigation more specifically and the recent LPE debates mutually enrich each other. Surprisingly, the interaction of those two fields of study – while evoked frequently – remains underdeveloped.

Martijn van den Brink

Concise, Clear, and Convincing

While the rhetorical battle over citizenship by investment has been won by the EU institutions, its legal success is still up for debate. Last week Advocate General Collins delivered his much-anticipated Opinion in Commission v Malta, proposing that the Court dismisses the Commission’s challenge in a concise, clear, and, as I will explain, convincing legal opinion.

02 October 2024

Patrick Weil

Sale of Nationality as a Violation of Human Dignity

On 21 March 2023, the European Commission brought action against Republic of Malta for establishing and maintaining a policy and a practice of naturalisation despite “the absence of a genuine link of the applicants with the country, in exchange for pre-determined payments or investments”. In this blog, I argue that the Court is fully competent because Malta violated article 1 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. Specifically, I argue that selling nationality violates human dignity because nationality confers legal subjecthood, which is a central condition for guaranteeing the human dignity of European citizens.

Mattis Leson

Umkämpfte Meilensteine

Am 28. August 2024 haben vier Richterverbände bekanntgegeben, dass sie Berufung gegen den Medel-Beschluss des Gerichts der Europäischen Union eingelegt haben. Das Verfahren verdient bereits deshalb Aufmerksamkeit, weil es wieder einmal das ewige Thema des Individualrechtsschutzes vor den Gerichten der Europäischen Union betrifft. Darüber hinaus – und von noch größerer Relevanz – wirft die Rechtssache wichtige, unbeantwortete materielle Fragen der Rechtsstaatskonditionalität auf. Insbesondere steht die Wirksamkeit des Instituts erneut auf dem Prüfstand – verhandelt erstmals im Kontext von NextGenerationEU.

27 September 2024

Evangelia (Lilian) Tsourdi, Eva Maria Bredler

26 June 2024

Felix Reda

The creation of a dedicated EU Body for Ethical Standards carries the potential to mark a qualitative difference in the development of the EU ethics system as we know it. The contributions shows the strengths and looming pitfalls of the new Body.

Vladislava Stoyanova

KlimaSeniorinnen and the Question(s) of Causation

In Verein Klimaseniorinnen Schweiz and Others v Switzerland, the European Court of Human Rights makes many general statements about the nature of climate change and different actors’ roles in addressing it. Many points have been addressed in this blog symposium. In my blog post, I turn to a more technical aspect of the judgment, namely the question of causation. I will untangle the analytical gymnastics that the Court performs regarding this question. I will argue that the reasoning regarding causation is confusing and that it is not clear how specifically the ‘real prospect’ test is applied for finding a breach.

03 May 2024

Neus Vidal Marti, Viktoria Kraetzig

Why Europe Needs a Harmonised Access to Information Act

May the 3rd marks press freedom day around the world. Today, many articles and editorials will be published across Europe, highlighting the need to put an end to threats faced by journalists in Member States. While all these pan-European threats certainly need to be tackled, one fundamental pan-European crisis faced by journalists across the continent remains widely ignored: the difficulties to access information held by public authorities and the disparities among Member States when requesting data. This article aims to review the current situation of the right to request information from public bodies in EU Member States and offers a proposal that opens the door to discussing the possibility of harmonising such a right through the internal market competence.

01 May 2024

Geraldo Vidigal

International Trade and “Embedded Emissions” after KlimaSeniorinnen

A key and underrated aspect of the recent triad of climate rulings of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) is that the ECtHR has brought to the fore the role of trade-related greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions in states’ carbon footprints. While most international climate agreements focus on the reduction of domestic GHG emissions, in the Verein KlimaSeniorinnen Schweiz and Others v. Switzerland Judgment (KlimaSeniorinnen), the ECtHR found ‘attributable’ to Switzerland the GHG emissions taking place abroad, ‘embedded’ into goods (and possibly services) ‘consumed’ in Switzerland. As I will argue, the ruling appears to require Switzerland to adopt a climate-oriented trade policy.

30 April 2024

Charlotte Blattner

Separation of Powers and KlimaSeniorinnen

Especially in Switzerland, the KlimaSeniorinnen ruling has been met with sharp criticism. The rightwing Swiss People’s party (Schweizerische Volkspartei, SVP) (predictably) accused the Court of judicial overreach and demanded that Switzerland leave the Council of Europe. The ECtHR decision directly addresses separation of powers and the role of the judiciary in adjudicating human rights, specifically in the context of climate change. This post unpacks the decision and argues that concerns about ECtHR overreach are unwarranted. It shows how the judgment forms an integral part of democratic governance (particularly in Switzerland) whilst being conducive to better laws and policies.

29 April 2024

Anaïs Brucher, Antoine De Spiegeleir

Die Klima-Entscheidungen der Großen Kammer des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte (EGMR) sind wegweisend. Auf den ersten Blick ist jedoch nicht vollkommen klar, wie sie sich auf das nationale Klimarecht der Vertragsstaaten der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention (EMRK) auswirken werden. Haben die strategischen Klimaklagen den von ihnen erwünschten Durchbruch erzielt, der das nationale Klimarecht revolutionieren wird?

Marta Torre-Schaub

The European Court of Human Rights’ Kick Into Touch

On April 9, 2024, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) ruled on three applications concerning the fight against climate change and the positive obligations of the signatory states of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) in this respect. This blog post analyzes the Carême decision in which the Court declared inadmissible an application brought by a former mayor of a French town on the grounds of incompatibility ratione personae with the provisions of the Convention within the meaning of Article 35 § 3 (§ 88). In my view, this is an ill-developed decision, which could dangerously imply a regression in environmental matters.

18 April 2024

Bernhard Wegener

Menschenrecht auf Klimaschutz als „lebensrettende Behandlung“?

Manuela Niehaus verteidigt die menschenrechtsgestützte Klimarechtsprechung – insbesondere des EGMR – gegen meine Kritik. Es handele sich nicht um „Globuli für Umweltjuristen“, sondern um ein potentiell lebensrettendes Medikament, das – im Zusammenspiel mit anderen Mitteln – einen wesentlichen Beitrag zum Klimaschutz leisten könne. Das sehen sicher viele ähnlich und darum bin ich dankbar für Niehaus Argumente und für ihren sanften Spott. Ihr Spott trifft mich zu Recht, ihre Argumente aber überzeugen mich nur sehr teilweise.

Johannes Reich

KlimaSeniorinnen and the Choice Between Imperfect Options

The facts of Verein KlimaSeniorinnen Schweiz and Others v. Switzerland were categorically different from the ECtHR’s previous environmental case law. The Court therefore decided to incorporate important parts of International Climate Change Law into the ECHR. From an institutional perspective, this approach, which is not without its weaknesses, amounts to the ECtHR’s attempt to maintain the relevance of the Convention in the midst of the climate crisis, while, at the same, carefully striving to respect the realm of politics.

17 April 2024

Violeta Moreno-Lax

We may not readily describe Duarte Agostinho as a success. But it does offer an excellent opportunity to clarify what we mean by ‘success’ in this context. Arguably, this depends on our expectations – whether that’s to generate attention, trigger mobilization, seek judicial engagement with an issue, clarify the law, or pursue a given outcome, among others.

Päivi Leino-Sandberg

In the Dark

There is an old adage in the world of official transparency that “sunlight is the best disinfectant”. But when it comes to Europe’s recovery transformation via the NextGenerationEU (NGEU) programme and related instruments, the Commission insists on conducting as much of it as possible in the dark. As concerns grow about both the effectiveness and even potentially corruption in the use of recovery funds, this lack of transparency is particularly worrying.

12 April 2024

Armando Rocha

States’ Extraterritorial Jurisdiction for Climate-Related Impacts

States’ extraterritorial jurisdiction was one of the hot topics decided by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in Duarte Agostinho. Strictly speaking, the “lack of it” led the ECtHR to declare the complaint inadmissible with respect to all defendant States except Portugal. This finding is in line with previous ECtHR case law but highlights a gap in human rights protection and creates a mismatch between the ECtHR’s case law and that of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR) and the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC).

Umberto Lattanzi

Climate Litigation Reaches Italian Courts

With Giudizio Universale, climate litigation has found its way to Italy. This case has many aspects in common with the general transnational phenomenon, both in terms of the structure and content of the legal arguments used. The case highlights the difficulties that courts face in view of the high social expectations connected to this kind of proceedings.

11 April 2024

Bernhard Wegener

The three much-awaited judgments rendered by the European Court of Human Rights on 9 April 2024 are truly historic and unprecedented. In Verein Klimaseniorinnen Schweiz and Others v. Switzerland, the Grand Chamber established that climate change is 'one of the most pressing issues of our times' and poses a threat to human rights. With this ruling, the Court confirmed that States have a positive obligation to adopt measures to mitigate climate change under Article 8 ECHR, the right to family and private life. The judgments will undeniably set the tone for climate litigation in the years to come. It will impact both litigation and other procedures before other international courts.

Maxim Bonnemann, Maria Antonia Tigre

The Transformation of European Climate Change Litigation

In a transformative moment for European and global climate litigation, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) ruled today that the state has a positive duty to adopt, and effectively implement in practice, regulations and measures capable of mitigating the existing and potentially irreversible future effects of climate change. In Verein KlimaSeniorinnen Schweiz and Others v. Switzerland (“KlimaSeniorinnen”), the Court held that by failing to put in place a domestic regulatory framework for climate change mitigation, the Swiss government violated Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), the right to respect for private and family life. The judgment is a milestone for human rights protection.

08 April 2024

Franziska Katharina Mauritz

To Define Is Just to Define

Social media allows users to share content worldwide. This also enables users to distribute illegal content. The laws of the EU Member States vary greatly when it comes to what content they consider to be illegal, especially regarding hate speech. Thus, it is important which national law applies in cross-border cases concerning online content. Ultimately, this question is closely linked to the broader reshuffling of power in the digital sphere: will it be actual ‘law’ that platforms enforce online or norms made by platforms themselves? So far, the law of 27 Member States plus the EU itself remains utterly chaotic compared to the more uniform Terms of Service (ToS) of the internet giants.

04 April 2024

Maria Skóra, York Albrecht

It may sound trivial, but I argue that the technicalities of EU law have been neglected and that an in-depth inquiry is lacking. To see why such an inquiry might be interesting, we must go beyond the traditional understanding of legal technicalities and see them as protagonists in their own right. We need to focus on lawyers’ knowledge practices and to inquire into the transformative power of legal technicalities.

Sabine Mair

A Critical Assessment of How We ‘Speak’ EU Law

Although EU law touches on several profound and complex ontologies of ways of living and being in the European polity, these meanings are usually not reflected in how lawyers and legal scholars ‘speak’ EU law. The reason for this is that EU law is formulated in a strikingly abstract and univocal way, leaving little room for an in-depth consideration of the different interpretations of the law by reference to the various values and conceptions of the individual and social institutions that it underlies.

Toni Marzal

The Janus-Faced Culture of EU Law

Can there be a cultural study of EU law? The notion of legal culture is notoriously tricky. It is both omnipresent and yet seemingly ungraspable. Can we nevertheless hope to dispel the mystery of legal culture, and seize this notion as an object of study? And can it provide a method to improve our understanding of EU law?

22 March 2024

Marie-Laure Basilien-Gainche

Studying Migrations and Borders from a Pluridisciplinary Perspective

I chose for years to consider migrations and borders from a pluridisciplinary perspective. Such a pluridisciplinary approach reveals to be demanding: it needs both to be developed with discipline, and to be opened to wanderings. You have to accept to be confronted with personal controversies, to be faced with internal discourse on the method.

Antoine Bailleux

The Spanish amnesty for the Catalan independence movement is a victory for the rule of law, rather than a defeat. It is not an exemption from punishment otherwise due, but instead a reflection of the fact that the acts now amnestied should never have been subject to criminal prosecution in the first place. It is thus also a way for Spain to return to compliance with its obligations under European and international human rights law.

Joana Mendes

EU Law Through the State Lens

The conceptual apparatus that frames our knowledge of EU administrative law today has its origins in the legal scholarship that established a new field in the turn of the 1980s and during the 1990s. This scholarly field owes much of its uncontested existence to a series of major handbooks, which systematized materials that hitherto had been sparse and scattered, first in German, then in English and later still in French. Revisiting the past may provide some clues as to the role legal scholars can and should have in a period in which we may be witnessing an epochal transition in Europe.

Francis Snyder

Establishing Law in Context

Law in Context (LIC) was a revolution in EU law studies. It began in the 1980s and ‘90s and its effects continue today. This blogpost sketches selected basic landmarks. Inevitably it is a personal perspective, because if the short history of LIC shows anything, it is that there are almost as many views of ‘context’ as there are LIC scholars. To fully understand the LIC movement, it is essential to consider it in context; furthermore, despite changes in context, LIC remains pertinent today.

19 March 2024

Massimo La Torre

After the much-awaited vote of the 13th March 2024 by the European Parliament, it is time to begin evaluating the state of fundamental rights in light of the AI Act. In this blog post, three areas of potential inconsistencies and risks are examined: differentiation of provider and deployer, biometrics used in real-time and post-factum, and the standards of biometric recognition in the areas of immigration.

Jasper Krommendijk

On both sides of the Atlantic, policymakers are struggling to reign in the power of large online platforms and technology companies. Transparency obligations have emerged as a key policy tool that may support or enable achieving this goal. The core argument of this blog is that the Digital Services Act (DSA) creates, at least in part, a global transparency regime. This has implications for transatlantic dialogues and cooperation on matters concerning platform governance.

Katia Hamann

Mehr Transparenz, aber vorläufig keine weitreichende Entlastung

Am 27. Februar hat das Europäische Parlament nun einer Reform der Zuständigkeiten des EuGH zugestimmt. Die vorgeschlagenen Änderungen der Satzung (EuGH-Satzung nF) sollen einerseits die Arbeitsbelastung des EuGH vermindern und andererseits der Transparenz der Verfahren dienen. Letzteres stellt einen entscheidenden Beitrag zur Offenheit des Gerichtshofs dar. Ob die Reform allerdings zu einer echten, langfristigen Entlastung des EuGH führen wird, lässt sich angesichts der geringen Anzahl erfasster Verfahren sowie der vorgelagerten „Triage“-Entscheidung beim Gerichtshof bezweifeln.

05 March 2024

Jonas Grundmann, Johanna Mittrop

Ein stabiles Parlament (auch) für Europa

Die (Wieder-)Einführung der Sperrklausel bei den Wahlen des Europäischen Parlaments (EP) in Deutschland hat eine wichtige Hürde genommen: Das Bundesverfassungsgericht steht einer unionsrechtlich verbindlich vorgegebenen Zwei-Prozent-Sperrklausel nicht im Weg. Anträge der Partei DIE PARTEI und ihres Vorsitzenden gegen die Zustimmung Deutschlands zu einer verbindlichen Sperrklausel im EU-Direktwahlakt (DWA) verwarf das Gericht in seinem Beschluss vom 6.2.24 mangels hinreichender Begründung eines Eingriffs in die deutsche Verfassungsidentität als unzulässig. Und das lag nicht nur am begrenzten Prüfungsmaßstab des Gerichts. Der von der Zustimmung der Mitgliedstaaten abhängigen Reform des DWA sollte nun von deutscher Seite nichts mehr in die Quere kommen.

04 March 2024

Anuscheh Farahat

Re-Imagining the European (Political) Community through Migration Law

The constant portrayal of migration as an exceptional and problematic phenomenon fuels public anxieties and makes deterrence and harshness seem like the only effective political approaches to managing global migration. By contrast, positive visions of how a society of immigration needs to look like for all members of society to benefit are scarce. Yet to counter apocalyptic scenarios, we need not only such a positive vision but also a theory of societal action that helps to realize it. This blog post offers such a vision and theory that is grounded in the normative and legal framework of the European Union. It argues that we should conceptualize the European society as an inclusive, participatory, and self-reflexive community that is based on constitutional principles as enshrined in Art. 2 TEU. To realize this vision, we must understand practices of claiming and defending human rights not as an overreach into the political latitude of the legislator but as a joint practice of (political) community-building.

29 February 2024

Cathryn Costello, Stefano Zirulia

Pushing Back

The CJEU has pending before it a crucial case on the criminalisation of seeking asylum and assistance to those seeking protection. At this critical juncture, this blog post highlights a sample of important decisions in which courts, giving effect to constitutional and international legal principles, set legal limits on this form of criminalisation. These cases reflect not only the appropriate legal limits, but also acknowledge the character of irregular migration and smuggling. Rather than framing individuals as dangerous illegal migrants and exploitative smugglers, they reassert the humanity of both those in search of refuge and opportunity, and those that assist them.

Teresa Quadt

The Net Zero Industry Act (NZIA) was touted as the European Union’s big response to the US Inflation Reduction Act. A year ago, the Biden administration’s new green subsidy program spooked the EU into a flurry of industrial policy announcements. Now, the political dust has settled, and the EU’s main green industry initiatives will finally hit the legislative books. So, what has become of the EU’s new green industry agenda, and what can we learn from it about Europe’s role in the new global age of industrial policy?

Aleksandra Ancite-Jepifánova

The EU’s Eastern Border and Inconvenient Truths

The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, alongside with the EU’s confrontation with Russia’s ally Belarus, however, has deeply impacted the securitisation of migration within the EU. Highly politicised conflict-related securitisation narratives have rarely found their way so swiftly into Member States’ domestic migration and asylum laws, leading to open and far-reaching violations of EU and international human rights law. Hardly ever before have ill-defined concepts and indiscriminate assumptions been so broadly accepted and used to shift from an individual-focused approach to blanket measures stigmatising, dehumanising and excluding entire groups. And rarely before have radical changes of this kind received so little criticism - a deeply unsettling and dangerous trend.

Sarah Ganty, Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov

How the EU Death Machine Works

Since 2015, more than 27.500 innocent people died or ‘went missing’ in the Mediterranean. They drowned by themselves thanks to villain smugglers, the Council submits; accountability for the death toll is a complex matter, the Court of Justice finds; besides the geopolitical times are complex – the Commission is right. But what an accident: mare nostrum, a great thoroughfare, turned itself into a racialized grave. Yet, these deaths at EU borders, just as mass abuse and kidnappings by EU-funded and equipped thugs in Libya do not happen by chance. The EU-Belarus border is another locus of torture and violence. All this is a successful implementation of well-designed lawless policies by the Union in collusion with the Member States. In this post, we map key legal techniques deployed by the designers of the EU’s death machine.

26 February 2024

Anja Bossow

It is a common myth that since the Fidesz-KDNP coalition has almost always had a two-thirds parliamentary majority since 2010, the Orbán-government could pass its illiberal legislative reforms in a legally correct manner. In reality, however, many laws that constitute the pillars of Orbán’s illiberal regime were enacted in violation of the procedural requirements of the rule of law. The European Commission’s country visit to Hungary provides an opportunity to remind the EU bodies of their responsibility to enforce all requirements of the rule of law without compromise.

Martin Senftleben

Human Rights Outsourcing and Reliance on User Activism in the DSA

Article 14(4) of the Digital Services Act (DSA) places an obligation on providers of intermediary services, including online platforms hosting user-generated content (see Article 3(g) DSA), to apply content moderation systems in “a diligent, objective and proportionate manner.” Against this background, the approach taken in Article 14(4) DSA raises complex questions. Does the possibility of imposing fundamental rights obligations on intermediaries, such as online platforms, exempt the state power from the noble task of preventing inroads into fundamental rights itself? Can the legislator legitimately outsource the obligation to safeguard fundamental rights to private parties?

20 February 2024

Silvia Steininger

The CJEU’s Feminist Turn?

In Case C-621/21, the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) held that women in general and women facing domestic violence in their country of origin in particular, qualify as a protected ‘social group’ under EU Directive 2011/95 and thus avail themselves for refugee status or subsidiary protection in the Common European Asylum System. This contribution applies the perspective of feminist approaches to international law to critically analyze what this decision means for women and victims of gender-based violence – in- and outside of the European Union.

19 February 2024

Rebecca Tushnet

A Hobgoblin Comes for Internet Regulation

Recent laws in the US, along with the Digital Services Act (DSA), seek to provide “due process” for individual content moderation decisions. Due process, understandably enough, often contains a component of treating like cases alike. It seems to follow, then, that if two relevantly similar users are treated differently, there is a problem of inconsistency, and that problem might be addressed by requiring more “due process” in the forms of appeals and clear rules and explanations of those rules to offenders. But it is said that consistency is the hobgoblin of small minds. In internet regulation, it is a damaging goal if taken as a mandate to make individual decisions uniformly consistent with each other.

João Pedro Quintais

From the DMCA to the DSA

On 17 February 2024, the Digital Services Act (DSA) became fully applicable in Europe. The DSA's new approach fundamentally reshapes the regulation and liability of platforms in Europe, and promises to have a significant impact in other jurisdictions, like the US, where there are persistent calls for legislative interventions to reign in the power of Big Tech. This symposium brings together a group of renowned European and American scholars to carry an academic transatlantic dialogue on the potential benefits and risks of the EU’s new approach.

16 February 2024

John Morijn

Die Abstimmung im Rat der Europäischen Union um ein EU-Lieferkettengesetz ist auf ungewisse Zeit aufgeschoben. Nach Deutschlands Enthaltung kamen wie erwartet auch andere Staaten ins Zweifeln. Auslöser für die plötzliche – und für viele Mitgliedstaaten überraschende – Kehrtwende der Bundesrepublik ist eine Blockade durch die FDP. Die Minister Buschmann und Lindner fürchteten, „dass Unternehmen für Pflichtverletzungen in der Lieferkette in erheblicher Weise zivilrechtlich haften würden.“ Die sich unter anderem am Thema Haftung entzündende Kontroverse – so die These dieses Textes – ist jedoch auflösbar.

Christel Querton

Consolidating Group-Based Refugee Protection

Two pending cases before the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) provide an opportunity for the CJEU to consolidate group-based refugee protection. At the heart of the cases is a concern with granting refugee protection to groups of persons based on their inherent characteristics, in this case women and girls from Afghanistan. However, as the joined cases of AH and FN highlight, this is often due to an apprehension amongst asylum decision makers over the grant of protection to large groups of persons based on sex and misconceptions surrounding gender-based violence and discrimination.

08 February 2024

Nils Kohlmeier, Andreas Gutmann

Nachhaltig nicht-nachhaltig

Im Rahmen der Energiewende wächst der europäische Bedarf nach Rohstoffen. Zahlreiche der für die Energiewende benötigten Rohstoffe befinden sich auf den Gebieten indigener Völker, was häufig zu Konflikten führt. Vor diesem Hintergrund ist es erstaunlich, dass das geplante Abkommen zwischen der EU und den Mercosur-Staaten keine Vorschriften bezüglich Beteiligung und Schutz indigener Völker beinhaltet. Ein Verweis auf solche Vorschriften, insbesondere aus der ILO-Konvention 169, wäre völkerrechtlich geboten und trüge dazu bei, die Konflikte und Widersprüche des Nachhaltigkeitsbegriffs aushandelbar zu machen.

07 February 2024

Paul Friedl, Gustavo Gil Gasiola

Examining the EU’s Artificial Intelligence Act

Finally, consensus on the EU Artificial Intelligence Act. The academic community is thus finally in a position to provide a (slightly) more definitive evaluation of the Act’s potential to protect individuals and societies from AI systems’ harms. This blog post attempts to contribute to this discussion by illustrating and commenting on the final compromises regarding some of the most controversial and talked-about aspects of the AI Act, namely its rules on high-risk systems, its stance on General Purpose AI, and finally its system of governance and enforcement.

06 February 2024

Offener Brief

Zur notwendigen Annahme der CSDDD durch den EU-Rat

In unterschiedlichen Disziplinen forschen, lehren und beraten wir zu Fragen der nachhaltigen Transformation der Wirtschaft. Die aktuellen Pläne gegen eine Annahme der im Trilog abgestimmten EU-Lieferkettenregulierung (Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive – CSDDD) durch den EU-Rat, initiiert von den FDP-geführten Ministerien für Finanzen und Justiz (Christian Lindner und Dr. Marco Buschmann), nehmen wir mit großer Sorge wahr. Sie stellen nicht nur das Gelingen der CSDDD, sondern auch die Nachhaltigkeitstransformation der Wirtschaft in der EU nach dem EU-Green-Deal-Projekt in Frage. Wir finden: die CSDDD bedeutet nicht nur Aufwand, sondern sorgt für Rechtssicherheit für Unternehmen mit internationalen Lieferketten.

05 February 2024

Alice Bertram

All of the biggest social media platforms have a problem with disinformation. In particular, a flood of false information was found on X, formerly Twitter, following the terrorist attack by Hamas on 7 October 2023 and the start of the war in Ukraine. The EU Commission therefore recently initiated formal proceedings against X under Art. 66 para. 1 of the Digital Services Act (DSA). One of the subjects of the investigation is whether the platform is taking sufficient action against disinformation. Despite these stakes, X takes an approach different to all other platforms: As can be inferred from the X Transparency Report dated 03.11.2023 posted information is not subject to content moderation, but solely regulated through a new tool: The Community Notes.

Marc Bovermann

Community Notes auf dem Prüfstand

Die größten Social Media Plattformen haben ein Problem mit Desinformation. Insbesondere auf X, vormals Twitter, war nach dem Terroranschlag der Hamas am 07.10.2023 und dem Beginn des Krieges in der Ukraine eine Flut an Falschinformationen feststellbar. Daher hat die EU-Kommission vor Kurzem mitgeteilt, dass sie ein förmliches Verfahren nach Art. 66 Abs. 1 Digital Services Act (DSA) gegen X eingeleitet hat. Gegenstand der Untersuchung ist unter anderem, ob die Plattform hinreichend gegen dieses Problem vorgeht. X setzt dabei alles auf eine Karte: Wie aus dem X Transparency Report vom 03.11.2023 geschlossen werden kann, unterliegen Desinformationen nicht der sog. Content Moderation, sondern ihnen soll allein durch den Einsatz eines neuen Tools entgegengewirkt werden. Das heißt, dass die Nutzerinhalte auf X von Seiten des Betreiberunternehmens weder durch Algorithmen noch durch dazu beauftragte Personen auf Falschinformationen kontrolliert werden.

04 January 2024

Miguel Mota Delgado

The European Game

Supreme or constitutional courts regularly step in to protect the democratic process by deciding election disputes. It is remarkable that the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) has so far barely been engaged concerning the European Parliament (EP) elections. Using Hungary as an example, I will argue in the following that the CJEU is institutionally well-positioned to help protect the integrity of the 2024 EP elections via preliminary ruling procedures. Hungarian democracy has been in decline, according to the EP, the Commission and various democracy indices. The problems include the lack of a level playing field, targeted action by authorities against opposition parties, overlaps between the activities of the government and the governing party, state funding of campaigning and party financing in general, lack of media pluralism, and the different means of voting for citizens living abroad (postal vote for some and not for others). I argue that the CJEU could and should be engaged to protect the fairness of the EP elections in Hungary.

Benedetta Lobina

Beating a Dead Horse

With the view of potentially revising how the EU Council’s Annual Rule of Law, the Spanish Presidency of the Council had sent out a “questionnaire for the Member States on the evaluation of the Council’s annual rule of law dialogue. The provided answers will inform conclusions to be adopted following the General Affairs Council scheduled for 12 December 2023. Following the disclosure of the MS’ answers to this questionnaire, this post will discuss the added value of this discursive and secretive tool to address systemic threats to or violations of the rule of law. I argue that the answers reveal the dialogue to be an ultimately toothless and partially incoherent exercise that relies excessively on the good faith of its participants and lacks accountability by design.

05 December 2023

Maximilian Wagner

Daten und Werte

Grundsätzliche Fragen zum Verhältnis von Künstlicher Intelligenz und Datenschutz sind noch immer ungeklärt. Die geplante KI-Verordnung wird diese Probleme nicht lösen, sondern weiter vertiefen. Denn der europäische Gesetzgeber hat bislang davon abgesehen, das Verhältnis von KI- und Datenschutz-Grundverordnung eindeutig zu regeln. Die dort formulierten Pflichten für die Entwicklung und den Einsatz sogenannter Hochrisiko-KI-Systeme sollen bereits bestehende Regelungen ergänzen, nicht ersetzen. Nun zeichnet sich - paradoxerweise im Rahmen unionaler Bemühungen Recht zu setzen - ein Trend weg von positiv gesetzten, bestimmbaren Recht an. Regulatoren, Wissenschaft und Lobby reden stattdessen naturrechtlichen Ideen und einer 'KI-Ethik' das Wort, die letztlich vor allem auf eines hinausläuft: bloß keine strengen Regeln.

10 November 2023

Martin Kretschmer, Tobias Kretschmer, Alexander Peukert, Christian Peukert

Europe and the Global Race to Regulate AI

The EU wants to set the global rule book for AI. This blog explains the complex “risk hierarchy” that pervades the proposed AI Act, currently in the final stages of trilogue negotiation. This contrasts with the US focus on “national security risks”. We point out shortcomings of the EU approach requiring comprehensive risk assessments (ex ante), at the level of technology development. Using economic analysis, we distinguish exogenous and endogenous sources of potential AI harm arising from input data. We are sceptical that legislators can anticipate the future of a general purpose technology, such as AI. We propose that from the perspective of encouraging ongoing innovation, (ex post) liability rules can provide the right incentives to improve data quality and AI safety.

09 November 2023

Wolfgang Schulz, Christian Ollig

We Don’t Need No Education?

Artificial Intelligence doesn't know what's 'true'. Especially, generative AI models like chatbots veer from the truth, i.e. “hallucinate”, quite regularly. Chatbots simply invent information at least 3 percent of the time and sometimes as high as 27 percent. Given the (future) use of such systems in nearly all domains, we might want such systems to follow more stringent rules of accuracy. And those truth-related rules are not the only rules for AI systems that warrant societal scrutiny. How those systems are trained will be crucial. In this blog post, we argue that a new perspective is key to tackle this challenge: “Hybrid Speech Governance”.

03 November 2023

Christian Breitler, Lorin-Johannes Wagner

Defusing an Atomic Bomb

The sigh of relief was audible throughout Europe. In Brussels and other European capitals, the victory of the opposition bloc in the Polish elections sparked hope that the imminent change in government would end the illiberal course of the past. While years of democratic backsliding have left lasting marks on Poland’s political and legal landscape, the newly elected government is clearly committed to leading Poland back onto the path of democracy and the rule of law. However, one pertinent institutional issue remains to be resolved: the still pending procedure against Poland under Art 7 TEU.

Dániel Karsai

In der letzten Woche ist bekannt geworden, dass die EU-Kommission, konkret der amtliche Account der Kommissarin für Inneres, Microtargeting auf X (vormals Twitter) nutzte, um Schwung in ein festgefahrenes Gesetzgebungsvorhaben zu bringen. Es handelt sich um eine gezielte Beeinflussung der gesellschaftlichen Debatte rund um die sogenannte „Kinderschutzverordnung“, auch bekannt als „Chatkontrolle“ durch datenbasierte Zielgruppenansprache (zur Berichterstattung und Analyse). Diese Posts sollten Druck auf mitgliedsstaatliche Regierungen ausüben, um doch noch eine Mehrheit für das Vorhaben zu beschaffen. Dieser Vorgang ist auch abseits der inhaltlichen Debatte um die „Chatkontrolle“ bemerkenswert, schließlich zeigt er neben den systemischen Risiken von Plattformen und dem Bedürfnis nach effektiver Durchsetzung von Plattformregulierung auf, dass die Kommission sich in einem Spannungsverhältnis der Funktionen als Aufsichtsbehörde und als politische Akteurin befindet und somit das systeminhärente Risiko besteht, dass sie ihre Funktion als Aufsichtsbehörde zugunsten politischer Ziele vernachlässigt.

Alexander Peukert

Who Decides What Counts as Disinformation in the EU?

Who decides what counts as “disinformation” in the EU? Not public authorities, because disinformation is not directly sanctioned in the Digital Service Act (DSA) or other secondary legislation. Nor Very Large Online Platforms (VLOPs) and Very Large Online Search Engines (VLOSes), which avoid editorial decisions to maintain their legal status as intermediaries with limited liability. Instead, the delicate task of identifying disinformation is being undertaken by other private organisations whose place of administration and activity, purpose, funding and organizational structure appear problematic in terms of the legitimacy and even legality of the fight against disinformation. This blog post maps out the relevant (private) actors, namely the ad industry, fact checking organizations and so-called source-raters.

23 October 2023

Peter van Elsuwege

Who Speaks on Behalf of the European Union?

“It’s a cacophony. It’s ridiculous”. This is how an EU diplomat described the flow of EU statements following the outbreak of the war between Israel and Hamas. The divergent reactions reveal the existence of institutional tensions about the Union’s external representation, which undermine the coherence and credibility of the EU’s external action. The war between Israel and Hamas concerns issues of foreign and security policy. Whether one likes it or not, this is an area where the Commission has a more limited role – also with respect to external representation. A certain restraint or, at the very least, closer coordination with the Member States and the European External Action Service could have been expected.

19 October 2023

Yaniv Roznai, Amichai Cohen

Post-populist Populism

Good news for democracy from Poland? It appears that in the recent general elections, the right-wing populist Law and Justice party (PiS), won most seats but not enough to allow it to form a coalition. Donald Tusk's Civic Coalition has a better chance of forming a coalition, which might put an end to PiS' eight years of rule. This, prima facie, seems like a victory of democracy over populism. While this is certainly true, in this post we wish to flag certain warning signs that this possible democratic rotation is not the end of the struggle for democracy but merely the beginning of this process. This is because even when populists are voted out of office, their legacy - at least partially - persists.

18 October 2023

Radosveta Vassileva

At a Snail’s Pace

By 1 April 2018, member states had to transpose an EU Directive on ‘the strengthening of certain aspects of the presumption of innocence and of the right to be present at the trial in criminal proceedings’. Bulgaria has not fully transposed it to this day, and consistently undermines it. Now, finally, the Commission has launched infringement proceecings. Preceding the announcement, the Commission rejected Rasosveta Vassileva's reasoned complaints on the same issue, as late as 2022. Her odyssey is a concerning tale on how EU institutions handle citizen alerts.

Werner Schroeder, Leonard Reider

A Step Forward in Fighting Online Antisemitism

Online antisemitism is on the rise. Especially since the recent terror attack by Hamas in Southern Israel, platforms like X are (mis)used to propel antisemitism. Against this backdrop, this blog post analyses the legal framework for combatting online antisemitism in the EU and the regulatory approaches taken so far. It addresses the new Digital Services Act (DSA), highlighting some of the provisions that might become particularly important in the fight against antisemitism. The DSA improves protection against online hate speech in general and antisemitism in particular by introducing procedural and transparency obligations. However, it does not provide any substantive standards against which the illegality of such manifestations can be assessed. In order to effectively reduce online antisemitism in Europe, we need to think further, as outlined in the following blog post.

13 October 2023

Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz

The Great Yes or the Great No

As we gear up for the most consequential elections in Poland since 1989, the situation on the ground after 8 years of the paranoid polarizing and no-holds-barred politics, forces all those concerned about the future, to ask where Poland is heading. On 14 October 2023, we must understand that POLEXIT is much more than a mere dispute over institutions, rule of law, judicial independence, etc. What is at stake now is incomparably greater. It is the defense of a certain way of life, values and belonging to a community of law and values, a civic Poland in Europe and Europe in civic Poland and finally of “Me and You” as part of Europe.

Marc Schack

On Thursday, news broke that the German government had agreed to incorporating the previously rejected Crisis Regulation into the EU’s new asylum and migration pact. The decision was a radical change of course since Germany had previously consistently opposed its inclusion. Framed as allowing for more ‘flexibility’ in case of migratory surges, the Crisis Regulation’s adoption will, in effect, suspend the EU asylum system as we know it for the time being, given that recorded sea arrivals are currently nearing the 2015 levels. A crisis in need of regulation, if you will. In this blogpost, I highlight the dangerous fallacy that underpins our tolerance for the illegality that has come to characterize contemporary border control. In particular, our failure to oppose the constant expansion of the limits of the law that occurs in the name of crisis and political necessity rests on the mistaken assumption that we have nothing to lose in this race to the bottom.

Benjamin Nurkić, Admir Isanović

False Hope for Democracy in Bosnia & Herzegovina

Bosnia & Herzegovina (B&H) is notoriously hard to govern. Scarred from a bloody war in the 1990s after the collapse of Yugoslavia, the country’s constitutional order emerged in international peace talks in the United States. What later became famous as the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) might have stopped the war but, in our opinion, sowed the seeds for complex democratic problems today. As we will show in this text, the ECtHR’s judgments represent a false hope for democracy in B&H, because ethnopolitical parties in B&H will not agree on how to implement the ECtHR’s judgments and the Office of the High Representative will not take a more active role in this context. We therefore argue against an earlier contribution on this blog by Woelk (2023), who suggested that the solution for the implementation of the ECtHR’s judgments should come from within the country, as we will show, ethnopolitical actors do not have a real interest in implementing these judgments. To put it bluntly, change from within is, alas, pie in the sky. It is much more likely that nothing changes and the powers that are remain the powers that will be.

30 September 2023

Maximilian Pichl, Ulrike Krause, Nora Markard

Für einen Menschenrechtspakt in der Flüchtlingspolitik

Als Wissenschaftler*innen aus dem Asylrecht und der Fluchtforschung, die seit Jahren die Flüchtlingspolitik untersuchen und kommentieren, sehen wir die jüngsten politischen Debatten und Forderungen mit großer Sorge. Die Debatte über Flucht und Asyl wird weitestgehend faktenfrei geführt. Dadurch werden Ängste geschürt und gesellschaftliche Probleme Schutzsuchenden angelastet. Zudem werden kurzerhand rechtsstaatliche und menschenrechtliche Minimalstandards für populistische Überschriften geopfert.

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28 September 2023

Corina Heri

With the Council position of 12 June on the proposal for a EU Directive on improving working conditions in platform work, a presumption of employment status for digital platform work is now becoming the subject of trilogue negotiations. A lot could be said about the proposal, the process, and the innovation that would come with an EU Directive on platform work as such. This comment focuses on one central part of the proposal: the presumption of employment. The Commission’s and Council’s proposals suggest a well meant, but timid instrument. Given the already limited scope of te proposals in their definition of “digital labour platforms”, only the Parliament’s position that does not condition the presumption to any additional criteria is able to convince.

Tilman Hoppe

Judges and Organized Crime

Scandalous arrests of judges taking millions in bribes continue to make headlines. For purging the judiciary from corruption, vetting the integrity of judges through internationally supported commissions has become one of the most promising tools. In July 2023, the ECtHR has upheld the dismissal of yet another prominent judge – who had served, both, at the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court of Albania (Thanza v. Albania). While it is obvious that a judge should be dismissed for engaging in organised crime, this case may be the first in the world to raise another, rather unusual question: Can a judge be dismissed simply for having contact with organised crime, even if he has never committed any offence?

Johanna Mittrop, Jonas Grundmann

On June 21, the General Court handed down its order in T-628/22 René Repasi v the European Commission. Repasi had challenged the validity of the Commission Delegated Regulation 2022/1214, a complementary taxonomy regulation on nuclear energy and natural gas. The General Court dismissed the action due to lack of standing. To surmount the notoriously strict standing requirements before the CJEU, Repasi relied on his position as a Member of Parliament (MEP) and argued that a claim of a wrong choice of the legal basis that leads to deviation from the ordinary legislative procedure (OLP) gives an MEP standing before the EU courts. The difficulties that MEPs encounter while fulfilling their legislative responsibilities make Repasi’s argument appealing. However, creating a new semi-privileged standing category through the Union courts could also present its own set of difficulties.

Leonid Sirota

A Constitution without Constitutionalism

“Digital constitutionalism” has attracted a good deal of scholarly attention in recent years, much of it enthusiastic, some more sceptical. Just what constitutionalism means, and how this meaning can be transposed into a realm of private ― albeit increasingly regulated ― interactions rather than traditional public law, is part of the debate between the enthusiasts and the sceptics. All agree, however, that it is a normatively charged idea, a shorthand reference to certain values which include ― whether or not they are limited to ― respect for certain human rights. In this post, I argue that while we can indeed think of internet regulation in constitutional terms, we must first understand what I shall call the constitution of cyberspace. A descriptive effort must precede any normative projects directed at imposing values allegedly inherent in the notion of constitutionalism onto cyberspace. And further, understanding the constitution of cyberspace should at least make us wary of digital constitutionalism’s normative ambitions.

30 June 2023

Philipp Darius, Andrea Römmele

Politicians don’t dance? AI doesn’t either!

“Why don’t politicians ever dance? – Because they have too many steps to backtrack on!” Chat-GPT answered this when we asked the program to tell a political joke. While this example is somewhat worrying since the underlying assumption might perpetuate existing stereotypes about politics and politicians, the joke also highlights that AI has become witty and incredibly good at behaving in a way we perceive as human. Thus, we take the recent advancements of generative AI as a motivation to analyze its potential effects on political campaigns and democratic elections.

28 June 2023

Peter Meißner

Digitale Beweise im EU-/US-Datenschutzkonflikt

In der vergangenen Woche hat das Europäische Parlament nach fünfjährigen Verhandlungen der E-Evidence-Verordnung zugestimmt. Hierdurch erhalten die Ermittlungsbehörden der Mitgliedstaaten das Recht, die US-Unternehmen auch zur Herausgabe von Daten, die in den USA gespeichert sind, zu verpflichten. Kann die Europäische Kommission bei den derzeitigen Verhandlungen um ein EU-/US-Abkommen über digitale Beweise verhindern, dass die US-Ermittler:innen umgekehrt ungehinderten Zugriff auf Daten in der Europäischen Union erhalten?

25 June 2023

Minos Mouzourakis, Cathryn Costello

Human Rights Violations to Deflect Refugees

The Council of the European Union (EU) recently reached a negotiating position (‘mandate’) on two significant elements of the ‘reform’ of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). The vision hailed as a ‘historic’ agreement by national governments is a direct threat to the right to asylum. The Council not only maintains all structural flaws of the CEAS intact but proposes a quagmire of asylum procedures marred by unworkable, unnecessarily complex rules, that are in clear violation of key human rights standards.

23 June 2023

Petra Bárd

Am 27. Juli 2023 wird der BGH drei Urteile in Rechtssachen verkünden, die alle um eine Frage kreisen: geht EU-Recht in internationalen Schiedsgerichtsverfahren zwischen EU-Investoren und EU-Mitgliedstaaten immer vor, selbst wenn dadurch ein multilateraler völkerrechtlicher Vertrag, der immer und auf alle Vertragsparteien bezogen Rechte begündet, berührt wird? Diese scheinbar rein rechtsdogmatische Frage hat völkerrechtshistorisch, wirtschaftspolitisch und rechtspolitisch weitreichende Folgen. Es geht um nicht weniger als um die Frage, ob die Bundesrepublik Deutschland sowie die EU und alle ihre Mitgliedstaaten weiterhin bereit sind das Völkerrecht zu achten, und zwar gerade in einer Zeit, in der die Notwendigkeit der Wirksamkeit völkerrechtlicher Rechtsbindungen nicht hoch genug gewertet werden kann.

Natalija Bitiukova

The GDPR’s Journalistic Exemption and its Side Effects

On 25 May 2023, we mark the fifth anniversary of the General Data Protection Regulation’s (GDPR) full application in the European Union (EU). While the Regulation is primarily known for its impact on business, it also fostered significant changes to data processing by media outlets, which are often overlooked in discussions about data protection. This blog post analyzes what is commonly called the ”journalistic exemption” under Article 85 of the GDPR that requires Member States to regulate the extent to which GDPR applies to journalists and others writing in the public interest. Further, this contribution reflects on how exactly that journalistic exemption is implemented across the Member States, and considers the problematic consequences of the GDPR’s uneven application to the media sector, including instrumentalization of GDPR in the strategic litigation (SLAPPs) against journalists.

15 June 2023

Franca Maria Feisel

Walking A Democratic Tightrope

That was fast. On 8 June, only 11 days after the Polish so-called ‘Lex Tusk’ was signed into force, the Commission launched an infringement procedure against Poland. For the first time, the Commission is relying on the principle of democracy in Art. 10 TEU as an autonomous plea, dropping another bombshell shortly after the first direct invocation of Art. 2 TEU in infringement proceedings against Hungary earlier this year. This contribution discusses both the perks and potential perils of the direct enforcement of the principle of democracy in Art. 10 TEU. On the one hand, a shift from what is arguably better called ‘militant rule of law’ towards more literally EU militant democracy is a positive development, as it better captures the nature and range of the principles which are de facto under threat in several EU Member States. On the other hand, the present infringement action illustrates the principled challenge of militant democracy to preserve the possibility of democratic regime change, all whilst not lapsing into a form of institutional conservatism.

Valerie Albus

In April 2023, the Polish National Broadcasting Council, the so-called KRRiT, imposed a high fine on an indipendent media outlet. It was not the first fine of this kind to independent media organisations. The growing number of KRRiT decisions targeting independent media in Poland is the result of the political nature of the procedure for appointing members of the KRRiT and the broad, unclear legal basis for imposing fines. Since 2005, the decisive voice in the composition of the KRRiT was that of the ruling political majority. This blogpost analyzes and criticizes the vague legal framework for KRRiT and the institution's apparent political capture in recent years.

Daniel Thym

Showdown zur Asylpolitik in Brüssel

In Brüssel beginnt in Kürze der Endspurt für die EU-Asylrechtsreform. Heftige Kritik erfährt hierbei die deutsche Verhandlungsposition. Nun könnte man die rhetorische Eskalation als typisches Phänomen des Twitter-Zeitalters abtun und meine Einwände – „BVerfG sieht es anders“ – als professorale Besserwisserei. Doch es geht um mehr: Die politische Mitte darf nicht die Fähigkeit verlieren, in der Migrationspolitik widerstreitende Zielvorgaben auszugleichen. Die pragmatische Lösungssuche droht zwischen den binären Alternativen faktisch offener Grenzen und einer gewaltsamen Abschottungspolitik zerrieben zu werden.

24 May 2023

Chantal Mak

Data After Life

Contract law in Europe currently has little grasp on the balancing of interests of social media users, their heirs, platforms, and society at large, which means that platforms play a key role in determining how digital legacies are handled. A human rights perspective can offer starting points for reforms that do more justice to the protection of digital identities of social media users.

Giovanni De Gregorio

Monetising Harmful Content on Social Media

The possibility to profit from the dissemination of harmful content triggering views, engagement, and ultimately monetisation does not only concern the contractual relationship between social media and influencers, but also affects how other users enjoy digital spaces. The monetisation of harmful content by influencers should be a trigger, first, to expand the role of consumer law as a form of content regulation fostering transparency and, second, to propose a new regulatory approach to mitigate the imbalance of powers between influencers and users in social media spaces.

23 May 2023

Felix Pflücke

On March 21 2023, the Council released a revised draft proposal for an Asylum and Migration Management Regulation (AMMR). It reintroduces the concept of ‘flexible responsibility’ — or ‘adaptable responsibility’ — into the EU’s migration management. Already included in the controversial Instrumentalisation Regulation of 14 December 2021, flexible responsibility is the idea that Member States should be allowed to derogate from normally applicable asylum standards when faced with sudden migratory pressures. While the Instrumentalisation Regulation was rejected in December 2022, this post will detail how the new AMMR draft threatens to reintroduce the idea of flexible/adaptable derogations — including, potentially, those originally foreseen in the Instrumentalisation Regulation — into the EU’s asylum framework and why we should reject it.

Niall Coghlan

If the EU Picks Baby Genes

Which genes should children not inherit? This is a fundamental question. It arises acutely in medically assisted reproduction, such as in-vitro fertilization (IVF) or artificial insemination. One must frequently choose between different donors, sperm, eggs or embryos. The EU wishes to draw this line. However, Its proposed Substances of Human Origin Regulation (‘SoHO’) treads into delicate ethical and political territory, without properly addressing, or even mentioning, crucial ethical questions. This leads the EU to silently take three controversial positions: the proposal excludes most ethical considerations; it draws the line vaguely and below existing ethical standards; and it makes genetic selection mandatory in genetically assisted reproduction.

25 April 2023

Lorin-Johannes Wagner

Investing Immobilized Russian Assets, Monetarizing the Common Foreign and Security Policy

Again, the Commission and EU Member States are talking about new sanctions against Russia. The focus, according to Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, should be on tackling sanctions circumvention and loopholes. In a scoop, however, it was also uncovered that the Commission has drawn up a non-paper “on the generation of resources to support Ukraine from immobilized Russian assets”. The idea behind this non-paper is to invest the immobilized assets of the Russian Central Bank in EU Member States’ bonds and bills and use the proceeds to support the reconstruction of Ukraine. The plan, as the non-paper indicates, is fraught with a number of legal and technical issues. These do not only relate to the question of whether or not such an investment of immobilized assets is compatible with international law and EU law, but also to the question of who should undertake and oversee these investments.

20 April 2023

Petra Sußner

Intersectionality in Climate Litigation

The ECtHR held a hearing in the case KlimaSeniorinnen v Switzerland. It is one of the first gender-based climate cases worldwide. The case offers novel perspectives on a range of issues. Crucially, it highlights new potential avenues for standing in human rights cases and pinpoints how age, health, gender, and climate change intersect.

19 April 2023

Steffen Hindelang, Julia Nassl, Argha Kumar Jena

In 1973, Ireland joined what would become the European Union (EU) in the first ever enlargement of the project of European integration. To say that 50 years of EU membership have been transformative for Ireland is an understatement. By all benchmarks considered, Ireland is a radically different country today than it was when it joined the EU. Abortion provides the best example of this.

Johannes Herb

Die Deutschen und ihr Auto

Am 23. September 2015 trat Martin Winterkorn als Vorstandsvorsitzender von VW wegen des sog. Abgasskandals zurück. Man möchte meinen, dass fast acht Jahre später dessen juristische Aufarbeitung abgeschlossen oder zumindest weit vorangeschritten ist. Doch mit seiner vergangene Woche verkündeten Entscheidung stellt der EuGH die bisherige rechtliche Beurteilung des Bundesgerichtshofs und diverser Oberlandesgerichte grundlegend in Frage. Wie ist es dazu gekommen? Der Beitrag will versuchen, darauf eine weniger dogmatische, sondern primär privatrechtstheoretische Antwort zu geben. Meine These ist, dass hier hintergründig ein spezifisch privatrechtliches mit einem unionsrechtlichen Systemdenken konfligiert.

28 March 2023

Janine Silga

Navigating Uncharted Waters?

This contribution will briefly assess Ireland’s participation in the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) after ‘Brexit’. It will first review the way in which the ‘opt-in/opt-out’ arrangements still apply to Ireland, before considering how Ireland’s position might have evolved after Brexit. In this respect, it will feature some recent cases of the CJEU. Although Ireland considers the UK to be a safe third country for refugees, it is likely that their respective asylum policies will diverge even further, owing to their now very different positions with respect to EU law and especially the CEAS.

27 March 2023

Laura Neumann

Limitations of the Transnational ne bis in idem Principle in EU Law

No-one shall be tried or punished twice for the same offence. This principle is part of the fundamental law protection in the EU, but can be limited under certain conditions. In Case C-365/21, decided on 23 March 2023, the ECJ has confirmed the validity of an important limitation of the transnational ne bis in idem guarantee. Another case which arose in the context of the Diesel scandal involving German automobile producer Volkswagen and is still pending before the European Court of Justice gives the Court a new opportunity to set new standards regarding limitations of the ne bis in idem principle in cases involving different Member States and to strengthen this principle which is of great importance for the completion of a genuine area of freedom, security and justice.

Iyiola Solanke

The Quality of Sovereignty

It can generally be agreed that the purpose of sovereignty is to enable a government to protect the best interests of its citizens. To what extent did UK membership of the EU preclude this? In the context of the EU, the discussion on sovereignty tends to focus on quantity – the greater the scope of action of the EU and its institutions, the lower the sovereignty of the member states. From this perspective, sovereignty is a zero-sum affair – less means less. However, sovereignty can also be assessed from a qualitative perspective, with a focus on its quality, or character, rather than its scope.

23 March 2023

Daniel Holznagel

The year 2022 will be remembered as one of ‘terrible violence and seismic change in Europe’, in the words of the High Level Reflection Group established by the Council of Europe to consider the organisation’s future. The Council of Europe has issued a public call for ideas, inviting input from international organisations, national human rights institutions, civil society organisations, academics, human rights defenders and others. The deadline for submissions is imminent – 20 February – and the need for radical thinking has never been greater.

Lenka Křičková, Iva Fellerová Palkovská

Battling the hydra in EU anti-discrimination law

Can a company refuse to conclude or renew a contract with a self-employed person because he is gay? And may contractual freedom prevail over the prohibition of discrimination in such a situation? A short answer stemming from the recent ECJ judgment in J.K. v. TP would be a resounding no. Yet, a further analysis is in order because the judgment also brings a significant shift in the ECJ’s anti-discrimination case law.

27 January 2023

Eduardo Gill-Pedro

No New Rights in Fedotova

In Fedotova and others v Russia issued on 17 January 2023, the ECtHR held that Russia had breached its positive obligation to secure the applicants’ right to respect for their private and family life under Article 8 of the Convention by failing to provide any form of legal recognition and protection for same sex couples. The ground-breaking aspect of the judgment is the clear rejection by the Court of the justifications advanced by the Contracting State.

24 January 2023

Zuzana Vikarská

The many troubles of the Fedotova judgment

On 17 January 2023, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights ruled in Fedotova v Russia that the absence of any legal recognition and protection for same-sex couples amounts to a violation of Art. 8 of the Convention. For 30 Member States of the Council of Europe (CoE), this judgment changes nothing since their legal orders already allow same-sex couples to enter into marriage or into other forms of legally recognised relationships. For the remaining countries, however, the Fedotova judgment amounts to an external judicial pressure to change their legal landscape in a politically very sensitive area of LGBT+ rights. Fedotova is probably the most political judgment of all times.

Merve Hickok, Marc Rotenberg, Karine Caunes

The Council of Europe Creates a Black Box for AI Policy

The Council of Europe Committee on AI has made a startling decision to carry forward future work on the development of an international convention on AI behind closed doors, despite the Council’s call for the Democratic Governance of Artificial Intelligence in a 2020 resolution. It is a surprising move from an international organization that has been at the forefront of efforts to promote greater transparency and accountability for the technology that is transforming the world.

20 January 2023

Philipp Hacker, Andreas Engel, Theresa List

Oskar J. Gstrein

The 6 December Karlsruhe ruling on the constitutional complaints against the ‘Act Ratifying the EU Own Resources Decision’ will be received by many as a Saint Nicholas present. This time, the Federal Constitutional Court avoided the head-on collision with the EU it caused with its PSPP judgment two and a half years ago. Instead, it opted for a seemingly constructive assessment of the EU’s pandemic recovery instrument. In particular, it found that the ORD did not manifestly exceed the competences conferred on the EU – i.e., it was not ultra vires – and did not affect the constitutional identity of the Basic Law. While the ruling is not as constraining as some might have feared, it does not give card blanche for a more permanent EU fiscal capacity.

Shabnam Salehi, Matthias Lehnert, Lennart Kokott

#DefendingTheDefenders – Episode 3: Afghanistan

When the Taliban took over power in Afghanistan in the summer of 2021, it was a disaster for women. Immediately, they were stripped of their rights, in particular their political rights. In the third episode of #DefendingTheDefenders, a podcast by Deutscher Anwaltverein and Verfassungsblog, we talk to Shabnam Salehi about the human rights situation in Afghanistan and the rights of women in particular and to Matthias Lehnert about the German and European Migration Law system.

Valentina Golunova

On 30 November 2022, the European Commission took two important decisions to protect the EU budget against possible breaches of the rule of law in Hungary. First, the Commission concluded that the conditions for applying the Conditionality mechanism in Hungary remain and Hungary needs to take further and more credible action to eliminate the remaining risks for the EU budget. Second, the Commission has assessed Hungary’s Recovery and Resilience Plan and froze the disbursement of the RRF until the full and effective implementation of 27 ”super milestones” has taken place. Unfortunately, with these measures, missed opportunity to reclaim the importance of competition law in the Rechtsstaat.

Tristan Radtke

Transparenz? Ja, aber bitte nicht für alle

Mit Urteil vom 22. November 2022 hat der Europäische Gerichtshof entschieden, dass Informationen über wirtschaftlich Berechtigte von Unternehmen nicht über ein öffentliches Transparenzregister zur Verfügung gestellt werden dürfen. Die Zivilgesellschaft erhält über Journalisten und NGOs aber weiterhin umfassenden Zugriff auf diese Informationen, die essenziell sind, um wirtschaftliche Strukturen im Rahmen von Recherchen nachvollziehen und prüfen zu können. Befürchtungen dieser Gruppen, von den Informationen abgeschnitten zu werden, sind daher unbegründet.

02 December 2022

Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz

The Autonomy of Sport and the Degeneration of an Ideal

The Football World Cup in Qatar is but the tip of the iceberg of the mounting problems for UEFA/FIFA. Scandals. Corruption. Cozying up to the autocrats and feeling right at home in their company. Arrogance bordering on ignorance coming from the very top of the governing bodies. The list of serious ailments that beset the system of football governance goes on. As a result, one might argue that not much of substance can be added to the topic. Yet, as will be argued here, there is still a constitutional and discursive potential to push forward the discourse on the broken system of football governance. There is important space for constitutionalists to fill by offering a voice of critical reflection, insights and by pointing out signposts for the future.

01 December 2022

Kim Lane Scheppele, R. Daniel Kelemen, John Morijn

The Good, the Bad and the Ugly

The Commission needs to get its message out to Hungarians loud and clear that it is trying to fight corruption in Hungary so that EU money can be used to benefit the Hungarian people and not just Orbán’s circle of cronies. Hungarians would definitely appreciate that if they knew it. But the Commission’s press release today has been drowned out by Orbán’s use of state funds to flood the zone with his message that the Commission doesn’t care about the Hungarian people and is responsible for all of the economic pain they feel.

Ohiniko M. Toffa, Sarah Imani

In the second episode of Defending the Defenders, we talk to Dmitri Laevski about the rule of law and human rights in Belarus. Dmitri is a criminal attorney turned human rights lawyer in the wake of the 2020 presidential elections. He takes us through the recent history of the rule of law in Belarus, from realising that the concept he learned about in university didn't really exist in practice to the organisation of the legal professions in the last decade to the rule of law crackdown in 2020 and ever since.

Joan Barata

Protecting Media Content on Social Media Platforms

On 16 September 2022 the European Commission released a proposal for a Regulation establishing a common framework for media services in the internal market, also known as the European Media Freedom Act. The proposal includes safeguards against political interference in editorial decisions, and includes a series of provisions targeting online services and establishing additional obligations and regulatory powers in this field.

23 November 2022

Oran Doyle

Trojan Horses and Constitutional Identity

In Costello v Ireland the Irish Supreme Court upheld a constitutional challenge by a Green Party MP to the Government’s proposed ratification of the CETA. By a majority of 4:3, the Court held that ratification would breach Irish juridical sovereignty. Beyond CETA, the greater significance of Costello may lie in its endorsement of constitutional identity as a doctrinal device that controls Ireland’s domestic legal engagement with its international law obligations. The new status accorded to constitutional identity, however, may provide future Irish courts with the doctrinal tools to recalibrate the relationship between the Irish and EU legal orders.

18 November 2022

Lukas Schaugg, Aishwarya Suresh Nair

The Reform That Isn’t

As states are set to vote on the reform of the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT) at a Conference in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia, on 22 November, concerns regarding the treaty's impact on states' climate policies remain significant. In our assessment, the proposed reform fails to provide the treaty’s contracting parties with the necessary regulatory freedom to implement their climate commitments. Scheduled for the week after COP27, the vote comes at a crucial time, as scientists agree that this is the decisive decade to limit global warming to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels. Meanwhile, several EU Member States, including Germany, France, Spain, Poland, the Netherlands, and Slovenia have announced unilateral withdrawals from the treaty, stating that the proposed reform fails to meet their expectations.

Kim Lane Scheppele, Gábor Mészáros

Trusting Hungary with Billions of Euros

It’s crunch time for the Conditionality Regulation at the European Commission. In its College meeting on 22 November, the Commission is scheduled to discuss whether Hungary has actually made the 17 changes it proposed in order to avoid cuts to its Cohesion Funds. What the Commission chooses to do will depend on whether it believes that Hungary’s anti-corruption program will in fact allow Hungary to be entrusted with billions of Euros without having a sizeable fraction of those Euros pocketed by cronies. We believe that Hungary’s reforms are designed to be ineffective and will not even begin to halt the massive corruption that is the hallmark of Hungary’s kleptocracy.

17 November 2022

Jasper Krommendijk, Tijn Hendrikx

Only ten days after it was sworn in and a week after it received the confidence vote from the Parliament, the new Italian government led by Giorgia Meloni presented its first decree-law containing numerous provisions on a variety of issues: health, justice, and security. The decree-law was the first legislative act presented by the new radical right-wing government. Members of the opposition argued that the decree, in particular the anti-rave norm, is a danger to the freedom of assembly of the Italian citizens and that is a law that Putin could have written.

Martin Husovec

Will the DSA work?

The DSA has many components but, in its essence, it is a digital due process regulation bundled with risk-management tools. But will these tools work? My main concern about the DSA resides also in its strength – it relies on societal structures that the law can only foresee and incentivize but cannot build; only people can. These structures, such as local organisations analysing threats, consumer groups helping content creators, and communities of researchers, are the only ones to give life to the DSA’s tools.

08 November 2022

Alexandra Geese

Why the DSA could save us from the rise of authoritarian regimes

The rise of extremist right-wing governments, as observed recently in Italy, is closely linked to the business models of large digital platforms such as Facebook and YouTube. Their algorithms polarise debates and stir up emotions because that enables them to keep people on their screens for longer and show them advertising. The European Union’s Digital Services Act is the framework to address this dangerous development.

Sebastian Becker Castellaro, Jan Penfrat

The DSA fails to reign in the most harmful digital platform businesses – but it is still useful

While the DSA has just been crafted carefully enough to avoid major damage to digital rights in the EU, it has focussed so much on who must delete what kind of content within which time frame, that it missed the bigger picture: no content moderation policy in the world will protect us from harmful online content as long as we do not address the dominant, yet incredibly damaging surveillance business model of most large tech firms.

07 November 2022

Philipp Leitner, Julia Zöchling

With or Without Hungary

By December 2022, the Council must vote on the Commission's proposal to withdraw EU budgetary funds from Hungary under the Rule of Law Conditionality Regulation. Without a legal basis for its exclusion, Hungary will cast its vote on that proposal. Obviously, the participation of a Member State in a vote that decides on the consequences of its own rule of law violations seems paradoxical. There should be a general Treaty rule that prevents a Member State from voting in the Council when their own alleged misconduct is at stake.

Daphne Keller

The EU’s new Digital Services Act and the Rest of the World

The European Union’s Digital Services Act (DSA) is a major milestone in the history of platform regulation. Other governments are now asking themselves what the DSA’s passage means for them. The DSA is a far better law than most that have been proposed in other parts of the world. I have encouraged U.S. lawmakers to emulate it in many respects. But lawmakers around the world should view it as a starting point, rather than an end point, in considering potential regulations in their own countries. T

Pietro Ortolani

If You Build It, They Will Come

Content moderation is not only an Internet governance problem; it is also, unavoidably, a form of de facto adjudication. When observed in detail, the “procedure before substance” approach of the DSA leaves many questions unanswered. The final text of the Regulation contains compromises and blind spots.

04 November 2022

Nayanatara Ranganathan

In September 2022, the Madrid-based NGO ‘Safeguard Defenders’ published a report entitled ‘110 Overseas – Chinese Transnational Policing Gone Wild’, in which it documented the existence of at least 54 extraterritorial and undeclared Chinese police stations in more than 30 countries, many of them European Union Member States, such as Germany, Ireland, or the Netherlands. These police facilities, operated under the guise of ‘service centres’ supposedly providing diplomatic and consular services such as extending driving licences for Chinese nationals, have hence been located in cities such as Dublin, Rotterdam, Amsterdam, and Frankfurt.

Folkert Wilman

Between preservation and clarification

When assessing the liability rules in the DSA it is evident that the its emphasis has been on preservation of the E-Commerce Directive's rules. However, that does not mean that nothing at all has changed. In fact, a closer look reveals that in some respects a notable evolution has taken place.

01 November 2022

Asha Allen

An Intersectional Lens on Online Gender Based Violence and the Digital Services Act

The EU’s Digital Services Act introduces novel mandatory due diligence obligations for online platforms to address potential societal risks posed by the provision of their services - including the risk of online gender based violence. If effectively implemented, these provisions have the potential to set important standards for tackling some of the most pervasive harms of the digital ecosystem. However, these efforts will require the adoption of an intersectional methodology, otherwise they will simply fail to provide the necessary mechanisms for those most acutely impacted by these rights violations.

Alessandro Mantelero

Fundamental rights impact assessments in the DSA

The attention to fundamental rights in the new wave of EU digital regulation, confirmed in the Digital Services Act, is a significant step towards a more articulated and appropriate framework for protecting people in a context characterised by pervasive technologies that are often developed without adequate consideration of their impact on society. However, existing practices in human rights impact assessment show some limitations in being extended to the digital context.

31 October 2022

Julian Jaursch

Platform oversight

The Digital Services Act requires EU member states to name a “Digital Services Coordinator” (DSC) to coordinate national regulators involved in platform oversight. But the DSCs are more than just “coordinators,” as they have to fulfill specific oversight tasks themselves. That is why member states should resist the temptation to build a small-scale coordinator and instead build a strong DSC with skills in data analysis, community management and flexible case-based work.

Ilaria Buri

A Regulator Caught Between Conflicting Policy Objectives

The Digital Services Act has landed on an increased centralization of its enforcement powers in the hands of the European Commission. The rationale behind this centralized enforcement is understandable, particularly in light of the experience with GDPR enforcement. At the same time, it raises crucial questions about the future recurrence of such centralizaion in the Commission's hands, and the separation of powers more broadly.

Joris van Hoboken, Ilaria Buri, João Pedro Quintais, Ronan Fahy, Naomi Appelman, Marlene Straub

Ukraine, France, the EU, and the Revegetation of the Wasteland

Sarah Tas

Frontex and Data Protection

Frontex has become notorious for its multiple fundamental rights violations, including pushbacks. The problem of fundamental rights infringements associated with the Agency has been lasting for years, leading ultimately to the resignation of the Executive Director. What I argue in this post is, first, that the fundamental right to the protection of personal data by Frontex has not yet received sufficient attention by scholars and EU institutions. Second, data protection within the Agency needs to be strengthened to prevent any future new scandals.

08 September 2022

Michele Gigli

The resignation of the Executive Director of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (hereinafter: Frontex or Agency) at the end of April 2022 re-opened Pandora’s box with regard to the adequacy of the accountability mechanisms on the Agency. The turmoil was caused by several allegations of breaches of the law, which seems to be confirmed by the OLAF report, leaked at the end of July 2022. The aim of this blogpost is, first, to discuss the emergence of a rule of law crisis in border management and, second, to lay a finger on issues regarding both internal and external oversight mechanisms over Frontex, with special attention for the composition of the Management Board, the very first oversight body within the Agency.

Raven Kirchner

Innere Geschlossenheit um jeden Preis

Am 29. August 2022 sprach Bundeskanzler Olaf Scholz an der Karls-Universität in Prag über seine europapolitische Zukunftsvision. Auf der Grundlage des völkerrechtswidrigen Angriffskriegs auf die Ukraine stellte er vier Grundüberlegungen vor, welche sich mit den Begriffen Erweiterung der Europäischen Union, Souveränität, Einigkeit und Wertefundament zusammenfassen lassen. Während sein Plädoyer für die eine erweiterte, souveräne und nach innen geschlossene EU entschlossen und energisch wirkte, blieben seine Ausführungen zum Wertefundament der EU erstaunlich knapp. Weder ging er konkret auf die schwerwiegenden Rechtsstaatlichkeitsprobleme in Polen und Ungarn ein, auf die die Europäische Kommission in ihren neusten Rule of Law Reports erneut hinwies. Noch erscheinen seine Vorschläge zur Abstellung bestehender rechtsstaatlicher Defizite in allen Mitgliedsstaaten überzeugend.

02 September 2022

Maximilian Steinbeis

Mit Beschluss vom 08. Juli 2022 verwarf das OLG Frankfurt a.M. eine sofortige Beschwerde gegen die Ablehnung eines auf § 359 Nr. 6 StPO gestützten Wiederaufnahmeantrags durch das LG Kassel - obwohl der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte bereits die deutsche Handhabung möglicher Befangenheit von Richtern kritisiert hatte.

Daniel Thym

Ein Weg zur Cannabis-Legalisierung führt über Luxemburg

Ein deutscher Alleingang hat die Rechnung ohne den Wirt gemacht. Das Europarecht hat auch beim Völkerrecht ein Wort mitzureden. Die EU hat die UN-Übereinkommen selbst ratifiziert – und zwar ohne Vorbehalt. Außerdem reduziert die innereuropäische Kompetenzverteilung den Spielraum für nationale Alleingänge. Etwas mehr Europa muss die Bundesregierung also wagen. Soweit ihr das Risiko zu groß ist, bleibt nur die große Lösung einer Cannabis-Legalisierung über Brüssel oder Luxemburg.

19 August 2022

Ivana Isailović

Recently, politicians in different EU countries have suggested barring Russian tourists from visiting the EU. Such a ban would be in retaliation for the war waged by Russia against Ukraine. From a legal perspective, these suggestions raise the interesting question whether such a blanket ban would be lawful. From a legal perspective, the question is precisely whether there is a possibility to amend the existing acquis, in order to ban Russians from obtaining short term visas for the purpose of visiting Europe as tourists. It seems hardly tenable to argue that the EU (secondary) legislature is somehow bound by the ratio legis of the current Schengen visa system.

Jonas Bornemann

Heated tempers and legal ambiguities

After some heads of EU governments advocated for an all-out ban of Russian nationals’ Schengen visas, a heated academic and political debate arose over the question whether the EU could bar Russians from acquiring visas for a short-term stay in the Schengen area. Could a sweeping travel ban for Russian citizens be justified in the light of EU law? This blogpost advises caution.

16 August 2022

Francesco Nicoli

The European online space has been subjected to intensive legal reforms in recent years, and the policy and regulatory debates regarding the role and obligations of tech companies in Europe are far from over. With the rumoured Connectivity Infrastructure Act, the European Commission seeks to compel Big Tech actors to financially contribute to telecommunications infrastructure. This initiative risks opening the pandora's box of net neutrality, and potentially endangers the democratic principles of freedom of expression and pluralism.

Ronan Fahy, Naomi Appelman, Natali Helberger

The EU’s regulatory push against disinformation

Tech billionaire Elon Musk’s surprise bid to buy Twitter questions the wisdom of the current EU efforts to combat the spread of disinformation, which has relied to a large extend on platforms’ voluntary cooperation. Whether successful or not, it raises serious questions on EU disinformation policy’s reliance on platforms’ discretion to moderate this category of speech. It is likely to put pressure on the carefully constructed web of self- and co-regulatory measures and legislation the European Commission has spun to counter the spread of disinformation.

04 August 2022

Gerhard Wagner

Tesla und die Sicherheit autonomer Fahrzeuge

Im Juni 2022 hat die US-amerikanische National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) eine Untersuchung von Tesla angeordnet, die nicht weniger als 830.000 Fahrzeuge sämtlicher Produktlinien betrifft. Die Behörde ist das amerikanische Pendant zum Kraftfahrtbundesamt und unter anderem für die Sicherheit der zum Straßenverkehr zugelassenen Kraftfahrzeuge zuständig. Die Untersuchung von Tesla betrifft das von diesem Unternehmen eingesetzte Computerprogramm namens „Autopilot“.

02 August 2022

Tristan Radtke

Nun hat also auch der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte in Sachen Tarifeinheitsgesetz entschieden. Wie zuvor schon das BVerfG kommt er zum Ergebnis, dass der neue § 4a TVG in Menschenrechte eingreift, kann sich aber nicht dazu durchringen, Deutschland hierfür zu verurteilen. Und wie bereits im BVerfG haben zwei Richter:innen ihren Widerspruch in einem Sondervotum formuliert.

Kim Lane Scheppele

Will the Commission Throw the Rule of Law Away in Hungary?

The Hungarian government is publicly saying that it is nearing a deal with the European Commission to unlock the Recovery Funds that have been withheld because the Commission has not yet approved Hungary’s plan for spending those funds. Apparently, Hungary has agreed to four conditions that will allow the €7bn worth of grants and about €8bn in low-interest loans to be approved. But if those are any indication of the price that the European Commission will extract for comprehensive violation of the rule of law, the European Commission is making a colossal mistake.

07 July 2022

John Cotter

Untying the Ties that (don’t) Bind

In his letter to MEP Daniel Freund of 17 June 2022, European Council President Charles Michel argued that neither he, as President, nor the European Council have the power to exclude democratically unaccountable representatives of a Member State from that institution. But President Michel’s apparent recourse to a literal reading of Article 15(2) TEU – which fails to consider its relationship with other provisions relating to the composition of the European Council – is not convincing.

30 June 2022

Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz

The Core of the European Public Space

Increasing the visibility of the constitutional fundamentals of the Union takes on existential importance in times of constitutional reckoning or, as some call it in more ominous terms, in times of “capitulation”. It is for that reason that art. 19(1) TEU should be amended to reflect the case law of the Court of Justice and thus to codify the core that binds the Member States to the discipline of the legal order.

Mit der spontanen Aufnahme der ukrainischen Frauen, Kinder und Hilfsbedürftigen hat die europäische Zivilgesellschaft gezeigt, wie gut sie mit Flüchtlingen interagieren kann, wenn die Grenzen sich öffnen und hemmende Regulierungen entfallen. Die Staaten lernen in den letzten Wochen, eher unterstützend als kontrollierend zu wirken. Diese Erfahrungen sollten motivieren, kritischer als bisher zu hinterfragen, wieweit Einschränkungen der freien Entfaltung Geflüchteter und ihrer Unterstützer sinnvoll sind.

Erik Tuchtfeld

„Vielen Dank, Ihre Post ist unbedenklich“

Vor rund zwei Wochen hat die Kommission ihren Entwurf für eine Verordnung zur Bekämpfung des sexuellen Missbrauchs von Kindern vorgestellt. Die damit verbundene Einführung der Überprüfung sämtlicher digital verschickter Inhalte dürfte das größte staatliche Überwachungsvorhaben in Europa seit dem Ende des Kalten Krieges sein und verstößt offenkundig gegen die Grundrechte-Charta.

21 May 2022

Niklas Wolf

Verbraucherinteressen als Teil der öffentlichen Ordnung?

Am 28. Mai 2022 erhält das EGBGB erstmals eine eigene Bußgeldvorschrift. Das überrascht auf den ersten Blick. Bußgelder dienen eigentlich der Wahrung der öffentlichen Sicherheit. Doch die neue Vorschrift impliziert ein neues Verständnis des Verbrauchsgüterkaufs, das über den reinen Warenaustausch hinausgeht.

20 May 2022

Valsamis Mitsilegas

Am 27. April 2022 hat die EU-Kommission ihre Initiative zur Bekämpfung missbräuchlicher Klagen gegen öffentliche Beteiligung (sog. SLAPPs) vorgestellt. Die Initiative umfasst einen Vorschlag für eine EU-Richtlinie gegen SLAPPs in Zivilsachen mit grenzüberschreitendem Bezug (im Folgenden: Anti-SLAPP-RL) und eine ergänzende Empfehlung, mit der die Kommission die Mitgliedstaaten auffordert, die Richtlinie überschießend, das heißt auch auf innerstaatliche Sachverhalte und sämtliche Verfahrensarten, umzusetzen und Schulungs- und Sensibilisierungsmaßnahmen zu SLAPPs zu ergreifen.

Pola Cebulak, Marta Morvillo

Schengen Restored

On 26 April 2022, the Court of Justice of the EU rendered a ruling in joined cases C-368/20 and C-369/20 stating that Member States of the European Union can re-introduce border controls within the Schengen Zone only under strict conditions. The Court has stepped up as a guardian of the Treaties protecting free movement of people without controls at the internal borders of the EU. At the same time, it has left room for the European and national executives to exercise their function and fill in the blanks.

02 May 2022

Felix Reda

Wieviel Automatisierung verträgt die Meinungsfreiheit?

Mit seinem Urteil über die grundrechtliche Bewertung des umstrittenen Artikel 17 der EU-Urheberrechtsrichtlinie (Rechtssache C-401/19) definiert der Europäische Gerichtshof enge Schranken für den Einsatz von Filtersystemen zur automatischen Sperrung mutmaßlich illegaler Inhalte. Das Urteil ist weit über das Urheberrecht hinaus von Bedeutung, da es den Sinngehalt des Verbots allgemeiner Überwachungspflichten präzisiert. Dieses Verbot ist auch Gegenstand einer aktuellen gerichtlichen Auseinandersetzung zwischen Grünen-Politikerin Renate Künast und dem Meta-Konzern über die Frage, inwieweit Facebook dafür verantwortlich ist, gegen Falschzitate auf der Plattform vorzugehen.

27 April 2022

Jannis Lennartz

Wie Geld oder Gold

Das Bitcoin-Whitepaper datiert von 2008. Seitdem hat Bitcoin eine enorme Aufmerksamkeit und Wertzuschreibung erfahren, und dabei in einer Distanz zu Staat und Recht gestanden, die gut zu seinen libertären Idealen passt. Mit dem Erfolg kommt nun aber die Regulierung. Es ist daher höchste Zeit, einen Blick auf den grundrechtlichen Rahmen der anlaufenden Blockchain-Regulierung zu werfen – er ist weitestgehend unbesprochen.

26 April 2022

Alberto Alemanno

Am 15. Tag des russischen Angriffskriegs gegen die Ukraine ruft Alexander Karp, der CEO von Palantir Technologies, in einem offenen Brief „Zur Verteidigung Europas“ auf. Es ist ein bemerkenswertes Dokument, das zu dem Schluss kommt, nur digitale Gegenwehr könne Europa noch retten – selbstredend mit Palantirs Hilfe. Bemerkenswert ist nicht nur die schamlose Instrumentalisierung des Kriegs für seine Zwecke. Prämisse, Analyse, Schlussfolgerung: Satz für Satz lässt Karps Brief die Augenbrauen höher wandern. Aber der Reihe nach.

Thomas Verellen

Hungary’s Lesson for Europe

There seems to be a disturbing discordance in the European Commission’s response to the Hungarian elections. On the one hand, the Commission triggers the rule of law mechanism. On the other, it refuses to comment on the fairness of the Hungarian elections. This contradicts the fact that, just like the rule of law, democracy is also part of Europe’s constitutional identity. But what does democracy require from Member States? Hungary’s elections make clear that the value of democracy, as given expression in Article 10 TEU, should be justiciable.

07 April 2022

Martin Heger

Sexualverbrechen sind nicht grenzüberschreitend

Pünktlich zum Internationalen Frauentag am 8. März 2022 hat die EU-Kommission ihren Vorschlag für eine EU-Richtlinie zur Bekämpfung von Gewalt gegen Frauen und häuslicher Gewalt vorgelegt. Auch wenn der Inhalt der Richtlinie politisch wünschenswert ist, hat die EU hierfür nicht die Kompetenz, da Vergewaltigungen (und Femizide) keine grenzübergreifende Kriminalität darstellen. Vor diesem Hintergrund dürfte die Bundesrepublik der Vergewaltigungs-Vorgabe in Art. 5 des Richtlinien-Entwurfs nicht zustimmen, will sie nicht die Vorgaben aus dem Lissabon-Urteil des BVerfG ignorieren.

06 April 2022

Maria Tzanou

Democracy requires to strengthen the Rule of Law wherever public or private actors use algorithmic systems. The law must set out the requirements on AI necessary in a democratic society and organize appropriate accountability and oversight. To this end, the European Commission made several legislative proposals. In addition to the discussion on how to use algorithmic systems lawfully, the question when it is beneficial to use them deserves more attention.

Michael Meyer-Resende, Marlene Straub

The Rule of Law versus the Rule of the Algorithm

When we chose the title of this symposium, we thought it might be controversial. We expected that at least some of the authors would argue that algorithmic threats to the rule of law were solvable, or that responsibly-implemented algorithms could even help the delivery of justice. None of the experts did. In the series of articles which we will present to you in the next days, we find no techno-optimism. That should give everybody pause - especially to the advocates in favour of algorithmic solutions for every problem.

25 March 2022

Esra Demir-Gürsel

The Council of Europe’s Sharp Turn

The Council of Europe (CoE) responded promptly to Russia’s act of aggression against Ukraine first by suspending Russia’s representation rights on 25 February 2022, and then by expelling it on 16 March 2022 in accordance with Article 8 of the Statute. The Committee of Ministers used the Article 8 procedure for the first time in the history of the CoE. This might have crucial implications for the broader CoE context and could make the threat of suspension and expulsion more credible for other member states as well.

23 March 2022

Viktor Szép

Unmatched Levels of Sanctions Coordination

In early 2022, the European Union (EU) was quick and decisive in imposing an unprecedented set of measures against Russia. Among other things, the EU targeted the Russian Central Bank, which is an extraordinary move, given that central banks are rarely on sanctions lists. Reconciling the interests of 27 Member States is an art itself, especially in a highly sensitive policy area which continues to be dominated by individual Member State interests. Overall, the swiftness of EU measures went beyond most of our expectations.

21 March 2022

Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov

Putin has reportedly threatened both Sweden and Finland against joining NATO, attempting to preempt a shift away from the commitment to neutrality that is deeply embedded in the Swedish political soul. It is therefore all the more interesting that Sweden and Finland have recently concluded a new strategy of enhanced security cooperation between the states. In addition, the Swedish government, together with Finland, has sent a letter to other EU Member States reminding them of their obligation to assist any EU country in case of belligerent attack. Should we interpret this as an expectation for the EU to function effectively as a quasi-NATO?

15 March 2022

Jenny Orlando-Salling

Die Europäische Union hat eine Reihe von Sanktionen gegen russische Staatsmedien erlassen. In normalen Zeiten wäre ein (quasi-)staatliches Verbot von Medien wohl erheblichen Einwänden ausgesetzt gewesen. Doch unter dem Eindruck der immer rücksichtsloseren Invasion Russlands in der Ukraine erhält die EU breite Zustimmung bei nur wenigen kritischen Stimmen. Trotzdem muss auf europäischer Ebene eine tragfähige und geeignete Rechtsgrundlage für den Kampf gegen staatliche Propaganda entwickelt werden. Statt auf das Sanktionsrecht sollte hierfür auf das Medienrecht gesetzt werden. Dafür sollte auf Unionsebene das Medienrecht nach deutschem Vorbild weiterentwickelt werden.

Mario Savino, Francesco Luigi Gatta

On the Brink of a New Refugee Crisis

The EU Council decision on temporary protection adopted on 4 March not only conveys a political message of solidarity with the Ukrainian people; it also reveals the awareness that the 2015 refugee crisis was mainly an administrative crisis and that, this time, a more pragmatic approach is required to prevent the national asylum systems from being overwhelmed. Moreover, a less hostile view of secondary movements seems to emerge, with potentially far-reaching consequences. At the same time, temporary protection is not a silver bullet for what is a complicated and long-lasting challenge.

Sofia Ranchordas, Giovanni De Gregorio, Catalina Goanta

Big Tech War Activism

The war in Ukraine is live. It’s not only live on CNN or Al Jazeera but it’s live on different social media platforms, for better and worse. In this context, Big Tech platforms are not neutral. Rather, along with their users, they are giving rise to a new wave of tech war activism, siding with Ukraine. While many of these initiatives may be well intended, this new form of tech activism raises questions about the role of social media in times of war.

08 March 2022

Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz

The EU protects national constitutional identities and does not protect national unconstitutional identities. This is the message the Court of Justice of the EU has sent with its decision of 16 of February 2022, in the cases initiated by Hungary and Poland about the rule-of-law conditionality mechanism, in which it ominously referred to the constitutional identity of the EU. Constitutional identity, according to the CJEU, is a key concept of public law and a fundamental pillar of the EU, so Member States constitutional identities may not be manipulated in such a way that turns into a violation of the constitutional identity of the EU.

Klaas Hendrik Eller, Ioannis Kampourakis

Quantifying ‘Better Regulation’

The EU Commission is expected to publish later this month its long-awaited proposal on Sustainable Corporate Governance, an initiative to ‘better align the interests of companies, their shareholders, managers, stakeholders and society’. Almost a year of delay and possibly some toning down of the legislative ambition can be attributed, in large part, to the double negative opinion issued by the EU Regulatory Scrutiny Board’s (RSB) on the Impact Assessment. In doing so, the RSB – a body whose absence from public debate seems largely disproportionate to its actual powers – has shown its teeth and incidentally revealed some of the shortcomings of its own mandate.

17 February 2022

Daniel Halberstam, Werner Schroeder

In Defense of Its Identity

The introduction of rule of law budgetary conditionality, as approved by the Court, is a first step in the right direction. But the Union must go further. Taking a page from fundamental rights and anti-discrimination law, we suggest the systematic, deliberate, and transparent incorporation of rule of law considerations into all Union policies and practices at all stages, from planning and legislation to execution and enforcement, with the aim of actively promoting, realizing, and sustaining the rule of law throughout the Union.

16 February 2022

Laurent Pech

Abgeordnete aus Russland sollten nicht an der Parlamentarischen Versammlung des Europarats (PACE) teilnehmen können. Dies haben am vergangenen Montag, zu Beginn der neuen Sitzungsperiode, Abgeordnete aus der Ukraine und dem Baltikum gefordert und die Beglaubigungsschreiben der russischen Delegation angefochten. Am Mittwoch muss nun über diese abgestimmt werden, damit die russische Delegation ihr Mandat in der PACE aufnehmen kann. Auch die deutschen Delegierten sollten die russischen Beglaubigungsschreiben, wenn überhaupt, dann nur unter Auflagen ratifizieren.

Tarik Gherbaoui, Martin Scheinin

Time to Rewrite the EU Directive on Combating Terrorism

The adoption of EU Directive 2017/541 on combating terrorism in March 2017 has profoundly changed the landscape of European counter-terrorism law. The primary aim of this Directive was to further harmonise the legal framework under which terrorist offences are prosecuted across EU Member States by establishing minimum rules and standards. However, the adverse consequences for the rule of law and human rights have been overlooked from the very outset by the EU institutions. Now, five years after its adoption, it is time for a thorough revision.

24 January 2022

Anna Lübbe

Seit Mai 2018 werden Reisende, die einen Flug in die, aus der oder innerhalb der Europäischen Union buchen oder antreten, gemäß der PNR-Richtlinie in Risikokategorien eingeteilt, um die Wahrscheinlichkeit ihrer Beteiligung an kriminellen oder terroristischen Aktivitäten zu bewerten. Das eigentliche Ziel des PNR-Richtlinie besteht darin, potenzielle Verdächtige zu identifizieren, die den Behörden bisher unbekannt waren. Sie hat somit das Potenzial, zentrale gesellschaftliche Werte wie Privatsphäre, Fairness und menschliche Autonomie neu zu definieren.

Elisa Orrù

The European PNR framework and the changing landscape of EU-security

Since May 2018, travelers booking or embarking on a flight to, from or within the European Union are classified into risk categories in order to assess the likelihood of their involvement in criminal or terrorist activity, per the PNR Directive. The very ambition of the PNR framework is to identify potential suspects previously unknown to the authorities. It has thus introduced important changes into existing EU approaches to security conceptions and practices, and has the potential to redefine core societal values such as privacy, fairness and human autonomy.

17 December 2021

Christine Landfried

Der Post-Brexit-Fischereistreit zwischen London und Paris will nicht enden: Erst im Mai dieses Jahres standen sich vor der Kanalinsel Jersey französische und britische Kriegsschiffe gegenüber. Nach der Festsetzung eines britischen Fischerbootes in der Hafenstadt Le Havre am vergangenen Donnerstag droht der Konflikt nun abermals zu eskalieren. Kern des Streits sind Unstimmigkeiten über die Ausstellungen von Fischfanglizenzen für britische Gewässer zwischen sechs und zwölf Seemeilen vor der Küste. Das beiderseitige Säbelrasseln über die Zugangslizenzen überdeckt die Tatsache, dass es sich letztlich um eine bürokratische Einzelfrage handelt. Diese gilt es nun zu klären.

Eirik Holmøyvik

No Surrender to Poland

Last week, a district court in Norway took a bold step and refused surrender to Poland due to the “significant greater danger and probability” that a Polish court would not be a lawful judge. In the European battle over the independence of Polish courts, surrender of wanted persons according to the European Arrest Warrant has been a minor but important front. The Vestfold district court's ruling should be welcomed and also invites the Norwegian Supreme Court and the CJEU to change their jurisprudence on surrender to Poland.

Martin Nettesheim

Die Fallout-Wolke verdunkelt den Himmel über uns, und wo sie sich entladen wird, weiß nur der Wind.

Maximilian Steinbeis

After the Explosion

The fallout cloud darkens the sky above us, and only the wind knows where it will unload its noxious cargo.

14 October 2021

Nathalie Bernasconi-Osterwalder, Lukas Schaugg, Amandine Van den Berghe

Investitionsschutz über Klimaschutz?

Der sogenannte Energiecharta-Vertrag (ECT) steht wegen seiner investorenfreundlichen Bestimmungen und der Bedrohung, die er für die Energiewende darstellt, bereits seit längerer Zeit in der Kritik. Immer mehr EU-Mitgliedstaaten, darunter etwa Frankreich und Spanien, erwägen einen Rücktritt vom ECT. Ein solcher Rücktritt ist völkerrechtlich möglich und klimapolitisch wünschenswert.

Roya Sangi

On Thursday 7th October 2021 the Polish Constitutional Tribunal issued its decision in the case K 3/21. Politically, this situation is likely a crucial point in the Polish rule of law saga. Legally, it is a decision taken by a not independent court that ignored both domestic provisions and EU law towards arriving at a politically motivated outcome tailored towards the interests of the ruling party.

Jesse Claassen

In the Courts the CJEU does not Trust?

In last week’s long-awaited judgment, the CJEU had the opportunity to revisit its case law concerning the national courts’ obligation to refer preliminary questions. The Court largely maintained its strict approach and thereby, at first sight, admits of little trust in the national courts’ handling of EU law. Upon closer inspection, however, an alternative reading of the judgment seems possible.

11 October 2021

Pola Cebulak, Marta Morvillo

The Writing is on the Wall

On 6 October 2021, Advocate General (AG) Saugmandsgaard Øe published his Opinion in the joined cases C-368/20 NW v Landespolizeidirektion Steiermark and C-369/20 NW v Bezirkshauptmannschaft Leibnitz. Six Schengen countries (Germany, France, Austria, Denmark, Norway and Sweden) have reintroduced border controls over the past years. If the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) were to follow the AG’s Opinion, they would need to seriously rethink their practices in this regard. New evidence-based procedures and serious reasons, capable of passing a proportionality test, would be necessary to introduce border controls within the Schengen Zone.

Merijn Chamon, Tom Theuns

Resisting Membership Fatalism

While we fully agree with the main thrust of the editorial ‘The Exit Door’ on Verfassungsblog last Friday, we would like to warn against its seemingly fatalistic mindset. Yes, a Polexit from the EU is not on the table until the Polish government itself pushes the Article 50 TEU button, but the other EU Member States do not have to idly wait ‘hoping’ for a resolution to the crisis.

10 October 2021

Alexander Thiele

07 September 2021

Ruth Janal

Eyes Wide Open

The Digital Services Act must confront a gordian knot of fundamental rights and public interests with respect to various affected actors. To be effective, the new regulation must both consider the current reality of intermediary service provision and provide enough flexibility for future technological developments. It currently falls short of this aim.

Paddy Leerssen

Platform research access in Article 31 of the Digital Services Act

Over the past year, dominant platforms such as Facebook have repeatedly interfered with independent research projects, prompting calls for reform. Platforms are shaping up as gatekeepers not only of online content and commerce, but of research into these phenomena. As self-regulation flounders, researchers are hopeful for Article 31 of the proposed Digital Services Act, on “Data Access and Scrutiny” - a highly ambitious tool to compel access to certain data, but researchers also need a shield to protect them against interference with their independent projects.

06 September 2021

Rhea Nachtigall

Die List(e) mit den „kleinen sicheren Herkunftsstaaten“

Die Idee mit der List(e) „kleiner sicherer Herkunftsstaaten“ mag sympathisch klingen. Tatsächlich verbirgt sich dahinter eine verfassungswidrige Umgehung des Zustimmungserfordernisses des Bundesrats zur Erweiterung der Liste sog. sicherer Herkunftsstaaten unter dem Deckmantel des Unionsrechts.

Hannah Ruschemeier

In the world of EU law, Poland and the rule of law, it was a wild third week of July. A series of events unfolded in Warsaw and Luxembourg, adding to the saga of Polish rule of law travails before courts. All levels of Polish government and bodies controlled by the ruling party have decried CJEU interim orders and judgments, indicating a complete lack of will to comply with EU law and CJEU rulings. Is a "Polexit" looming?

Ulrich Karpenstein, Maximilian Steinbeis

Jetzt ist es also tatsächlich passiert: Das polnische Verfassungsgericht verneint in einem zentralen Bereich die Bindung an Entscheidungen des EuGH. Mit dem prinzipiellen Vorrang des Europarechts steht damit eine der fundamentalen Säulen der europäischen Integration in Frage. Ist der Vorgang vergleichbar mit dem, was das deutsche Bundesverfassungsgericht im PSPP-Urteil getan hat?

Christian Tomuschat

Kampf oder diplomatischer Ausgleich?

Nachdem nun die Europäische Kommission angekündigt hat, sie werde das Urteil des BVerfG zum Gegenstand eines Vertragsverletzungsverfahrens machen, hat der frühere Gerichtspräsident Andreas Vosskuhle die Vermutung geäußert, dass die Europäische Kommission und der EuGH in einem kollusiven Zusammenwirken danach strebten, die Europäische Union unter der Hand in einen europäischen Bundesstaat zu verwandeln. Die Auseinandersetzung zwischen den beiden höchsten Gerichten entwickelt sich damit zu einem subkutan ausgetragenen Verfassungsdrama, das allmählich auch eine breitere Öffentlichkeit beunruhigen muss.

13 July 2021

Sümeyye Elif Biber

Machines Learning the Rule of Law

On 21 April 2021, the European Commission proposed the world’s first Artificial Intelligence Act, with the intention to explicitly protect the rule of law against the “rule of technology”. Despite this expressed goal, the normative power of the regulation raises serious concerns from the perspective of fundamental rights protection.

12 July 2021

Thomas Gammeltoft-Hansen, Mikael Rask Madsen, Henrik Palmer Olsen

The Limits of Indirect Deterrence of Asylum Seekers

The ECtHR judgment M.A. v. Denmark is significant for several reasons. Firstly, because it adds to an already growing international criticism of Denmark’s asylum and immigration policy. Secondly, because the judgment helps clarify the Court’s position on an issue, family reunification for refugees, where case law has hitherto been somewhat ambiguous, and where several European States have introduced new restrictions since 2015. Third, and finally, the judgment represents – to paraphrase Harold Koh - another “way station…in the complex enforcement” of migrant and refugee rights by international human rights institutions.

09 July 2021

Itamar Mann, Julia Mourão Permoser

Visibility and Crime at Sea

On 30th June 2021, search-and-rescue activists from Sea-Watch witnessed a brutal attack by the so-called Libyan Coast Guard against a migrant vessel carrying 64 during an attempted pushback. Now, prosecutors in Sicily have launched an investigation against the Libyan Coast Guard for “attempted shipwreck.” This the first time, a European court opens an investigation against the Libyan Coast Guard, and the fact that an Italian court should do so bears legal and political importance.

Dana Schmalz

Rights that are not Illusory

On 8 July, the European Court of Human Rights ruled in case Shahzad v. Hungary, concerning the denial of access to an asylum procedure and the forced removal of a Pakistani national by Hungarian police officers. The court found that the acts violated the prohibition of collective expulsion as well as the right to an effective remedy. With this decision, the Court on the one hand straightens out some possible misunderstandings, on the other hand returns to the line of argument opened in N.D. and N.T. v. Spain in ways that should be considered more closely.

07 July 2021

Marie-Christine Fuchs

UEFA's stance on the rainbow flag has generated attention around the world. The disciplinary proceedings against Manuel Neuer by UEFA show: sport governing bodies still massively limit the freedom of political expressions by the athletes during big sporting events.

Lorenzo Gradoni

Last Tuesday, the Polish Constitutional Tribunal delivered a ruling which makes the extent of the crisis of the rule of law in Poland unambiguously clear. And it shows how the gap with Europe is widening day by day. If the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe lets this pass, it will not only be a blow to the authority and effectiveness of the Strasbourg Court of Human Rights. Then the guardians of the rule of law will have surrendered even faster than we thought.

Benedikt Riedl

Ultra Vires Control and European Democracy

On 9 June 2021, the European Commission filed infringement proceedings against the Federal Republic of Germany. Though the infringement procedure has been welcomed by some scholars as a necessary reaction of the Commission, I argue that initiating the infringement procedure is politically unwise, legally questionable, and ultimately unfounded.

Bianca Selejan-Gutan

A Tale of Primacy Part. II

On 18 May 2021, the CJEU issued a judgment on several requests for preliminary ruling by Romanian national courts regarding the impact of EU law on Romanian laws on the judiciary and the CVM. On 8 June, the Romanian Constitutional Court issued a decision pertaining to the subject. In a succession of legal nonsense, it shattered hope that the CJEU’s judgment could be a guide for national courts for applying the primacy of the EU law.

17 June 2021

Merlin Gömann

On 9 June 2021, the European Commission announced that it is bringing an infringement procedure against Germany for breach of fundamental principles of EU law. The procedure is less about the possible outcomes and more a matter of principle. By launching it, the Commission is emphasizing the notion of equality between the member states.

Sébastien Platon

Bringing a Knife to a Gunfight

On 10 June 2021, the European Parliament adopted a Resolution on the Rule of Law situation in the European Union and the application of the Conditionality Regulation. In this Resolution, the European Parliament expresses its concerns about the regression of the democratic situation in several member States and regrets the inaction of other institutions, notably the Council and the Commission.

Peter von Auer

Kein „body-count“ bei subsidiärem Schutz

Der Verwaltungsgerichtshof Baden-Württemberg muss über die Klagen auf subsidiären Schutz von zwei afghanischen Staatsangehörigen entscheiden und hat den EuGH um Klärung der unionsrechtlichen Kriterien zur Gewährung subsidiären Schutzes gebeten. Am 10. Juni entschied der EuGH nun gegen den rein quantitativen „body-count“ Ansatz des Bundesverwaltungsgerichts.

03 June 2021

Nikolas Feith Tan, Jens Vedsted-Hansen

State, federal and EU constitutional law and the emergence of black holes on the legal map of Europe

Maximilian Steinbeis

Tanz der Gerichte

Länder-, Bundes- und EU-Verfassungsrecht und das Auftauchen von schwarzen Löchern auf der Landkarte Europas

18 May 2021

Aytekin Kaan Kurtul

A Ghost that Haunts European Democracies

In Turkey, Spain and Poland, lèse-majesté laws are weaponised against opposition: The conviction and imprisonment of Marxist rapper Pablo Hasél sparked mass protests across Spain, and the 20-year-old Wiktoria K. who shouted “f*** Duda” during last year’s demonstrations and received a guilty verdict on grounds of “insulting the President” in March 2021. The very existence of lèse-majesté laws poses a threat to the right to dissent. It is a vital democratic duty to cast such laws into the dustbin of history.

17 May 2021

Daniel Thym

Menschenrechtliche Grenzen für Pushbacks – und der weitergehende Schutz nach EU-Sekundärrecht

Das europäische Asylrecht plagen mehrere Strukturprobleme. Es setzt auf hochkomplizierte Verfahren, die in langen Verordnungen niedergelegt sind, die an den europäischen Außengrenzen rechtspraktisch vielfach nicht funktionieren. Außerdem gibt es bis zum heutigen Tag keine einzige Vorlage eines griechischen Gerichts, die sich mit der Situation auf den griechischen Inseln oder gar mit der Grenzüberwachung in der Ägäis beschäftigte.

14 May 2021

Sebastian Bretthauer

Das europäische Polizeirecht befindet sich inmitten eines Paradigmenwechsels. Während das Europarecht zunächst noch primär auf Polizeikooperation ausgerichtet war, lässt sich inzwischen eine zunehmende Vereinheitlichung des mitgliedstaatlichen Sicherheitsrechts beobachten. Nicht nur für den Grundrechtsschutz hat diese Entwicklung weitreichende Folgen. Auch auf politischer Ebene ist mit Gegenwind der Mitgliedstaaten gegenüber der fortschreitenden Harmonierung des innerstaatlichen Sicherheitsrechts zu rechnen.

Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov, Aleksejs Dimitrovs

The European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen announced on 1 March that the Commission will put forward a proposal for a “digital green pass” on 17 March, which would enable safe cross-border movement of three categories of individuals: those who have been vaccinated, those who have developed antibodies after recovering from COVID-19 and those who can produce a negative PCR test. This concept could enable individuals to travel across Europe without unduly discriminating citizens. By contrast, "EU vaccination certificates" would violate EU law and unduly discriminate citizens.

Stefan Thierse

The Conference on the Future of Europe – Finally, an opportunity for more top-down bureaucracy?

On Wednesday, 10 March, the Presidents of the European Institutions signed the Joint Declaration on the Future of Europe. It establishes a Conference on the Future of Europe (CoFoE), which is advertised as a "citizens-focused, bottom-up exercise”. However, from the start, the Conference has been everything but that.

03 March 2021

Wojciech Sadurski, Maximilian Steinbeis

Der Zweite Senat des Bundesverfassungsgerichts hat in einem Beschluss vom 1.12.2020, der am heutigen Mittwoch veröffentlicht wurde, vor Abschluss dieses turbulenten Jahres noch einmal ein kraftvolles Zeichen gesetzt. Er folgt der neuen Linie des Ersten Senats aus dem Fall Recht auf Vergessen II und wendet nun ebenfalls unmittelbar die Charta der Grundrechte der Europäischen Union als Maßstab für eine Verfassungsbeschwerde an, wenn das Unionsrecht den Sachverhalt so dominiert, dass sein Anwendungsvorrang im Grundsatz auch die Grundrechte des Grundgesetzes verdrängt.

Aleksejs Dimitrovs, Hubertus Droste

On 15 December, the European Commission published its proposal for the Digital Services Act (DSA-P). One, if not the, major challenge for the regulation of social platforms is which and how content is disseminated as well as moderated on such platforms. At least when it comes to so-called very large online platforms like Facebook, YouTube or Twitter, the DSA-P’s path seems quite clear: Put platforms and the Commission in charge. In the construction of a new social order for online platforms State courts, prosecutors, law enforcement and state law as such are apparently no longer needed.

Claus Dieter Classen

Ein zwiespältiges Urteil

Gestern hat der Europäische Gerichtshof die Zulässigkeit des flämischen Schächtverbots bestätigt. Das entgegen dem Votum von Generalanwalt Hogan ergangene Urteil hat einen zwiespältigen Charakter: Es ist ein klares Signal zugunsten eines mitgliedstaatlichen Pluralismus im Bereich des Grundrechtsschutzes. Unvermeidliche Konsequenz ist, dass manche Grundrechte nicht das gleiche Gewicht bekommen wie in Deutschland. Kritisch ist zu vermerken, dass der EuGH den Pluralismus nur deshalb akzeptiert hat, weil der Gesetzgeber der Union ihn so vorgesehen hat.

17 December 2020

Graham Butler

The Inviolability of National Centrals Banks as a Matter of EU Law

National authorities have to be extremely cautious in their dealings with National Central Banks in national investigations. Given the role of those in EU law, and their place within the EU legal order, today's judgment of the European Court of Justice should be seen as a stern warning to investigative authorities of the Member States. They must engage with the applicable EU institutions, prior to seizing documents of National Central Banks.

14 December 2020

Renáta Uitz

Womöglich haben Ungarn und Polen bereits gewonnen.

Alberto Alemanno, Merijn Chamon

Über Mitgliedstaaten, die Mitgliedstaaten verklagen, und andere aktuelle Rechtsstaatlichkeitsthemen

Maximilian Steinbeis

Es war eines der Aufregerthemen des letzten Jahres: Im April 2019 verabschiedete die EU nach langen Verhandlungen die Urheberrechtsrichtlinie. Art. 17 der Richtlinie schreibt kommerziellen Hosting Providern unter anderem vor, für die von Nutzern hochgeladenen urheberrechtlich geschützten Inhalten Lizenzen von Rechteinhabern zu erwerben. Scheitert der Lizenzerwerb jedoch, so kann der Hosting Provider die Haftung für einen von seinen Nutzern begangenen Urheberrechtsverstoß jedoch dadurch ausschließen, dass er unter Mithilfe der Rechteinhaber „nach Maßgabe hoher branchenüblicher Standards“ – sprich durch den Einsatz von Filtern – die Nicht-Verfügbarkeit geschützter Inhalte sicherstellt.

Daniel Thym

Zwei Seiten einer Medaille

Eine erfolgreiche EU-Asylreform verlangt nicht nur, dass die Mitgliedstaaten und das Europäische Parlament sich einigen. Darüber hinaus müssen die Regeln so ausgestaltet sein, dass sie in der Praxis halbwegs funktionieren. Dies kann nur dann gelingen, wenn alle Mitgliedstaaten das Reformpaket als fair empfinden und Anreizstrukturen bestehen, damit sich Migranten und Flüchtlinge regelkonform verhalten. In der Gegenwart ist das nicht der Fall. Die EU-Asylpolitik leidet unter einem ausgeprägten Vollzugsdefizit, das sich exemplarisch bei einem Phänomen zeigt, das gerade aus deutscher Perspektive wichtig ist: die Sekundärmigration.

29 October 2020

Robert Brockhaus, Simon Gerdemann, Christian Thönnes

Ungleicher Schutz für Whistleblower

Bis zum 17. Dezember 2021 hat Deutschland Zeit, die europäische Whistleblowing-Richtlinie in deutsches Recht umzusetzen. Diese Richtlinie könnte Whistleblowern endlich den rechtlichen Schutz bieten, der ihnen in Deutschland aktuell fehlt. Allerdings strebt das Bundeswirtschaftsministerium eine auf europarechtliche Sachverhalte beschränkte „1:1-Umsetzung“ an. In der Praxis würde das zu unionsrechtlich induzierten, verfassungsrechtlich nicht zu rechtfertigenden Ungleichbehandlungen führen und damit den allgemeinen Gleichheitssatz verletzen. Ein bloßer Verweis auf die Kompetenzordnung zwischen der EU und dem deutschen Gesetzgeber ändert hieran nichts, denn nationale Souveränität vermittelt kein Recht auf legislative Willkür.

28 October 2020

Margarete von Galen, Jeremy McBride, Mikołaj Pietrzak, Coskun Yorulmaz, Maximilian Steinbeis

LawRules #6: We need to talk about Attorneys

Attorneys are not on everyone's mind when they think about the rule of law. The European Commission gave a prime example for that when it remained conspicuously silent about the role of lawyers in its recent Rule of Law report. Yet, attorneys play just as important a role in preserving the rule of law as other parts of the judicial system do. What's more: Where they are at risk of being prosecuted for doing their jobs, the erosion of the rule of law is imminent. We talk about attorneys with our distinguished guests in this week's episode of our podcast, co-hosted by the German Bar Association, We Need to Talk About the Rule of Law

23 October 2020

Marta Cartabia, Daniel Halberstam, Anna Śledzińska-Simon, Antoine Vauchez, Armin von Bogdandy

Eine zentrale Innovation, die zum Siegeszug des World Wide Web beigetragen hat, ist der Hyperlink, also die Möglichkeit, Internetinhalte durch Querverweise miteinander zu vernetzen. Doch die rechtlichen Vorgaben, die beim Verweis auf externe Medien beachtet werden müssen, werden immer komplizierter. In einem anstehenden Urteil könnte der EuGH erstmals zwischen verschiedenen Verlinkungstechniken differenzieren und diese Komplexität weiter erhöhen, mit potentiell gravierenden Folgen für die Kommunikationsfreiheit.

Laurent Pech, Kim Lane Scheppele, Wojciech Sadurski

Before It’s Too Late

Dear President von der Leyen, in your recent State of the Union address, you rightly emphasized that “breaches of the rule of law cannot be tolerated.” We are sorry to say we are seeing ample evidence to the contrary.

27 September 2020

Paulina Jo Pesch

Providers Are Watching Us

Die Europäische Kommission hat am 10. September 2020 einen Verordnungsentwurf vorgelegt, der es ermöglichen soll, den sexuellen Missbrauch von Kindern im Netz effektiv zu bekämpfen. Zusammen mit der bereits angekündigten Folgeregelung zeichnet sich in den Plänen der Kommission jedoch ein fundamentaler Angriff auf den europäischen Datenschutz ab. Sie ermöglichen eine weitreichende Überwachung von Nutzer:innen durch die Provider und eine potenziell ausufernde Speicherung von Daten. Die geplanten Maßnahmen werden so die Vertraulichkeit digitaler Kommunikation aushöhlen, indem sie private Verschlüsselungsmaßnahmen beschränken.

24 September 2020

Daniel Thym

The European Union is a community based on the rule of law. The EU legal order is the backbone that holds the EU together, and the German Federal Constitutional Court’s ruling in Weiss poses a profound threat to that legal order. This threat goes far beyond the potential consequences of the Weiss ruling for European monetary policy. We write this statement to express our shared view that the German Court’s assertion that it can declare that a CJEU judgment “has no binding force in Germany” is untenable and must be forcefully rejected. We also write to challenge those versions of scholarship on constitutional pluralism and constitutional identity that would defend the authority of any national court to make such a ruling and that helped (even if unintentionally) encourage it to do so.

Alberto Alemanno

The European Court of Justice Enters a New Era of Scrutiny

Among the many unintended consequences of the PSPP judgment, the most unforeseen of all was to thrust the Court of Justice of the European Union into the limelight. All of a sudden, the media coverage is no longer limited to what the CJEU decides but how it decides and operates.

25 May 2020

András Jakab, Pál Sonnevend

The Bundesbank is under a legal obligation to ignore the PSPP Judgment of the Bundesverfassungsgericht

If there is a situation undermining the rule of law, then it is exactly this: The Bundesbank is under a legal obligation to ignore the PSPP Judgment of the Bundesverfassungsgericht (under EU law), and the Bundesbank is under a legal obligation to follow the PSPP Judgment of the Bundesverfassungsgericht (under German constitutional law). How has it come to this?

Nehmen wir an, dass Bundesverfassungsgericht hätte mit seiner Feststellung eines Akts ultra vires durch EZB und EuGH europäisches Unionsrecht verletzt. Müsste ein solcher Rechtsbruch zwingend von einem Gericht überprüft und festgestellt werden? Natürlich nicht. Ein Vertragsverletzungsverfahren wäre mit Karl Kraus gesprochen Teil der Krankheit, für deren Therapie es sich hält.

Ingolf Pernice

Sollte die EU-Kommission Deutschland wegen des Karlsruher Ultra-Vires-Urteils verklagen? PRO

Wenn die Kommission nicht mehr beantragt als die Klärung spezifischer Rechtsfragen, um dem Gerichtshof noch einmal Gelegenheit zu geben, Missverständnisse seiner eigenen im Urteil Weiss entwickelten Position auszuräumen, könnte das Ergebnis für alle hilfreich sein.

15 May 2020

Martijn van den Brink

Is Egenberger next?

When judges must rely on newspapers to clarify a decision they decided a week before, something seems to have gone wrong. However, while the BVerfG seems to be taken aback by the storm of indignation that burst upon them since last week’s PSPP decision, the judges remain adamant in their criticism of the CJEU. Luxembourg should perhaps even fear another ultra vires decision.

Marco Dani, Joana Mendes, Agustín José Menéndez, Michael Wilkinson, Harm Schepel, Edoardo Chiti

At the End of the Law

The recent judgment of the Federal Constitutional Court needs to be regarded from the perspective of political economy as it highlights that the status quo of the Eurozone is untenable. The merits of the Weiss judgment could be to open up a debate about the requirements of a genuine European Economic and Monetary Union in Germany and elsewhere in Europe.

13 May 2020

Federico Fabbrini

Suing the BVerfG

It is the argument of this blog post that the Commission must activate the procedure of Article 258 TFEU and sue (Germany for the grave breach of EU law by) the BVerfG. As I maintain, this action is constitutionally necessary, legally sound, and it may ultimately help achieve an important integration function – neutralizing the minefield that the BVerfG built around the future of Europe.

Anuscheh Farahat, Maximilian Steinbeis

Corona Constitutional #24: Ultra Vires, Runde 3

Ist im kalten Krieg zwischen Luxemburg und Karlsruhe die Atombombe gefallen? Und kann es sein, dass sie ihr Ziel verfehlt hat? Während Karlsruhe den Ultra-Vires-Backlash mit einer PR-Offensive in den großen deutschen Zeitungen einzudämmen versucht, ändert sich an den grundlegenden Problemen nichts. Diese, so ANUSHEH FARAHAT im Gespräch mit Max Steinbeis, liegen nämlich viel tiefer: In transnationalen Solidaritätskonflikten, unklaren Kompetenzordnungen und fehlendem politischen Willen, die europäischen Probleme wirklich anzugehen.

Francesco Palermo

Was auf dem Spiel steht ist die europäische Rechtsgemeinschaft. Sie ist noch immer ein enorm fragiles Konstrukt, weil sie nicht von einem Nationalstaat unterlegt ist, der zusätzliche Bindungskräfte erzeugt. Ihre zentralen Komponenten sind der EuGH als im historischen und weltweiten Vergleich einmaliges überstaatliches Gericht und das wechselseitige Vertrauen aller Gerichte in der Europäischen Union darin, dass Urteile im Rahmen des Europarechts insbesondere durch die Gerichte befolgt werden. Wenn das wegbricht, dann droht der Absturz in eine Art richterliches Faustrecht: Das Recht des stärkeren Gerichts.

Alexander Brade, Markus Gentzsch

PSPP mit „PEPP“

Die Entscheidung des BVerfG zu den Kompetenzen der EZB gibt Anlass zu der Annahme, dass das Gericht hier möglicherweise selbst die Grenzen seiner Zuständigkeit überschritten und damit gewissermaßen selbst „ultra vires“ gehandelt hat. Die EZB hat das Urteil zwar zur Kenntnis genommen, aber kühl auf die Entscheidung des EuGH verwiesen. Damit wird der „Gehorsamskonflikt“ mitten in das Europäische System der Zentralbanken hineingetragen.

The European Commission supports the Covid-19 crisis-fighting measures through generous exemptions to its EU state aid rules. Although in principle justified, this policy also gives companies in rich member states an immense advantage over their competitors in poorer member states. Until more effective burden-sharing on the EU level is forthcoming, the onus is on European Commissioner for Competition Margrethe Vestager to ensure a fair distribution of state aid between the member states.

Martin Mycielski, Laurent Pech

When Will the EU Commission Act?

When can we expect the European Commission to launch an infringement action against the “muzzle law”? When will the European Commission act to sanction Polish authorities’ refusal to comply with the Court of Justice’s A. K. preliminary ruling of 19 November 2019? When will the European Commission apply for financial sanctions following Polish authorities’ public refusal to immediately and fully comply with the Court of Justice’s interim relief order of 8 April 2020 in respect of the so-called “disciplinary chamber”? When will the European Commission launch an infringement action in respect of the unlawful actions of the so-called “Constitutional Tribunal”?

28 April 2020

Julian Scholtes

On Doctrinal Contortions and Legal Fetishes

There seems to be a belief – especially persistent among some EU legal scholars – that even the largest political problems can be solved through the law. It suggests that any balance of authority and legitimacy between the EU and the Member States is, in fact, a mere technicality of institutional configuration, and a mere doctrinal sleight of hand would suffice to tip the scale of authority one way or another. This belief also seems to be underlying a recent blogpost by Christophe Hillion.

27 April 2020

Christophe Hillion, Maximilian Steinbeis

Corona Constitutional #16: Scheidung auf Europäisch

Wenn Polen und Ungarn sich erkennbar nicht mehr an das EU-Recht gebunden fühlen - was ist das dann anderes als eine Erklärung, nicht mehr Mitglied in der Europäischen Union sein zu wollen? Der Weg zum Polexit bzw. Hungrexit geht über Artikel 50 des EU-Vertrags, und CHRISTOPHE HILLION schlägt dem Rat vor, diesen Weg notfalls auch ohne das Einverständnis von Polen und Ungarn zu beschreiten. Ob und wie das europarechtlich genau funktionieren würde, bespricht Max Steinbeis mit dem Professor für EU-Recht in unserer heutigen Podcast-Folge.

Christophe Hillion

Mehr Solidarität? Am 23. April 2020 wollen die im Europäischen Rat versammelten Staats- und Regierungschefs über weitere Schritte in der Corona-Krise beraten. Wer Corona-Bonds fordert, muss aber auch über eine grundlegende Reform des Euroraums mit mehr europäischer Kontrolle sprechen.

Gábor Halmai, Kim Lane Scheppele

Don’t Be Fooled by Autocrats!

On 9 April, Vera Jourová, Vice President of the European Commission for values and transparency with lead responsibility for rule of law, gave an interview to Euronews on democracy in the pandemic. A journalist asked whether she believes that Hungary still qualifies as a democracy after the Enabling Act creating an indefinite state of emergency was enacted by the Hungarian Parliament on 30 March. Her answer was not reassuring.

19 April 2020

Petra Bárd, John Morijn

Domestic Courts Pushing for a Workable Test to Protect the Rule of Law in the EU

On 17 February 2020, the Oberlandesgericht Karlsruhe passed a decision in a surrender case that we expect to shape the future of the LM-test. Its decision can be seen not only as a result of Luxembourg’s unworkable LM test but also as an acknowledgement of the effect of Poland’s muzzle law on the independence of its judiciary. Shortly after, Rechtbank Amsterdam engaged with this decision, thus making it more likely that the CJEU will have to move forward and develop its test into a more meaningful one.

18 April 2020

Dirk Ehnts

Christine Lagarde verband die Ankündigung ihres ersten, moderaten Rettungspakets mit der Aufforderung an die Mitgliedstaaten, fiskalische Hilfen bereitzustellen. Die Märkte scheinen sich das Vertrauen in die Fiskalpolitik indessen abgewöhnt zu haben. Da starke geldpolitische Signale zunächst ausblieben, ging die Talfahrt weiter, bis Lagarde im zweiten Versuch in die Fußstapfen ihres Vorgängers trat und die Schleusen öffnete.

Matthias Goldmann

Borrowing Time

When Christine Lagarde announced her first, moderate rescue package, she called upon member states to provide fiscal aid. But the markets showed to have lost confidence in fiscal policy. In the absence of strong monetary policy signals, the slide continued until Lagarde in her second attempt opened the floodgates.

Max Strobel

Föderale Verwirrung im US-amerikanischen Katastrophenschutz unter dem Stafford Act

Am 13. März erklärte der US-Präsidenten Donald Trump nach langem Zögern den Nationalen Notstand („national emergency“). Verwirrung stiftete am Wochenende nach der Erklärung des Nationalen Notstands eine den Stafford Act betreffende Falschmeldung. Dass sie sich so rasant in den sozialen Medien verbreiten konnte, dürfte zum einen daran liegen, dass der Stafford Act nur wenig bekannt ist und zum anderen eine Vielzahl an unklaren Regelungen enthält. Deutschland und Europa können aus diesem Intermezzo zumindest lernen, wie man den Katastrophenschutz in föderal organisierten Systemen nicht ausgestalten sollte.

Ana Bobić, Mark Dawson

COVID-19 and the European Central Bank: The Legal Foundations of EMU as the Next Victim?

The ECB announced on the 18th of March an ambitious further roll-out of its asset purchase programme (the ‘Pandemic Emergency Purchase Programme’ or PEPP), promising to invest up to 750 billion euro in Eurozone asset and debt instruments. The PEPP programme signals both the increasing redundancy of the legal framework governing EMU and an opportunity to develop a new one in its place.

26 March 2020

Luke Dimitrios Spieker

The Court gives with one hand and takes away with the other

On March 26, the CJEU released a surprising – if not to say disappointing – judgment on the Polish system of disciplinary measures against judges. While the Court confirmed the ample material scope of Article 19(1)(2) TEU, it simultaneously restricted the procedural possibilities to remedy infringements via the preliminary reference procedure.

Constantin Hruschka

The current procrastination is akin to dereliction of duty: Waiting to bring infringement actions and to fail to simultaneously seek interim measures when the rule of law in a Member State is so obviously and blatantly deteriorating on an industrial scale only means that the Commission faces a far more serious and intractable problem to deal with later.

Über rechten Terror, Europa, Türkei, Italien und den fetten Bußprediger von Budapest.

Maximilian Steinbeis

The Life of Others

On right-wing terrorism, Turkey, Strasbourg, Italy and the fat friar of Budapest.

Constantin Hruschka

Hot Returns bleiben in der Praxis EMRK-widrig

In seinem Urteil N.D. und N.T. von letzter Woche hat die Große Kammer des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte eine Verletzung des in Art. 4 4. Zusatzprotokoll der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention verankerten Kollektivausweisungsverbots durch Spanien abgelehnt. Daraus den Schluss zu ziehen, die Praxis der sog. hot returns (unmittelbare Abschiebungen ohne individuelle Prüfung direkt an der Grenze) sei vom EGMR gutgeheißen worden, ist angesichts der Presseerklärung des EGMR dazu verständlich aber falsch. Die Praxis der hot returns war und bleibt rechtswidrig.

19 February 2020

Başak Çalı

On Germany, UK, Ireland, refugee protection and a respectful request to Friedrich Merz.

Carlos Oviedo Moreno

Über Polen. Andere Länder auch, aber ganz überwiegend über Polen.

Maximilian Steinbeis

The EU has no National Guard

On Poland. Other places too, but mostly about Poland.

30 January 2020

Koen Lenaerts, Anna Wójcik

“Judges should be fully insulated from any sort of pressure”

Prof. Koen Lenaerts, President of the Court of Justice of the European Union, explains why mutual trust and judicial independence are of fundamental importance to the EU Member States.

27 January 2020

Petra Bárd

The Hungarian “Lex NGO” before the CJEU: Calling an Abuse of State Power by its Name

On 14 January 2020, Advocate General Campos Sánchez-Bordona delivered his Opinion in Case C-78/18 on the restrictions incorporated into a 2017 Hungarian law on the financing of NGOs from abroad. He makes clear that Hungary’s “Lex NGO” not only restricts the free movement of capital but also violates several fundamental rights, and is therefore incompatible with EU law.

26 January 2020

Franz C. Mayer, Maximilian Steinbeis

Polen, die EU und das Ende der Welt, wie wir sie kennen: ein Interview mit FRANZ MAYER

Was, wenn Polen den Konflikt mit der EU immer weiter eskaliert? Was, wenn die PiS-Regierung die vom EuGH gegebenenfalls verhängten Bußgelder einfach nicht bezahlt? Ein Gespräch über europäische Rechtsstaatlichkeitspolitik in extremis.

24 January 2020

Maximilian Steinbeis

Was qualmt denn da so komisch?

Über Polen, Russland und andere "gelenkte Demokratien", UK und andere (noch) nicht gelenkte Demokratien. Und Deutschland. Und Europa. Und, erwähnte ich das schon? natürlich Polen.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Have you noticed that burnt smell?

On Poland, Russia and other "guided democracies", the UK and other not (yet) guided democracies. And on Germany. Oh, and have I mentioned Poland? And on Poland.

23 January 2020

Renáta Uitz

11 December 2019

Laurent Pech, Kim Lane Scheppele, Wojciech Sadurski

Open Letter to the President of the European Commission

Ever since the European Commission initiated a third infringement procedure in respect to the recurrent attacks on the rule of law by Polish authorities last April, the situation has continued to seriously deteriorate. It is now upon the Commission to promptly submit to the European Court of Justice an application for interim measures in the infringement case C-791/19 Commission v Poland now pending before the Court of Justice.

131

08 December 2019

Laurent Pech, Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov, Sébastien Platon

The European Parliament Sidelined

When the Council adopted the first set of procedural rules governing Article 7(1) TEU hearings in July 2019, it unilaterally decided to make the Commission the proxy for the Parliament. This post will show how the Council’s differential treatment of the Commission and the Parliament as activating bodies under Article 7(1) is not compatible with EU primary law and goes against in particular the principle of institutional balance.

04 December 2019

Ibrahim Kanalan

Existenzminimum nach Luxemburger Art

Leistungen zur Gewährleistung eines menschenwürdigen Lebensstandards sind unantastbar. Das hat die große Kammer des EuGH in der Rs Haqbin (C-233/18) am 12. November 2019 für das Flüchtlingssozialrecht entschieden. § 1a des Asylbewerberleistungsgesetzes wird den Anforderungen des EuGH nicht gerecht, und das BVerfG könnte am Ende den Kürzeren ziehen, wenn es die Rechtsprechung des EuGH nicht berücksichtigt.

02 December 2019

Marten Breuer

Wider das Recht auf Vergessen … des Bundesverfassungsgerichts!

Irgendwie ist es schon kurios, dass Johannes Masing, der 2012 in einem Beitrag für die Süddeutsche Zeitung angesichts des Kommissionsentwurfs zur späteren Datenschutz-Grundverordnung vor einem „Abschied von den Grundrechten“ gewarnt hatte, im hier zu besprechenden Verfahren ausgerechnet Berichterstatter war. Ob er 2012 wohl ahnte, dass er sieben Jahre später an einer Entscheidung mitwirken würde, die das Verhältnis von deutschem und europäischem Grundrechtsschutz von Grund auf neu justieren würde?

01 December 2019

John Morijn

Hans Petter Graver's explanation of the reasons for the EEA scandal that is currently shaking Norway is not convincing. The total failure of politics, administration, and courts cannot be explained by alleged “conflicts of law” problems, an “extraordinary situation” allegedly created by Norway’s EEA accession, or by a “legal overload” which occurred 25 years ago when EU single market law had to be taken over. Every European country that has joined the EEA on the EFTA side or the EU had to overcome these challenges.

Odey Hardan

Völkerrecht und Verbraucherschutz

Vor wenigen Tagen wurde eine erste Einschätzung zum EuGH-Urteil in der Rechtssache Organisation juive européenne und Vignoble Psagot (C-363/18) auf diesem Blog veröffentlicht, in dem die Autorin dem Gerichtshof ultra-vires-Handeln vorwirft. Tatsächlich jedoch, hat der EuGH in dieser Entscheidung die völkerrechtlichen und faktischen Gegebenheiten in erforderlichem Maße berücksichtigt, weshalb er kaum zu einem anderen Ergebnis hätte kommen können.

19 November 2019

Barbara Grabowska-Moroz, Jakub Jaraczewski

30 May 2019

Başak Çalı

26 March 2019

Ekkehart Reimer

Sven Simon

Am 30. Januar hat das Bundesarbeitsgericht dem EuGH Fragen zur Vorabentscheidung betreffend ein Kopftuchverbot vorgelegt. Hintergrund dieser und einer weiteren Vorlage ist eine mögliche Kollision der jüngsten deutschen und europäischen Rechtsprechung zu Kopftuchverboten, bei der das vergleichsweise hohe deutsche Schutzniveau zugunsten von Kopftuchträgerinnen auf dem Spiel steht.

Joanna Warchol

Inter-institutional Agreement Reached on Framework for Screening of Foreign Direct Investments

The EU has one of the world's most open investment regimes, and collectively EU Member States have the fewest restrictions in the world on foreign direct investment. A proposal for a Union Act on the Screening of foreign investment in strategic sectors was tabled by ten Members of International Trade Committee (INTA) at the European Parliament (EP). The inter-institutional “provisional” agreement is going to be voted by the full House of the EP on the 14th of February 2019.

08 February 2019

Teoman M. Hagemeyer

Access to Legal Redress in an EU Investment Screening Mechanism

The proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and […]

07 February 2019

Odey Hardan

The draft EU Regulation on preventing the dissemination of terrorist content online constitutes a grave threat to freedom of expression. It could be applied in respect of journalists, non-governmental organisations, political parties, trade unions, indigenous peoples, scholars of history or social sciences, novelists, cartoonists, photographers and filmmakers. Its cross-border application makes it a dreadful tool in the hands of authoritarian regimes or rogue officials.

Liav Orgad

A Citizenship Maze: How to Cure a Chronic Disease?

European Union (EU) citizenship is in crisis. If the Eurozenship debate, composed of experts on EU citizenship, is analogized to a doctor’s diagnosis, the outcome is more extensively polarized than initially thought—a chronic disease, not just a temporary disorder. As I follow the debate, it is no longer clear what the problem is—there seem to be too many, real and imaginary—or how to heal it. Some issues seem to be “genetic,” part of the EU’s DNA, yet others resemble a concrete illness that may be cured, so the argument goes, by a “doctor's prescription,” which in law means a legal design.

29 January 2019

Willem Maas

Member State and EU Citizenships Should be Strengthened Rather than Disentangled

While perhaps appealing as a gesture towards addressing problems such the anticipated deprivation of rights following Brexit, statelessness, or wide variation in Member State naturalization and denaturalization policies, these proposals are impracticable in the absence of international recognition of EU citizenship (which would normally require recognizing the EU as a state, which in turn should normally mean that the Member States cede competence over citizenship), challenge deeply rooted national stories of peoplehood with an emerging story of European peoplehood, and risk undermining fragile public support for EU rights.

28 January 2019

Oliver Garner

EU Citizenship as an Autonomous Status of Constituent Power

I would argue, however, that Kostakopolou’s argument for a “co-determined Eurozenship” would not go far enough in realising the potential of the status. This post develops this argument first by grounding the normative appeal of autonomous EU citizenship in the context of Member State withdrawal. Next, it is suggested that the co-determination of the status by Member States and the EU institutions would be incompatible with the current legitimacy foundation of the EU. The post concludes by considering the more radical alternative of EU citizenship being made autonomous so that individuals can exercise constituent power to re-establish these foundations of the European Union constitutional order.

Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov

More Suffocating Bonds?! Conceptual and Legal Flaws of the Unnecessary Proposal

In this brief contribution I turn to Kostakopoulou’s text and briefly show that her proposal: 1) ignores the core aspects of EU citizenship’s added value; 2) is entirely unnecessary; 3) is not legally neat; and 4) is dangerous for the very nature of EU citizenship today as it essentially pleads for the recreation of the ‘suffocating bonds’ the EU was created to ease, only at a scale much more scary than Greece, Ireland or France, when taken one by one. Besides, it ignores every single outstanding problem actually posed by EU citizenship law as it stands.

25 January 2019

Jelena Dzankic

A European citizenship model autonomous from Member States’ nationality cannot work within the context of free movement. Should we end the debate, then, and take Richard Bellamy’s side? Not necessarily. Dora Kostakopoulou’s Eurozenship can be both improved and approved, and below I offer a few options for doing it.

Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov

Investor Citizenship and Residence: the EU Commission’s Incompetent Case for Blood and Soil

Today, on 23 January 2019 the Commission released its ‘Report on Investor Citizenship and Residence Schemes in the European Union.’ The Report will definitely not be entered on the roll-call of the documents the Commission could even vaguely be proud of.

22 January 2019

Eva Ersbøll

Let Third-Country Nationals Become Citizens in Host Member States and of the European Union

I agree with Dora’s diagnosis, and I agree that the EU – and EU Member States – should act to rectify shortcomings of the Union citizenship construction that largely unconstrained allows inequality in regard to access to Union citizenship and Union citizenship rights. However, I cannot subscribe to Dora’s solution. In my opinion, the suggested reform is not the right cure to the shortcomings of the present Union citizenship practice.

21 January 2019

Rainer Bauböck

If You Want to Make EU Citizenship More Inclusive You Have to Reform Nationality Laws

Dora Kostakopoulou rightly spots some deficits in the current construction of EU citizenship, but she asks the wrong questions about these deficits and her answers would therefore aggravate rather than resolve the problems. She asks: “Why should statelessness lead to the loss of Eurozenship?” The better question would be “Why should the EU tolerate that Member States produce stateless people?” She proposes “that all children born in the EU, who might not be able to inherit a Member State nationality, would automatically be EU citizens”. The better proposal would be to make sure instead that all children born and raised in a Member State become citizens of that state and thereby EU citizens.

18 January 2019

Daniel Thym

The Case Against an Autonomous ‘EU Rump Citizenship’

In the debate between Dora Kostakopoulou and Richard Bellamy, I agree with most of the propositions put forward by Dora in her introductory paragraphs: that EU citizenship allows former enemies to meet and live in harmony; that nationalistic populism should be rejected; and that the prospect of Brexit remains depressing. Nonetheless, I disagree with her proposal to move towards an autonomous EU citizenship.

17 January 2019

Laurent Pech, Patryk Wachowiec

1095 Days Later: From Bad to Worse Regarding the Rule of Law in Poland (Part II)

Part II of our stock-taking of the EU rule of law proceedings against Poland: what the Luxembourg Court, the Council and member states can do to prevent further decay of the rule of law.

Dimitris Christopoulos

A relative dissociation of Union citizenship from member States nationality needs to mean something more than long term residence status

Dissociating Union citizenship from Member States nationality law recognizes and consolidates the assumption that people holding a genuine link to the EU have the right to possess its citizenship, regardless of whether their state of residence is willing to offer it to them. I believe that granting the status of European citizenship beyond Member State nationality, in a period noted by the emergence of far-right populism targeting migration as the major threat for European civilizational unity is a win-win solution both for its bearers and the EU itself.

16 January 2019

Richard Bellamy

One of the most remarkable episodes of the most remarkable Brexit saga is the strange case of the publicity of the Brexit legal advice. The actions of Theresa May’s government seem to aim at reducing both popular and democratic sovereignty to an empty shell before the incumbent Prime Minister and her cabinet are kicked out of power. However, the case of the publicity of legal advice is indeed strange not only on account of what has transpired on the British isles, but also of what has not happened on the continent.

Matthias Goldmann

Alle Jahre wieder: die Geldpolitik der EZB vor Gericht

Nicht nur die Geräuschkulisse des Brexits absorbierte ein Stück weit die Aufmerksamkeit für das Urteil des Europäischen Gerichtshofs (EuGH) zur Zulässigkeit des Anleihenkaufprogramms der EZB. Denn immerhin entschied Luxemburg damit über eine der nach wie vor seltenen Vorlagen aus Karlsruhe. Dazu mag auch beigetragen haben, dass seit der Stellungnahme des Generalanwalts Wathelet nicht mehr damit gerechnet wurde, dass der EuGH der Europäischen Zentralbank (EZB) einen sprichwörtlichen Strich durch die Rechnung machen würde. Dennoch ist das Urteil aus einigen Gründen bemerkenswert.

10 December 2018

Kenneth Armstrong

Der asylrechtliche Eilrechtsschutz gem. § 36 AsylG ist europarechtlich nicht ausreichend, um die Vollziehbarkeit der Abschiebung zu begründen. Vielmehr ist es erforderlich, dass der asylsuchenden Person in allen asylrechtlichen Gerichtsverfahren ein volles Klageverfahren zur Verfügung steht. Eine vorherige Abschiebung ist europarechtswidrig.

Cillian Bracken

Episode 5 of the Celmer Saga – The Irish High Court Holds Back

On 19 November 2018, Donnelly J gave her fifth judgment in the Celmer saga concluding that the real risk of a flagrant denial of justice has not been established by Mr Celmer and ordered that he be surrendered on foot of the European Arrest Warrants issued against him. Given that Donnelly J had initially found that there were ‘breaches of the common value of the rule of law’, this came as some surprise.

26 November 2018

Albrecht Wendenburg, Jörg Müller-Seils

Vertragsverletzungsverfahren als scharfes Schwert: Die erste Verurteilung eines Mitgliedstaats wegen justiziellen Unrechts

Justizielles Unrecht, d.h. die Verkennung von Unionsrecht durch mitgliedstaatliche Gerichte, war bislang noch nie Gegenstand eines Vertragsverletzungsverfahrens vor dem EuGH. Mit seinem Urteil in Sachen Accor II vom 04.10.2018 hat der EuGH nun erstmals einen Mitgliedstaat wegen justiziellen Unrechts verurteilt: Der französische Conseil d’État hatte ein vorheriges Urteil des EuGH nicht umgesetzt und gegen die Vorlagepflicht verstoßen. Mit dem Urteil platziert der Gerichtshof die Kommission wirkungsvoll als neuen Akteur, läuft aber auch Gefahr, den dialogue des juges zu erschweren.

24 November 2018

Dmitry Kurnosov

All Bark and no Bite? A Domestic Perspective on a Possible Russian Withdrawal from the Council of Europe

The prospect of Russian withdrawal from the Council of Europe has been actively discussed during the past two months, including two excellent contributions on this blog. However, as often in cases of state backlash/pushback against international courts, the focus has mostly been on the external dimensions. States, though, are rarely ‘black boxes’, where different political actors have a uniform approach. Russia, despite its highly centralized appearance, is no exception. This post outlines the domestic state of play and contrasts the positions of interested parties.

16 November 2018

Radosveta Vassileva

The next period of nightlong European summits and standoffs between the European institutions and one of its member states is looming: Italy and the EU are at odds about its new budget proposal. This is a result of the setup of the Economic and Monetary Union, which will continue to produce such stalemates as long as dominant countries make common rules for their own sake and others try to circumvent them.

Constantin Hruschka

Gewolltes Recht

Anmerkungen zur Vereinbarung zwischen Griechenland und Deutschland zur Rücksendung von Asylsuchenden im Kontext der Binnengrenzkontrollen an der deutsch-österreichischen Grenze.

31 October 2018

Frederik von Harbou

08 October 2018

Shino Ibold

The presidents of Kosovo and Serbia have recently considered an exchange of territories (“land swap”) between their two countries which would lead to Serbia’s formal recognition of the independence of Kosovo. In view of legal and politcial hurdles, one can envisage at least three distinct scenarios of international response to a bilateral treaty between Serbia and Kosovo, concerning specific synchronized border changes.

Kahraman Altun, Johannes Müller

At first sight, it may neither be easy nor obvious to assimilate the conduct of the Brexit negotiations to the idea of a ‘political Commission’. A closer look, however, reveals that Juncker's personnel and organisational choices regarding the Brexit negotiations fit that pattern more readily.

Andrej Lang

Regime Collision between EU Law and Investment Law: New Developments in the Vattenfall Case

EU law and international investment law are on collision course. The bone of contention is which court shall decide intra-EU investor-state disputes. While the ECJ indicated in its Achmea judgment that only itself and the domestic courts of the member states may decide such disputes, the Investment Tribunal in the Vattenfall case has now decided in the context of the Energy Charter Treaty that Achmea does not preclude its jurisdiction. How did this clash of courts arise and how can it be resolved?

Madara Meļņika, Julian Senders

Self-Protecting Democracy and Electoral Rights

On October 6 the Republic of Latvia will hold its general election. The air is already sparkling with emotions: populism, fake news and other nowadays much discussed components of election campaigns are all part of it. Even the Constitutional Court of Latvia had its say in the upcoming events by delivering a judgment on a law denying access to stand as a candidate in the election.

11 September 2018

Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov

False Accountability, Elusive Rule of Law

The tale of the ‘political Commission’ is not only bound to weaken the Union’s ability to meet the outstanding challenges touching upon its institutional core but has fundamentally undermined the EU’s action in an area of most fundamental concern: the unfulfilled promise of democracy and the rule of law for all European citizens.

Hans Michael Heinig

VB vom Blatt: Sechs Gedanken zum Chefarzt-Urteil des Europäischen Gerichtshofs

Einem Chefarzt an einem katholischen Krankenhaus zu kündigen, weil er als Katholik gegen das Gebot der Unauflöslichkeit der Ehe verstoßen hat, kann als religiöse Diskriminierung gegen Europarecht verstoßen. Das hat der Europäische Gerichtshof heute entschieden. Sechs Gedanken von Hans-Michael Heinig, Experte für Religionsverfassungsrecht, zu dem heutigen Grundsatzurteil aus Luxemburg.

Alberto Alemanno

Better Regulation: Holding Martin Selmayr Accountable

This time was supposed 'to be different', at least this was the motto of the 2014 European Parliament elections campaign. With less than a year before the next European elections, the time is ripe to examine how different this EU political cycle has actually been.

10 September 2018

Mark Dawson

Als Bürger der Europäischen Union darf mir die Bundesrepublik Deutschland nicht einfach meine deutsche Staatsbürgerschaft wegnehmen, ohne dabei zu prüfen, ob das zu den Folgen, die das für mich hat, in einem vernünftigen Verhältnis steht. Davor schützt mich europäisches Recht, dass mein Staat das mit mir macht. Das hatte vor acht Jahren im epochalen Fall Rottmann der EuGH entschieden. Wird der Luxemburger Gerichtshof diese Rechtsprechung jetzt wieder relativieren?

Maurizio Ferrera, Claus Offe

Order in the Eurozone: MAURIZIO FERRERA and CLAUS OFFE in Conversation

A German-Italian exchange on the dysfunctionalities of the European Monetary Union and the ongoing social and political crisis particularly in Southern Europe.

11 July 2018

Thomas Hoeren

Die Zeugen Jehovas und das Datenschutzrecht

Scheinbar geht es nur um eine Petitesse in dem Streitfall der EuGH-Rechtssache C-25/17. Vordergründig geht es um die kleine Frage, ob die Zeugen Jehovas als Religionsgemeinschaft bei Hausbesuchen den besonderen Bestimmungen des europäischen Datenschutzrechts unterliegen. Doch wie zu zeigen sein wird, geht es um mehr, um wichtige Fragen des europäischen Datenschutzrechts und seiner Anwendbarkeit generell sowie um die Reichweite für den gesamten kirchlichen Bereich.

05 July 2018

Michał Krajewski

The AG Opinion in the Celmer Case: Why the Test for the Appearance of Independence is Needed

In this post, I focus on what I believe is the most important question in the Celmer case: what kind of a test for the rule of law/fair trial, and with how many prongs? I argue that the rule of law/fair trial test that the Court should apply is the test for the appearance of independence, known from the practice of the ECtHR. I also argue that the Court should not leave the application of this test to the referring court but carry it out by itself.

04 July 2018

Maximilian Pichl

Warum der Streit um die Frage, ob Flüchtlinge bei Grenzkontrollen zu Österreich zurückgewiesen werden dürfen, die garantierte Freiheit aller Unionsbürger negiert.

Peter Schaar, Anna von Notz

Gemeinsam verantwortlich: Interview mit PETER SCHAAR zum Facebook-Urteil des EuGH

Mit Urteil vom 5. Juni 2018 hat der Europäische Gerichtshof (EuGH) entschieden, dass Betreiber sogenannter Facebook-Fanpages gemeinsam mit Facebook die datenschutzrechtliche Verantwortung tragen. Seitdem ist die Verunsicherung groß. Auch der Verfassungsblog betreibt eine Fanpage. Wir haben Peter Schaar gefragt, was nun zu tun ist.

20 June 2018

Pauline Endres de Oliveira, Dana Schmalz

Anordnung des (Europa-)Rechtsbruchs

In diesen Tagen richten sich die Augen der Republik auf die Grenze zu Österreich. An ihr entscheidet sich möglicherweise, ob in Europa nach Jahrzehnten der Integration nun ein Prozess der Auflösung beginnt. Es geht um Detailfragen des Asylrechts – und es geht um die großen Fragen Europas. In dieser angespannten Lage irritiert eine Anweisung an die Bundespolizei vom 19. Juni 2018: An allen Binnengrenzen mit vorübergehend eingeführten Grenzkontrollen sollen Personen mit Einreiseverbot ohne Verfahren zurückgewiesen werden. Ab sofort, und – anders als bisher – unabhängig davon, ob ein Schutzersuchen vorliegt. Diese Anweisung ordnet den Bruch von Europarecht an.

18 June 2018

Klaus Ferdinand Gärditz

Die Richtlinien der Flüchtlingspolitik

Die Richtlinienkompetenz der Bundeskanzlerin schließt auch die für die Regierung als Kollegialorgan verbindliche Entscheidung von Rechtsfragen ein. Der Verpflichtung zur Umsetzung könnte ein Minister nur entgehen, indem er seine Entlassung verlangt. Ein unmittelbarer Durchgriff der Bundeskanzlerin auf nachgeordnete Behörden und den administrativen Vollzug (namentlich Weisungen an die Bundespolizei, wie an der Grenze zu verfahren ist,) scheidet allerdings aus. Die Organisationsgewalt sowie die Dienst-, Rechts- und Fachaufsicht verbleiben beim Ressortminister und können diesem auch nicht ohne Kabinettsumbildung entzogen werden.

14 June 2018

Marten Breuer

If the law on the Polish Supreme Court enters into force in the beginning of July, as is currently planned, a large number of sitting judges of that Court will see their tenure unconstitutionally extinguished. In combination with an increase in the number of seats on the Supreme Court, this means that the newly politicized National Council of the Judiciary, elected by the governing party, will be in a position to appoint a majority of the judges on the Supreme Court. 23 legal and constitutional scholars have signed an open letter to urge the Vice President of the EU Commission to initiate an infringement procedure against Poland.

151

08 June 2018

Andrew Duff

New Paradigms for the European Parliament

Without strong leadership Europe’s right-wing movements will remain a disparate band at next year’s European Parliament elections. There is one man who knows this: Viktor Orbán. The real battle next year will not be centred on Potemkin-like Spitzenkandidaten, but will polarise around Emmanuel Macron and Viktor Orbán.

07 June 2018

Andrea Edenharter

Inkonsistentes aus Luxemburg: die Schlussanträge des EuGH im Chefarzt-Fall

Ein katholisches Krankenhaus, das seinem katholischen Chefarzt wegen dessen Scheidung und Wiederheirat kündigt, verstößt gegen das Verbot der Diskriminierung aus Gründen der Religion. Zu diesem Schluss kommt der Generalanwalt am EuGH Melchior Wathelet in seinen letzte Woche veröffentlichten Schlussanträgen zum so genannten Chefarzt-Fall. Folgt der EuGH den Schlussanträgen, könnte dies nicht nur das deutsche kirchliche Arbeitsrecht zu einer Neujustierung zwingen, sondern auch einen handfesten Konflikt mit dem Bundesverfassungsgericht heraufbeschwören.

Michael Wilkinson

Bis heute hält sich hartnäckig die Meinung, dass eine „illegale Masseneinwanderung“ nach Deutschland stattfinde und an den Grenzen die „rechtsstaatliche Ordnung“ zusammengebrochen sei. Nun dürfte die Behauptung vom fortwährenden Rechtsbruch, wie ich im Tagesspiegel schrieb, vorrangig das strategische Ziel verfolgen, die Politik generell zu delegitimieren und einem sachlichen Streit auch dadurch auszuweichen, dass man die Systemfrage stellt. Bei dieser generellen Feststellung könnte man es bewenden lassen und Reaktionen wie diejenige von Thilo Sarrazin über „Professor Unfug“ den diskursiven Echokammern des politischen Darknet überlassen. Dennoch sollen nachfolgend die zentralen rechtlichen Aussagen des Tagesspiegel-Beitrags näher erläutert werden

For the EU to have a chance against the rising politics of resentment, the language, and perspectives through which the EU looks at the member states, must be challenged and change. “Essential characteristics of EU law” must go today beyond traditional “First Principles” of supremacy and direct effect, to embrace the rule of law, separation of powers, independence of the judiciary and enforceability of these principles as part of the ever-evolving consensus.

Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz

Mit den Urteilen „zur Flüchtlingskrise“ vom 26. Juli 2017 hat der EuGH gezeigt, dass er trotz seiner Sonderrolle, die es ihm erlaubt europarechtliche Normen verbindlich auszulegen, seine Aufgabe als Judikative versteht und nicht als Legislative. Er legt das Recht so aus, wie es das Völker- und das Europarecht verlangen, nämlich in erster Linie nach Wortlaut sowie nach dem Zusammenhang und dem Ziel der Normen.

Raphael Bossong

Passenger Name Records – from Canada back to the EU

Passenger name records have been a highly sensitive topic of EU legislation for years. The new opinion 1/15 of the Court of Justice needs to be read against this political background. The opinion will have major repercussions both for the relations of the EU with partner countries and the development of the EU’s own counterterrorism or internal security policy.

27 July 2017

Ferdinand Weber

Gestaltung und Verantwortung − Asyl-Entscheidungen des EuGH als Rückspiel an die Politik?

Den jüngsten Urteilen des EuGH im Umfeld des Gemeinsamen Europäischen Asylsystems (GEAS) gingen stets menschenrechtlich grundierte Schlussanträge von Generalanwälten voraus, die geeignet waren, ebenso grundlegende wie dysfunktionale Rechtsstrukturen desselben auf den Kopf zu stellen. Ein Blick auf drei jüngere und bedeutende Entscheidungen zeigt, dass der EuGH zumeist zu abweichenden dogmatischen Begründungen und auch Ergebnissen gekommen ist. Steckt dahinter das Gespür des Gerichtshofs, mit Blick auf den Gedanken der Gewaltenteilung nicht zu weit zu gehen, aber dennoch den Handlungsdruck auf die verantwortliche politische Ebene zu erhöhen?

26 July 2017

Christopher Kuner

On 8 June 2017, Advocate General Eleanor Sharpston delivered her Opinion in a case that goes to the core of what (infamously) came to be known as ‘refugee crisis’. On a broader, more systemic, level, the Opinion could be read as a history of the present bringing to the fore issues of geographical hierarchies and injustice and solidarity inscribed into the structure of EU law.

Gerhard van der Schyff

Michal Ovádek

Sind die Mitgliedstaaten der EU aufgrund ihrer gemeinsamen Werte und Grundrechte in bestimmten Fällen verpflichtet, legalen Zugang zum Asylverfahren zu ermöglichen? Die sich in diesem Kontext stellenden, grundsätzlichen und umstrittenen rechtlichen Fragen werden durch das kurze und ausweichend wirkende Urteil des EuGH nicht geklärt.

Pauline Endres de Oliveira

Humanitäre Visa für Flüchtlinge, Teil 1: Nicht mit der EU

In seinem jüngsten Urteil "X und X v. Belgien" musste sich der EuGH erstmals mit der Gretchenfrage des Flüchtlingsrechts befassen: Der Frage nach legalem Zugang zu Schutz. Was besagt das Non-Refoulement-Gebot in Situationen fernab von der Grenze, wenn eine Person gegenüber einer Botschaft ein Schutzgesuch äußert? Wie weit reicht die (extraterritoriale) Verantwortung für den Flüchtlingsschutz? Gibt es nicht nur eine Notwendigkeit, sondern auch die Pflicht legale Zugangswege für Flüchtlinge in die EU zu ermöglichen? Bedauerlicherweise sucht der EuGH in seiner Entscheidung erst gar nicht nach einer Antwort auf diese Fragen, sondern stellt lediglich fest, dass sie jedenfalls nicht im EU-Recht zu finden sei – das sei hier nämlich gar nicht anwendbar.

03 March 2017

Jürgen Bast

After the main fundamental problems of the judiciary in Poland have been identified, the search for possible remedies is now on. Polish judges need to do some soul-searching and re-thinking of their role.

Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz

In Judges We Trust? A long overdue Paradigm Shift within the Polish Judiciary (Part I)

The Polish Judiciary is under duress, no question. However, it is not only the pending Supreme Court decision that may determine their fate. Polish judges need a new approach to judicial interpretation and the role of judges as a whole.

19 February 2017

Merijn Chamon

The Proposed Amendment of the Comitology Regulation – A Constitutional Perspective

On Valentine’s day, the European Commission proposed “four targeted amendments” to the Comitology Regulation. In this blogpost it will be argued that while the proposal contains interesting elements, it is largely flawed from an institutional and constitutional point of view.

18 February 2017

Maria Weimer

24 January 2017

Tobias Lock

The Supreme Court in Miller – some early comments

The UK Supreme Court’s decision in the Miller appeal was probably greeted with a sigh of relief in 10 Downing Street. Sure, the Government will now need to seek parliamentary approval for triggering Article 50 TEU and starting the formal process of withdrawing from the EU, but the much greater political danger of having to also seek the consent of the devolved parliaments of Scotland, Northern Ireland, and Wales, has not materialised. What follows are a few brief comments on the Supreme Court’s reasoning and an assessment of its implications for the future.

Roman Kaiser

Europarecht, Prärogative und Devolution: Der UK Supreme Court entscheidet über den Brexit

In seinem heutigen Urteil zum Brexit hat der britische Supreme Court entschieden, dass die britische Regierung nur nach gesetzlicher Ermächtigung den Austritt aus der EU erklären darf. Die Mehrheit des Gerichts sieht das Unionsrecht als eigene Rechtsquelle an, die nur das Parlament trocken legen kann. Dass es das nun tun wird, steht außer Frage.

19 January 2017

Maximilian Steinbeis

As strange as this might sound, hardcore Brexiteers have now their closest and most reliable ally not at home. But in what they have considered to be, all these years, the evil, monstrous, devilish, undemocratic, unelected, corrupt and dictatorial Court of Justice of the European Union.

Mike Wienbracke

The Article 50 Litigation and the Court of Justice: Why the Supreme Court must NOT refer

Is the UK Supreme Court in the current Brexit case obliged to refer to the Luxembourg Court? If that were the case, the conformity of any Member State’s EU exit with its own constitutional requirements would be open to review by the CJEU – and hence could no longer be qualified as an act of self-determination since a EU institution would have the final say on it.

06 November 2016

Richard Lang

The Article 50 Litigation and the Court of Justice: Why the Supreme Court must refer

Article 50 TEU says that member states decide to withdraw from the Union "according to their own constitutional requirements". It is for the Luxembourg Court to clarify what this means. Thus, in the current case on Brexit the UK Supreme Court is obliged to refer to the European Court of Justice. One could argue that this should never have been made a Union problem. But it was, and, like it or not, that makes it the Court of Justice’s problem too.

05 November 2016

Johannes Graf von Luckner

PKW-Maut: Kein Sieg der CSU über die EU-Kommission

Im Streit um die PKW-Maut hat die Lösung einer Kombination mit einer Neuordnung der KFZ-Steuererhebung, die sich im Geist der Zeit wohl nur an der Umweltfreundlichkeit der Fahrzeuge orientieren kann, von Anfang an existiert. Eine 1:1-Erstattung, wie sie der CSU vorschwebte, kann es aber auch unter diesem System nicht geben.

04 November 2016

Maximilian Steinbeis

…jedenfalls nicht deswegen, weil Interessen der Länder berührt wären, und schon gar nicht, weil einzelne Landesregierungen CETA verhindern wollen, koste es, was es wolle.

Laurent Pech

Systemic Threat to the Rule of Law in Poland: What should the Commission do next?

Considering the overwhelming evidence of a deliberate governmental strategy of systematically undermining all checks and balances in Poland as well the uncooperative behaviour of Polish authorities, the Commission has been left with no other choice but to trigger the Article 7 mechanism. Even if there is no realistic chance of seeing the Council adopting sanctions against Poland, this step would finally oblige national governments, meeting in the Council, to face up to their own responsibilities.

24 October 2016

Franz C. Mayer

European vetocracy? How to overcome the Wallonian CETA problem

Democracy is not the issue here. Rather, the CETA/Wallonia issue is a vivid demonstration of overfederalization that leaves not only Belgium but the entire European Union unable to act. As an ultima ratio, one option remains: Why not simply close the agreement without Belgium?

Matthias Goldmann

Ein pauschales Kopftuchverbot am Arbeitsplatz, so EuGH-Generalanwältin Eleanor Sharpston, ist diskriminierungsrechtlich kaum zu rechtfertigen. Dabei möchte die Generalanwältin den Fall offenbar zum Anlass nehmen, ein paar sehr grundsätzliche Dinge zum Verbot unmittelbarer Diskriminierung im Europarecht klar zu stellen.

Paolo Sandro

Like a Bargaining Chip: Enduring the Unsettled Status of EU Nationals Living in the UK

Yesterday, the UK Government has issued a statement to reassure EU nationals living in the UK as to their post-referendum status. While hundreds of EU nationals channel their relief through social media in welcoming the news and British businesses praise the Government for giving them the reassurance needed, to a more expert eye things seem much less reassuring.

11 July 2016

Alexander Thiele

Das Brexit-Referendum: Sieg für die Demokratie?

War das Referendum doch zumindest ein Sieg für die Demokratie? Im Ergebnis wohl nicht. Demokratietheoretisch darf die Kritik freilich nicht beim Ergebnis, sondern bei der Entscheidung für das Referendum ansetzen: War die Austrittsfrage eine für ein Referendum geeignete Frage, oder hätte diese dem Parlament vorbehalten sein müssen? Vieles spricht hier für Letzteres.

06 July 2016

Michael Ioannidis

From the very beginning of the Eurozone crisis, conditionality progressively entered into the vocabulary and the normative sphere of the EU economic governance. At the time of the first assistance package to Greece, conditionality was just an emergency tool set in the bilateral Loan Agreements, signed by Greece and other Members States. However, after the establishment of emergency funds like the European Financial Stabilisation Mechanism (EFSM) and the European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF), and especially after the creation of a permanent institution, a sort of “European mirror image of the IMF” – the ESM – conditionality has become a sort of leitmotiv of the European response to the economic crisis or, even, a necessary requirement according to the ECJ.

Viorica Vita

In the shadow of sovereign debt conditionality: the rise of spending conditionality in the EU

For the last seven years, sovereign debt conditionality dominated the European public discourse. Courts called to adjudicate heavy conditions impeaching on constitutional core of EU nations. National parliaments vocally debating the democratic legitimacy of austerity measures. Executives busy implementing generous reform packages. Scholars actively commenting on the constitutional implications of crisis-driven conditionalities.

Till Patrik Holterhus

Rather than arguing over when and how Article 50 TEU might be activated and by whom, or whether the two year clock ticking for exit can be stopped once started, we need as responsible citizens in a democracy to face up in good faith to what many of us regard as an appalling result, and coalesce around pressing for the quickest possible conclusion of the least worst option which still respects the actual referendum result.

Bartosz Marciniak

Chronos and Kairos of Constitutionalism – The Polish case

Τοῖς πᾶσι χρόνος καὶ καιρὸς τῷ παντὶ πράγματι ὑπὸ τὸν οὐρανόν. This Septuagint translation of a verse from the book of Ecclesiastes points to a fundamental distinction regarding the transience – the distinction between chronos (time) and kairos (a right moment). Time is everlasting and consists of singular kairoi. Kairos, being its constitutive part, should not defy the structure of time. This distinction bares on the way in which we should understand any change of a constitution that claims to belong to free and equal citizens.

Maksim Karliuk

The fact that Scotland voted with 62% for the UK to remain a member of the EU whereas the majority of the overall UK electorate opted to leave the EU, raises important political and legal questions. Scotland’s First Minister Nicola Sturgeon has announced that a second referendum on Scottish independence is on the table. What are the options for a continued EU membership of an independent Scotland?

Laurent Pech, Maximilian Steinbeis

Five Questions on Brexit to LAURENT PECH

Middlesex Law Professor Laurent Pech on the limits if not perils of direct democracy when citizens to are asked to decide complex policy choices in the absence of a clear understanding of the available options and potential consequences of their vote.

25 June 2016

Ntina Tzouvala, Maximilian Steinbeis

Five Questions on Brexit to NTINA TZOUVALA

Young international law scholar Ntina Tzouvala on the difference between the "will of the people" and a manouevre of the political elite, and on the danger for Europe to carry around a constitutional corpse.

Kenneth Armstrong, Maximilian Steinbeis

Five Questions on Brexit to KENNETH ARMSTRONG

... and five very succinct answers by Cambridge EU law professor Kenneth Armstrong,

Das OMT-Urteil des BVerfG: Europarechtlich überzeugend, verfassungsprozessrechtlich fragwürdig

Rechtlich verfasste Herrschaft darf niemals ungebunden sein, sonst verkommt sie zur puren Macht. Die Einordnung des OMT-Verfahrens der Europäischen Zentralbank durch das BVerfG zu in dieses verfassungsrechtliche Grundgefüge offenbart einen eklatanten Widerspruch: Auf der einen Seite wird das BVerfG seiner Kontrollaufgabe gemeinsam mit dem EuGH in hohem Maße gerecht. Auf der anderen Seite schafft es sich die verfassungsprozessuale Grundlage hierfür selbst.

Enrico Peuker

The EU General Data Protection Regulation: Powerful Tool for Data Subjects?

Two months ago, the European Parliament and the Council have enacted the European General Data Protection Regulation as the result of a 4 years running legislative procedure. For a long time, it was uncertain whether the regulation could be passed at all: Not only has there been considerable opposition by EU Member States, but there have also been about 4.000 amendments by Parliament, accompanied by an enormous engagement of lobby groups.

Eszter Polgári

The Hungarian Constitutional Court’s case with the ECHR: an ambivalent relationship

Hungary was the first country in the post-Soviet bloc that joined the Council of Europe and ratified the European Convention on Human Rights and this remains a matter of national pride. While the Convention is perceived as a yardstick in human rights protection that may not be circumvented, still lively debate surrounds the authority of the case-law of European Court of Human Rights. The recent constitutional reform has left the status of the Convention largely untouched. The Convention still enjoys a supra-legislative rank: it is subordinated to the Fundamental Law but is superior to all other pieces of legislation.

Alberto Alemanno

Time to Overcome TTIP’s Many Informational Asymmetries

As calls for a political check of the TTIP mandate multiply, time has come to pinpoint where the problem in the on-going negotiations lies.

Matej Avbelj

Transformation of EU Constitutionalism

The EU constitutionalism has been transformed. For the worse. The causes for that are well known. They are the sum of consecutive, unresolved financial, economic, political, humanitarian and security crises. This post is not interested into causal relationship between the crises. It centers instead on their aggregate negative outcome and the possible way ahead. It asks what exactly the EU constitutionalism, as a dominant narrative of European integration, has (d)evolved into and what can be done to fix its fissures?

21 June 2016

Maximilian Steinbeis

Staunenswertes aus Karlsruhe: zum OMT-Urteil des BVerfG

Über die heutige Entscheidung aus Karlsruhe zur Geld- bzw. Wirtschaftspolitik der EZB und das darin zur Vollendung gelangte "Grundrecht auf Demokratie".

Ruvi Ziegler

16 June 2016

Mark Dawson

The EU referendum has become is a form of displacement activity, a chance for the English voters to affirm their Englishness. If England votes for Brexit and Scotland to stay in the EU, the question will be whether the other EU Member States would accept Scotland – perhaps in a confederation with Northern Ireland – as a new or continuing EU Member State or even as the continuing UK.

György Schöpflin

Ich war in Dresden und habe bei der dortigen FDP einen Vortrag zum Jahrestag der Verfassungsgebung in der Bundesrepublik gehalten.

Rampant police violence, institutionalized racism and a "culture of impunity": The Council of Europe Anti-Torture Committee's latest report on Greece reveals once again a shocking lack of respect for human rights and the rule of law in the Greek law enforcement system.

14 March 2016

Renáta Uitz

Poland, Hungary and Europe: Pre-Article 7 Hopes and Concerns

The European Commission’s opening of a rule of law dialogue with Poland in the new pre-Article 7 format developed last year is an important test of European constitutionalism both on the EU and on the Member State level. The mechanism is meant to address systemic violations of the rule of law in several steps, in the format of a structured dialogue. The new procedure does not preclude or prevent the launching of an infringement procedure by the Commission. The probe into Poland’s measures against the Constitutional Tribunal and its new media regulation is expected to test the viability of an EU constitutional enforcement mechanism against a Member State.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Pro-refugee NGOs were quick to castigate the EU-Turkey refugee deal for falling foul of the EU’s on legal standards and for being an anti-humanitarian solution, in particular insofar as forced returns to Turkey are concerned. Academics also present a critical outlook reiterating the legal criticism or criticising the EU for burden-shifting. The critique highlights a number of valid concerns, but these caveats do not unmake the legal and conceptual value of the approach pursued by the EU: mass-influx scenarios require international cooperation.

James C. Hathaway

Three legal requirements for the EU-Turkey deal: An interview with JAMES HATHAWAY

"The right to decide where to seek recognition of refugee status does not entail the right to choose where international refugee protection is to be enjoyed": One of the foremost experts in international refugee law, James C. Hathaway (Michigan), gives some preliminary indications on the legality of the emerging EU-Turkey agreement on Syrian refugee resettlement.

Tobias Brings, Anuscheh Farahat, Maximilian Oehl

Von wegen „Rückkehr zum Recht“: Warum die deutsche Grenzpolitik den Maßgaben des Dublin-Systems entspricht

Seit einigen Wochen wird vielerorts – und seit kurzem auch auf diesem Blog (zuletzt hier und hier) – die Forderung einer „Rückkehr zum Recht“ diskutiert. Nicht ganz selbstverständlich ist dabei der Art. 20 IV Dublin-III-VO in das Zentrum der Diskussion gerückt. Peukert, Hillgruber, Foerste und Putzke haben dabei eine für Migrationsrechtler*innen doch überraschende Lesart dieser Vorschrift präsentiert: Danach soll es für Deutschland möglich sein, unionsrechtskonform Einreiseverweigerungen an der Grenze auszusprechen, weil nach Art. 20 IV 1 Dublin-III-VO die Zuständigkeit unbestreitbar bei anderen Mitgliedstaaten liege. Faktisch liefe dies darauf hinaus, Schutzsuchende pauschal an ein Land zu verweisen, das soeben Obergrenzen für die Behandlung von Asylanträgen beschlossen hat. Das ohnehin stark reformbedürftige Dublin-System würde mit einem solchen Ergebnis vollends ad absurdum geführt.

08 March 2016

Maximilian Steinbeis

Einer raus, einer rein: vielleicht keine Lösung, aber immerhin Völkerrecht

Für jeden syrischen Flüchtling, den die Türkei aus Chios, Lesbos und Kos zurücknimmt, lässt die EU einen anderen syrischen Flüchtling aus der Türkei legal einreisen. Ein bewegliches Kontingent soll es geben, das den Syrern in der Türkei als legale, sichere und preiswerte Alternative zum Schlauchboot offen steht und dessen Größe schrumpft und wächst mit der Zahl der irregulär eingereisten Flüchtlinge, die die Türkei aus Griechenland wieder zurücknimmt. Das ist der Plan nach dem gestrigen EU-Gipfel in Brüssel. Pro Asyl findet ihn ganz fürchterlich. Ich bin da ehrlich gesagt nicht so sicher.

Davor Jancic

Grundrechte sind für Menschen da, nicht für Staaten. Das ist nach deutscher Verfassungsdoktrin so selbstverständlich, dass man sich kaum traut es hinzuschreiben. Der Staat hat keine Grundrechte, kann schon aus denklogischen Gründen keine haben. Grundrechte binden die öffentliche Gewalt: Sie sollen ihr nicht Freiheit geben, sondern welche nehmen. Gilt das auch für europäische Grundrechte? Das könnte zweifelhaft erscheinen, wenn man das heute verkündete Urteil Bank Mellat des Europäischen Gerichtshofs ansieht.

Mathias Hong

Human Dignity and Constitutional Identity: The Solange-III-Decision of the German Constitutional Court

As long as the German constitution is in force, the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany intends to enforce the right to human dignity, law of the European Union not withstanding. It is going to enforce that right not only against conflicting Union law if necessary, but also parallel to its European protections. That is the central message of the court's historic decision of January 26th, 2016, in its second European arrest warrant case.

17 February 2016

Christoph Herrmann

Should the other EU member states rebuff the UK’s reform demands and seize the opportunity to amend the Constitutional treaties instead? Unlike Federico Fabbrini, who in his post of the 3rd of February proposed they should, I will argue that European integration doesn’t follow a linear path, and it may therefore be necessary to give in to some requests. This would not lead to EU disintegration.

Christian Tietje

Ganz, aber doch nur teilweise – die Beteiligung des Deutschen Bundestages an gemischten völkerrechtlichen Abkommen der EU

Die Bundesregierung und der Deutsche Bundestag streiten zurzeit über die Notwendigkeit der Zustimmung zur Ratifikation des Wirtschaftspartnerschaftsabkommens zwischen Westafrika und der Europäischen Union. Es liegt auf der Hand, dass im Hintergrund der Ratifikationsfrage die weitreichende innenpolitische Debatte zu TTIP steht. In diesem Beitrag sollen die Rechtsfragen, die sich im Hinblick auf die Zustimmung zur Ratifikation des WTA als (nach Unionsrecht) gemischtem Abkommen stellen, kurz systematisch aufbereitet werden.

04 February 2016

Andreas Funke

Obergrenze ist nicht gleich Obergrenze – und warum es derzeit trotzdem keine gibt

Die Forderung nach Obergrenzen für Flüchtlinge ist ein fester Bestandteil der aktuellen flüchtlingspolitischen Diskussion. Die Berechtigung der Forderung ist das eine; das andere ist ihre Bedeutung: Was genau soll eigentlich mittels einer „Obergrenze“ beschränkt werden: die Einreise von Flüchtlingen oder die Reichweite des Flüchtlingsschutzes? Diese beiden Bezugspunkte stehen in unterschiedlichen normativen Kontexten, die in der Diskussion deutlich auseinandergehalten werden müssen. Die zentralen rechtlichen, politischen und moralischen Wertungen, die den Umgang mit dem massiven Flüchtlingszustrom der letzten Monate leiten, kommen ansonsten nur verzerrt zum Ausdruck.

03 February 2016

Federico Fabbrini

President Tusk’s Proposal for a New Settlement for the UK in the EU: Fueling – not Taming – EU Disintegration

The European Union is at the crossroad. On 17 February […]

27 January 2016

Daniel Sarmiento

Awakenings: the “Identity Control” decision by the German Constitutional Court

The GCC has applied, for the first time, its “identity control” to a case fully covered by EU Law. In the end, it quashes the decision of the instance court but it states that EU and German law are perfectly in line with the solution it comes to. What is all the fuss about? Why has the GCC made an “identity control” when the Framework Decision solves the case anyway in the same terms? It seems as if the GCC is sending a message to Luxembourg. It is a harmless judgment on the facts, but a very important one on the symbolic side.

Christine Langenfeld

Deutschland und die Flüchtlinge: zwischen Scylla und Charybdis

An die Stelle des Zuständigkeitssystems nach Dublin ist das Prinzip der freien Wahl des Asylstaates getreten. Das ist ein Pull-Faktor ersten Ranges. Kann sich Deutschland nun auf eine Art Notstand berufen und die Vorgaben des EU-Rechts abschütteln nach dem Motto: Wenn die anderen Staaten Dublin nicht beachten, dann dürfen wir uns auch davon lösen und Flüchtlinge an der Grenze zurückweisen? Es ist nicht auszuschließen, dass sich die Bundesregierung eines Tages dazu gezwungen sehen wird. Dass eine solche Maßnahme bislang nicht getroffen geworden ist, stellt aber keinen Rechtsbruch dar.

26 January 2016

Maximilian Steinbeis

After the terrorist attacks of November 13th, France has invoked the mutual assistance clause in the European Treaty. What does this clause actually imply? The short answer to this question is that nobody precisely knows. The statement made by the French Defence Minister on 17 November qualified the invocation of Article 42(7) TEU as a mainly political act – implying that it is symbolic in nature. This, however, is not the whole story. France is requesting her European neighbours to stand united against external security threats – not only by declaratory statements, but by concrete military commitments. This demand, in turn, will impact on the future course of European security and defence, a policy which France has always been keen to enhance.

Philip Weyand

Der Europäische Beistandsfall als Katalysator für eine Militarisierung der Europäischen Außenpolitik?

Wenn ein EU-Mitgliedsstaat angegriffen wird, dann schulden ihm alle anderen Mitgliedsstaaten „alle in ihrer Macht stehende Hilfe und Unterstützung“. Dieser so genannte Beistandsfall war bisher bloße Theorie – doch jetzt hat Frankreich ihn erstmals aktiviert. Die anderen Mitgliedsstaaten, u.a. Deutschland, reagierten zwar im Wortlaut vage, aber im Grunde zustimmend. Frankreich schwebt dabei insbesondere (zumindest mittelbare) militärische Unterstützung im Kampf gegen IS vor. Dies könnte die Union tiefgreifend verändern, wenn die Aktivierung der Beistandsklausel die Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik (GASP) der Europäischen Union militarisiert.

Andrew Duff

Satire is protected by the right to freedom of expression. Holocaust denial is not. This is the bottom line of yesterday’s decision by the European Court of Human Rights in the case of the French comedian Dieudonné M’Bala M’Bala, notorious for his frequent run-ins with French courts for antisemitic speech, defamation, or advocation of terrorism, and also known for his political involvement with right-wing extremists.

Matej Avbelj

Now Europe Needs a Constitution

I am a constitutional sceptic. I have been turned into one a decade ago, when the European Union embarked on its first ever process of explicit documentary constitutionalization. That process ended up in tatters. There are strong legal, socio-political and philosophical reasons that speak against endowing the European Union with a constitution understood in conventional terms. However, they may no longer be strong enough.

10 November 2015

Kenneth Armstrong

Brexit, Voice and Loyalty: What ‘New Settlement’ for the UK in the EU?

The UK Prime Minister, David Cameron has finally found time to write a letter to the European Council President Donald Tusk setting out the basis for the UK’s renegotiated membership of the EU. Although in recent weeks, European leaders have complained that they lacked clarity as to what it was that Mr Cameron would seek in these negotiations – despite his recent tour of European capitals – in the end, the themes contained in the letter have been well rehearsed both by the Prime Minister, and more recently by the UK Chancellor in his speech to the BDI in Germany. There are four pillars to the ‘new settlement’ sought by the UK government: economic governance, competitiveness, sovereignty and immigration. The Prime Minister’s stated aim is – through voice – for the UK to remain a member of the EU, albeit an EU with differentiated membership obligations. As he reiterated in a speech at Chatham House to trail the letter to Donald Tusk, if he succeeds in his negotiations, the Prime Minister will campaign for the UK to remain in the EU. He also made clear that a vote for Brexit would be just that, with no second referendum to seek a better deal. So what then are the key policy planks supporting the four-pillars?

Floris de Witte

Cameron’s EU reforms: political feasibility and legal implications

David Cameron, the UK’s Prime Minister, has set out his objectives for EU reforms in a speech at Chatham House on 10 November 2015 – objectives which he later clarified in a letter to the President of the European Council Donald Tusk. Cameron’s demands fall in four categories – i) safeguarding Britain’s position in the Union’s ‘variable geometry’; ii) strengthening the competitiveness of the Union’s internal market; iii) bolstering the democratic authority of the EU by strengthening the role of national parliaments in the EU’s decision-making process; and iv) ensure changes to the principles of free movement and equal treatment of Union citizens in access to welfare systems in the host state. The political feasibility and legal implications of these objectives differ quite significantly. More crucially, each of the stated objectives can be interpreted and implemented in different ways. Generally, it seems, Cameron’s success seems to depend on presenting reforms that at the same time address British domestic issues as well as strengthen the EU’s functioning.

05 November 2015

Lukas Müller

Maximilian Steinbeis

Kein Recht auf Namensänderung für Frau Toilette

Der somalische Name "Moxamed" bedeutet, mit X ausgesprochen, auf Somali "Toilette". Das soll für eine Namensänderung nicht ausreichen, und zwar dem EGMR zufolge völlig zu Recht. Die Begründung verrät wenig Sensibilität für die Situation von Migranten.

07 October 2015

Russell A. Miller

Schrems v. Commissioner: A Biblical Parable of Judicial Power

We might celebrate the Court’s decision in Case C-362/14 as an improbable victory of good (data-privacy) over evil (consumer and intelligence data abuses). But I want to offer some words of caution about god-like judicial power.

Andrew Duff

Asylrecht und Kosmopolitismus, aber bitte in klaren Grenzen wünscht sich Christoph Brendel. Das ist verständlich und entspricht der überwiegenden Ratio staatlicher Politik. Deswegen vermag das Thema der Flüchtlinge diese staatliche Politik auch dermaßen zu verunsichern. Denn die Figur des Flüchtlings stellt die Idee absoluter territorialer Souveränität in Frage.

Christoph Brendel

The conventional wisdom, delivered before anyone could really ponder the fine print of the Greek debt deal, is that Tsipras surrendered to the creditors in a humiliating defeat. His referendum and prior tenacity in negotiations proved futile,according to the predominant account that has emerged in the media and the twitter and blog worlds. Wrong on all counts. And here's why.

Armin Steinbach

„Haircut“ für Griechenland? (Un-)mögliche Frisuren eines Schuldenschnitts

Die Euro-Regierungschefs wollen Griechenland offenbar mit verlängerten Kreditlaufzeiten und niedrigeren Zinsen helfen, im Euro bleiben zu können. Solange eine Rückzahlungspflicht der Nominalschuld bestehen bleibt, ist eine solche Form des "Haircuts" wohl europarechtlich zulässig - anders als ein tatsächlicher Schuldenschnitt.

12 July 2015

Matthias Goldmann

Eine Schuldenrestrukturierung setzt keinen Grexit voraus!

Bundesfinanzminister Wolfgang Schäubles Behauptung, Griechenland könne wegen Art. 125 AEUV nur außerhalb der Eurozone seine Schulden gegenüber anderen Euro-Staaten und EFSF bzw. ESM restrukturieren, beruht auf einem Denkfehler, wenn nicht gar auf einem Taschenspielertrick. Die Pringle-Rechtsprechung des EuGH zeigt: Das Europarecht schaufelt sich nicht sein eigenes Grab. Man muss es nicht erst umgehen, um die Ziele der Union wahrhaft zu verwirklichen.

11 July 2015

Detlef von Daniels

The battle over Europe

In the Anglophone press and in some intellectual circles there appears to be a broad alliance favouring an “end to austerity”. What all these positions share is that they treat the crisis as a matter of theoretical dispute: If only the correct economic or philosophical view would prevail the appropriate course of action would be clear. The current situation might help to remind us, the theorists, that in the course of actions we can only watch and sometimes, like when Hegel saw Napoleon, get a glimpse of world history. It might also remind us that before theoria was invented as an eternal idea a different, more mundane view reigned: Heraclitus's reflection of polemos (war, fight, struggle) as the father of all things.

Nikolai Bobrinsky

Lustration and guilt: Evolution of the Venice Commission’s approach

On 19 June 2015 the Venice Commission issued its final opinion on the Law on government cleansing (lustration law) of Ukraine. Compared to the interim opinion, the final document is much more favorable to the Ukraine’s lustration initiative. One of the most interesting changes concerns the role of guilt in the lustration framework.

08 July 2015

Maximilian Steinbeis

Neville Cox

Delfi v. Estonia: Privacy Protection and Chilling Effect

In its decision Delfi v. Estonia, the ECHR Grand Chamber continues the trend to increase the protections afforded to rights of reputation and privacy generally (and possibly to increase the controls available for grossly unacceptably speech) as a bulwark against the enhanced possibilities for the exercise of freedom of expression de facto provided by the internet.

18 June 2015

Ferdinand Weber

Ökonomenstreit produziert Juristenstreit: zum OMT-Verfahren zwischen EuGH und BVerfG

Stellt man die Vorabentscheidung des EuGH dem Vorlageersuchen des BVerfG gegenüber, wird deutlich, dass die materielle Kollision auf einem Import gegensätzlicher Ansichten aus der Ökonomie beruht und die Auseinandersetzung in der Sprache des Rechts juristisch fortgesetzt wird. Das BVerfG hat sich einer Fallhöhe ausgesetzt, die einen gesichtswahrenden Rückzug als dritte Möglichkeit neben der Aktivierung der Verfassungsvorbehalte oder der Akzeptanz der gegebenen Auslegung durch den EuGH unwahrscheinlich macht.

Matthias Goldmann

Mutually Assured Discretion: The ECJ on the ECB’s OMT Policy

In a political and economic perspective, the recent ECJ judgment on the OMT program is not more than a footnote, a short sideshow in a seemingly never-ending sequel of another dimension. Legally, however, I find the case quite remarkable. Unlike its Advocate General, the ECJ did not yield to the temptation to respond in kind to the FCC’s provocations. In particular, it avoids the issue of domestic vs. European constitutional identity that juxtaposed the FCC and the Advocate General. Instead, the ECJ has shown political responsibility and legal foresight in framing what could become a masterpiece of truly cooperative, other-regarding constitutional pluralism.

Timofey Agarin

When asking, ‘if there is justice deficit in Europe?’ we should query the power of Member States

As the winds of populism blow across Europe, from the Algarve to Lapland and from the Irish to the Aegean Sea, it might be tempting to dismiss the return to nativism as a temporary and transitory vehicle of popular protest. However, as UKIP, Golden Dawn, Jobbik, the Sweden Democrats, Podemos, Syriza, Vlams Belang and True Finns all secure seats in local, regional, national and supranational assemblies, the questions mount about differential impact of the Euro crisis on comparative attractiveness of these political forces to national electorate over the idea of a unified and indeed just Europe. With populist parties advocating extremely diverse political agendas, they all reach out to their voters hushing them away from the political forces who have dominated the political scene during the years of plenty before the Euro crisis.

17 June 2015

Maximilian Steinbeis

Cybertrolls in Straßburg: ein Urteil zwischen Himmel und Hölle

Was ist das Internet? Ist es ein paradiesischer Ort, in dem Meinungsfreiheit und demokratische Gleichheit in nie da gewesenem Maß gedeihen und die eben noch utopische Vision einer weltumspannenden Gemeinschaft freier und selbstbestimmter Diskursteilnehmer plötzlich in greifbare Nähe rückt? Oder ist es ein infernalischer Ort, in der Trolle, Cyberbullies, Spione und andere üble Gestalten auf die Jagd gehen, von jeder sozialen Kontrolle befreit ihren niedrigsten Instinkten freien Lauf lassen und die Welt in einem Spülicht aus Rassismus, Antisemitismus, Sexismus und Gewaltfantasien ersaufen lassen? Die Große Kammer des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte hat im Fall Delfi v. Estland über diese Frage sozusagen eine Abstimmung durchgeführt. Gestern (wahrhaftig ein Tag für künftige Geschichtsschreiber der europäischen Judikative) hat er das Urteil veröffentlicht. Ergebnis: Paradies 2. Inferno 15.

Heiko Sauer

Das OMT-Urteil des Europäischen Gerichtshofs: Fünf Beobachtungen

Nüchtern im Ton, nachvollziehbar in der Sache hat der EuGH die Vorlagefragen des Bundesverfassungsgerichts zum Anleihenkauf durch die EZB beantwortet. Wenn die Antwort anders ausgefallen ist als die, die man hätte hören wollen, dann sollte man das nur dann kritisieren, wenn man die Frage, ob es für das OMT-Programm überhaupt einen grundgesetzlichen Maßstab gibt, positiv beantworten zu können glaubt. Man sollte jedenfalls nicht vergessen, wie überaus voraussetzungsvoll die Prämissen dieser verfassungsrechtlichen Konstruktionen sind, und deshalb auch nicht empfindlich sein, wenn gelegentlich daran erinnert wird.

Christoph Herrmann

Christoph Herrmann

Auf der Suche nach dem Ariadnefaden: von den rechtlichen Schwierigkeiten von Grexit und Graccident

Allenthalben verdichten sich die Anzeichen, dass Griechenland die Reformforderungen der Eurogruppe für die Auszahlung noch zur Verfügung stehender Hilfsgelder oder sogar für ein weiteres Hilfsprogramm nicht erfüllen will oder aus den unterschiedlichsten politischen Gründen nicht erfüllen kann. Die unmittelbare Konsequenz scheint offenkundig: Griechenland müsste, bewusst oder unabsichtlich, die Währungsunion verlassen. Doch das ist rechtlich äußerst problematisch. Sollte es dennoch zu "Grexit" oder "Graccident" kommen – die steuernde Kraft des Währungsrechts stößt mitunter an Grenzen – so würde dies eine Flut von Prozessen nach sich ziehen und auf Jahre erhebliche Rechtsunsicherheit in Griechenland mit sich bringen.

15 March 2015

Christoph Herrmann

The Opinion is the latest manifestation of the historic tension in post-war Europe between federal and international law. This is important unfinished business. Nobody can be complacent about the opening up of a gap between the human rights regime of the Council of Europe and the fundamental rights regime of the European Union. A fall-out between the ECtHR at Strasbourg and the CJEU at Luxembourg is a bad thing for European rights protection.

Sionaidh Douglas-Scott

Opinion 2/13 and the ‘elephant in the room’: A response to Daniel Halberstam

Halberstam is right to highlight the CJEU’s focus on autonomy. But in so doing so we are missing something far more important. Human rights are here the elephant in the room. Accession to a human rights treaty should not be primarily about the autonomy of the EU legal order. It should be primarily about how best to protect human rights.

Walther Michl

Still a flawed decision

Nobody can tell whether the Court wanted to say “no unless” or simply “no”. The path to accession is very obscure after Opinion 2/13 – so much so that it is unclear if any accession agreement at all would withstand the Court’s scrutiny next time.

12 March 2015

Jörg Polakiewicz, Lucia Brieskova

Das EuG hat eine Verordnung der Europäischen Zentralbank mangels Rechtsgrundlage für nichtig erklärt. Das dürfte nicht nur die klagenden Briten freuen, die um die Bedeutung des Finanzplatzes London fürchten. Das Urteil zeigt, dass die Idee der Integration durch Recht auch und gerade für die EZB Geltung beansprucht und dass jedenfalls das Gericht diese Idee auch ernst nimmt.

Jo Eric Khushal Murkens

A referendum on Britain’s EU membership is a sure fire way to encourage the breakup of the UK

David Cameron has pledged to hold a referendum on the UK’s EU membership if his Conservative party wins a majority at the British general election in May. Jo Murkens writes on the impact an EU referendum would have on the UK’s place in Europe and on the UK as a whole. He argues that the EU referendum debate highlights the extent to which the UK has failed to contribute to the EU’s political goals in key areas like the Ukraine crisis, and that the net effect of the referendum could be to weaken the unity of the United Kingdom itself.

26 February 2015

Adam Bodnar

Staaten, die Leihmutterschaft bekämpfen und verbieten wollen, dürfen das tun – aber sie dürfen diesen Kampf nicht auf dem Rücken des Kindes austragen. Im letzten Sommer hat der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte entschieden, dass die Staaten vor lauter Empörung nicht so tun dürfen, als habe ein von einer Leihmutter ausgetragenes Kind nicht einmal einen biologischen Vater mehr. Und erst im Dezember hat der Bundesgerichtshof daraus für Deutschland die Konsequenzen gezogen. Heute hat der Straßburger Gerichtshof eine Kammerentscheidung veröffentlicht, die zeigt, wie weit der Gerichtshof diese Linie zu treiben bereit ist.

Christoph Herrmann

OMT-Verfahren in der Kritik: Von Juristen, Ökonomen und wer wofür kompetent ist

Daran, dass Ökonomen, die über keinerlei juristische Ausbildung verfügen, über Rechtsfragen räsonieren (oder auch schwadronieren), daran hat man sich in der Eurokrise längst gewöhnt. Dass sie anfangen, Juristen umgekehrt deren freimütige Einräumung ihrer ökonomischen Unkenntnis auch noch anzukreiden, das ist neu. Nichts anderes aber hat Jürgen Stark, immerhin ehemaliger Chefvolkswirt und Mitglied im Direktorium der Europäischen Zentralbank, jedoch getan.

24 January 2015

Giovanna De Minico

A Tale of Two States: Rule of Law in the Age of Terrorism

As a reaction to the recent terrorist attacks in France, several EU member states as well as the EU itself have announced significant anti-terrorism measures. To fear, which is the first result of terrorism, the state has to respond with the wisdom of a legislator, which should not act under the pressure of understandable emotional feelings. The State of Terror wants to spread chilling fear and make people feel alone and without protection by the State of Law. The State of Law should respond by educating its community to the values of legality, tolerance and solidarity. Its duty, in times of fear, is an ethical rather than a police one; it has to make the people leave their isolation and facilitate their social and political inclusion. This action requires concrete actions by political decision-makers.

22 January 2015

Maximilian Steinbeis

Mehr Akzeptanz für Europa – ein verfassungspolitisches Problem?

Die Zahl der Menschen in Europa, die der europäischen Integration tatsächlich am liebsten den Hals umdrehen würden, hat ein Ausmaß erreicht, das wir nicht mehr ignorieren können. In Frankreich würde, wenn jetzt Europawahlen wären, der Front National zur stärksten Partei, in Großbritannien ist es die UKIP bereits. Wir müssen etwas machen. Nur was? An dieser Frage scheiden sich im Verfassungsrecht die Geister. Das wurde bei einer höchst lohnenden Veranstaltung am Wissenschaftskolleg hier in Berlin mit Dieter Grimm, Christoph Möllers und Deirdre Curtin zum Thema "Legitimationsressourcen und Legitimationsdefizite der EU" offenbar.

20 January 2015

Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov, Laurent Pech

From bad to worse? On the Commission and the Council’s rule of law initiatives

The rule of law is one of the fundamental values on which the EU is founded according to Article 2 TEU. Faced with a rising number of ‘rule of law crises’ in a number of EU countries, the Commission adopted a new ‘pre-Article 7’ procedure last March in order to address any instance where there is a evidence of a systemicthreat to the rule of law. Having criticised the Commission’s initiative primarily on the (unconvincing) ground that it would breach the principle of conferral which governs the allocation of powers between the EU and its Member States, the Council proposed its own solution: a rule of law dialogue between national governments and to be held once a year in Brussels. Both initiatives, and in particular, the Council’s, appear grossly inadequate to tackle the problem of ‘rule of law backsliding post EU accession’ to quote Frans Timmermans, the First Vice-President of the Commission in charge inter alia of the Rule of Law.

16 January 2015

Fabian Amtenbrink, René Repasi

Outright Monetary Transactions before the ECJ: In search of the ‘golden mean’

In its preliminary ruling on the the ‘Outright Monetary Transactions’ programme of the ECB, the ECJ will have to find the ‘golden mean’. On the one hand, it is improbable that the European judges will risk a constitutional conflict with the highest German court by given their unqualified approval of the OMT. On the other hand, not only the unlikely rejection of the OMT in its entirety, but also the imposition of limits on the overall amount of purchases of government bonds could compromise the success of the mere announcement of the OMT in calming the markets and, moreover, provoke a resurgence of the Euro area financial and debt crisis. Arguably the dilemmas this involves are reflected in the opinion on this case by Advocate General Cruz Villalón.

Carlino Antpoehler

Opinion 2/13 has already spurred outrage throughout the blogosphere. I concur with the statements published on this site: none of the Court’s arguments is compelling, some can be attributed to its exaggerated cautiousness, some, however, are utterly ill-founded. My contribution will focus on the ECJ’s statements under the caption ‘The specific characteristics and the autonomy of EU law’ (starting at marginal number 179) which I consider to be those with the most glaring blunders and misapprehensions.

Hans-Georg Dederer

Die Währungsunion zeigt, dass auf EU-Ebene bisweilen ein Projekt realisiert wird, bei dem nicht alle Eventualitäten bedacht wurden. Im Fall des Euro offenbarte die Krise vertragliche Lücken im Bereich der Wirtschafts- und Haushaltspolitik, die von den politischen Akteuren mit neuen Ansätzen gefüllt werden mussten. Bei der Unionsbürgerschaft sind die vertraglichen Ungewissheiten weniger dramatisch, aber dennoch vorhanden – und zwar speziell beim Sozialleistungsanspruch von Personen, die nicht arbeiten. Diese Lücke hatte der Gerichtshof im Dano-Urteil zu füllen und er entscheidet sich für einen überraschend konventionellen Zugriff, der die Unionsbürgerschaft nicht länger als Projektionsfläche für gesellschaftliche und politische Vorstellungen vom guten Leben nutzt.

11 November 2014

Anuscheh Farahat

Lebenslange Haft ohne Aussicht auf Bewährung in den USA ist unmenschlich und nicht mit der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention vereinbar. Kein Mitgliedsstaat darf daher einen Menschen, dem eine solche Strafe droht, an die USA ausliefern. Zu diesem Schluss kommt eine EGMR-Kammer in dem heute verkündeten Urteil Trabelsi v. Belgien.

Christopher Unseld

Mehr Schutzpflicht wagen? In den USA beschäftigt die Abtreibungsfrage erneut die Gerichte

Im Süden der USA ist die politisch und verfassungsrechtlich aufgeladene Debatte zur Abtreibungsfrage wieder neu entflammt. Wie kaum ein anderes Thema werden uns hier fundamentale Unterschiede und vorsichtige Annäherungen zwischen US-amerikanischem und deutschem Verfassungsverständnis veranschaulicht. Im Mittelpunkt steht dabei neben Fragen des Grundrechtsföderalismus auch eine juristische Gretchenfrage des Verfassungsvergleichs: Sind Grundrechte nur Abwehrrechte oder (und wenn inwieweit) sind aus ihnen Schutzpflichten ableitbar?

03 September 2014

Maximilian Steinbeis

Parodie ist Meinungsfreiheit – aber nicht, wenn sie rassistisch ist

Wenn jemand einen Text, den ich geschrieben habe, mit lauter rassistischen Stereotypen vollpackt und als "Parodie" veröffentlicht - darf der das? Das darf er mit hoher Wahrscheinlichkeit nicht, wenn man dem Europäischen Gerichtshof folgt, der dazu heute ein Urteil veröffentlicht und dabei, wenn ich das richtig sehe, paradoxerweise die Meinungsfreiheit eher gestärkt als geschwächt hat.

19 August 2014

Daniel Thym

Blending National Autonomy into the EU Charter. A Reply to Leonard F.M. Besselink

I attended this year’s FIDE conference and my recollection of the plenary debate contrasts with Leonard Besselink’s account. Irrespective of who said precisely what in Copenhagen, my vision of the structural shifts in the interaction of national constitutions and the EU Charter differs respectfully from the position put forward by Leonard Besselink. I do not agree that national human rights are being ignored and that the constitutive power has shifted to the European Union. It seems to me that the situation is not quite as dramatic and I will suggest, to the contrary, that the ECJ is moving in the right direction.

18 August 2014

Leonard F.M. Besselink

Mein Pass ist eigentlich gar nicht mein Pass. Ich bin es zwar, in dessen Tasche oder Schublade er steckt. Ich bin es, den er identifiziert. Aber er gehört mir nicht. Ein kleiner unauffälliger Satz auf der letzten Seite klärt mich auf: „Dieser Reisepass ist Eigentum der Bundesrepublik Deutschland.“ Das gleiche gilt, wenn man der Logik des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte (EGMR) in Straßburg folgt, auch für einen Teil meines Körpers. Der Teil, der mich als ich kennzeichnet, der mich erkennbar macht, mit dem ich spreche, sehe und höre, das Inter-Face zwischen mir und der Gesellschaft: mein Gesicht.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Der britische Odysseus und der Sirenengesang der Souveränität

Freiheitsgewinn durch Selbstbindung – wenn es das ist, was Verfassungen leisten, wie ist es dann um die Verfassung Großbritanniens bestellt? Die Frage stellt sich gerade jetzt, weil die britische Regierung offenbar ihr Maß an konstitutioneller Bindung als ein Zuviel empfindet.

21 July 2014

Marten Breuer

Demokratieprinzip versus Rechtsstaatsprinzip? UK strebt nach “democratic override” des EGMR

m Vereinigten Königreich spitzt sich die Auseinandersetzung um den EGMR, so scheint es, immer mehr zu. Nach der jüngsten Kabinettsumbildung scheinen die Konservativen entschlossen, dem Parlament von Westminster das letzte Wort darüber zu geben, ob ein Urteil des EGMR im Vereinigten Königreich umgesetzt wird oder nicht. Man reibt sich verwundert die Augen und möchte sich frei nach Asterix fragen: Ja spinnen die denn, die Briten?! Ich meine, ganz so einfach ist es nicht.

18 July 2014

Maximilian Steinbeis

“Ich bin nicht Stiller!”: Sexuelle Identität lässt sich nicht amtlich feststellen

Homosexuelle, denen in ihrer Heimat Verfolgung droht, können in der EU Asyl beantragen. Aber was, wenn die Behörden ihnen die Homosexualität nicht glauben? Dazu ist ein Verfahren beim EuGH anhängig. Generalanwältin Sharpston nimmt in ihren Schlussanträgen die Praxis, Homosexualität amtlich feststellen zu lassen, nach allen Regeln der Kunst auseinander.

15 July 2014

Maximilian Steinbeis

Bosnien und die Schwierigkeit, verallgemeinerbare Maßstäbe des Menschenrechtsschutzes zu schaffen

Seit fünf Jahren stemmt sich Bosnien dagegen, seine Verfassung den Vorgaben der EMRK anzupassen und auch Nicht-Bosniaken, -Serben und -Kroaten für die zweite Kammer und die Präsidentschaft wählbar zu machen. Jetzt hat der EGMR Bosnien erneut verurteilt. Doch was, wenn man seine Maßstäbe auf die Verfassung der Europäischen Union anwendet?

08 July 2014

Walther Michl

31 May 2014

Dorothée de Nève, Maximilian Steinbeis

“Wer Wählerinnen und Wähler mobilisieren will, muss bessere Argumente haben”

Dorothée de Nève, Expertin für Nichtwähler_innenforschung, im Interview über Wahlverweigerung und Protest, und warum politische Appelle, zur Wahl zu gehen, nicht nur nichts fruchten, sondern sogar kontraproduktiv sind.

Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov

Was ist das Verhältnis zwischen einem regionalen Menschenrechtssystem, etwa dem […]

Jochen von Bernstorff

Streitigkeiten über gemeinwohlorientierte Regulierung von Investoren gehören im demokratischen Rechtsstaat vor die nationalen Gerichte

Wenn jede Form der demokratischen Regulierung des Investitionsumfeldes zu einem potenziellen Haushaltsrisiko für den Gaststaat wird, weil er befürchten muss, von einem Investor vor einem privaten ad-hoc-Schiedsgericht auf Entschädigung verklagt zu werden, wirft dies fundamentale Fragen der demokratischen Selbstbestimmung und der innerstaatlichen Gewaltenteilung auf. Das über mehr als 3000 bilaterale Verträge inzwischen weltweit etablierte System der Investitionsschiedsgerichtsbarkeit geht über das ohne Zweifel berechtigte Anliegen von Investoren, wirkungsvoll gegen willkürliche Enteignungen geschützt zu werden, inzwischen weit hinaus. Ist die Schraube überdreht worden?

David Erdos

Mind the Gap

The European UnionData Protection Directive of 1995 has always had […]

14 May 2014

Indra Spiecker genannt Döhmann, Maximilian Steinbeis

“Der EuGH erfindet sich gerade neu”

Indra Spiecker genannt Döhmann, Datenschutzexpertin von der Universität Frankfurt, im Verfassungsblog-Interview zum Google-Urteil des Europäischen Gerichtshofs, zu den Auswirkungen auf Meinungs- und Informationsfreiheit und zur neuen Rolle des EuGH im institutionellen Gefüge der Europäischen Union.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Google – nur just another Grundrechtsträger?

Das epochale Urteil des Europäischen Gerichtshofs gestern, dass man das Bild, […]

Helmut Philipp Aust

Der EGMR als regionaler IGH? Entschädigung und Bestrafung im Staatenbeschwerdeverfahren

„The Cyprus v. Turkey (just satisfaction) case is the most important contribution to peace in Europe in the history of the European Court of Human Rights.” Wenn Richter ihre Entscheidungen so feiern wie der Richter Pinto de Albuquerque in seinem Sondervotum, dann besteht meistens Anlass zur Skepsis. Was ist passiert?

Stephan Schill

Internationaler Investitionsschutz und Verfassungsrecht

Die Diskussionen um das Transatlantische Handels- und Investitionspartnerschaftsabkommen (TTIP) zwischen der EU und den USA fokussieren häufig in erster Linie auf die konkrete Ausgestaltung der materiell-rechtlichen und prozessualen Regelungen des Investitionskapitels. Führt die Formulierung des Grundsatzes billiger und gerechter Behandlung zu einem angemessenen Ausgleich von Investoreninteressen und staatlichen Regulierungsinteressen? Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit: ja oder nein? Wird die Öffentlichkeit an Schiedsverfahren angemessen beteiligt? Werden Interessenkonflikte bei Schiedsrichtern effektiv verhindert? Ist die Behandlung der Verfahrenskosten adäquat? Weniger im Zentrum steht die Frage, an welchem Maßstab die künftige EU-Investitionsschutzpolitik zu messen ist und woran sich Reformbestrebungen im Investitionsrecht orientieren sollten. Geht es rein um außenwirtschaftliche Opportunität? Oder spielen nicht, wie im Folgenden argumentiert, Wertungen des Verfassungsrechts von Union und Mitgliedstaaten eine bedeutende Rolle?

13 May 2014

Peter-Tobias Stoll

Bevor wir einen „besseren“ Investitionsschutz und „besseres“ ISDS akzeptieren, sollten wir verstehen, warum wir dies tun. Bloße Verweise auf Grundrechte, Gleichgewicht und Rule of Law überzeugen mich nicht.

Christian J. Tams

Ships that pass in the night: Die Debatte über TTIP und die Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit

Seit Wochen diskutieren Medien und Blogs über TTIP – und dabei vor allem über ein Thema: die Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit. Man mag das Investitionsschutzrecht mögen oder nicht. Aber wer Rechte festschreibt, sollte sie so ausgestalten, dass sie effektiv durchgesetzt werden können.

07 May 2014

Christopher Unseld

Ein weiterer Schritt zum unitarischen Grundrechtsschutz? Das Pfleger-Urteil des EuGH

Der Gerichtshof der Europäischen Union (EuGH) zeigt sich unbeeindruckt von der Kritik an seiner expansiven Rechtsprechung zum Anwendungsbereich der Grundrechte in Åkerberg Fransson. Stattdessen hat sich die dritte Kammer des EuGH in der Rechtsache Pfleger weiter vom engen Wortlaut der EU-Grundrechtecharta emanzipiert. Die Charta sieht in Art. 51 Abs. 1 Satz 1 vor, dass sie für die Mitgliedsstaaten „ausschließlich bei der Durchführung des Rechts der Union“ gilt. Im Urteil vom 30. April 2014 versteht der EuGH hierunter auch Konstellationen, bei denen ein Mitgliedsstaat von den Grundfreiheiten abweichen will. Damit hält sich der Gerichtshof eine weitere Möglichkeit offen, nur entfernt mit dem Unionsrecht verbundene Sachverhalte seinem Grundrechtsschutz zu unterstellen.

04 May 2014

Matej Avbelj

Fünf Fragen zur Europawahl und zum “Spitzenkandidaten”-Prozess: Antworten von MATEJ AVBELJ

Ein Blick aus Slowenien: Matej Avbelj über den "Spitzenkandidatur"-Prozess und die Legitimation der künftigen EU-Kommission.

30 April 2014

Maximilian Steinbeis

Über unsere Grundrechte brauchen wir uns anscheinend keine großen Sorgen […]

Maximilian Steinbeis

EGMR schützt Meinungsfreiheit von Anti-Neonazi-Aktivisten

Wer Bürgermeister werden will, muss sich mehr an Kritik gefallen […]

16 April 2014

Hans-Georg Dederer

Neujustierung der Balance von Investorenschutz und „right to regulate“

Am 27. März 2014 hat die Europäische Kommission eine Online-Konsultation […]

Jörn Griebel

Die TTIP- Verhandlungsposition der EU-Kommission – ein überzeugender Reformansatz mit leichten Schwächen im Detail

Den Organisatoren möchte ich einleitend für ihre Initiative zu diesem […]

12 April 2014

Daniela Jaros

In Defence of “Good Intergovernmentalism”

Kaarlo Tuori’s and Klaus Tuori’s account of the the Eurozone […]

Andromachi Georgosouli

The Eurozone Crisis: Some reflections on economic sustainability and the issue of legitimacy

The Eurozone Crisis: A Constitutional Analysis by Kaarlo and Klaus […]

Christian Joerges

Where the Law Ends

“Die Wirtschaft ist das Schicksal” (the economy is our destiny) […]

Kaarlo Tuori, Klaus Tuori

An einer Stelle seines gestrigen Urteils zur Vorratsdatenspeicherung verweist der EuGH auf Art. 6 GRCh, nach dem „jeder Mensch nicht nur das Recht auf Freiheit, sondern auch auf Sicherheit hat“. Diese Feststellung ist bemerkenswert. Nimmt man die Formulierung ernst, wäre es künftig durchaus denkbar, sich in der EU auf ein Grundrecht auf Sicherheit zu berufen. Was könnte damit gemeint sein? Hätten Individuen dann Anspruch auf die Vornahme bestimmter Sicherheitsmaßnahmen durch die Europäische Union? Wurde hier der Grundstein für künftige mögliche subjektiv-grundrechtliche Schutzpflichten auf europäischer Ebene gelegt? Oder erwächst aus diesem Grundrecht zumindest eine objektiv- aber dennoch explizit grundrechtliche Pflicht der EU zur Vornahme von Sicherheitsmaßnahmen? Wäre es, provokant gefragt, gar denkbar, die Schaffung einer neuen Vorratsdatenspeicherungsrichtlinie, die den Anforderungen des EuGH genügt, grundrechtlich zu begründen? In its data retention judgment the CJEU mentions a right of any person "not only to liberty, but also to security". This finding is remarkable in several ways.

Mattias Wendel

Wider die Mär vom Grundrechtsblinden: Der EuGH und die Vorratsdatenspeicherung

Er kann es also doch. Dieser Gedanke mag zahlreichen Beobachtern in aufatmender Erleichterung durch den Kopf gegangen sein, als der Europäische Gerichtshof gestern Vormittag die Richtlinie über die Vorratsdatenspeicherung in einem lange erwarteten Grundsatzurteil für nichtig erklärte. Das Urteil ist ein Meilenstein für den europäischen Grundrechtsschutz. Mit ihm tritt die Große Kammer dem Narrativ vom grundrechtsblinden EuGH entgegen.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Arbeitskampfrecht: Karlsruhe und Straßburg wollen sich nicht einmischen

Die Rolle des Staates im Arbeitskampf kann man vielleicht mit […]

08 April 2014

Maximilian Steinbeis

Doppelschlag: Zwei Europa-Gerichte gegen Ungarn

Kurz nach Viktor Orbáns spektakulärem Wahltriumph bekommt die ungarische Regierung […]

Franz C. Mayer

Finally, the EU has woken up to geopolitics. Most crucially, the government in Berlin shed the last glimmer of hope it entertained when it was dreaming that the man in the Kremlin might be amenable to dialogue and win-win reasoning. But the EU policy in the European East is still lacking strategic thinking. Before revamping any European Neighborhood Policy, it is a strategy vis-à-vis Russia that is in dire need.Finally, the EU has woken up to geopolitics. Most crucially, the government in Berlin shed the last glimmer of hope it entertained when it was dreaming that the man in the Kremlin might be amenable to dialogue and win-win reasoning. But the EU policy in the European East is still lacking strategic thinking. Before revamping any European Neighborhood Policy, it is a strategy vis-à-vis Russia that is in dire need.

Silvia von Steinsdorff

Russlands Selbstwertgefühl und die Kurzsichtigkeit der Ukraine-Politik der EU

Der größte Fehler der EU im Konflikt um die Ukraine besteht in der offensichtlichen Kurzsichtigkeit des eigenen Handelns. Gerade wenn damit zu rechnen war, dass Russland jeden Moment sein „wahres Gesicht“ zeigen und militärisch eingreifen würde, bleibt unverständlich, warum sich offenbar bislang niemand in der EU Gedanken über mögliche Reaktionen auf diesen worst case gemacht hat.

20 March 2014

Tanja A. Börzel

Sanktionen gegen Russland zu verhängen würde wegen der deutschen Abhängigkeit vom russischen Gas die Energiewende in Gefahr bringen. Stimmt das überhaupt?

Timm Beichelt

Zwischen Völkerrecht und Selbstbestimmung

Gegenwärtig kann es in Kiew, Berlin und Brüssel nur um Schadenbegrenzung gehen. Auf der Ebene der internationalen Politik müssen Signale an Russland ausgesandt werden, dass seine Aggressionspolitik keine Zukunft hat. Hier muss dem Denkmodell des Völkerrechts gefolgt werden. Auf der Ebene des Selbstbestimmungsrechts sollte die ukrainische Regierung dagegen davon überzeugt werden, der Selbstbestimmungsdiskussion in der Ostukraine konstruktiv entgegenzutreten.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Und da sage noch jemand, Verfassungsthemen seien nur für ein […]

Filip Bubenheimer

EGMR zur FIAT-Affäre: Ein Bußgeld ist Strafe genug

Sie nannten ihn l'avvocato, den Anwalt: Giovanni Agnelli, der legendäre FIAT-Chef und verhinderte Jurist, hätte sich vielleicht über den Sieg gefreut, den seine früheren Geschäftsfreunde vor dem Europäischen Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte (EGMR) errungen haben. Weil sie von der Börsenaufsicht bereits mit einem Bußgeld wegen Marktmanipulation belegt wurden, darf gegen sie in der selben Sache kein weiteres Strafverfahren angestrengt werden, urteilte eine EGMR-Kammer in einer gestern veröffentlichten Entscheidung.

28 February 2014

Marten Breuer

Streikverbot vor dem Bundesverwaltungsgericht: Auf dem Weg zur supranationalen EMRK?

Beamte dürfen nur noch für eine Übergangszeit generell vom Streikrecht ausgeschlossen werden. Das hat das Bundesverwaltungsgericht mit Urteil vom 27.02.2014 unter Berufung auf die EMRK und die einschlägige Rechtsprechung des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte (EGMR) entschieden (Az. 2 C 1.13). Damit wird nicht nur eine über hundertjährige Tradition in Deutschland gekippt. Das Urteil aus Leipzig dokumentiert auch einen Bedeutungsverlust des Bundesverfassungsgerichts, der den Richtern in Karlsruhe alles andere als gleichgültig sein dürfte. Sie sind die eigentlichen Verlierer im institutionellen Dreiecksverhältnis zwischen Leipzig, Karlsruhe und Straßburg.

27 February 2014

Sophie Schönberger

Wer hat Angst vor Franken und Rentnern? Wie Karlsruhe den europäischen Wähler stärkt

Die Marginalisierung des Europaparlaments, die Kritiker der Sperrklausel-Rechsprechung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts beklagen, löst sich bei genauer Betrachtung in Luft auf. Marginalisiert wird nicht die Bedeutung des Europaparlaments, sondern das destabilisierende Potential deutscher Splitterstimmen, die sich in Abgeordnetenmandate verwandeln.

Franz C. Mayer

Groundhog Day in Karlsruhe: Und täglich grüßt das Murmeltier…

Von den Entscheidungen des Bundesverfassungsgerichts geht in Sachen EP-Wahl mangels klarer Mehrheiten keine befriedende Funktion aus. Deswegen muss der Verfassungsgesetzgeber entscheiden.

26 February 2014

Matthias Ruffert

Ein unabhängiges Schottland als 29. EU Mitgliedsstaat im Jahr 2016. Schnell, unkompliziert, ohne Brüche. Das ist der Plan von Alex Salmond, dem Ministerpräsidenten Schottlands. Wie wahrscheinlich ist dieser Zeitplan? Eine Frage, die für die Abstimmung über die Unabhängigkeit Schottlands am 18. September 2014 entscheidend ist und sich schwer juristisch lösen lässt. Antworten darauf liegen nicht in Edinburgh sondern in London, Brüssel und Madrid.

Almut Peters

Warum EU und Mitgliedsstaaten verpflichtet sind, eine schottische EU-Mitgliedschaft zu fördern

Ein mögliches eigenständiges Schottland stellt die EU vor rechtliche Herausforderungen. Denn die europäischen Verträge enthalten keine speziellen Regelungen für den Fall, dass ein Teil eines EU-Mitgliedsstaates unabhängig wird. Allerdings folgt aus dem Demokratieprinzip in Verbindung mit der Unionsbürgerschaft eine Rechtspflicht der EU, die schottische EU-Mitgliedschaft zu fördern. Auch die Mitgliedsstaaten unterliegen aufgrund der Unionstreue dieser Pflicht. Ein unabhängiges Schottland muss daher auch Mitglied der EU werden können.The possibility of an independent Scotland poses legal challenges for the EU. The European Treaties do not contain specific rules for the case of a part of a EU Member State becoming independent. But from the principle of democracy and EU citizenship follows a legal obligation for the EU to support a EU membership for Scotland. Further, due to their duty of cooperation (Unionstreue), the Member States are under this legal obligation as well. An independent Scotland therefore has to be able to become a EU Member State.

13 February 2014

Uladzislau Belavusau

Die Eurokrise und der fürchterliche Flurschaden, den sie in Südeuropa […]

Ioanna Tourkochoriti

Bans of Political Parties and the Case of Golden Dawn’s Right Wing Extremism in Greece

Prosecution is pending in Greece against the Right Wing extremist party “Golden Dawn”. The accusations concern the criminal activity of the organization which is also a political party represented in Greek Parliament by 18 members. The accusation of having committed criminal acts is enough from the point of view of political liberalism for the criminal process to begin against them. Criminal prosecution for the accusation of acts and not only ideological discourse is justified and imposed under political liberalism since such acts directly harm others.

Kleio Papapantoleon

Die verspätete strafrechtliche Verfolgung der „Goldenen Morgenröte“ und ihre verfassungsrechtlichen Folgen

In den letzten Wochen befindet sich der griechische Staat in einer beispiellosen verfassungsrechtlichen und politischen Lage: Die „Goldene Morgenröte“ (GM), eine parlamentarische Partei, die staatliche Finanzierung erhält (bis vor kurzem zumindest), besteht offenbar zum Teil aus einer kriminellen Vereinigung. Drei Abgeordnete dieser Partei sitzen bereits in Untersuchungshaft, sechs weitere wurden angeklagt. Alle werden schwerer Verbrechen beschuldigt. Zwar kennt die europäische politische Geschichte Beispiele von Abgeordneten, die in Strafverfahren verwickelt wurden, meist wegen ökonomischer Delikte. Es ist jedoch das erste Mal, dass in einer parlamentarischen Demokratie Abgeordnete, unter ihnen der Chef einer Partei, verhaftet werden, weil sie der Anklage zufolge Gründer und Anführer einer kriminellen Vereinigung sind, die Verbrechen bis hin zu Morden verübt hat. Dieser Beitrag beleuchtet kritisch den Weg bis zur Verhaftung der Leitungsgruppe von GM. Dabei wird berücksichtigt, dass rassistische und gewaltsame Ideologien, die der Kern des politischen Diskurses und der Praxis von GM bilden, weit verbreitet und in der griechischen Gesellschaft tief verwurzelt sind.

Anna Katharina Mangold, Stelios Chronopoulos

Griechenland in der Krise

Rasante Veränderungen vollziehen sich in Griechenland derzeit täglich, mitunter gar stündlich. In solch einer volatilen Situation ist es unmöglich, eine endgültige Bilanz zu ziehen. Möglich und erstrebenswert ist es aber, die Geschehnisse zu dokumentieren und eine vorläufige Einordnung zu versuchen. Dies soll in den kommenden Wochen in einem Online-Symposium auf dem Verfassungsblog geschehen. Griechische Wissenschaftler_innen werden die Krise in Griechenland verfassungsrechtlich und politikwissenschaftlich beleuchten und ihre Einschätzungen vorstellen. Die Beiträge werden sich drei besonders einschneidenden und verfassungsrechtlich bedeutsamen Themen widmen: dem drohenden Kollaps des akademischen Systems, dem Umgang mit der neonazistischen Partei „Goldene Morgenröte“ und der Umgestaltung des Arbeitsrechts, die besonders auch den öffentlichen Dienst betrifft und verfassungsrechtlich angegriffen wird.

21 October 2013

Jürgen Bast

Eineinhalb Jahre ist das Urteil des BVerfG zur Fünfprozenthürde bei […]

14 May 2013

Maximilian Steinbeis

Ungarn kann doch nicht ganz machen, was es will

Ungarns Verfassungspolitik, den Lesern dieses Blogs wohl vertraut, hat heute […]

Maximilian Steinbeis

13 March 2013

Jan-Werner Müller

Although the Hungarian government promised not to strike back after […]

Christian Joerges

“Ernstnehmen des Anderen. Und zwar als Rechtsgebot! Darum geht es in Europa”

Wenn Sie an Europa 2023 denken, welche Veränderungen fallen Ihnen […]

21 February 2013

Maximilian Steinbeis

Karlsruhe und Europa: Da kommt noch was

Wir hatten uns ja schon fast daran gewöhnt, dass zwischen […]

19 February 2013

Maximilian Steinbeis

Sukzessivadoption: Karlsruhe schiebt den schwarz-gelben Peter zurück

Eigentlich ist es doch ganz einfach, zu erklären, was heute […]

15 February 2013

Alexandra Kemmerer

Recht elitär: Benjamin Lahusen porträtiert Savigny

Warum studiert man in Deutschland nicht das Recht, sondern die […]

Frank Schorkopf

„Je mehr Vorschläge zur Demokratisierung, desto mehr Abwendung der Bürger“

An was denken Sie, wenn Sie an die EU in […]

13 February 2013

Giandomenico Majone

VII. Eine Klage gegen die EZB könnte nur dann Erfolg […]

Franz C. Mayer

Die EZB vor Gericht? Teil I: Wer klagen könnte, und wogegen

Jetzt also auch die Europäische Zentralbank. Die jüngste Ankündigung der […]

05 September 2012

Maximilian Steinbeis

Asylrecht schützt nicht nur “Kernbereich” der Religionsfreiheit

Wegen seines Glaubens verfolgt wird nicht nur, wem verboten ist […]

14 August 2012

Maximilian Steinbeis

„If We Embark On A Global Constitutional Process We Will Fail“

National parliamentary democracy is in peril as a result of […]

22 July 2012

Christoph Möllers

Die Euro-Verfassung und die Ewigkeitsklausel in Karlsruhe, Teil II: Stabilisierungsmechanismus

Leider hat es etwas länger mit Teil II gedauert. In […]

10 July 2012

Maximilian Steinbeis

ESM/Fiskalpakt in Karlsruhe, Teil 3: Von Kernschmelzen, bodenlosen Fässern und anderen Katastrophen

Drei Komplexe hat die heutige Verhandlung umfasst: Da ist zum […]

Maximilian Steinbeis

Gesetzesvorlagen werden beim Bundestage durch die Bundesregierung, aus der Mitte […]

22 March 2012

Franz C. Mayer

By MORITZ HARTMANN and FLORIS DE WITTE In Greek mythology, […]

Moritz Hartmann, Floris de Witte

Ende der Flitterwochen: Europa jenseits des Marktes

Von MORITZ HARTMANN und FLORIS DE WITTE Sisyphos ist ein […]

06 March 2012

Maximilian Steinbeis

EU-Recht setzt Ungarns Isolation Grenzen (aber sehr, sehr weite)

EU-Mitgliedsstaaten müssen sich nicht vertragen. Aber ihr Streit darf nicht […]

05 March 2012

Christoph Möllers

Braucht der Fiskalpakt wirklich eine Zweidrittelmehrheit?

Aus dem Deutschen Bundestag hört man, dass der neue Fiskalpakt […]

The Hungarian debacle is both a challenge and an opportunity […]

23 February 2012

Daniel Thym

Rettungsschirm für Grundrechte: Anmerkungen von DANIEL THYM

Die Parallelen zwischen den Notoperationen zur Euro-Rettung und einer EuGH-Grundrechtsintervention […]

22 February 2012

Daniel Halberstam

Die Heidelberger Forschergruppe um Armin von Bogdandy schlägt in ihrem […]

Pál Sonnevend

Rescue Package For Fundamental Rights: Comments by PÁL SONNEVEND

The European Union could not be imagined without respect for […]

Armin von Bogdandy, Matthias Kottmann, Carlino Antpoehler, Johanna Dickschen, Simon Hentrei, Maja Smrkolj

Ein Rettungsschirm für europäische Grundrechte – dargestellt am Beispiel der Medienfreiheit

Von ARMIN VON BOGDANDY, MATTHIAS KOTTMANN, CARLINO ANTPÖHLER, JOHANNA DICKSCHEN, […]

Maximilian Steinbeis

Ist nicht jeder Rechtssatz, jedes Gesetz, ist nicht jeder Vertrag […]

13 December 2011

Martin Nettesheim

Unterwanderung des Defizitverfahrens ist verboten, Effektivierung nicht

Es gehört zu den angeborenen Instinkten von Europapolitikern und Europarechtlern, […]

Daniel Thym

Ein Bypass, kein Herzinfarkt

In den ersten Reaktionen auf das britische Veto des „Fiskalpakts“ […]

Maximilian Steinbeis

Our new “Fiscal Union”: What Is It All About?

Last week’s EU summit has sent a shock wave through […]

09 December 2011

Maximilian Steinbeis

Am 7. September 1951 nahm das frisch gegründete Bundesverfassungsgericht in […]