Patents and the Right to a Healthy Environment

How may patent law contribute to or hinder the technologies and innovation needed to conserve a healthy environment? This brief contribution seeks to make two points in this respect. The first is that the role patent law can play on its own should not be overestimated. The second is that future studies in this direction should take an innovation systems approach. While neither point is new, I believe connecting them and building on key publications that first expressed them serves as a useful agenda for future research in this field.

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Copyright Moral Rights Protection and Environmental Sustainability

When we talk about intellectual property (IP) and sustainability, we rarely pay attention to the moral rights of authors. However, it is important to assess these ‘authors-only’ rights in a world where copyright is often used as a tool to maximise corporate profits. In terms of sustainable development, moral rights can both promote and hinder environmental, social and cultural sustainability in the creative industries. However, their relationship with sustainable development is not straightforward. This blog post looks at some of the key issues that link the protection of moral rights in copyright to sustainable development and the circular economy.

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Greenifying Copyright

Upcycling has become one of the trendiest buzzwords for people with a sustainability-oriented mindset. While the term might refer to various forms of recollection, improvement and reuse of data or (raw) materials, this post adopts a narrower focus. It is limited solely to reviewing how upcycling might be approached from a copyright perspective.

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Upcycling, the Ongoing Battle

In recent years, upcycling has seen a surge in popularity thanks to its positive impact on sustainability and the circular economy due to consumers’ increasing attention to the environment. As a result, individuals, artisans, and small companies have enthusiastically embraced the practice as a central part of their activities and a way to reduce waste. However, with fame often comes unwanted attention, and the growth of upcycling practices has led to various legal challenges against independent upcyclers based on the argument that their products violate intellectual property (IP) rights.

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Fashion Upcycling and the Human Right to a Healthy Environment

With new collections each season, the fashion industry produces a highly problematic fashion garbage heap every year. Circular economy projects seeking to produce “new” garments by reworking second hand and unsold fashion items have particular societal value against this background. Evidently, legal solutions that support fashion reuse have particular relevance in the light of these goals.

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Fast Fashion, Slow Transition

In the new ultra-fast fashion era, garment production cycles are accelerated to new heights, while the quality of the garments deteriorates. Key characteristics of the industry are its reliance on cheap manufacturing, overconsumption and short-lived garment use. This blog post will set out who is responsible for the protection of human rights from climate change within the textile industry. In a second step, this blog post aims to analyse the EU Strategy, focusing on the intersection between environmental and social rights in the textile industry.

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The Struggle Is Now

The appeal to future generations as a means to legitimize climate litigation is growing. The idea of advocating for the rights of future generations is closely linked to the recognition of the human right to a healthy environment. However, this appeal – and the conceptual connection it entails –raises various questions. While protecting the planet for future generations is crucial, the legal invocation of future generations remains unclear and inconsistent.

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The Human Right to a Healthy Environment from an EU Charter Perspective

Over the last five years, there has been a noticeable turn towards human rights in climate litigation. In the same period, European climate legislation has evolved into a considerable legal framework. This warrants the question of whether there has been a similar turn to human rights before the Court of Justice of the EU – especially as Article 37 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights consecrates the “principle” of environmental protection.

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Why Recognizing the Right to a Healthy Environment Would Strengthen the Environmental Human Rights Framework under the European Convention on Human Rights

The ECtHR lacks a mandate for general measures aimed at redressing or preventing environmental harm as such. Only the introduction of the environment as the object of human rights protection, through the Right to a Healthy Environment, could trigger the necessary conceptual shift and legitimise the Court and the CoE Committee of Ministers to require member States to take measures such as mitigation of environmental risks and ecological redress.

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The Status of the Right to a Clean, Healthy and Sustainable Environment Under Customary International Law

The recognition of a right to a clean, healthy, and sustainable environment remains contested under customary international law. Some view recent UN resolutions as evidence of its emergence, while others argue they merely reinforce existing obligations. The Human Rights Council and General Assembly have acknowledged this right, but states differ on its legal impact. As the International Court of Justice examines the issue, the focus is shifting from recognition to implementation, with institutions now working to monitor and enforce environmental human rights.

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Intellectual Property and the Human Right to a Healthy Environment

With the effects of climate change escalating, there has been a notable increase in discussions about the, at first glance, not obvious impact of IP protection on environmental sustainability. At the same time, considerations of human and fundamental rights in the context of IP protection are increasingly shaping the legal discourse. Given these two major trends in IP law – growing attention to environmental sustainability as well as to human and fundamental rights – it seems that the time is ripe to explore what the human right to a healthy environment might mean for IP.

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Simone Rozès (née Ludwig)

Simone Rozès was a pioneering French jurist who left a lasting impact on the French judicial system and beyond. Her decade-spanning career was marked by her many prestigious positions and her commitment to justice. However, as a woman in the mid-20th century, she also faced various challenges, including overcoming gender barriers within the judiciary.

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Anonymity and Surveillance, Creativity and Copyright

The emergence of digital networks over the past decades has presented a problem for copyright exploiters. Thus, they resorted to strategic enforcement targeting individual users. However, the users would often remain anonymous due to the lack of access to traffic data revealing their identity. But the decision in La Quadrature du Net II – permitting retention and disclosure of traffic data for minor offences – has the adverse effect: it incentivises enforcement strategies targeting users and requiring platforms to hand over such data.

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Ángela de Oliveira Cézar de Costa

Ángela de Oliveira Cézar de Costa (1860-1940) was a pioneer in the realms of international pacifism and “female diplomacy” during the late 19th and early 20th century – and yet she remains standing in the shadow of a statue she had commissioned: the Christ in the Andes is far better known than her own name.

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Rethinking Remembrance

Can commemorative practices such as memorials, museums, and national remembrance days effectively transform attitudes and behaviours to deter violence? Despite the proliferation of memorialisation practices globally, their tangible impact on reducing violence or fostering reconciliation and healing is often assumed rather than rigorously demonstrated.

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Connective and Disjunctive Memory

Digital memory scholars highlight a shift to “connective memory”, which connects individuals to a multitudes of users as opposed to the memory of a collective. Additionally, the importance of forgetting has become an essential demand of participants in digital communication, which leads to the importance of understanding “disjunctive memory” as well. Undermining the hopes for progressing empathy and understanding in the digital age, its disruptive effects materialize in Russian digital media discourse in the 2020s.

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The Memory Machine

In an era where Large Language Models increasingly shape how societies remember and interpret history, it is crucial to recognize their potential impact on the diversity and plurality of collective memory. By implementing regulatory frameworks, fostering digital literacy, and prioritizing ethical AI development, we can ensure that these technologies enhance rather than homogenize our shared narratives, preserving the richness of human history for future generations.

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Corporate Power Beyond Market Power

Elon Musk’s corporate empire spans an impressive array of markets and industries. This empire includes SpaceX (and its subsidiary Starlink), Tesla, Neuralink, The Boring Company, X, xAI, and the Musk Foundation. These corporations are connected and interlinked, creating a cross-corporate power structure. Competition law, which focuses on market power in narrowly defined relevant markets – say, a market for booster rockets – has very limited reach to guard against the possible detrimental effects of such multifaceted concentrated power in the hands of a few on open democratic societies.

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Memory-driven Foreign Policy

The German debate on whether and to what extent Germany should support Ukraine in its war against Russia with arms supplies is closely linked to Germany’s collective memory. For a long time, Germany's guilt for the crimes of occupation during the Second World War was largely associated with Russia – and not with Ukraine and Belarus. It is only since the Russian invasion in 2022 that the highest levels of the German government have begun to recognize the special responsibility Germany has towards Ukraine, a responsibility that also stems from the memory of the Second World War. Along with this change, it can be observed that the imperative of ‘never again’, closely tied to the German memory of the Second World War and especially of the Holocaust, is gradually being formulated in more abstract terms in historical-political debates, despite some resistance.

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The Baltic Politics of Post-War Accountability for Russia

Will the Russian war against Ukraine prove to be a watershed moment for the implementation of international criminal law on the aggressor? This contribution focuses on the Baltic states’ accountability-seeking for Russia as the politics of deterrence by legal means and a struggle for historical justice.

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Remembering Democracy

In the years following the brutal suppression of pro-democracy protests in Belarus in 2020 and 2021, a wave of politically engaged Belarusian artists — visual artists, musicians, filmmakers, poets and novelists — have been driven into exile. Scattered abroad, these artists not only use their work to reflect on the repression at home, but also seek new ways to keep the spirit of resistance alive.

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Four Reasons Why Illiberal Politics Appropriated the Memory of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution

In this contribution, I am analysing the reasons for the appropriation of the 1956 Hungarian revolution. I argue that these reasons are four-fold: First, the memory of 1956 has been divided from the start. Second, half of the population, namely women, were excluded from this memory. Third, the revolution was a bottom-up event. Fourth, the transition after 1990 was built on the concept of authenticity and truth made the narrative vulnerable to illiberal appropriation.

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Lucy Thoumaian (née Rossier de Visme)

A life dedicated to helping those in need, Lucy Thoumaian fought tirelessly for justice and peace. She gave her voice and heart to the Armenian people and rescued her Armenian husband when he was imprisoned and sentenced to death - this female “knight errant” even inspired a late 19th century novel. As initiator of the “Every Woman” International Movement, she called upon her “[d]ear Sisters of Every Land” to unite for peace during the First World War. The story of our “Sister” begins in France and Switzerland in the mid-19th century, in the peace of the mountains.

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“Competitive Victimhood” in Poland

The introduction of a legal component into the already complex and emotionally charged mosaic of memory in Poland, instead of calming and ordering the disputes, seems only to reinforce antagonistic attitudes, whether on the Polish, Jewish or Ukrainian side. In such a situation, the law can become a weapon both for and against historians and politicians alike, but it can also harm the witnesses of history, the still living victims of past crimes, or their relatives.

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Memory Laws and Colonial Reckoning in France and the Netherlands

While France embraced the formal regulation of historical memory regarding its colonial past nearly two decades ago with the adoption of a law by its parliament, the Netherlands has opted for more symbolic recognition on behalf of the head of state. The essay argues that, despite neither approach being capable of fully satisfying all sides in the debate on how to frame colonialism in the present, the Dutch model is notably less problematic concerning its impact on freedom of expression, adherence to the rule of law, and the fit towards a unique set-up of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

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The Diversity of Legal Governance of Memory in Europe

Memory laws pose a set of distinct challenges for modern democracies, including in the realm of human rights law. In the four reports, conducted during the MEMOCRACY project, we took stock of the dynamics, trade-offs, and the effects of legal governance of historical memory in a region ridden with mnemonic conflicts. This contribution distils the most interesting comparative findings of the reports, namely the fact that the countries’ own and foreign experiences with totalitarianism are legally and politically approached very differently. On this basis, we sketch the consequences and challenges of these fundamental differences, both for the establishment of a “European memory” and the various states’ approaches to modern geopolitics.

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Omnipresent History

Present-time politics are, to an unprecedented extent, shaped by struggles over how to remember the past: Putin’s war of aggression against Ukraine is led in the name of history; Germany’s wrestling with the war in Gaza is largely determined by its memory of the Holocaust, to give just two examples. However, historical narratives have not only swept into politics, but also into law.

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Countering the Tech Oligarchy

Seeing Elon Musk with Donald Trump at the latter’s inauguration, it would be tempting to single him out as a unique and overbearing threat to a range of EU interests, such as its online environment, election integrity and regulatory capacity. But that would be to miss the point of a larger trend; what Joe Biden has termed the “tech-industrial complex” is not limited to the US. It, and an associated worldwide oligarchy, is converging with ascendant ultra-nationalist political agendas to pose wide-ranging challenges.

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Democracy or Domination

The urgency of Europe’s creep towards plutocracy calls for a similarly urgent response. Competition law, given its history and potential as a tool of anti-domination, is a natural fit to protect and revitalise democracy in Europe from the threats posed by excessive concentrations of private power. For it to be effective for that purpose, competition scholars must clearly articulate which democratic values, like non-domination, competition law should seek to pursue, and clear-mindedly design mechanisms through which to channel them.

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Trump and the Folklore of Capitalism

How can we make sense of the return of Donald Trump, who again convinced enough US voters of his populist bonafides? Populist authoritarianism has made inroads around the world. Only Trump’s version, however, probably brings together so much wealth and power, with super-rich business executives now at the helm. Here I tap a brilliant but neglected book, The Folklore of Capitalism (1937), by the legal scholar and New Deal trustbuster, Thurman Arnold (1891-1961), to understand this remarkable development. Folklore of Capitalism helps explain Trump’s wide appeal, despite the electorate’s disagreements with many of his policy preferences.

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Zuckerberg’s Strategy

On January 7, 2025, and in the days following, the founder and CEO of Meta, Mark Zuckerberg, made a series of statements that framed Meta's previous and future content policy with an evidently strategic intention. The change of content moderation policy, as described in three comprehensive points in his personal announcement on his own platforms, may even sound reasonable, as discussed below. However, the reasoning and the framing of these changes appear to show that Meta is up to something entirely different from just further optimizing its curation of content on its platforms.

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Plutocracy 2025

When thinking about this current moment in time when major currents of political and economic power seem to flow into each other in exceptional and perhaps unparalleled ways, it might be useful to tease out in some more detail how exactly plutocracy 2025 differs from the entanglements of economic and business power that have come before. Here is one difference that seems particularly striking. Plutocracy in 2025, unlike its typical predecessors,  is not really engineered in discrete fashion behind the scenes by deep-rooted dynasties of political and economic life. Instead, it is a full-frontal brash attack right on the public stage.

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Protecting Democracy in the Digital Era

At the dawn of 2025, liberal democracy is faced with a considerable challenge: Big Tech bosses appear to leverage their market power for far-reaching political influence, without any democratic legitimisation to do so. As someone working on issues of market power in the digital economy, one cannot help but wonder: shouldn’t competition law be able to contain (some of) this unseeming wielding of market power?

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Musk, Techbrocracy, and Free Speech

In this blogpost, I situate and address Musk’s position within the broader EU debate on freedom of expression. The purpose of this symposium is to elucidate aspects that make Musk, his influence, and his provocations to the EU legal order, problematic under EU law, and, should we consider his influence as unwanted, harmful or illegal, whether EU law can provide answers to it. This post centres on three points: (i) Musk’s changes to X’s content moderation process, (ii) Musk’s usage of X to amplify select political candidates and (iii) Musk’s ownership of Starlink. It ends with a note on how this fits in a grander theme, which has been dubbed by commentators such as Paul Bernal as the ‘techbrocracy’.

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Lucretia Mott (née Coffin)

For abolitionists, she cared too much about “the woman question”, for feminists, she was too concerned with anti-slavery reforms. Lucretia Mott was caught in a crossfire of human rights movements. Her relentless activism for universal liberty and freedom allowed her to embrace both efforts.

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Can the Rule of Law Be Restored by Violating Its Principles?

This post concerns one of the crucial problems of transitional constitutionalism after a period of democratic and rule of law backsliding: how to restore the principle of the rule of law? Are there circumstances when, during this restoration, the principles of the rule of law are allowed to be violated? For instance, when the violation of the rule of law was an important tool to exercise arbitrary power, as was the case before the 1989-1990 East-Central European democratic transitions?

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Das Dunkelfeld aufhellen

Algorithmische Lösungen zur Aufdeckung potenzieller Geldwäschefälle werden in Finanzinstituten und Banken bereits großflächig eingesetzt. Der EU-Gesetzgeber hat jedoch die Chance verpasst, solche KI-Systeme als hochriskant i.S.d. EU-KI-Verordnung einzustufen und damit einer besonders strengen Regulierung nach Art. 8 ff. EU-KI-Verordnung zu unterstellen. In der Geldwäschebekämpfung ist der Einsatz von KI mit gravierenden Risiken automatisierter Fehlentscheidungen verbunden, die durch die Privatisierung des geldwäscherechtlichen Verdachtswesens zu massiven Grundrechtsumgehungen führen können. Eine staatliche Einhegung wäre daher wünschenswert (gewesen).

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Blinded by Legality

The Venice Commission’s recent opinions on Poland’s judicial reforms have prioritized formal legality over substantive judicial independence. The Commission thereby effectively legitimizes the judiciary captured under the previous autocratic government. The Commission’s shift contrasts sharply with its own prior critiques and European court rulings, raising concerns that the Commission’s stance now shields autocracy under the guise of legality.

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Tendayi Achiume

Tendayi Achiume is a leading voice in international law, combining academic expertise with global advocacy to combat systemic racism, xenophobia, and gender discrimination. Her career is marked by an unwavering commitment to social justice, grounded in the belief that interdisciplinary collaboration is essential for impactful knowledge production. Through her work, she has distinctively contributed to rethinking human rights in the context of colonial legacies and migration justice.

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Protecting Poland’s Public Media

In contrast to the slower-paced reforms in the judiciary, the new Polish government opted for swift and radical action in reforming public media during its first year. Political considerations often overshadowed strict adherence to the law in public media changes. However, public media showed improvement compared to their propagandist role under the previous administration. The media reform will be tested through its approach to revising legislation and following a constitutional procedure to appoint public media boards.

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Charting Change

The ongoing reform of the Polish Prosecution Service, initiated by separating the roles of Prosecutor General and Minister of Justice, aims to restore the rule of law and enhance the institution's independence and effectiveness. Yet, achieving this goal requires comprehensive reforms to address longstanding issues and external factors. Success hinges on legislative support, particularly from the Ministry of Justice, and overcoming resistance to change among prosecutors, marking a potential new era for the institution.

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Lay Judges in Common Courts

Lay judges in Poland, who play a crucial role in enhancing civic participation in the judiciary, have seen their role marginalized over time due to systemic changes and professional judges’ attitudes. Lay-judges do not feel adequately appreciated, do not see their function as a source of pride. Despite being undervalued and facing dwindling interest from citizens, revitalizing their participation through legislative reforms and a fresh narrative could strengthen public trust and legitimacy in the justice system.

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Restoring the Rule of Law

Poland has become a real-time laboratory of rule of law restoration. The new government is faced with the fundamental question of how to tackle undemocratic reforms with legitimate, democratic measures. Avoiding obstruction by the affiliates of the outgoing regime and suppressing the desire for retribution by the injured parties presents the biggest challenge. Yet, the Polish government has a rare occasion to lead by example on how to solve the rule of law crisis not only by legal, but also political means.

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Regulating AI at Europe’s Borders

How does the EU's AI Act affect migration and border management? This blog examines the critical gaps and challenges posed by the classification of high-risk AI systems, revealing how exceptions and loopholes amplify fundamental rights risks and accountability gaps. The analysis points out the need for stronger oversight and higher standards to protect the rights of individuals affected by AI-driven migration technologies.

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EU’s AI Act and Migration Control. Shortcomings in Safeguarding Fundamental Rights

In the European Union, AI and non-AI technologies are increasingly being used for border and migration control. In this blog, Brouwer argues that the new AI Act, while adding safeguards, falls short of sufficiently protecting fundamental rights. This is due to its blanket exceptions and broad discretion for national and EU agencies to experiment with AI tools when making decisions about migrants, including asylum seekers and refugees. It is therefore important that the general legal framework on fundamental rights continues to be observed.

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Big Brother Is Analyzing You

Angesichts der Möglichkeiten automatisierter Datenanalyse wachsen bei den Sicherheitsbehörden die Begehrlichkeiten. Mit der im August 2024 in Kraft getretenen KI-Verordnung existiert eine Regelung, die die Gestaltung und Nutzung von Hochrisiko-KI-Systemen reguliert und dadurch die verfassungsrechtlichen sowie datenschutzrechtlichen Anforderungen an die polizeiliche Datenanalyse schärft. Für die gesetzlichen Vorgaben von Analysebefugnissen und deren Anwendung ist es entscheidend, klare Leitlinien für einen verantwortungsvollen und grundrechtsschonenden Einsatz von KI in Gefahrenabwehr und Strafverfolgung zu etablieren.

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AI Act and the Prohibition of Real-Time Biometric Identification

Remote biometric identification (RBI) systems are increasingly becoming part of our daily lives. The most prominent example is the use of facial recognition technologies in public spaces (e.g. CCTV cameras). The AI Act regulates the use of RBI systems distinguishing between real-time and post RBI systems. While one of the main aims of the AIA was to ban real-time RBI systems, the Regulation failed to do so in an effective manner. Instead, it can be argued that the AIA still allows for a broad use of such systems.

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The AI Act National Security Exception

In 2024, the EU legislators adopted a detailed national security exception to the AI Act, contravening prior EU case law. Beyond the possibility of a future ruling that would realign the AI Act’s scope with said case law, the impact of this exception might be limited by other applicable laws and the interpretative and practical difficulty of distinguishing between national and public security. The AI Act’s failure to sufficiently account for these intricacies risks further legal uncertainty within the already complex security landscape. Therefore, this blog post explores the challenges of implementing the exception of national security to the AI Act’s scope of application.

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Paula Escarameia

Paula Ventura de Carvalho Escarameia’s legacy extends beyond classical legal achievements. With a diversified career over decades that got cut short way too soon at the age of fifty, she’s earned global acclaim for her expertise in public international law, especially concerning the situation in East Timor. She believed that public international law was no rigid construct but could and should be changed especially in the areas of self-determination and the protection of human rights – ultimately contributing to the establishment of the International Criminal Court.

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A Right to Anonymity in the Digital Age

Although digital anonymity is associated with a wide range of opportunities, it also stands in the way of successful criminal prosecution. The right to respect private and family life under the the EU Charter as well as the right to protection of personal data are of fundamental importance for natural persons. However, since life is increasingly taking place online, anonymity can be exploited to spread hate, discriminatory content, and fake news. Considering these risks, the ECJ has opened the door to data retention in Europe and thereby restricted digital anonymity.

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Data Retention in a Cross-Border Perspective

This blog post compares the European and US approach to metadata surveillance and highlights some challenges that arise therefrom. It aims at shedding light on the main legal issues that may arise for the future of global counterterrorism. The essential role of courts in striking and keeping a balance between security and protection of human rights is further examined in light of the judgement in La Quadrature du Net II. Efforts should be made to avoid that the economic power of the US would lower the privacy standards when it comes to metadata surveillance.

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Prioritising Member States Over Citizens

The classic story about the right to privacy and data protection in the EU is one of a high level of protection. Yet, this original rosy image is increasingly fading away, most visibly in the La Quadrature du Net litigation, which is a continuation of two dynamics. First, the Court is still cleaning up the residual mess that lingers on from the now annulled Data Retention Directive. Second, in so doing, it is incrementally allowing the Member States indiscriminately retain personal data. Hence, the Court is carving out space for Member States’ preferences to the detriment of the protection of the individual.

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Protecting Victims Without Mass Surveillance

Mass data retention is on the rise. In the current heyday of security packages in Germany, we are now witnessing a “super grand coalition” in favor of mandatory IP address retention. Some are calling for greater protection for victims through data retention. Yet, what one often overlooks is the following: The investigative capacities of law enforcement authorities have never been better, and the digital data pools that can be analyzed have never been larger. Hence, victims must be protected without mass surveillance.

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Hansa Mehta

Imagine if the very first article of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, 1948, referred “all men”, rather than “all human beings”, and asked us all to act in the spirit of “brotherhood”. Thankfully, that is not how it reads, and for this, credit is due to an Indian woman: Hansa Mehta, whose contribution UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres recognized in his speech celebrating 70 years of the UDHR when he said: “without her, we would literally be speaking of Rights of Man rather than Human Rights.”

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Two Courts, Two Visions

The diverging standards of protection concerning the right to a fair trial, as interpreted by the CJEU and the ECtHR, remain a critical obstacle to the EU’s renewed attempt at accession to the ECHR. In this field, the two Courts seem to be drifting further apart rather than converging, leading to unresolved conflicts between the standard of fundamental rights protection and mutual trust obligations in the EU. Except in the unlikely event of a course-correction by the CJEU, this means that we are no closer to accession today than we were ten years ago, when the now-infamous Opinion 2/13 was handed down.

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European Security and the Threat of ‘Cognitive Warfare’

Alleged threats from outside actors to the information ecosystems of the liberal-democratic societies in Western Europe have prompted policymakers to look for solutions that utilize artificial intelligence. However, such a techno-solutionist framing securitizes and externalizes an issue that is ultimately primarily societal and internal in nature.

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Framing Fear

In the appraisal of international threats, seldom is media discourse included as an essential element of study. This post suggests that no analysis of international or European security is complete without considering the impact of mass media in shaping public perceptions of legal realities.

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The European Union and Climate Security

As the discourse linking climate change and security keeps on developing, the Union has positioned itself as a key player on the matter. Political and military realities however seriously hinder its action.

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Maintaining Resilience in Human Rights Interpretation

In the Religious Movement Advisory Opinion, the European Court of Human Rights established detailed risk and proportionality assessment criteria that deviate from its previous case law in individual applications. The Court thus seems eager to embrace its standard-setting role and the spirit of dialogue inherent in the advisory opinion procedure, indicating some potential for resilience in rights interpretation within this sensitive context.

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Whither, the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights

So, has the Charter come of age, now that it is nearing its quarter century, and has been binding in force for nearly 15 of those years. No longer is the Charter a “sleeping beauty”, and no longer are fundamental rights mere epiphenomena in EU law – offshoots framed in the amorphous category of “general principles of law” – creations of the EU’s earlier desire for legitimacy in its quest for greater integration. The EU Charter contains the essence of a common language, a currency that all can understand. And the EU is better with it than without it.

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A 486 Billion Dollar Investment

The Russian war of aggression against Ukraine has caused not only untold human suffering, but also immense damage to Ukraine’s physical, economic and social infrastructure. This contribution highlights the leading role of the European Union in coordinating international assistance for the reconstruction of Ukraine and its implications for the Union’s capacity to be a global player in peacebuilding and crisis management.

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A New European Map of Core International Crimes Accountability Spaces

For the core international crimes committed in Ukraine in the wake of the Russian war of aggression, criminal accountability remains a priority shared by, among others, Ukraine, the EU, EU member states, and the ICC. The contribution delves into the remaining uncertainty where accountability will be ensured.

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Why Teaching International Law Should Be an Antiracist Endeavour

Teaching international law as an antiracist endeavour is essential for addressing the historical and systemic biases that continue to shape the field. The text argues that by diversifying the curriculum, employing critical pedagogy techniques, and promoting active learning and engagement, educators can help students develop a more comprehensive and nuanced understanding of international law and its impact on diverse populations.

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Do Sanctions Work?

After Rhodesia's 1965 unilateral declaration of independence, which upheld white minority rule, sanctions were imposed to challenge the regime. However, support from allies like South Africa helped circumvent these restrictions, revealing the limitations and mixed effectiveness of sanctions.

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Why Offshore Processing of Asylum Applications is Actually Racist

With the Rwanda scheme, the UK government unleashes a regime of offshore asylum processing which is being considered by countries around the world. Such schemes though may be considered racist for their obvious neocolonial implications of removing and returning asylum seekers and refugees from the global north to the global south. More importantly though, such schemes undermine the commitment to abide by international human rights law and the obligations which attach to states in a particular rather than vicarious sense.

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Addressing Racial Discrimination Through International Law

The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination’s design makes it a very promising legal instrument to combat racial discrimination in particular regarding its structural manifestations. Expecting this legal framework to be of use in combatting racism is not unrealistic, but is hindered by the lack of visibility of the Convention, a lack of resources for the Convention system, and, above all, the lack of political will of States to effectively implement their obligations under the Convention.

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Exploring Intersectionality as a Concept to Effectively Combat Racism and Racial and Ethnic Discrimination

The contribution promotes the concept of intersectionality as a means of addressing the gap between what anti-racism law promises and what it delivers. Then, nationality serves as an example to illustrate if and how intersectionality can affect anti-racism law.

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Anti-Black Racism

Drawing on conversations with a queer interlocutor who moved to Austria to escape persecution in their country of origin, I reflect on the limits of legal protection in the host country when and if it is not accompanied by social change. I focus on the tension introduced by anti-black racism that comes in the way of queer solidarity.

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How the judgment by the German Federal Constitutional Court on the German debt brake entrenches climate injustice

Germany, as a major greenhouse gas emitter, has a critical obligation to support developing countries affected by climate change; however, its adherence to the constitutional “debt brake” undermines this responsibility and exacerbates global inequalities.

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Anti-Racism Law and its Limits

By drawing upon insights of sociolegal thought, feminism and the US social context, this contribution argues that anti-racism law’s apparent ineffectiveness stems from its reliance on the inherently vague concept of “race”.

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Apartheid or Systemic Discrimination?

This contribution argues that, reading between the lines, the expression “systemic discrimination”, which the Court referred to in para. 223 of the Advisory Opinion, was used as a synonym for “apartheid”, even though the Court did not link this description to a breach of Article 3 of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, but there does not appear to be any substantial difference between apartheid and systemic discrimination. This is because the word systemic is associated with crimes against humanity which is how apartheid is defined as a crime in international law.

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The Findings of the ICJ Advisory Opinion on the Oslo Accords and the Amici Curiae Proceedings before the ICC in the Situation of Palestine

This article focuses on the legal findings of the ICJ concerning the Oslo II Accord, and argues in favour of its relevance in deciding the jurisdictional question raised by the UK before the International Criminal Court (ICC). It also addresses whether invoking this question through a procedure of an amicus curiae during the warrant of arrest stage fits neatly within the ICC’s procedural regime, and it concludes that it does not.

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Non-Recognition and Non-Assistance

The International Court of Justice (ICJ) not only made it crystal clear that Israeli occupation is illegal in every respect – by itself a challenge for Western foreign offices as they face reproaches for double standards. The Court also added a number of paragraphs detailing the legal consequences of the Advisory Opinion for UN Member States.

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Third State obligations in the ICJ Advisory Opinion

What are the possible implications of the Advisory Opinion for the United Kingdom and Cyprus with regard to the UK’s arms and surveillance support to Israel through its military bases in Cyprus? This post argues that the third State obligations identified by the Court, including the duty not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the illegal situation, also apply to the current war in Gaza.

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The Advisory Opinion on Israel’s Policies and Practices in the Occupied Palestinian Territory

This post analyses the separation between jus ad bellum / in bello as arising from the Advisory Opinion of the ICJ. This separation was challenged by many States appearing before the Court, some of which implied that Israel’s policies and practices, as violations of jus in bello, rendered the occupation unlawful under jus ad bellum. The Court ultimately reaffirmed the separation with a twofold argument, namely qualifying the ‘legality of the occupation’ as a jus ad bellum question, and framing Israel’s policies and practices (prolonged occupation, annexation, and settlement policy) as violations of jus ad bellum.

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The Role of Private Law in Times of Polycrisis

Crises are a good test case, not only to check the practical performance of the law, but also to gain conceptual clarity about the possibilities of (certain areas of) the law. This post compares a German regulatory approach to private law with the US Law and Political Economy movement.

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And, of course, Climate Change

Scholarly debates on climate change law in general and climate change litigation more specifically and the recent LPE debates mutually enrich each other. Surprisingly, the interaction of those two fields of study – while evoked frequently – remains underdeveloped.

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Normalization of the Housing Market

Law and Political Economy sharpens our understanding of how law came into being and how economic thought has shaped legal reality. Applied to housing, it uncovers the path dependencies of marketization and allows to question their background assumptions.

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How Germany’s Trajectory Differs from LPE’s Diagnosis for the US, and Where Germany’s Problems Lie

LPE’s diagnosis for the US situation does not map neatly on Germany’s political, constitutional and economic model and its trajectory. This does not mean, however, that the German model faces no problems; but these problems take a different shape and require distinct answers.

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Lore Maria Peschel-Gutzeit

Lore Maria Peschel-Gutzeit was a judge, lawyer and Senator of Justice in Hamburg and Berlin. She fought for the introduction of part-time work and family leave for female civil servants, which was introduced in 1968 and has since become known as "Lex Peschel".

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The Inadvertent Protagonist

The International Court of Justice (ICJ), a UN body essentially responsible for resolving inter-state disputes, has been increasingly asked to consider matters with implications for individual criminal responsibility – a predominant concern of international criminal law. In some cases, the link is direct; for instance, in the last two years, the Genocide Convention has been invoked twice on behalf of Ukraine and Gaza. Although for the ICJ, its application is a question of State responsibility, it will give rise to questions of individual responsibility in other international and domestic fora.

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In a Barbie World

Sexualisierte Gewalt gibt es keine, Reproduktion auch nicht, und jede darf selbst über ihren Körper bestimmen: So sieht die Welt nicht nur in Greta Gerwigs Film „Barbie“ aus, sondern auch in der juristischen Ausbildung. Dass Sexismus im Curriculum kaum vorkommt, ist kein theoretisches Problem, sondern macht sexistische Rechtsauslegung und -anwendung wahrscheinlicher. Die Forderung ist nicht neu: Statt rosaroter Brille braucht es dringend eine machtkritische Perspektive im Jurastudium.

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Man müsste das Staatsexamen erfinden

Wenn möglichst viele Menschen Jura studieren können sollen, dieses Studium auch in Zukunft zugleich akademisch grundständig und berufsbefähigend angelegt sein soll, und schließlich die eigene Verantwortung für den Studienweg gestärkt werden soll – dann gibt es nichts Besseres als das bestehende System des Staatsexamens.

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Keine Reform nirgends? Doch, im Lüneburger Modell!

Der Eindruck, dass es erst einer Gesetzesänderung bedürfte, um grundlegende Reformen des Jurastudiums anzustoßen, täuscht. Schon heute zeigt eine Initiative des Landes Niedersachsen, dass auch im bestehenden (bundes-)rechtlichen Rahmen auf wesentliche Aspekte der Kritik am etablierten Modell des Jurastudiums reagiert werden kann: Im Lüneburger Modell folgt das Jurastudium zum Staatsexamen einer stark veränderten Konzeption.

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Stressfaktor Staatsexamen

Das Erste Juristische Staatsexamen zählt aufgrund der Menge des in einem Block geprüften Stoffumfangs und der damit verbundenen langen Prüfungsvorbereitung zweifellos zu einer der anspruchsvollsten Prüfungsphasen des deutschen Hochschulsystems. Das JurSTRESS-Projekt konnte mithilfe moderner biopsychologischer Methoden und einem detaillierten, longitudinalen Design bestätigen, dass die Vorbereitung auf die Erste Juristische Staatsprüfung eine sehr belastende Zeit für die Studierenden darstellt. Besonders bedenklich sind dabei die hohen Raten an zu mindestens einem Messzeitpunkt auffälligen Werten in den Dimensionen Ängstlichkeit (48%), Depressivität (19%) und chronisches Stresserleben (59%).

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Diskriminierung und juristische Ausbildung

Dieser Beitrag beleuchtet einige Aspekte von Diskriminierung und juristischer Ausbildung und stellt Überlegungen vor, wie eine inklusive und möglichst diskriminierungsfreie juristische Ausbildung aussehen könnte und wie diskriminierende Strukturen in der juristischen Ausbildung verhindert werden könnten. Jura ist wie wenig andere Studiengänge geprägt von starken Exklusionen in der Auswahl von Lehrpersonal und Studierenden. Eine inklusivere personelle Auswahl könnte sich auf die Inhalte in der juristischen Ausbildung auswirken, der es bisher weitgehend an vertiefter thematischer Auseinandersetzung mit Rechtsfragen von Diskriminierung mangelt.

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Reformbedarf im Referendariat

Für viele Absolvent:innen ist das Jurastudium nicht das Ende der juristischen Ausbildung. Das Referendariat, das auf das zweite Staatsexamen vorbereitet, bedeutet einen anderen Modus der Ausbildung, die nun mehr von praktischer Arbeit geprägt ist. Dieser Ausbildungsabschnitt ist von geringer Bezahlung und mitunter hohen Kosten geprägt; an seinem Ende steht abermals ein belastendes Examen. Um mehr Chancengleichheit herzustellen, sind Reformen notwendig.

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Die Reproduktion sozialer Hierarchien im deutschen Jurastudium

Soziale Hierarchien werden in der juristischen Ausbildung in Deutschland widergespiegelt und reproduziert. Während in der Rechtssoziologie die soziale Reproduktion der juristischen Zunft schon lange Forschungsgegenstand ist, beschäftigen sich juristische Fakultäten selbst nur selten mit der Frage, wie die juristische Ausbildung zur Aufrechterhaltung und Reproduktion sozialer Hierarchien beiträgt. Noch seltener findet eine Reflektion darüber statt, wie diese Reproduktion sich auf die Rechtspraxis und ihren Beitrag zur gesellschaftlichen Ordnung in Zeiten einer stetig weiter auseinanderklaffenden Wohlstandsschere auswirkt.

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Ist die juristische Ausbildung wirklich unreformierbar?

Die Diskussion um eine Reform der juristischen Ausbildung ist fast so alt wie die juristische Ausbildung selbst. Doch jedes Mal, wenn die Reform berechtigterweise auf der Tagesordnung politischer Gespräche steht, ist das Ergebnis fast schon festgeschrieben: So richtig zufrieden ist niemand, aber eine wirkliche Reform ist von den Entscheidungsträger:innen nicht erwünscht. Für eine attraktive, zukunftsfähige juristische Ausbildung ist ein Umdenken notwendig; es braucht einen intensiven Austausch aller Beteiligten und neue Entscheidungsstrukturen. Das Narrativ der „Reformunfähigkeit“ des Jurastudiums muss überwunden werden.

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Studieren wie Kafka

Wir brauchen Jurist*innen und damit auch das Jurastudium, um die gesellschaftlichen und ökologischen Herausforderungen des 21. Jahrhunderts zu bewältigen. Wir brauchen Jurist*innen, die angesichts des grassierenden Rechtsextremismus und der sozial-ökologischen Katastrophe nicht beim Wiederkäuen der Wissensbestände der Vergangenheit stehen bleiben, sondern die sich ihrer sozial-ökologischen Verantwortung bewusst sind und die die rechtspolitischen Kämpfe mit Engagement und Courage zu führen bereit sind. Aus den Ruinen der aktuellen Curricula und der aktuellen Lehr- und Lernmodelle werden wir daher das Jurastudium der Zukunft entwickeln müssen.

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Höchst normal gefährlich

Im politischen Alltagsgeschäft gibt sich die AfD mit Blick auf Menschen mit Behinderungen als sozial. Sie vergibt sogar punktuell sozialpolitisch irrelevante Wohltaten an einzelne Gruppen von(nicht-migrantischen) Menschen mit Behinderungen. Doch dieser symbolpolitische Ansatz ist kein Grund zur Beruhigung. Er lässt sich reibungslos mit dem Projekt der AfD vereinbaren, diskriminierungsfreie Beschulung weitgehend zu blockieren und als Irrweg zu denunzieren. Das strategische Ziel: eine Absage an eine menschenrechtlich geprägte, auf Gleichheit setzende Politik für alle unerwünschten, als Belastung empfundenen und erklärten Gruppen.

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Falltür im Staatsangehörigkeitsrecht

Bereits seit geraumer Zeit besteht der Wille, das Staatsangehörigkeitsrecht zu instrumentalisieren, um Menschen über ihre doppelte Staatsangehörigkeit loszuwerden. Aber auch die etablierten Volksparteien diskutieren offen darüber, wie sich kriminalpolitische Probleme staatsangehörigkeitsrechtlich lösen lassen könnten. Auch wenn mit der Novellierung des Staatsangehörigkeitsrechts im März 2024 die meisten Verlustgründe aus dem StAG gestrichen wurden, bleibt mit dem Terrorismusverlustgrund § 28 Abs. 1 Nr. 2 StAG eine Regelung übrig, die hohes Diskriminierungspotenzial aufweist.

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Für trans*Menschen geht es um alles

Rechte Kräfte in den USA, Polen und Ungarn führen in Echtzeit vor, was trans*Menschen auch in Deutschland drohen könnte, wenn die AfD an die Regierung käme. In Ungarn ist es inzwischen unmöglich, den rechtlichen Geschlechtseintrag oder vergeschlechtlichte Vornamen im Laufe des Lebens zu ändern, also irgendeine Veränderung der staatlich erfassten Informationen über das eigene Geschlecht zu bewirken. Im US-Bundesstaat Idaho wurde dieses Jahr ein Gesetz verabschiedet, das rechtlich definiert, dass es bei Menschen ausschließlich die beiden Geschlechter Männer und Frauen gäbe und dieses Geschlecht bereits vor oder bei der Geburt erkennbar sei. Diesem Drehbuch will auch die AfD folgen, wenn sie an die Macht käme.

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Antidiskriminierungsrecht verteidigen, nicht nur gegen die AfD

Antidiskriminierungsrecht ist keine Selbstverständlichkeit, es wurde erkämpft. Einmal erkämpft, ist Antidiskriminierungsrecht ein unabdingbares Mittel, um das politische Versprechen gleicher, selbstbestimmter Teilhabe – eine Gelingensbedingung von Demokratie – tatsächlich durchzusetzen. In Deutschland ist dieses Versprechen noch nicht eingelöst: Es klaffen erhebliche Lücken im Diskriminierungsrechtsschutz und der Ausbau eines flächendeckenden Angebots von Antidiskriminierungsstellen hat erst begonnen. Beides wird nicht nur durch die AfD behindert.

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Bayerns Werk und Bundes Beitrag

Es gibt Vorschriften des Grundgesetzes, die wirken so nüchtern und trocken, so technisch und inspirationslos, dass es einiges an Phantasie bedarf, um ihre ganze Wirkmacht zu begreifen. Art. 83 GG ist eine solche Vorschrift. Anders als diese kurze Norm vermuten lässt, ist die darin begründete Verwaltungskompetenz der Länder nicht nur ein langweiliger Baustein der föderalen Kompetenzverteilung. Ein Blick ins Bayern der späten 1980er-Jahre zeigt, welche diskriminierenden und stigmatisierenden Auswirkungen dies für einzelne Bevölkerungsgruppen haben kann.

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Kommunale Spiel(räum)e gegen die Menschenwürde

Die Verwaltung hat gegenüber Asylbewerber*innen in Deutschland im Wesentlichen zwei Gesichter: Zuerst zeigt sich das Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge, das die Asylbegehren prüft. In der Zeit, die dafür oft ins Land streicht, treffen sie zweitens in vielen aufenthalts- und sozialrechtlichen Belangen auf kommunale Behörden. Insbesondere sind sie im existenziellen Sinne auf das Asylbewerberleistungsrecht angewiesen, das die Sozialbehörden der Landratsämter umsetzen. Was passiert, wenn autoritäre Populist*innen, die einer rassistischen Ideologie verhaftet sind, diese Behörden steuern?

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Reproductive Backsliding

Wer die liberale Demokratie zurückbaut, baut auch reproduktive Rechte zurück. Denn autoritär-populistische Parteien glauben an die Idee eines „reinen Volkes“, das sich als solches reproduzieren soll. Das ist Teil des autoritär-populistischen Playbooks, nach dem Parteien in den USA und in Polen schon erfolgreich regiert haben. Doch Abgrenzungsgesten funktionieren hier nicht: Das gleiche kann in Deutschland passieren.

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Wer ist das Volk?

Der Begriff des Volkes ist zentral für unser Grundgesetz – und ist es auch seit jeher für rechte Parteien und Bewegungen. Auch die Funktionär*innen, Mitglieder und Anhänger*innen der „Alternative für Deutschland“ (AfD) beziehen sich immer wieder positiv auf den Begriff des Volkes und legen nahe, dass es ein „eigentliches“, über die Gemeinschaft aller Staatsangehörigen hinaus gehendes Volk gebe, das es zu erhalten gelte. Das Grundgesetz zieht dem Volksbegriff allerdings Grenzen.

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Friedliche Gewalt!

In seinem Beitrag vom 13. August beleuchtet Thomas Groß die Rechtsprechung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts zu Sitzblockaden und ihre Bedeutung für die Bewertung von Protestaktionen der Letzten Generation. Es widerspräche der Normhierarchie, wenn der einfache Gesetzgeber berechtigt wäre, als „friedlich“ qualifiziertes Verhalten mit dem entgegengesetzten Begriff der „Gewalt“ zu belegen. Dem ist entgegenzuhalten, dass die Rechtsprechung der Karlsruher Richterinnen und Richter seit Jahrzehnten von der Einsicht geprägt ist, dass eine Versammlung, die nach strafrechtlichen Maßstäben Gewalt ausübt, nicht zwangsläufig unfriedlich i.S.d. Art. 8 Abs. 1 GG ist.

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Friedliche Gewalt?

Es widerspräche der Normhierarchie, wenn der einfache Gesetzgeber berechtigt wäre, ein verfassungsrechtlich als „friedlich“ qualifiziertes Verhalten mit dem entgegengesetzten Begriff der „Gewalt“ zu belegen. Wenn „Gewalttätigkeiten“ charakteristisch für die Unfriedlichkeit einer Versammlung sind, dann kann eine friedliche Versammlung nicht umgekehrt als „Gewalt“ qualifiziert werden.

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Jutta Limbach

Jutta Limbach is remembered as the first female president of the German Constitutional Court. In her career she served as Senator for Justice for the Government of West Berlin from 1989-1994 and prior to that as a Professor at the Free University of Berlin. But there is so much more to be said about a woman who for so many years was the face of Germany's highest court. This post has tried to focus on a period of her professional life that has not yet been very visible to the public.

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Liberty of the Press Forever?

Constitutions are linked both to the past and to the future. A central constitutional mechanism in the attempt to mark a dividing line between the past and the future, to represent a new era are unamendable provisions. Unamendable provisions, in this sense, play a “negative” role, serving as a lasting reminder of recent past devastations and as a constitutional/institutional attempt to transform and never return to past injustices. It is within this framework of ‘never again constitutionalism’ I wish to examine one of the most unique and interesting unamendable provisions in the world: the protection of ‘Liberty of the press’ in the Mexican Constitution of 1824.

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Relationalizing the EU’s Fundamental Rights Responsibility

Human rights law traditionally governs a three-part relationship which connects the individual, the state, and its territory. The design of the EU’s Integrated Border Management (IBM) governance model eschews the applicability and enforceability of international and European human (fundamental) rights law by significantly reconfiguring the relationship between each of these three prongs. This contribution maps how these three traditional triggers for the applicability of human rights law are increasingly evaded in EU IBM policies, the responses to these evasion techniques and how a relational turn in the determination of human rights responsibility may be inevitable. 

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Common but Differentiated Responsibility in Climate and Genocide Cases

The search for a more equitable and legally binding responsibility distribution mechanism in global refugee protection starts with the question what responsibility states bear for the protection of refugees and other forced migrants outside of their territory. Here I discuss two potential avenues within international law: the operationalised international law principles of cooperation and solidarity, based on their application in climate cases; and the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) doctrine from international humanitarian law. The distribution mechanism they both apply might be useful to establish and define extraterritorial protection obligations of states towards refugees.

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‘One, No One, One Hundred Thousand’

States use mechanisms such as visas, maritime interdiction operations, pushback practices to unsafe countries to prevent migrants from reaching their shores, applying for asylum, or invoking fundamental rights guarantees. This raises the question of whether and to what extent States have extraterritorial obligations towards migrants who have not yet reached the territory of destination countries. By focusing on recent practices in the Mediterranean, this post addresses this overarching question.

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Jewish Past, Mnemonic Constitutionalism and the Politics of Citizenship

For this symposium essay, I will focus on the Jewish past, with its tragedies extending beyond and preceding the Holocaust as a master narrative unfolded by mnemonic constitutionalism. Specifically, I will reflect on how citizenship laws – as the foundational cluster of constitutional law in liberal democracies, including the countries without a formal constitution – have built constitutional ontologies upon the Jewish past and the “never again” theme through three central examples involving “Jewish citizens”.

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Never Again – Ever Again

The “Never Again” is the desperate evocation of something impossible. Nothing prevents people from expanding the arsenal of their crimes with ever newer, ever more artificial, more scientific methods and instruments, and from using them. Just as grass and flowers mercifully spread over the ruins of the ovens, the fields fertilized with ashes, all attempts to bear witness to the crimes, to keep memory alive as a warning, dissolve into the history of the victors, which has dominated everything else in all times of human history.

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The “Never Again” Imperatives in Chinese Constitutions

This essay aims to provide a Chinese perspective on the question of traumas and the Never Again imperative. It will first place the question in the long history of constitution-making in China, taking the view that constitutional narratives are context-driven, shaped by particular historical processes, and addressing particular historical concerns of respective nation-states, each with its trauma and Never Again imperatives. This essay then brings the current 1982 constitution into focus, highlighting the trauma it is designed to address and assessing the sincerity and effectiveness of the commitment.

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Never Again in Russia

In the Soviet Union and later in Russia, reference to World War II played a central role in the decades after 1945. The “never again” narrative in Russia takes a very specific form: The focus is not on the Holocaust but on the Victory in the “Great Patriotic War” against fascism, the increase of power and status in the international system that this has brought, and the perpetuation of the present and timeless actuality of war in a mostly imperial and post-imperial context. The discourse on Victory against fascism undergoes a paradoxical development, from a way of commemorating collective trauma to the justification and glorification of new wars.

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The Collective Memory of Trauma and Why it Still Matters

Holocaust historian Jan Tomasz Gross claimed in a 2015 article that the immigration crisis in Europe is inextricably linked to the way Europeans today contend with their group’s behavior during the Holocaust. What does the influx of mostly Muslim immigrants to Europe have to do with how Europeans treated their Jewish population eighty years ago? According to Gross, the answer lies in whether nations acknowledge their historical culpability, most notably in the case of Germany, or whether they actively try to deny any wrongdoing, such as in the cases of Poland and Hungary.

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Never Again. And Not Quite.

Those who build new public law act with the past hovering over their shoulders. Rejecting regimes of horror explains much of the content of new constitutions. Aversive constitutionalism – in which constitutionalists overtly steer away from a country’s appalling pasts – guides how they understand these new texts. On balance, even among those who disagree over precisely how the past is memorialized as “never again” in new constitutions, evidence shows that the horrors of the past influence public law in the present much more than do the dreams of some ideal future.

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Administrative and Citizen Interpretations of Unwritten Constitutional Principles and Constitutional Silences

Looking at Canadian law, this blog posts argues that administrative agencies should be able to interpret and articulate unwritten constitutional principles when exercising their discretionary powers, and that these interpretations ought to be deferred to by courts. This would also encourage citizens to put forward their own interpretations of unwritten constitutional principles, fostering a participatory approach to constitutional interpretation.

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Ensuring the Mission of Public Service Broadcasters

Public Service Broadcasters (PSBs) are publicly organised and funded broadcasters, organised by each of the EU’s Member State with a great degree of discretion and under a unique legal framework. Politicised interventions and the decline of PSBs’ independence threaten their ability to adequately perform their role and offer citizens a high-quality public service which meets the public’s democratic and cultural needs. The politicisation of PSBs by national authorities, coupled with the increasing concerns about media freedom, shows that some type of regulatory intervention is necessary.

0

On Tables, Markets, and Free Speech

On the surface level, we see private actors exercising more and more power over speech; on a deeper level though, we might be returning to a far older discussion about the interplay of private and public power, and the fate of an individual who lives in the crash zone between them. Given that the result of this clash largely comes down to choosing a proper regulatory policy, this contribution argues that when regulating market-situated speech particular caution should be exercised.

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Locating Unwritten Constitutional Norms in Global Constitutionalism

If there is a global constitutional order, it is “unwritten”. We cannot point to a written constitution for global law. Rather, theories of global constitutionalism and processes of global constitutionalisation are derived from an amalgamation of sources across international law and domestic constitutional orders. This blog post reflects on these tensions within the debate on global constitutionalisation, and focuses specifically on democracy as an unwritten constitutional norm in global constitutionalism.

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Unwritten Constitutional Law as a Brazilian Constitutional Category?

Brazilian constitutional law is profoundly marked by the ideal of codification. In this context, the ‘unwrittenness’ of certain constitutional problems is usually not treated as such. This is especially intensified through the size and textual openness of the Brazilian Constitution. Yet unwritten constitutional normativity plays (and can play) arguably a decisive role in Brazilian constitutionalism. Could one then articulate unwritten constitutional law as a Brazilian constitutional category?

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The Stakes of the Unwritten Constitutional Norms and Principles Debate in the UK

Unwritten principles serve crucial purposes in the UK’s constitution. For example, they provide guardrails for judicial interpretation of legislation, and they form or give rise to substantive rules about the limits of legislative, judicial and executive power. With a growing body of research on unwritten constitutionalism, it is worth considering why these issues matter, and what is at stake in the debate. This post considers two issues which it argues can only be properly understood once regard is paid to the unwritten principles and norms in the UK’s constitution: the limits of Westminster’s legislative power, and the nature of the UK’s territorial constitution.

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Annie Ruth Jiagge

The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), which aims to eradicate all forms of discrimination based on sex and gender, is an indispensable treaty for women and girls worldwide. Given its profound impact, today’s sphere of international human rights law would look vastly different. But few people know that the CEDAW treaty was preceded by a 1967 draft by Annie Ruth Jiagge.

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Versteckte Gewalt

Schmerzgriffe verringern die Sichtbarkeit polizeilicher Gewalt. Diese ist dadurch schwerer in ihrer gesamten Tragweite zu erkennen. Für eine zunehmend gewaltsensible Gesellschaft ist das leichter zu ertragen – eine Tendenz, die sich nicht nur bei Schmerzgriffen beobachten lässt, sondern insgesamt bei staatlichem Gewalthandeln. Dabei sind Schmerzgriffe nicht unbedingt harmloser als andere Formen der Gewalt: Die Hebel- und Nervendrucktechniken können Nervenschäden, Gelenkschädigungen, Brüche und Zerrungen zur Folge haben. Vor allem aber verursachen sie ein intensives Schmerzgefühl und psychische Folgen, wie sie jede intensive Gewalterfahrung mit sich bringen kann.

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Der hohe Preis der Effektivität

Schmerzgriffe sind innerhalb einer polizeilichen Ordnungslogik praktikabel, da sie eine effektive und zügige Kontrolle des Versammlungsgeschehens ermöglichen. Bei friedlichen Versammlungen wie den Protestaktionen der Letzten Genration sind Schmerzgriffe jedoch abzulehnen, da sie rechtlich unzulässig sind. In diesem Kontext sind sie auf lange Sicht geeignet, das gesellschaftliche Vertrauen in eine fair und rechtsstaatlich handelnde Polizei zu beeinträchtigen.

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Aber wer bewacht die Wächter?

Als Trägerin des staatlichen Gewaltmonopols ist die Polizei eine Institution, deren Kontrolle im demokratischen Rechtsstaat besondere Bedeutung zukommt. Immer wieder zeigt sich, dass die bestehenden Mechanismen unzulänglich sind, um von Polizist:innen begangene Straftaten zu verfolgen und anderen Fehlverhalten nachzugehen. Für eine stärkere Unabhängigkeit in einschlägigen strafrechtlichen Ermittlungen würde eine gesonderte Ermittlungsbehörde sorgen – Vorbilder gibt es schon in anderen europäischen Ländern. Nicht-strafbaren Vorfällen und teilweise auch strukturellen behördlichen Defizite könnten externe Stellen nachgehen, die neben der Kontrolle auch Kommunikation und Mediation zur Aufgabe haben.

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Selbstverteidigung gegen Schmerzgriffe

Gegen rechtswidrige Polizeieinsätze darf man sich wehren, auch mit dem „scharfen Schwert“ der Notwehr. Dies gilt jedenfalls dann, wenn der handelnde Beamte seine Kompetenzen bewusst überschreitet oder wenn er sich über die rechtlichen Eingriffsvoraussetzungen irrt. Wen die Polizei in offensichtlich rechtswidriger Weise mit sogenannten Schmerzgriffen konfrontiert, der darf sich also hiergegen verteidigen. Auch andere Personen dürfen dann einschreiten, den Betroffenen zu Hilfe eilen und den Schmerzgriff mittels Gewalt beenden (sogenannte Notwehrhilfe).

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Peinigen statt Wegtragen

Die Berliner Polizei hat gegenüber Klimaaktivisten, die sich auf eine Straße gesetzt hatten, um diese zu blockieren, sogenannte Schmerzgriffe bzw. Nervendrucktechniken zunächst angedroht und sodann angewendet. Beide polizeilichen Maßnahmen, also Androhung und Anwendung, verstoßen gegen das Verhältnismäßigkeitsprinzip, weil das Wegtragen der Aktivisten ein milderes Mittel wäre. Je nach den Umständen des Einzelfalles kommt auch ein Verstoß gegen das Folterverbot in Betracht.

1

Louise Weiss

When you hear the name 'Louise Weiss', you may think of the European Parliament building in Strasbourg that bears her name, or of her election to the first European Parliament and her inaugural speech. What may not come to mind is the woman Louise Weiss herself and the outstanding achievements throughout her life. This brief profile is a reminder that she should be remembered for her tireless search for peace, her tireless fight for women's rights, her endless humanitarian work and for being truly 'European'.

1

‘Relevant Rules’ as Normative Environment

On 21 May 2024, the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) delivered its much anticipated Advisory Opinion on Climate Change. This post zeroes in on one particular interpretative issue, and its wider ramifications for the development of international law, namely the Tribunal’s approach to Article 31(3)(c) of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (VCLT) (which enshrines the principle of systemic integration) in connection with the interpretation of UNCLOS. Although ITLOS did not elaborate in detail on its approach, as can be seen from its entire analysis, the Tribunal has demonstrated a clear and principled choice with respect to the content and application of Article 31(3)(c) VCLT and its customary counterpart.

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The Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive beyond Europe

The CSDDD is a game changer that forces a large number of European States to level the legislative landscape with regard to corporate responsibility for human rights and environmental impacts, as well as in relation to liability and access to justice. And yet, its reach throughout global “chains of activities” will most likely bring important hurdles for implementation including in relation to the scope of human rights covered in practice; the need for effective capacity-building in transnational chains of activities; the need for a more proactive dialogue and cooperation between the EU and other States; and last but not least, in ensuring consistency between the national implementation of the CSDDD and international and regional human rights obligations.

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The Unintended Consequences of Mandatory Due Diligence

The EU Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) seeks improvements in companies’ societal impacts but carries risks of negative impacts, including on the developing countries where some supposed beneficiaries are located. Does the CSDDD recognise and mitigate such risks? The blog identifies provisions in the CSDDD that address the unintended consequences that mandatory human rights and environmental due diligence requirements might have in developing countries.

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More of the same or true evolution?

While rights holders are not expressly mentioned as a group of stakeholders in CSDDD, the adoption of this important legislation creates a significant opportunity to involve rights holders to define how the content of the stand-alone article on stakeholder engagement can be filled with legal meaning by soliciting them directly.

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From Paper to Practice

The CSDDD requires companies to carry out due diligence on actual and potential human rights and environmental adverse impacts. This means companies have to identify harmful impacts in their value chains and take appropriate measures to prevent, mitigate, or bring them to an end. In this two-part blog post, we will look at which environmental impacts are covered by the CSDDD and how they are addressed. In this second part, we will discuss how the CSDDD negotiations influenced the design of its environmental provisions and identify missed opportunities. We will conclude by analysing what factors are important to ensure that transposition and implementation remain true to the CSDDD’s objectives.

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Towards Planetary Boundaries for Business?

While the material scope of the EU’s Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) fell behind civil society demands, it does mandate a degree of environmental due diligence that constitutes a tentative shift towards real corporate environmental accountability. Despite its conceptual restrictions, which are the result of a somewhat polarised legislative process, the CSDDD’s environmental annex provides a provision with potential for the protection of biological diversity: the reference to the Convention on Biological Diversity.

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Why Climate Science Matters for International Law

The International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) issued an advisory opinion on May 21, 2024 in response to a request submitted by the Commission of Small Island States on Climate Change and International Law (COSIS). While various aspects of the advisory opinion have already been discussed in this joint blog symposium, this post focuses on a feature of the opinion that has so far received little emphasis: the strong role of science. The scientific evidence presented by the tribunal provides a solid basis for its conclusions on State obligations to prevent, reduce, and control climate pollution.

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From Strasbourg to Luxembourg?

KlimaSeniorinnen has established a remedy which, in EU law, is not easy to locate and may actually be unavailable in light of restrictive CJEU case law.  Whatever one’s views on this restrictive case law, it is a fact that the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights now obliges the CJEU to do as much as it can to accommodate the KlimaSeniorinnen remedy and to interpret the relevant TFEU provisions flexibly.  One may assume that, sooner or later, the CJEU will be confronted with a KlimaSeniorinnen claim.  If the CJEU were to declare such a claim inadmissible, it will put itself in the corner of courts refusing to engage with climate change policies.  That would be unfortunate for a court that has long been at the forefront of legal progress.

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Finding Light in Dark Places

Can the new advisory opinion interpreting the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) move us beyond the lethargy of unmet climate change policy needs? The International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea established the gravity of this question by stating that “climate change represents an existential threat and raises human rights concerns”. The Tribunal acted both boldly and conservatively by interpreting UNCLOS as an independent source of international legally binding obligations to address climate change and ocean acidification.

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Dividing the Indivisible

The absence of a number of important human rights instruments from the EU’s Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive, notably for indigenous peoples’ and migrants’ rights, are serious omissions and must be rectified at the EU level during the first review of the directive. Given the status of the CSDDD as a directive, Member States also have the freedom to add these missing instruments during national transposition and should do so in order to further honour their commitments under the UNGPs.

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National Human Rights Institutions – Critical but, Overlooked Actors

National Human Rights Institutions are a critical but often overlooked actor in the context of the European Union’s Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive. As we enter the transposition and implementation phases, National Human Rights Institutions can leverage their unique mandate as human rights experts in their jurisdictions to act collectively and individually to ensure that transposition laws meet human rights standards for an effective implementation.

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A Comparative Analysis between the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive and the French and German Legislation

This blog post offers an initial comparative glimpse of the most important changes that the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) will bring for the respective mandatory human rights and environmental (HREDD) legislation in Germany and France. While both the French Duty of Vigilance Law and the German Supply Chain Act already require effective HREDD, the CSDDD goes a long way in strengthening the requirements and bringing them more in line with international standards.

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Administrative Enforcement of Corporate Human Rights Due Diligence Legislation

Mandatory human rights and environmental due diligence legislation such as the new EU’s Directive on Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence (CSDDD) have received praise and critique in practice and scholarship. This contribution assesses the regime of administrative enforcement contained in the CSDDD and asks if it meets the standards of effective remedy.

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Conditions of Corporate Civil Liability in the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive

The civil liability provision of the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) in Article 29 has been highly debated during the entire drafting and negotiation process of the Directive, but it held on. Where harm occurs, will Article 29 CSDDD fulfill its function to provide a right to remedy for the affected individuals and legal clarity for the companies at the same time?

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Access to Supply Chain Justice?

One of the novel features of the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive is a private law liability for damages caused upstream in the supply chain. However, liability under substantive law is worthless without procedural rules that allow for its enforcement. Within the context of supply chain liability there are at least two major procedural problems. First, victims affected by supply chain mishandlings might be unable to afford proceedings in Europe. Second, proving that a company has not exercised a sufficient level of diligence can be difficult. Art. 29 para. 3 CSDDD seeks to address those issues.

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Harmonization Pains but Stakeholders’ Gain

The Article 13 EU Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive is home of the meaningful engagement provision. It is significantly more robust than similar provisions in national due diligence legislation in France, Germany and Norway. Despite the fact that a number of differences between EU CSDDD and these national laws is likely to give rise to some “harmonization pains”, one silver lining exists: stakeholders gain some leverage.

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Unboxing the New EU Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive

There is a lot to unpack in the now final text of the Directive. The German Institute for Human Rights offers initial analysis in this blog symposium, which starts with this contribution. The contributions engage with the final text of the Directive and give some initial guidance for interpretation and transposition requirements. Topics covered include a critical reflection on the neo-colonial context of the the law-making process, access to justice and administrative supervision measures for rightsholders, the scope of human and environmental rights that are covered by the Directive as well as the transposition phase with comparative analysis in the context of existing national due diligence legislation, its extraterritorial reach and the involvement of National Human Rights Institutions.

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Elisabeth Selbert

Dr. Elisabeth Selbert, who took her A levels in self-study and completed her law degree in six semesters, did her doctorate – ahead of her time – on the principle of irretrievable breakdown of marriage. As a member of the Parliamentary Council, she was one of the four ‘mothers’ of the German Constitution. The inclusion of ‘Men and women shall have equal rights’ in Art. 3 (2) of the Basic Law (‘Grundgesetz’) is her merit. On the occasion of the 75th anniversary of the ‘Grundgesetz’, this contribution aims to portray her life, achievements and impact in a short profile.

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The ITLOS Advisory Opinion on Climate Change

On May 21, 2024, the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) delivered a long-awaited Advisory Opinion on climate change and international law. This marks the first time that an international tribunal has issued an advisory opinion on State obligations regarding climate change mitigation. The Advisory Opinion addresses several key questions regarding application of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) in the context of climate change. There is much to explore in terms of both the content of the ITLOS advisory opinion and its potential implications for global, regional, and local efforts to combat climate change. To facilitate discussion and the exchange of ideas, the Sabin Center's Climate Law Blog and Verfassungsblog are partnering on a blog symposium on the ITLOS opinion. In this first, introductory blog, we outline the background to the advisory opinion and highlight some of the key takeaways from it.

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What Does the European Court of Human Rights’ First Climate Change Decision Mean for Climate Policy?

On 9 April the European Court of Human Rights issued its first ever comprehensive decision in a climate litigation case. The ECtHR has set out clear directions for member states to follow to align their climate policies with human rights obligations. Domestic legislators across Europe must give these requirements serious consideration to ensure their climate laws not only meet these minimum standards but also effectively contribute to global climate goals. This is imperative for both environmental sustainability and the protection of fundamental human rights that climate change is affecting.

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Bertha Maria Júlia Lutz

Bertha Maria Júlia Lutz was an acknowledged scientist, a women’s rights activist, a politician, and a diplomat. Mostly known for being one of four women to sign the United Nations Charter in 1945 and assuring the inclusion of the rights of women in its preamble, she also played a vital role in attaining women’s suffrage in Brazil.

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Reparation for Climate Change at the ECtHR

The recent rulings on climate change by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) are—as others have pointed out in this blog symposium—both “historic and unprecedented” for various reasons, not least regarding the question of reparation for climate change-related harm. While redress is a pivotal question to think through in relation to climate change, it has, somewhat surprisingly, received less attention from scholars and has not yet been directly addressed by international courts and tribunals. In this regard, Verein KlimaSeniorinnen Schweiz and Others v. Switzerland might be considered a missed opportunity on the part of the ECtHR.

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KlimaSeniorinnen and Gender

This blog post discusses the relevance of the KlimaSeniorinnen case to the discussion of vulnerability and intersectional gender in climate litigation. To date, very few climate cases have addressed the gendered dimensions of climate change and there was some hope that this case would. However, as this post argues, despite the fact that KlimaSeniorinnen is a case about the impacts of climate change on elderly women, the Court fails to meaningfully engage with gender as a determinant of the harms suffered by individuals. Gender remains an overlooked issue in climate litigation.

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KlimaSeniorinnen and the Question(s) of Causation

In Verein Klimaseniorinnen Schweiz and Others v Switzerland, the European Court of Human Rights makes many general statements about the nature of climate change and different actors’ roles in addressing it. Many points have been addressed in this blog symposium. In my blog post, I turn to a more technical aspect of the judgment, namely the question of causation. I will untangle the analytical gymnastics that the Court performs regarding this question. I will argue that the reasoning regarding causation is confusing and that it is not clear how specifically the ‘real prospect’ test is applied for finding a breach.

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International Trade and “Embedded Emissions” after KlimaSeniorinnen

A key and underrated aspect of the recent triad of climate rulings of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) is that the ECtHR has brought to the fore the role of trade-related greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions in states’ carbon footprints. While most international climate agreements focus on the reduction of domestic GHG emissions, in the Verein KlimaSeniorinnen Schweiz and Others v. Switzerland Judgment (KlimaSeniorinnen), the ECtHR found ‘attributable’ to Switzerland the GHG emissions taking place abroad, ‘embedded’ into goods (and possibly services) ‘consumed’ in Switzerland. As I will argue, the ruling appears to require Switzerland to adopt a climate-oriented trade policy.

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Separation of Powers and KlimaSeniorinnen

Especially in Switzerland, the KlimaSeniorinnen ruling has been met with sharp criticism. The rightwing Swiss People’s party (Schweizerische Volkspartei, SVP) (predictably) accused the Court of judicial overreach and demanded that Switzerland leave the Council of Europe. The ECtHR decision directly addresses separation of powers and the role of the judiciary in adjudicating human rights, specifically in the context of climate change. This post unpacks the decision and argues that concerns about ECtHR overreach are unwarranted. It shows how the judgment forms an integral part of democratic governance (particularly in Switzerland) whilst being conducive to better laws and policies.

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The European Court of Human Rights’ April 9 Climate Rulings and the Future (Thereof)

By recognizing the responsibility they have toward future individuals who will be standing in their shoes, current decision-makers are encouraged to adopt long-term perspectives and consider the broader implications of their actions beyond the immediate. This responsibility is echoed in numerous statements by the ECtHR in its rulings about how it understands its own role in European society and the world, and about the deference it believes it owes to domestic decision-makers on the one hand, and to its own past and future work on the other hand. In this light, the ECtHR has struck a pragmatic yet slightly cynical balance between the great demands it was faced with and the great responsibilities it owes to European citizens, to other institutions, and to itself.

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Uniting the Indian Opposition

More than 35 parties have come together to form a big-tent united opposition bloc called the ‘Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance’ (“INDIA”) to jointly fight the BJP in the 2024 General Elections. They believe that if the opposition could field a single common candidate against every BJP candidate, they could potentially defeat the BJP or at least challenge its ambitious goal of winning a supermajority. The strategy of uniting the opposition against an electorally strong and populist leader is not uncommon, both for India and globally. In the following paragraphs, I’ll discuss how this strategy has played out in the recent past and what lessons INDIA could learn from such a global experience.

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The Paris Effect

The judgment of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in the case Verein KlimaSeniorinnen v. Switzerland is a striking example of the Paris effect: the influence of the non-binding collective goals of the Paris Agreement (PA) on the interpretation of domestic constitutional law or international human rights law in climate litigation. The Court’s decision proves to be an essential element in triggering the necessary democratic debates on which the PA relies “from the bottom up”. Reinforcing the procedural limb of Art. 8 ECHR will be an essential step towards further strengthening democratic decision-making in the societal transition to climate neutrality.

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The End of a Dream?

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) may have officially declared war on the hijab in 2022, but the Hindu right’s battle strategy has been set in place since at least 2014 when the BJP rose to power under the leadership of Narendra Modi. A tenacious master of populism, the BJP has successfully altered the mainstream Hindu perception of the Muslim as a threat to secularism. Within this imaginary, Muslims are believed to constantly seek exemptions from the secular regulations constraining the Hindu community.

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Selective, Reactive and Liminal

With a staggering 450 million internal migrants (as of the 2011 census), migration has become integral to the political economy of India. India also has the largest diaspora in the world, numbering 18 million people. The modes, institutions, and ideological underpinnings of migration governance vis-à-vis both internal and international migration have witnessed substantial shifts and continuities ever since the ascendance of the NDA (National Democratic Alliance) led Modi government in 2014.

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The Right to Education and Democratic Backsliding in India

Since the election of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to power in the federal elections in India in 2014, the country’s performance in key indicators of democratic quality has suffered. Over the course of its two terms in power, the party has sought to subvert key institutions for accountability, enact an ethno-cultural majoritarian electoral agenda, and use federal law enforcement agencies against their political opponents. While there is extensive literature on the erosion of civil-political rights in the past ten years, the effects of the BJP government on social rights like education and healthcare remain under-explored. Therefore, in this post, I explore three striking dimensions of primary educational policy under the BJP government.

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A Malfunctioning System

Party bans do not represent a serious threat to neo-fascist movements in Italy. Despite a constitutional provision and an ordinary law regulating the issue, their use has so far been limited to associations of minor size and relevance.

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Solidarity Crimes, Legitimacy Limits

The criminalisation of humanitarianism has become pervasive in the EU over the last two decades. Overbroad definitions of the crimes of facilitation of irregular entry, transit and stay produce well known noxious effects on the human rights of migrants and civil society organisations. Nevertheless, the tendency has been to tighten the rules rather than contesting the EU’s failure to pursue a migration control system that is ‘fair towards third-country nationals’ and constructed ‘with respect for fundamental rights.’ In this blogpost, I argue that the EU legislator’s disregard for the human rights impacts of the facilitation regime constitutes an abuse of power. Legislative measures that have the effect of subverting legally enshrined principles (Arts 2, 6 & 21 TEU) and suppress the rights of civil society and the migrants with whom they engage are incompatible with core democratic premises.

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On the Duarte Agostinho Decision

We may not readily describe Duarte Agostinho as a success. But it does offer an excellent opportunity to clarify what we mean by ‘success’ in this context. Arguably, this depends on our expectations – whether that’s to generate attention, trigger mobilization, seek judicial engagement with an issue, clarify the law, or pursue a given outcome, among others.

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Gender, Equality, and the Predicaments of Faith

In the context of the rise of the global right, feminist debates on gender and sexual rights can and have at times slipped into a left and right ideological divide. In reflecting on the ways in which gender equality has been addressed in the context of Indian constitutional law over the past two decades, what emerges is a more complex picture.

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Staatliche Schutzpflichten gegen Rassismus statt AfD-Verbot

Der Rassismus- und Antisemitismusvorwurf dient als wesentliches Argument für ein Verbot der AfD. Aus rassismuskritischer Perspektive geht die Verbotsdebatte allerdings fehl. Sie erschöpft sich in einem symbolischen Antirassismus, der eine ebenso symbolische Antirassismuspolitik fördert, die an der Realität vulnerabler Gruppen vorbeigeht. Zudem externalisiert die Debatte um das AfD-Verbot den Rassismus der sogenannten Mitte und wirbt für einen rechtsstaatlich und demokratietheoretisch bedenklichen repressiven Antirassismus.

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Subordination and Arbitrariness in Citizenship Law

In 2019, the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party returned to power in India. The Bharatiya Janata Party oversaw the enactment of the Citizenship (Amendment) Act 2019 (‘CAA’) which gave Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain, Parsi and Christian (but not Muslim) migrants from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan a fast-tracked pathway to Indian citizenship. This post argues that the CAA is unconstitutional, and uses it as an example to clarify two important under-theorised Indian constitutional principles: anti-subordination and arbitrariness.

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Historic and Unprecedented

The three much-awaited judgments rendered by the European Court of Human Rights on 9 April 2024 are truly historic and unprecedented. In Verein Klimaseniorinnen Schweiz and Others v. Switzerland, the Grand Chamber established that climate change is 'one of the most pressing issues of our times' and poses a threat to human rights. With this ruling, the Court confirmed that States have a positive obligation to adopt measures to mitigate climate change under Article 8 ECHR, the right to family and private life. The judgments will undeniably set the tone for climate litigation in the years to come. It will impact both litigation and other procedures before other international courts.

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Amending the Constitution Without Deliberation

India is undergoing a “deliberation backsliding”. Since the current government was elected to office in 2019, only 13% of all government bills introduced in Parliament were referred to Parliament Committees for detailed study, scrutiny and stakeholder consultations. While the deliberation deficit is concerning with respect to ordinary government bills, it becomes alarming with respect to bills which seek to amend the Indian Constitution. In this blog post, I argue that the promise of deliberative democracy in India is coming undone, which sets back the project of constitutionalism in India.

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Reimagining Indian Federalism

As India’s new dominant party system coalesced after 2014, the country entered a phase of centralisation. India has always had federalism with a strong centre, but from the late 1980s to the mid-2010s, political and economic regionalism and national coalition governments encompassing national and regional parties produced an appearance of deepening federalisation. Since 2014, when the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) became the first party in over 25 years to win an outright parliamentary majority, the twin pillars of political centralisation under a dominant party system and economic concentration, have once again drawn attention to the contested nature of India’s federal contract.

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Why Party Bans Often Don’t Work

In July 2008, in an intensely debated and enormously consequential case, Turkey’s Constitutional Court weighed whether to close the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and ban its 71 leading members, including then-Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Six of the eleven justices voted in favor – falling just one vote short of the super-majority required to dissolve the AKP and bar its leaders from politics for five years. More than 15 years after the AKP closure case, Turkey has experienced significant democratic backsliding, and Erdoğan has secured a third term as president, extending his tenure in office into 2028. Although the tools of “militant democracy” may be useful, the Turkish case suggests that targeted legal interventions, rather than sweeping party bans, may be more effective at safeguarding democracy.

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Still Alive?

Party banning was developed in Spain in 2002, with the aim of combating the terrorism of ETA (1958-2018), an extreme left-wing and separatist Basque organisation that murdered more than 800 people. This instrument proved useful in defeating the terrorist group and its network of support organisations, including several parties. Today, there are strong separatist or pro-independence movements in Catalonia, the Basque Country and, to a lesser extent, Galicia, and other regions. Faced with this, there are parties that have proposed using the mechanism of banning parties. But is this viable, and would it be useful?

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A Limping Militant Democracy

Images of hundreds of men gathering outside the former headquarters of the Italian post-fascist party (Movimento Sociale Italiano – MSI), giving the Roman salute in Acca Larentia (Roma) on the 8th of January 2024, have sparked numerous controversies in Italy. The Roman salute was paired with the Fascist ritual of the “roll call”, whereby a leader calls out the name of a fallen soldier and his comrades shout “presente!”. While one would expect the President of the Senate, facing an incident that stirred political controversy, to reason in more institutional terms rather than strictly legally, La Russa was partially correct in stating that the current Italian legal framework is (still) not sufficiently clear and coherent on the matter.

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Advancing Equality in the Enjoyment of the Right to Health

States parties to the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination must improve their public health systems by measurably advancing racial equality in law and in practice. As the world moves forward in understanding the structural dimension of racial discrimination in all areas of life, the General Recommendation No. 37 on racial discrimination in the enjoyment of the right to health can serve as a quasi-global instrument towards a more equitable and inclusive landscape for the realization of the right to health for all.

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Between Legal Deficiencies and Political Restraint

Traditionally, it is Germany, not France, which is presented as the model example of militant democracy. Among the various provisions of the German Basic Law, Article 21 (2), setting out the procedure for banning political parties, is perhaps one of the clearest expressions of the basic constitutional decision in favour of a streitbare Demokratie. Nevertheless, setting concepts aside and examining empirical data, it is interesting to note that Germany has banned fewer political parties than France since the end of the Second World War.

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Decolonization Through Decolonial Reforming

Many stakeholders agree that the WHO has not been able to adequately address the political and social problems, global health emergencies triggered or exacerbated by epidemics and pandemics, malnutrition, and access to clean water in recent years. Against this backdrop, there is a widespread call for more equity and solidarity in the global health system. Most of the proposals concerning the reform of the WHO deal with the possible goals and outcomes of such a reform. However, it is just as important to consider how such a reform should be carried out so that the ambitious goals are not compromised by the implementation process itself.

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Wehrhafte Demokratie light oder doch Verbotsverfahren?

Die Debatte um Parteiverbote scheint festgefahren. Auf der einen Seite stehen jene, die Parteiverbote grundsätzlich ablehnen. Auf der anderen Seite stehen jene, die dringend ein Parteiverbot fordern, möglicherweise verbunden mit einem Verfahren auf Grundrechtsverwirkung gegen einzelne Politiker. Sinnvoll erörtern lässt sich die Frage der Parteiverbote aber letztlich nur im Kontext mit anderen Strategien und Mechanismen.

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As Good as It Gets

Contrasting the constitutional limitations on the freedom to establish political parties in Italy and Germany brings out two quite different conceptions of militant democracy: one is particularistic, retrospective, and provisional – preoccupied with the transition to democracy; the other is universalistic, prospective, and enduring – concerned with the degeneration of democracy. The Portuguese Constitution, true to its eclectic character and multiple influences, steers a seemingly middle course between these polar options.

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The Future of Pathogen Access and Benefit Sharing under International Law

The sharing of pathogen samples and their associated genetic sequence data (GSD) is crucial for global pandemic prevention, preparedness and response. It enables global surveillance, risk assessment and the research and development of pandemic-related products. The sharing of related benefits is also seen as key to ensuring more equitable global access to the fruits of science. These issues, collectively known as Pathogen Access and Benefit Sharing (PABS), remain a major point of contention in the ongoing Pandemic Agreement negotiations. In this post, I explore potential scenarios regarding the establishment or absence of the new PABS System, and their implications under international law.

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Paradoxien und Anpassungsbedarf im BVerfGG

Die Diskussion um ein Parteiverbot ist begleitet von politischen Bedenken vor allem hinsichtlich eines Scheiterns, das bei einem Antrag gegen die Gesamtpartei zumindest nicht ausgeschlossen werden kann. Doch bereits wenige Anpassungen im BVerfGG könnten ermöglichen, dass ein Verbotsantrag auch hinsichtlich der Teilorganisation einer Partei gestellt werden kann. Dasselbe gilt für den Ausschluss von der staatlichen Finanzierung.

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Closing the Accountability Gap

In their latest ‘WHO transformation’ (which began in 2017), the WHO hired at least six consulting firms, praised by the Director-General as the ‘best firms in the world’. Despite their prominent role in WHO processes and reform efforts, there is a clear accountability gap in their role at WHO. Consultant engagement contributes to a trend towards informal governance and public-private collusions in an organization that looks less and less like a public authority.

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The Silent Disintegration of Global Health Governance?

With an estimated 6,9 million deaths and with its enormous scale of economic, social and political collateral damages, the COVID-19 Pandemic has created excessive momentum for re-considering the rules and procedures governing global health – or has it? In this blog contribution, I will discuss the promises and pitfalls of current law-making and law-amending efforts that seek to strengthen pandemic governance post COVID-19 by reflecting on three distinct features of global health as an area of international cooperation.

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Einerseits und Andererseits

Die derzeitige Diskussion um ein Verbot der AfD ist ein anschauliches Beispiel dafür, wie sich die Wahrnehmung auch ganz grundlegender verfassungsrechtlicher Institute im Laufe der Zeit verändern kann. Bis in die siebziger und achtziger Jahre des letzten Jahrhunderts war das Parteiverbot bei vielen geradezu verschrien; es galt zusammen mit den Notstandsgesetzen und dem Radikalenerlass als weiteres Repressionsinstrument eines autoritären Staates, als sichtbarer Beleg für dessen immer nur vorgeschobene Liberalität. Aber ob man den Antrag stellt oder nicht, ist eine schwierige Abwägungsentscheidung, die man auch nicht dadurch unterlaufen kann, dass man sie zu einer rechtlichen erklärt oder sie in der Verfassung schon vorweggenommen sieht.

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Inquiring into the Technicalities of EU Law

It may sound trivial, but I argue that the technicalities of EU law have been neglected and that an in-depth inquiry is lacking. To see why such an inquiry might be interesting, we must go beyond the traditional understanding of legal technicalities and see them as protagonists in their own right. We need to focus on lawyers’ knowledge practices and to inquire into the transformative power of legal technicalities.

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Studying Migrations and Borders from a Pluridisciplinary Perspective

I chose for years to consider migrations and borders from a pluridisciplinary perspective. Such a pluridisciplinary approach reveals to be demanding: it needs both to be developed with discipline, and to be opened to wanderings. You have to accept to be confronted with personal controversies, to be faced with internal discourse on the method.

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Colonialism and EU Law

In 1957, when the Treaty of Rome was signed and founded what later became the European Union (EU), four out of six of the original Member States were colonial powers. An important methodological question for EU law research is how this historical fact has affected the development of EU law. I argue that answering the question of how Europe’s centuries long history of colonialism has shaped EU law is not just a historical exercise but also a starting point for an examination of EU law of today.

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EU Law Through the State Lens

The conceptual apparatus that frames our knowledge of EU administrative law today has its origins in the legal scholarship that established a new field in the turn of the 1980s and during the 1990s. This scholarly field owes much of its uncontested existence to a series of major handbooks, which systematized materials that hitherto had been sparse and scattered, first in German, then in English and later still in French. Revisiting the past may provide some clues as to the role legal scholars can and should have in a period in which we may be witnessing an epochal transition in Europe.

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EU Law and Legal Theory

European law is a very strange creature. It is something that has been created, produced, mostly by jurisprudence and doctrine, and this makes European law especially challenging and interesting for scholars, because it has been, in many respects, a product of scholars. How should we approach the study of European law? How could we approach in a sensible way the study of European law?

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Becoming a (Critical) EU Law Scholar Today

Turning the existential crisis of Europe into critical knowledge, called for by Loïc Azoulai, requires – among other things – critical scholars. The question is, however, whether the present conditions allow for such people to emerge. I discuss only four of the many obstacles that critical scholarship faces today and conclude with a call for something that might be called “critical scholarship about legal scholarship”.

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Hélène Cazes Benatar

Based in Casablanca, Hélène Cazes Benatar not only assisted a great number of refugees fleeing from Europe to North Africa, but also helped with the liberation of internees in Saharan forced labor and internment camps run by the Vichy regime. Her social, political and even clandestine activities were significant and extend far beyond the Jewish community until well after the Second World War.

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The Digital Services Act as a Global Transparency Regime

On both sides of the Atlantic, policymakers are struggling to reign in the power of large online platforms and technology companies. Transparency obligations have emerged as a key policy tool that may support or enable achieving this goal. The core argument of this blog is that the Digital Services Act (DSA) creates, at least in part, a global transparency regime. This has implications for transatlantic dialogues and cooperation on matters concerning platform governance.

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Climate Protests and City Bans

As climate protests are mounting across Italy, there is a corresponding escalation in repressive responses from public authorities. This trend is not unique to Italy but is rather widespread throughout Europe, as evidenced by frequent reports in national newspapers and posts on this blog. What sets Italy apart from other European nations is the spectacular increase in the use of preventive measures by the public security administration.

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Re-Imagining the European (Political) Community through Migration Law

The constant portrayal of migration as an exceptional and problematic phenomenon fuels public anxieties and makes deterrence and harshness seem like the only effective political approaches to managing global migration. By contrast, positive visions of how a society of immigration needs to look like for all members of society to benefit are scarce. Yet to counter apocalyptic scenarios, we need not only such a positive vision but also a theory of societal action that helps to realize it. This blog post offers such a vision and theory that is grounded in the normative and legal framework of the European Union. It argues that we should conceptualize the European society as an inclusive, participatory, and self-reflexive community that is based on constitutional principles as enshrined in Art. 2 TEU. To realize this vision, we must understand practices of claiming and defending human rights not as an overreach into the political latitude of the legislator but as a joint practice of (political) community-building.

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Pushing Back

The CJEU has pending before it a crucial case on the criminalisation of seeking asylum and assistance to those seeking protection. At this critical juncture, this blog post highlights a sample of important decisions in which courts, giving effect to constitutional and international legal principles, set legal limits on this form of criminalisation. These cases reflect not only the appropriate legal limits, but also acknowledge the character of irregular migration and smuggling. Rather than framing individuals as  dangerous illegal migrants and exploitative smugglers, they reassert the humanity of both those in search of refuge and opportunity, and those that assist them.

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The Future of Legal Struggles

The year 2023 was not a good year for the rights of asylum seekers. The decision about a new legal framework for the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) was described as a "historic moment" (Ylva Johansson), but in fact works as a programme of disenfranchisement. If the pursuit of progressive positions are blocked in the political arena, actors shift their strategies to the judicial field. Even before the summer of migration 2015, successful legal struggles had a significant impact on European migration policy. Push-backs on the high sea were prohibited and transfers of asylum seekers to inhumane conditions under the Dublin system were prevented. The draft for the new CEAS are characterised by attempts to circumvent the consequences of these judgements. In this blogpost, I will discuss what the future of legal struggles within the framework of the new CEAS might look like.

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Understanding European Border Management

This contribution highlights how European border management disrupts conventional state-centric understandings thereof, while fostering impunity for human rights violations in its enforcement. EU borders are increasingly controlled in a supranational fashion by a panoply of different actors with different legal mandates and obligations, expanding within and beyond the physical frontiers of Member States. In addition, new technologies and the political turn to the logic of ‘crisis governance’ are contributing to changing the traditional practice of border controls, with a multiplicy of actors being involved in a complex dynamic of securitization. The actors, practices and the legal framework governing European border controls are rapidly changing; yet underlying linear and territorial assumptions and liability regimes remain unchanged perpetuating serious human rights shortcomings.

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Rethinking the Law and Politics of Migration

2023 was, to put it mildly, a terrible year for (im)migrants and their human rights. With the declared end of the Covid pandemic came an end to the exceptional border policies it had led to which had further restricted already weakened migrants’ rights. Yet governments have largely chosen to replace them with legal frameworks that incorporated many of the same rights negating policies and ideas- except for this time they put them on a permanent legal basis. Liberated from their initial emergency rationales, asylum bans have now joined outsourcing and overpopulated mass detention camps as standard methods of migration governance. What is the role of legal scholarship and discourse at a time where governments seem increasingly comfortable to eschew many long-standing legal rules and norms, often with majority support?

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A2D for Researchers in Digital Platforms

Over the past decade, access to data (A2D) in digital platforms has emerged as a significant challenge within the research community. Researchers seeking to explore data hosted on these platforms encounter growing obstacles. While legal policies in the US have generally focused on establishing safeguards for researchers against the restrictions on access imposed by private ordering, the recent EU Digital Service Act (DSA) introduces a legal framework, which enables researchers to compel platforms to provide data access. These complementary legal strategies may prove instrumental in facilitating A2D for research purposes.

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A Systemic Approach to Implementing the DSA’s Human-in-the-Loop Requirement

Policymakers and the public are increasingly concerned about a lack of transparency and accountability in content moderation. Opaque and incontestable content moderation decisions have potential impacts on freedom of expression and media freedom, and well-known issues of discrimination and bias. Our focus here is on how Article 20 DSA can and should be interpreted going forward. Specifically, does Article 20 require a human content moderator to review every content moderation decision on request? And should it?

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Will the DSA have the Brussels Effect?

The Digital Services Act (DSA) is a comprehensive effort by the European Union (EU) to regulate digital services. Many on-lookers in Europe and beyond its borders wonder about whether the DSA will influence activities outside of Europe via a “Brussels Effect.” In this contribution, we argue that when it comes to extraterritorial spill-over effects of the DSA that are driven by economic incentives or de facto standardisation and private ordering.

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Towards a Digital Constitution

The DSA exemplifies the EU's efforts to create a fairer, more responsible digital environment. Through the DSA, the EU appears to be advancing a process of constitutionalisation of Internet governance, as an important milestone in the evolving landscape of “digital constitutionalism”, aiming to establish a unified framework of rights, principles, and governance norms for the digital space, while also contributing to the development of new governance structures and regulatory bodies dedicated to effectively safeguarding fundamental rights online.

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A Hobgoblin Comes for Internet Regulation

Recent laws in the US, along with the Digital Services Act (DSA), seek to provide “due process” for individual content moderation decisions. Due process, understandably enough, often contains a component of treating like cases alike. It seems to follow, then, that if two relevantly similar users are treated differently, there is a problem of inconsistency, and that problem might be addressed by requiring more “due process” in the forms of appeals and clear rules and explanations of those rules to offenders. But it is said that consistency is the hobgoblin of small minds. In internet regulation, it is a damaging goal if taken as a mandate to make individual decisions uniformly consistent with each other.

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Why the Russian Constitution Matters

Russia’s failure to become a democracy after the collapse of the Soviet Union is not an inevitable product of its history. On the contrary, it has been shaped by the adoption of a constitutional system of centralised power in the office of the president. Long term democratic reform will require more than just Putin leaving the office of the presidency. Avoiding a system of ‘Putinism without Putin’ will also require a new Russian constitutional foundation that breaks with centralisation and reshapes the later structural chapters of the constitution to balance power between institutions.

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Teaching Human Rights in Russian Legal Education

The growing mistrust towards the West in Russia since the early 2000s, as well as general disillusionment with the results of political transition and economic reforms, along with the aggressive anti-human rights propaganda of the Russian regime for a long time, has led to a perception of human rights as a "Western theory" that does not fit the Russian people. This context made it easy in the 2010s to weaponize human rights in the Kremlin’s foreign policy rhetoric and subsequent direct aggression; the rhetoric of "protecting human rights" became the justification for both the annexation of Crimea and the initiation of full-scale aggression against Ukraine.

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Can the Russian Constitution Still Strike Back?

Three decades after the adoption of the Russian Constitution, we must admit that it has not become an effective safeguard against the usurpation of power and state terror. The conditions under which the Russian Constitution could have served as a secure barrier to the revival of authoritarianism and state terror is a profound question warranting a separate discussion. I suggest that we should look a few steps ahead and imagine an optimistic scenario of a new attempt to establish democracy and rule of law in Russia – regardless of how improbable such a scenario may seem at present. One of the priorities of such an attempt will be to overcome impunity for the perpetrators of crimes of the Putin regime.

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What Went Wrong and What Could be Done?

The question should perhaps be “what went right?”. I argue that for more than 30 years, as a result of a key provision in the Constitution, and the work of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation (CCRF) there were many positive changes to Russian law and practice. These advances were only possible as a result of Russia’s membership of the Council of Europe and ratification of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). But that chapter in Russia’s constitutional history has been closed.

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Legitimizing Authoritarian Transformation

In the early 1990s, the Constitutional Court of Russia (RCC) was viewed as an important institution for protecting human rights and facilitating the democratic transition. However, the good intentions of the constitutional drafters were insufficient to overcome the country’s totalitarian legacy and practices. An examination of the RCC’s evolution over three decades reveals two significant trends: Firstly, the RCC transformed into a machine for legitimizing laws designed to dismantle political competition, civil society, and civil liberties. Secondly, this dynamic did not prevent the RCC from losing its independence and political weight after the constitutional amendments of 2020. In this blog post, I will provide a brief overview of the RCC’s most controversial decisions over the past 30 years, along with the measures taken to destroy independent constitutional review in Russia.

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Women’s Rights and the Russian Constitution

Since the beginning of Russia’ aggression against Ukraine, the government’s rhetoric has become more conservative and nationalistic. In 2022-2023, Russia witnessed the introduction of a slew of oppressive legislation directly violating human rights. Against the backdrop of Putin’s focus on the fight against the ‘enemies’ and Russia’s isolation due to ‘fighting for the right cause’ women once again became the target of regulation with a steady and consistent assault on their human rights, particularly reproductive rights. Moreover, as women actively participate in anti-war protests, the authorities have been treating women more harshly during arrest, trial and sentencing as various reports show. Nevertheless, women continue to fight for their rights and freedoms in courts and on the streets, hoping for change.

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Subnational Politics and the Path of National Democracies

In Germany and the United States, political factions have emerged in the last decade that have challenged some of the core institutions, conventions, and norms of liberal democratic life. In both countries, subnational units of government—states or municipalities—have operated as staging grounds for parties or factions of parties that reject some or all necessary elements of democratic practice. While they have used different institutional tactics to this end, many basic elements of political strategy can be observed across the two cases.

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Paving the Way for Violence

The negative effects of the 1993 conflict prevailed over the benefits from the end of a confrontation. Its outcomes raised a major barrier to the democratization of Russia and paved the way for the use of violence as a means of preserving power. This conflict contributed to the maximization of presidential power and to the weakening of checks and balances in the constitution, which included significant authoritarian potential. The political order established in Russia after the 1993 conflict largely determined the subsequent trajectory of Russian political evolution and its drift towards a personalist authoritarian regime.

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Parlamentarische Minderheitenrechte und Obstruktion in Österreich

In Österreich sind bereits seit Mitte der 1980er-Jahre obstruierende Aktivitäten der Oppositionsparteien im parlamentarischen Verfahren zu beobachten. Der Gesetzgeber und die parlamentarische Praxis haben seit den 1980ern unterschiedliche Instrumente entwickelt, um der Gefahr der Obstruktion der parlamentarischen Tätigkeit im Nationalrat[1] durch die missbräuchliche Ausübung von Minderheitenrechten zu begegnen, ohne gleichzeitig Minderheitenrechte völlig auszuschließen. Diese Abwägung ist nicht in allen Fällen geglückt und effektiv. Der Gedanke, dass im parlamentarischen Verfahren im Widerstreit von Mehrheit und Minderheit über unterschiedliche Interessenlagen ein politischer Konsens entstehen kann und soll, scheint dabei zusehends in den Hintergrund zu treten.

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Alles unter Kontrolle

In der Praxis einer parlamentarischen Demokratie übernimmt die Kontrollfunktion in erster Linie die Opposition. Nach der ständigen Rechtsprechung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts muss parlamentarische Kontrolle verfahrensrechtlich so gestaltet sein, dass sie effektiv ist. Anders als bei der Teilnahme an der Gesetzgebungs- und Kreationsfunktion, etwa bei der Änderung des Grundgesetzes bzw. der Landesverfassungen oder bei der Verfassungsrichterwahl kann eine Sperrminorität bei der parlamentarischen Kontrolle nur wenig obstruieren. Dennoch bieten die parlamentarischen Kontrollinstrumente, insbesondere das Untersuchungsrecht, Möglichkeiten, die parlamentarische Arbeit zu beeinträchtigen.

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Ziviler Ungehorsam im Parlament

Wie Menschen haben auch Verfassungen einen blinden Fleck. Bis zu einem gewissen Maß sind sie blind für die inhaltliche Ausrichtung einer Partei. In diesem Bereich können sie herannahende Gefahren nicht erkennen. Hat es eine autoritär-populistische Partei einmal geschafft, Abgeordnete ins Parlament zu entsenden, schützt und unterstützt die Verfassung die „Gefahrenquelle“ sogar noch, statt sie abzuwehren. Der dagegen von Abgeordneten teilweise praktizierte „zivile Ungehorsam“ in Form von Boykotten und Ausschlussmaßnahmen befindet sich daher häufig nahe am Rechtsbruch und schadet der Sache letztendlich mehr, als er ihr zuträglich ist.

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Selbstergänzung zur Vermeidung politischer Blockaden des Thüringer Verfassungsgerichtshofs

Was passiert, wenn die politischen Verhältnisse in Thüringen dazu führen, dass die vakanten Richter*innenposten am Thüringer Verfassungsgerichtshof über längere Zeit unbesetzt bleiben und deshalb das Gericht funktionsunfähig wird? Die Amtsfortführung eines Mitglieds des Thüringer Verfassungsgerichtshofs ist nicht unbegrenzt möglich. Eine solche Situation würde den Verfassungsstaat zumindest in eine Krise stürzen können, bedenkt man die vielen Aufgaben des Thüringer Verfassungsgerichtshofs, die ihm durch Verfassung und Gesetz zugewiesen sind. Dieses Problem ließe sich lösen, wenn man als Auffangregelung für eine blockierte Nachwahl den Mitgliedern des Gerichtshofs die Ergänzung selbst überlässt.

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Das Recht auf gute und schlechte Opposition

Nicht erst, aber doch ganz besonders seit dem Erstarken der AfD stellt sich die Frage, wie mit einer obstruktiven Minderheit umzugehen ist. Sie politisch zu beantworten, fällt nicht leicht. Verfassungsrechtlich ist die Lage zumindest im Ausgangspunkt klarer: Das Wirken als parlamentarische Opposition fällt unter den Schutz der Verfassung, die nicht grundsätzlich zwischen „guter“ und „schlechter“ Opposition differenziert. Ein Freibrief geht damit indes nicht einher. Im Umgang mit obstruktiven oder gar antidemokratischen oppositionellen Kräften ist das Parlamentsrecht demnach nicht machtlos, aber auch nicht als erstes und einziges am Zug.

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Wie obstruktiv kann die Minderheit sein?

Parlamentarische Obstruktion ist in den letzten Jahren in der deutschen Rechtswissenschaft ein wenig zum Modebegriff geworden. Dieser Trend mag in gewisser Weise schlicht dem Erstaunen und der Erschütterung darüber geschuldet sein, wie sich in vergleichsweise kurzer Zeit der Ton in deutschen Parlamenten verändert hat. Um das, was in der aktuellen Debatte gerne mit Obstruktion beschrieben wird, besser begreifen zu können, schlage ich daher eine analytische Trennung in drei Phänomene vor.

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Möglich, aber nicht hinzunehmen

Es gibt wirksame Mittel, Sand ins Parlamentsgetriebe zu streuen, also das parlamentarische Verfahren zu verzögern oder sogar Beschlüsse zu verhindern. Obstruktion gehört zum Parlamentarismus. Sie ist in einem Parlament leicht zu praktizieren, aber schwer zu bekämpfen. Bislang werden Obstruktionsmittel von parlamentarischen Minderheiten, vor allem von Oppositionsfraktionen, genutzt. Je größer die Oppositionsfraktionen sind, desto mehr Obstruktionsmittel stehen ihnen zur Verfügung.

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Sparen auf Kosten des Völkerrechts

Seitdem die Schuldenbremse durch das Bundesverfassungsgericht in seinem wegweisenden Urteil vom 15. November 2023 scharfgestellt worden ist, steht die Ampel vor der Herausforderung, einen Haushalt aufzustellen, der den Anforderungen des Klimaschutzes gerecht wird. Sowohl das Urteil als auch erste Reformüberlegungen wurden auf diesem Blog bereits kritisch erörtert (etwa hier und hier). Dieser Beitrag beleuchtet dagegen, inwieweit die Auslegung der Schuldenbremse durch das Bundesverfassungsrecht in einem Spannungsverhältnis mit Deutschlands Verpflichtungen aus dem internationalen Klimaschutzrecht steht. Dabei zeigen sich drei Konfliktlinien, die sich ohne eine Reform der Schuldenbremse noch vertiefen und zuspitzen werden.

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Der Bund als Retter in der Flut?

Bereits jetzt ist absehbar, dass die Hochwasserschäden in mehreren Bundesländern, insbesondere in Niedersachsen, hohe Wiederaufbaukosten nach sich ziehen werden. Auf die Frage, ob die aktuelle Situation ein abermaliges Aussetzen der Schuldenbremse rechtfertige (im Hinblick auf die Ahrtal-Flutkatastrophe 2021 unlängst auch von Robert Pracht diskutiert), stellte Regierungssprecher Steffen Hebestreit klar, dass sich der Bund – zu gegebener Zeit – „vor seiner Verantwortung nicht drücken“ werde, „wenn ein Schadensereignis von nationalem Ausmaß mit hohen Schadenssummen zu bewältigen wäre.“ Der vorausgehenden Frage, ob überhaupt eine Kompetenz des Bundes zur Finanzierung flutbedingter Wiederaufbauhilfe besteht, wurde in der aktuellen Debatte bislang nicht nachgegangen. Nach hier vertretener Ansicht muss dies auf Grundlage der bundesstaatlichen Kompetenzverteilung in den meisten Fällen verneint werden.

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Die Schulden-Verfassungsbeschwerde

Das Haushaltsurteil des Bundesverfassungsgerichts vom 15. November 2023 hat die Bundesrepublik Deutschland über Wochen in Atem gehalten und die Ampel-Koalition in eine Krise gestürzt. Bei der bisherigen Diskussion wenig beleuchtet wurde die Frage, ob Bürger Verstöße gegen die Schuldenbremse im Wege einer Verfassungsbeschwerde nach Art. 93 Abs. 1 Nr. 4a GG rügen können. Wendet man die in der Rechtsprechung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts anerkannten Institute des Anspruchs auf Demokratie (Art. 1 Abs. 1 i.V.m. Art. 20 Abs. 1 GG, Art. 38 Abs. 1 S. 1 GG) und des intertemporalen Freiheitsschutzes (Art. 2 Abs. 1 GG) konsequent an, hat jeder Bürger einen grundrechtlichen Anspruch auf Einhaltung der Schuldenbremse. Diesen Anspruch kann jeder einzelne Bürger im Wege der Verfassungsbeschwerde zum Bundesverfassungsgericht durchsetzen. Eine solche „Schulden-Verfassungsbeschwerde“ könnte schon bald zu einem Haushaltsurteil 2.0 führen.

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Das letzte Wort?

Mit etwas zeitlichem Abstand werden die weitreichenden Folgen des Haushaltsurteils des Bundesverfassungsgerichtes sichtbar. Das Urteil zeigt die Gefahren der Verfassungsgerichtsbarkeit für die Demokratie, die wir trotz der positiven Wirkung dieser Institution für die Herrschaft des Rechts im Blick behalten sollten. Die Gestaltungsfreiheit und Innovationskraft des demokratisch legitimierten Gesetzgebers können nämlich durch verfassungsgerichtliche Vorgaben zu sehr eingeengt werden. Die Politik verstärkt die Macht des Verfassungsgerichtes, wenn führungsschwache Regierungen auf Entscheidungshilfe aus Karlsruhe warten oder die Opposition unmittelbar nach einer Abstimmungsniederlage im Parlament ihre Politik mit verfassungsgerichtlichen Mitteln fortsetzt. Die Bundesverfassungsrichter wiederum tragen ihrerseits zu einer übermäßigen Verrechtlichung der Politik bei, wenn sie ihre Kompetenzen überschreiten.

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The Economic Distortions of the Federal Constitutional Court’s Debt Brake Decision

Germany is not facing a debt crisis, but rather a serious budget crisis triggered by the ‘debt brake’ ruling of the Federal Constitutional Court (FCC). This crisis is deeper than the 60 billion in unused "Corona debts" being shifted to a climate fund, as reported in the media. More fundamentally, the court has mandated that the federal budget strictly adhere to the "principle of annuality" (Jährlichkeit). This is the most significant impact of the court's ruling, and from an economic perspective, it is quite perplexing.

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Die Ahrtal-Flutkatastrophe als Notlage für das Haushaltsjahr 2024

Ausweislich der Statements in der Pressekonferenz vom 13.12.2023 will die Bundesregierung – vorbehaltlich eines gegenteiligen Prüfungsergebnisses – für das Haushaltsjahr 2024 eine Naturkatastrophe beziehungsweise außergewöhnliche Notsituation im Hinblick auf die Ahrtal-Flut 2021 in Teilen von Rheinland-Pfalz und Nordrhein-Westfalen ausrufen. Die verfassungsrechtliche Analyse im Spiegel der Anforderungen des Bundesverfassungsgerichts aus seinem Urteil vom 15.11.2023 ergibt, dass eine solche Vorgehensweise nicht von Art. 115 Abs. 2 Satz 6 GG gedeckt ist.

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Nur vier Zeilen

Ein Staat, dessen Regierung am Ende des Jahres nicht ein und aus weiß, wie sie einen verfassungsge­mäßen Haushalt für das unmittelbar bevorstehende Folgejahr aufstellen kann, befindet sich in einer veritablen Staatskrise. Nein, was wir erleben, ist nicht lediglich die Krise einer Regierung und der sie tragenden Koalition – es handelt sich tatsächlich um eine Staatskrise. Bis nach Dubai in die Welt­klima­konferenz der UN strahlte sie in den letzten Tagen aus, wo Zweifel an der deutschen Fähigkeit geäußert wurden, eingegangene oder angekündigte Verpflichtungen gegenüber der Weltgemein­schaft erfüllen zu können.

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Schulden- statt Notbremse

Wer – als Gericht – strenge Maßstäbe an Gesetzesbegründungen anlegt, Darlegungspflichten verschärft und einer Regierung auf dem, weiß Gott, steinigen Weg zur Transformation der Wirtschaft in die Parade fährt, muss sich an diesen – seinen eigenen – Maßstäben messen lassen und eine von Kriterien geleitete, geordnete Präzisierung des Außergewöhnlichen einer Notlage vorlegen. Daran scheitert der Zweite Senat. Das wäre unter Umständen nicht weiter aufgefallen, hätte sich der Zweite Senat darauf verstehen können, wenigstens die Nichtigkeit des Zweiten Nachtragshaushaltsgesetzes zurückzustellen und den Darlegungsangeboten der Regierung(smehrheit) zu Krisenkonnexität und Krisenbewältigung näher zu treten.

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Schuldenbremse und Klimawandel

Das Urteil des BVerfG vom 15.11.2023 zum Zweiten Nachtragshaushaltsgesetz 2021 stellt die Ampelkoalition vor enorme Herausforderungen. Wichtige Förderprogramme zum Übergang in eine möglichst emissionsfreie Wirtschaftsweise sind akut gefährdet. Da ist es wenig verwunderlich, dass das Urteil auch kritische Reaktionen ausgelöst hat. Ich halte es im Ergebnis ebenfalls für bedenklich, dass schuldenfinanzierte Investitionen in den klimaverträglichen Umbau der Wirtschaft kategorisch ausgeschlossen werden. Ich sehe aber nicht, dass dieses Ergebnis auf der Ebene der Verfassungsinterpretation zu vermeiden gewesen wäre. Vielmehr wird deutlich, dass die Regelung des Art. 115 Abs. 2 GG dringend auf den Prüfstand gehört. Die Verfassung sollte die politischen Akteure nicht auf eine einseitige Sicht der Wirtschaftspolitik und ein verkürztes Verständnis von Generationengerechtigkeit festlegen.

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Katalysator der Polykrise

Am 15. November 2023 hat das Bundesverfassungsgericht (BVerfG) zum ersten Mal über die Vorschriften der Schuldenbremse im Grundgesetz entschieden. Das nun ergangene Urteil verdeutlicht erneut, dass die aktuelle Ausgestaltung des Staatsschuldenrechts in eine finanzrechtliche, vor allem aber finanzpolitische Sackgasse führt. So setzt sich im Urteil durch die restriktive Auslegung der Schuldenbremse die Entpolitisierung des parlamentarischen Haushalts- und Budgetrechts, die „Königsdisziplin des Parlaments“, fort. Daneben beschränkt das Urteil auf erhebliche Art und Weise die Handlungsfähigkeit des Staates und versetzt auch der Wehrhaftigkeit der Demokratie einen Dämpfer. Letztlich ist die Schuldenbremse, wie sie sich nun durch das Urteil darstellt, ein Todesstoß für politisches Denken in langfristigen Zusammenhängen – obgleich dieser Gedanke vom BVerfG erst vor zwei Jahren im sogenannten Klima-Beschluss prominent angebracht wurde.

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Eine verpasste Chance

Das Urteil des Zweiten Senats des Bundesverfassungsgerichts erweist der politischen Handlungsfähigkeit und der Generationengerechtigkeit einen Bärendienst. In enger Auslegung der Haushaltsverfassung schränkt es die Möglichkeitsräume langfristig ausgerichteter Politik ein, ohne einen Kompromissweg vorzuzeichnen. Die Richterinnen und Richter haben die Chance verpasst, die haushaltsverfassungsrechtliche Dogmatik in Anknüpfung an den Klimabeschluss – wohlgemerkt des Ersten Senats – fortzuentwickeln und Leitplanken für das Verhältnis von Klimaschutz und Haushaltsverfassung zu formulieren. Das Urteil lässt sowohl Fingerspitzengefühl als auch Weitsicht vermissen, die ein so sensibles Thema wie die Generationengerechtigkeit im Gesamtgefüge verfassungsrechtlicher Normen insbesondere in von Umbrüchen geprägten Krisenzeiten erfordert.

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Die Repolitisierung des Politischen

Das Verfahren um den zweiten Nachtragshaushalt 2021 gab dem Bundesverfassungsgericht die Gelegenheit, grundlegende Fragen des Finanzverfassungsrechts rund um die Schuldenbremse zu klären. Die Entscheidung, das Gesetz zu kassieren, war die juristisch einzig richtige ‒ und beraubt die deutsche Politik einer schützenden Selbsttäuschung.

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Das Ende der Großzügigkeit

Das Zweite Nachtragshaushaltsgesetz 2021 ist mit dem Grundgesetz unvereinbar und nichtig. Das hat der Zweite Senat des Bundesverfassungsgerichts heute in einem wegweisenden Urteil festgestellt. Das Gericht hat das Nachtragshaushaltsgesetz 2021 überzeugend aus drei Gründen für nichtig erklärt. Erstens ist der Veranlassungszusammenhang zwischen der Neuverschuldung und daraus zu finanzierenden Maßnahmen nicht hinreichend dargelegt und begründet worden, zweitens stehen die Haushaltsgrundsätze der Jährlichkeit, Jährigkeit und Fälligkeit der faktisch unbeschränkten Übertragung von Kreditermächtigungen auf kommende Haushaltsjahre entgegen und drittens können Nachtragshaushalte nicht rückwirkend erlassen werden.

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§ 129 StGB und die Erheblichkeit der Erheblichkeit

In der Diskussion über den Vorwurf der Bildung einer kriminellen Vereinigung (§ 129 StGB) gegen die „Letzte Generation“ vertraten prominente Stimmen die Ansicht, der Straftatbestand setze seit einer Reform von 2017 keine erhebliche Gefahr für die öffentliche Sicherheit mehr voraus. Diese Behauptung lässt sich zwar eindeutig widerlegen, hat aber dennoch für Verwirrung über Gültigkeit und Inhalt des ungeschriebenen Tatbestandsmerkmals gesorgt. Eine Auseinandersetzung mit dessen Anforderungen ist dringend erforderlich. Nicht nur die jüngsten Entwicklungen in den Verfahren gegen die „Letzte Generation“ machen die praktische Bedeutung einer vermeintlichen juristischen Feinheit deutlich. Die Frage der „Erheblichkeit“ ist darüber hinaus auch für die größere Frage relevant, wie eine liberale Demokratie mit disruptiven Klimaprotesten umgeht.  

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Die geschlechtsbezogene Schaustellung von Personen unter dem ProstSchG

Neben dem für die Sexarbeit zentralen ProstSchG findet sich in der Gewerbeordnung mit § 33a eine Norm, die die geschlechtsbezogene „Schaustellung von Personen“ ordnungsrechtlich strukturiert. Sie verdient in der Debatte um die Regulierung von Sexarbeit Beachtung, weil sie illustriert, wie ein unbestimmter Rechtsbegriff zum Austragungsort der moralisch aufgeladenen Debatte um Sexarbeit werden kann.

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Ist das Rechtsgüterschutz oder kann das weg?

Die (straf-)rechtliche Regulierung der Prostitution/Sexarbeit ist seit Jahren nicht nur in feministischen Kreisen hoch umstritten. Insbesondere die Diskussion um die Einführung eines Sexkauf-Verbots nach schwedischem Vorbild kommt nicht zum Erliegen. Weniger heiß diskutiert werden die bestehenden strafrechtlichen Vorschriften, die die Prostitution betreffen. Dabei lohnt sich der Blick in den 13. und 18. Abschnitt des StGB, denn hier wird der ambivalente Blick des Gesetzgebers auf das Phänomen Prostitution/Sexarbeit einmal mehr deutlich.

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Ein Hindernislauf mit Folgen

Sexarbeiter:innen sind seltener krankenversichert als andere Erwerbstätige. Ursächlich ist eine komplexe Gesamtsituation, die unter anderem von einer erhöhten Anfälligkeit des Prostitutionsgewerbes für sozialversicherungsrechtliche (Schein-) Selbstständigkeit geprägt ist. Im Ergebnis reicht die Einführung des Informations- und Beratungsgesprächs nach dem ProstSchG als Maßnahme nicht aus, um den Zugang zu angemessener Absicherung im Krankheitsfall zu sichern.

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Regulating Political Advertising

The issue of financing political campaigns has been a topic of discussion for a while, especially against the background of the ongoing deliberations within the EU surrounding the adoption of the draft Political Advertisement Act (PAA). The recently concluded Polish parliamentary campaign and the assistance offered by State Owned Companies, along with the weak level of oversight on these actions, have highlighted certain shortcomings in the proposed framework that remain unaddressed in the current EU draft legislation. In particular, I argue that the PAA does not adequately regulate the methods and extent of financing for political campaigns such as microtargeting and mistakenly assumes the independence of regulatory bodies tasked with enforcing its requirements. An independent institutional system warranted by the European Commission to enforce the proposed rules is pivotal for PAA to achieve its goals.

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Praxis und Probleme der Sperrgebietsverordnungen

Als maßgebliche Rechtsquellen der Sexarbeit sind nicht nur die speziellen, die Sexarbeit regelnden Gesetze, das Prostitutionsgesetz von 2007 und das Prostituiertenschutzgesetz von 2017 von Bedeutung, sondern auch allgemeinere, verwaltungsrechtliche Instrumente. In der Praxis sind Sperrgebietsverordnungen besonders relevant. Diese verbieten als Rechtsverordnungen die Ausübung der Sexarbeit in bestimmten Gemeindegebieten oder auch in ganzen Gemeinden vollständig oder zeitlich bzw. örtlich begrenzt. Die derzeitige praktische Umsetzung verletzt die Berufsfreiheit der Sexarbeiter*innen und steht im Widerspruch zum Regulierungskonzept des ProstG und des ProstSchG.  

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Zwischen Schutz, Stigma und Stereotyp

Mit der Einführung des ProstSchG im Jahr 2017 hat der Gesetzgeber in Deutschland neue gesetzliche Verpflichtungen verabschiedet, die die Situation der Prostituierten verbessern und sie vor Ausbeutung und Gewalt schützen sollen. Eine zentrale Bestimmung zur Umsetzung des intendierten Schutzes ist die Anmeldepflicht nach § 3 Abs. 1 ProstSchG, die in mehrfacher Hinsicht eine Belastung für die Anmeldepflichtigen bedeuten kann. Aus einer intersektionalen Perspektive zeigt sich, dass dieser Verpflichtung das im Diskurs verankerte klassistische und rassistische Narrativ der nicht selbstbestimmten migrantischen Sexarbeiterin nicht nur vorausgeht, sondern zugrunde liegt.

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Sexarbeit und Gewerberecht

Ein Jahr nach Inkrafttreten des Prostituiertenschutzgesetzes (ProstSchG) bot sich mir die Gelegenheit, einen längeren Überblicksbeitrag zum seinerzeit noch recht neuen Gesetz zu verfassen. Ich wählte für den Aufsatz eine Überschrift, mit der ich heute etwas hadere: „Gewerberecht der Sexualität: Das Prostituiertenschutzgesetz“. Auf der Suche nach einer (scheinbar) griffigen Überschrift habe ich die Ambivalenz dieser Überschrift nicht verkannt, sondern gesucht. Die irritierenden Assoziationen, die sich ergeben, wenn die Kommerzialisierung („Gewerbe“) von Sexualität zum Thema rechtlicher Regulierung wird, habe ich eher als rhetorische Herausforderung begriffen, ohne die brutalen Schattenseiten der Sexarbeit hinreichend zum Problem zu machen.

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Das Prostituiertenschutzgesetz und sein Vollzug

Die Debatte über die Regulierung von Prostitution wogt zwischen zwei feministischen Positionen zu Prostitution selbst hin und her, die miteinander unvereinbar sind. Diese Positionen markieren die äußeren Punkte auf einer Skala, die von Verbot bis Liberalisierung reicht. Auf dieser Skala lassen sich geltendes Recht wie Reformvorschläge verorten. Das geltende Prostituiertenschutzgesetz liegt zwischen den Punkten und unternimmt den Versuch der Vermittlung. Trotz seiner Vollzugsdefizite ist es die bessere Alternative, wenn es wirklich um den Schutz von Prostituierten gehen soll.

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Regulierung der Sexarbeit in Deutschland

Die rechtspolitische Debatte über Sexarbeit ist stark ideologisch und moralisch aufgeladen sowie durch stereotype Vorurteile von Sexarbeiter*innen als Opfer gesellschaftlicher Verhältnisse und männlicher Herrschaftsansprüche geprägt. Die Lebenssituation und die Arbeitsbedingungen von Sexarbeiter*innen in Deutschland sind allerdings sehr vielfältig. Dieser Vielfalt – über den Sachbereich verschiedener Rechtsgebiete und den Kreis denkbarer Adressat:innen hinweg – gerecht zu werden, ist eine der größten Herausforderungen für die Regulierung der Sexarbeit. Die Beiträge des Symposiums „Regulierung der Sexarbeit in Deutschland – 6 Jahre Prostituiertenschutzgesetz“ beleuchten aus einer intradisziplinären Perspektive verschiedene Aspekte des Rechts der Sexarbeit und ziehen gleichzeitig eine Zwischenbilanz zum Prostituiertenschutzgesetz.

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The Basic Structure Doctrine, Article 370 and the Future of India’s Democracy

A constitution bench (five-judges) of the Supreme Court of India recently concluded the hearings related to the the abrogation of Article 370 of the Constitution and the bifurcation of the State of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) into two Union Territories. How the Supreme Court finally decides this instant case will have far-reaching constitutional implications. In particular, the basic structure challenge pressed upon by the Petitioners, is likely to determine the future of India’s democratic federal architecture and the structural balance of power between the Union and states.

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Der blinde Fleck

Die Debatte um den richtigen Umgang mit zivilem Klimaschutzungehorsam von Klima-Aktivistinnen und Klima-Aktivisten bleibt im Fluss. Sichtweisen, die auf Basta-Legalismus („Recht muss Recht bleiben“) hinauslaufen, verstellen den Blick auf die strafverfassungsrechtlichen Implikationen, die mit der Verfolgung organisierten Klimaprotests als organisierter Kriminalität durch Vereinigungen einhergehen. Der robusten Strafverfolgung organisierten Klimaprotests wegen Gründung oder Beteiligung an einer kriminellen Vereinigung stehen in der Demokratietheorie wurzelnde Bedenken entgegen. Sie haben auf Ebene der Verhältnismäßigkeit staatlicher Reaktionen bislang noch keine ausreichende Beachtung gefunden.

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Degrees of (In)Dependence

For years, there has been a debate about making the Polish Prosecutor's Office an authority that is arguably located between the classic uniformed services (the police), public administration (tax offices), and the judiciary. In Polish scholarly discourse, two positions prevail regarding the place of the prosecutor's office in the system of state organs - subordination to the executive, or quasi-independence based on an organic statute with the strong influence of parliament. In this blog, I will explain how PiS has exploited Poland's adoption of the former model, and evaluate the promise and perils of a proposal to cure the current defects by rendering Poland's prosecutor's office (more) independent.

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The Distorted Body

Ensuring the integrity of elections is a foundational concern for any democratic state. Yet, it faces a grave challenge in Poland, emanating from the Chamber of Extraordinary Control and Public Affairs of the Supreme Court. Created in 2018 following controversial changes to the national judicial system and tasked with reviewing the validity of parliamentary elections, the Chamber fails to meet the essential criteria of an independent court. Confirmed by rulings of the European Court of Human Rights and the Supreme Court itself, the Chamber’s flawed origin and staffing, dependent on political influence and in departure from established rules of law, undermines its capacity to authenticate the fairness and legitimacy of elections. This echoes beyond Poland’s borders as well, since the Chamber’s defective status fails to meet European standards of effective judicial protection, thus raising concerns in the context of European integration. This blog delves into the Chamber’s position, examines its role in validating electoral process and its impact on the democratic legitimacy of Poland’s Parliament.

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Judicial Transitology

The rule of law crisis in Poland consists of several elements – undermining the independence of courts, politicization of disciplinary proceedings against judges, and lack of legal certainty. None of them, however, raises so many doubts and concerns as the status of judges appointed or promoted upon the request of the politically captured National Council of Judiciary (NCJ). In this blog post, we analyse the diverse composition of the group of judges appointed or promoted upon the motion of the NCJ from 2018. We also discuss the relevant jurisprudence of national and international courts and the current state of debate concerning this problem and possible solutions.

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Poland’s Sham ‘Migration’ Referendum

On June 15, 2023, Jarosław Kaczyński, leader of Poland's PiS party, announced a rare referendum, ostensibly to allow the public to weigh in on crucial elements of Polish immigration policy, alongside the general elections. Yet, in reality, the referendum had little to do with migration and the opposition parties largely ignored the referendum's questions to avoid its deployment as an electoral campaign tool. As such, whatever voters will decide on Election day, it will tell us little about the state of Polish migration politics.

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Constitutional Pluralism and Article 370

Recently, the Indian Supreme Court finished hearing oral arguments on a batch of petitions challenging the constitutional validity of The Constitution (Application to Jammu and Kashmir) Order, 2019 which extended all provisions of the Indian Constitution to Jammu and Kashmir. In the midst of the arguments, the Court pondered upon the nature of the relationship between the Constitution of India and the Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir. While the Court is unlikely to hand down an authoritative ruling on this relationship, the exchanges between the judges and lawyers offer us a valuable avenue to explore. By analysing the Jammu and Kashmir Constituent Assembly Debates, this piece examines the nature of the relationship envisaged by the two constitutions. I argue that the constitutional principle that undergirded the previously existing constitutional relationship between India and Jammu and Kashmir is heterarchy.

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Civil Disobedience on Trial in Switzerland

Since 2018, Swiss courts have become regular sites of criminal trials against climate activists who engage in various forms of non-violent protest to obtain effective climate action from their government and raise public awareness. Since the autumn of 2018, we have recorded approximately 30 non-violent forms of climate protest and civil disobedience across Switzerland, leading to at least 200 trials in Swiss criminal courts. In this contribution, we highlight three themes that have emerged in the trials of climate activists: First, the Federal Supreme Court has closed the door to the use of the necessity defense to justify civil disobedience in the name of the climate emergency. Second, at least some Swiss judges and courts are open to considering and applying the case law of the ECtHR. Third, the idea of civil disobedience remains deeply contested in the courts, as it is considered by the authorities to be antithetical to the Swiss model of democracy.

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Parliamentary Decisions on its own Behalf and Spanish Constitutional Law

A phrase like "Parliament decisions on its own behalf" has not been codified in Spanish legal and political discourse. Nevertheless, it is acknowledged that there are certain issues where political parties within parliament possess distinct interests that may influence their legislative choices. To counter the potential hazards involved, various elements have demonstrated varying degrees of efficiency in ensuring that decision are being made for the common good, despite the influence of party-specific concerns.

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The Political Process in Search of a Judge

It must be acknowledged: in Italy, a judgment such as that delivered by the German Federal Constitutional Court on 24 January 2023 on party financing is currently constitutional science fiction. The Italian constitutional judges have never theorised, unlike their German colleagues, the need for closer scrutiny in certain matters where a ‘conflict of interest’ of the legislature can be discerned. This also partly reflects a different understanding of their own role within the constitutional system.

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Wackliges Parteienkartell

Die Formulierung „Entscheidungen in eigener Sache“ ist in Österreich weder in der Rechts- noch in der Politikwissenschaft gebräuchlich. Die damit umschriebenen Elemente der Rechtsordnung und des politischen Systems werden jedoch seit langem diskutiert, besonders im Kontext der Kombination von Konkordanzdemokratie und der dominanten Rolle der politischen Parteien, die für Österreich typisch ist. Seit den 1990er-Jahren verlieren diese beiden Elemente an Einfluss. „Entscheidungen in eigener Sache“ lassen sich nicht mehr bloß mit Verweis „auf die Rechtslage“ rechtfertigen.

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Österreich als Insel der Seligen?

In Deutschland findet schon seit Jahrzehnten ein Diskurs statt, der bei seinem österreichischen Nachbarn anklopft, aber nicht wirklich angekommen ist: Jener über Entscheidungen des Parlaments in eigener Sache. Der fehlende rechtspolitische Diskurs lässt auf den ersten Blick vermuten, dass österreichische Abgeordnete nicht in eigener Sache entscheiden, sondern stets zum Gemeinwohl aller. Nüchtern betrachtet offenbart sich jedoch ein anderes Bild.

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Passing Electoral Laws

Laws governing electoral issues (hereinafter electoral laws) are vital to representation in a democracy and its existence. This short post outlines why and how electoral laws should be subject to higher approval requirements and heightened judicial review.

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Die Finanzierung parteinaher Stiftungen als „Entscheidung in eigener Sache“

Die Finanzierung parteinaher Stiftungen wird häufig als Beispielsfall für eine Entscheidung des Parlaments in eigener Sache angeführt. Ein detaillierter Blick auf die Stiftungsfinanzierung zeigt, dass der Begriff der „Entscheidung in eigener Sache“ zwar nicht gut gewählt ist, die Materie aber für die Politikfinanzierung typische Kontrolldefizite aufweist, die häufig unter diesem Label diskutiert werden. Diese Kontrolldefizite gehen Hand in Hand mit anderen verfassungsrechtlichen Defiziten.

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Der demokratische Normalfall

Wenn Wahlgesetzgebung kritisiert wird, ist der Hinweis auf die „Entscheidung in eigener Sache“ rasch zur Hand. Wer will schon bestreiten, dass die Abgeordneten bei Wahlrechtsänderungen auch an ihre eigenen Wiederwahlchancen denken? Dass sie diese Chancen bei jeder Entscheidung im Blick haben sollten, um ihrer Verantwortung gegenüber den Wähler:innen gerecht zu werden, erscheint unerheblich: Denn beim Wahlrecht geht es nicht um irgendeine Sachfrage, sondern um die Regeln des demokratischen Prozesses, die – auch das kann niemand bestreiten – vor Manipulationen geschützt werden müssen.

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Odysseus am Mast

Als Odysseus auf seiner langen Heimfahrt an der Insel der Sirenen vorbeikam, mussten er und seine Männer Mittel und Wege finden, dem verzaubernden Gesang der Sirenen zu entgehen. Odysseus ließ sich fest an den Mast seines Schiffes binden, und seine Männer stopften sich Wachs in die Ohren. Vor einem ähnlichen Problem stehen Parteien und Politiker, wenn sie Entscheidungen in eigener Sache treffen, also Entscheidungen, in denen sie selbst die Regeln des politischen Wettbewerbs und damit ihres Machterwerbs bestimmen können.

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Entscheidungen in der Sache des Bundesverfassungsgerichts

Entscheidungen des Parlaments in eigener Sache – gibt es das im politischen System der Bundesrepublik? Vordergründig betrachtet mit Sicherheit, denn natürlich existieren Materien, die vor allem die im Parlament vertretenen Parteien angehen und gleichzeitig von diesen entschieden werden. Faktisch aber werden diese Materien in Deutschland aber – nach dem besten Wissen dieses Verfassers ausnahmslos – vom Bundesverfassungsgericht (mit-)entschieden.

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Die stabilisierende Wirkung politischen Wettbewerbs

Entscheidungen von politischen Akteuren „in eigener Sache“ werden in Öffentlichkeit und Wissenschaft zu Recht kritisch betrachtet. Führen diese nicht zwangsläufig dazu, dass politische Partien eigene Interessen verfolgen und damit Gemeinwohlüberlegungen auf der Strecke bleiben? Diese Frage stellt sich besonders bei Themen wie der Parteienfinanzierung, in denen Parteien gemeinsame Interessen haben und diese im Sinne einer Kartelllogik auf Kosten der Gesamtgesellschaft durchsetzen können. Ohne die Relevanz dieser Problematik abzustreiten, argumentiert dieser Beitrag, dass Entscheidungen in eigener Sache weniger problematisch sein können, wenn sie dem politischen Wettbewerb unterworfen sind.

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Distanzschutz in der Ersten Gewalt

Es ist ein auf den ersten Blick eigenartiger Befund. Während im Bereich der Exekutive und Judikative Entscheidungen in eigener Sache Gegenstand von Ausschließungs- und Befangenheitsregelungen sind und damit als Problem normativ umfangen und im Grundsatz auch problemadäquat gelöst werden, scheinen vergleichbare Normen für die erste Gewalt zu fehlen. Die damit zusammenhängenden Probleme werden plastisch dem Fragenkreis der Entscheidung in eigener Sache zugeordnet. Allerdings ist dieser namentlich von Hans Herbert von Arnim mitgeprägte Begriff missverständnisträchtig, gefahrgeneigt und umstritten.

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Gemeinwohlsicherung im Recht der Politik

Mit dem jüngsten Stakkato von verfassungsgerichtlichen Urteilen zur Politikfinanzierung und den Diskussionen um die Wahlrechtsreform ist der Topos der „Entscheidungen in eigener Sache“ wieder in den Fokus gerückt. Als juristische Kategorie sind sie durchaus ambivalent. Zugleich verweist die Formulierung von den „Entscheidungen in eigener Sache“ auf eines der zentralen Probleme im Recht der Politik: Wo strukturelle Kontrolldefizite entstehen können, sind rechtliche und institutionelle Reaktionen zur Sicherung des Gemeinwohls notwendig.

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Mehr Ely im deutschen Verfassungsrecht

Parlamente entscheiden ständig in eigener Sache. Bei Themen wie dem Wahlrecht oder Abgeordnetendiäten ist dies auch kaum anders denkbar. Wer soll auch sonst entscheiden? Angesichts dessen kann der Begriff der "Entscheidungen in eigener Sache", den das Bundesverfassungsgericht als Argument für eine verschärfte gerichtliche Kontrolle einsetzt, in der Tat populistisch erscheinen: als Ausdruck des Misstrauens gegenüber denen "da oben" oder eben "in Berlin".

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Die Demokratie kann sich nicht selbst aus dem Weg gehen

Die Demokratie kann sich nicht selbst aus dem Weg gehen: Sie muss sich selbst organisieren. Die Rechte, Institutionen und Verfahren, die demokratische Selbstbestimmung ermöglichen, sind nicht natürlich vorfindbar. Jemand muss sie als freiheitlich-gleichheitsgerechte Rechtsform der kollektiven Willensbildung und des kollektiven Handelns machen. Also stellt sich die Frage: wer macht sie?

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Entscheidungen in eigener Sache – eine analytische Skizze

Entscheidungen in eigener Sache sind Akte der Selbstbestimmung. Zum Problem werden sie erst dann, wenn sie auch andere betreffen, wenn sie zugleich auch Entscheidungen über andere darstellen. Dies ist regelmäßig der Fall bei Entscheidungen der organisierten Staatlichkeit. Diese beanspruchen Verbindlichkeit gegenüber ihren Adressaten, sie stellen einen Gehorsamsanspruch an diese. Solche verbindlichen Entscheidungen begründen ein Legitimationsproblem.

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(In)tolerance to Civil Disobedience in the UK

Disruptive environmental protest has become a hugely controversial issue in the UK, both politically and legally. It is likely to be a wedge issue in the upcoming General Election. Both major political parties are talking tough on the issue, and the government has instituted draconian new laws. The courts, for their part, are permitting ever more 'Mega Persons Unknown injunctions' and imposing increasingly longer prison terms for peaceful – but disruptive – protests. Part of this is an international trend, caused by the indisputable evidence of global warming and the increasingly activist environmental movement. But from a UK practitioner’s perspective, it is deeply worrying that there are now a large number of peaceful protesters in the prison system, or facing huge bills for legal costs, or both.

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Environmental Protest and Civil Disobedience in Australia

In Germany, disruptive protest demanding climate change mitigation policies has provoked popular and constitutional discussion. Commentators have questioned whether acts of illegality committed as civil disobedience should be treated distinctly from ‘ordinary’ criminality and punished more leniently. In other parts of the world, however, legislative activity has singled out the illegality involved in civil disobedience to the opposite end. Legislatures have introduced laws that radically increase penalties for existing offences involved in disruptive protest and blockades, conferred new powers on police, and created new offences for previously legal forms of protest. In this post I explore an Australian legislative trend of the last decade that specifically targets environmental civil disobedience by imposing additional criminal penalties upon its exercise. The Australian case study is a cautionary tale of what can follow a failure to recognise democratic value in civil disobedience and treat it with constitutional nuance.

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A Hidden Battlefield

The platform work directive proposal presents important implications for the implementation of social security schemes (e.g. those relating to unemployment or incapacity). In particular, it required digital labour platforms to declare and inform social protection authorities of the work performed through the platform and to share with them relevant data, among other aspects. It is important that these implications are maintained in a final instrument, as suggested by the Parliament in its position for trilogue negotiations.

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More than Formal Recognition?

The Commission’s proposal for a Platform Work Directive contains a number of provisions recognising collective labour rights for platform workers, mostly revolving around information and consultation rights for workers’ representatives. This suggests that, at least in principle, extending workplace representation and industrial relation practices to the platform economy is part of the Commission’s policy agenda. However, this blogpost argues that even if certain collective labour rights are formally recognised, the proposed directive does not offer adequate basis for their effective exercise. Trade union organising, collective bargaining and workplace democracy do not find sufficient support in the directive, thus limiting their development within the platform economy.

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A Timid Proposal

With the Council position of 12 June on the proposal for a EU Directive on improving working conditions in platform work, a presumption of employment status for digital platform work is now becoming the subject of trilogue negotiations. A lot could be said about the proposal, the process, and the innovation that would come with an EU Directive on platform work as such. This comment focuses on one central part of the proposal: the presumption of employment. The Commission’s and Council’s proposals suggest a well meant, but timid instrument. Given the already limited scope of te proposals in their definition of “digital labour platforms”, only the Parliament’s position that does not condition the presumption to any additional criteria is able to convince.

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Wir können alles. Außer Versammlungsfreiheit.

Die Versammlungsfreiheit gerät unter Druck. Immer öfter versuchen staatliche Behörden in verblüffender Verkennung verfassungsrechtlicher Prinzipien dieses Grundrecht zu entkernen. Der neueste Akt dieser Entwicklung stammt aus Baden-Württemberg. Per Allgemeinverfügung vom 7.7.2023 verbietet die Stadt Stuttgart bis zum Ende des Jahres Blockadeaktionen der Klimabewegung, bei denen sich Aktivist*innen auf die Straße kleben oder anderweitig mit der Straße oder anderen Personen verbinden. Was zunächst als lokale Randnotiz erscheinen mag, erweist sich beim näheren Blick als Lehrstück eines sowohl zweck-, als auch rechtswidrigen Umgangs des Staates mit Klimaprotesten.

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Intertemporal Freedom in the Historic Climate Protection Ruling of the German Federal Constitutional Court

The climate protection ruling of the German Federal Constitutional Court in Karlsruhe of 2021 is a historic decision. It is on a par with the Court's major landmark decisions such as Lüth, Elfes, or Brokdorf. It updates the fundamental value of equal freedom: Freedom includes future freedom and, as a right to intertemporal freedom, can demand a proportional distribution of freedom opportunities over time. 

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Ziviler Ungehorsam als Demokratie

Spätestens seit dem Frühjahr 2022 ist ziviler Ungehorsam in Deutschland wieder in aller Munde. Die Justiz, Wissenschaft und die politische Öffentlichkeit sind durch die Protestaktionen insbesondere der „Letzten Generation“ mit dynamischen Entwicklungen konfrontiert. Immer im Raum, aber selten ausgesprochen, steht dabei die Kernfrage: Wann ist es gerechtfertigt, Gesetze zu brechen, um für ein höheres Ideal einzustehen? Ein Blick in die Geschichte sozialer Bewegungen zeigt: Dann, wenn es um existenzielle Krisen geht.

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Nachhaltigkeit durch Vermögensbindung

In Zeiten planetarer Krisen (z.B. Klimawandel und Verlust der Artenvielfalt) können  Rechtsvorschriften zur Verwirklichung von Nachhaltigkeitszielen erhebliches Steuerungspotenzial entfalten. Dies gilt insbesondere für Vorschriften des Gesellschaftsrechts, da Unternehmen sowohl bei der Verursachung als auch bei der Bewältigung ökologischer (und ebenso sozialer) Probleme eine entscheidende Rolle spielen. Aus diesem Grund finden immer mehr „nachhaltigkeitsbezogene“ Vorschriften Eingang in Gesellschaftsrechtsordnungen, die ein breites Spektrum von Regulierungsstrategien abbilden. Einige Staaten verfolgen neben der Statuierung von Offenlegungs- und Sorgfaltspflichten einen Ansatz, der in Deutschland durch einen im Jahr 2020 vorgelegten Gesetzentwurf über eine „GmbH mit gebundenem Vermögen“ (GmbH-gebV) aufgegriffen wurde: Die Einführung einer gesellschaftsrechtlichen Vermögensbindung (asset lock).

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Blockierende Beamte?

„Als Polizistin bei der Letzten Generation“ – so betitelte ZEIT Online gestern einen Bericht über eine Hauptkommissarin, die in ihrer Freizeit die Letzte Generation unterstützt. Der Fall sorgt für Aufsehen – und rückt eine Frage in den Mittelpunkt, die in der bisherigen Diskussion über die Letzte Generation bislang keine Beachtung gefunden hat: Dürfen sich Beamt:innen für diese Bewegung engagieren?

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Von der Nachhaltigkeit zur Resilienz und einem planetaren Grundgesetz

In Deutschland ist in den letzten Jahren eine lebhafte juristische Diskussion zur Begrünung des Grundgesetzes entbrannt. Die Einführung des Konzepts der planetaren Grenzen in das Grundgesetz findet sich jedoch bisher, soweit ersichtlich, nicht unter den Reformvorschlägen. Die explizite Einführung einer planetaren Dimension ins Grundgesetz hätte aber mehrere Vorteile.

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Nachhaltigkeit codieren

Das Klimaschutzregime wäre ein gänzlich anderes, wenn wir es vom Boden her denken würden. Böden sind es, auf denen die Aktivitäten stattfinden, die Treibhausgase emittieren und jene Ökosysteme zerstören, welche so grundlegend benötigt werden, um Leben zu erhalten, CO2  zu binden und die Erde zu kühlen. Nur weil wir den Klimawandel zu einem bodenlosen Thema gemacht haben – sozusagen rechnerisch in die Atmosphäre verschoben haben - können wir ignorieren, dass der Boden die relevanteste Ressource zur Eindämmung des Klimawandels und der Ökosystemkatastrophe ist und für eine nachhaltige Transformation die Beschaffenheiten lokaler Ökosysteme mitgedacht werden muss.

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Freiheit und Nachhaltigkeit im Verfassungswandel

Mit dem Klima wandelt sich auch notwendig die offene Gesellschaft. Und mit ihr wandelt sich wiederum auch die Verfassung(-sinterpretation). Periodisch wiederkehrende Gesundheits- und Sicherheitskrisen fordern eine dynamische Reaktion des Grundgesetzes auf mit ihnen einhergehende Probleme. In andauernden Krisen wie der Umweltkrise muss die Verfassung gleichzeitig in vielerlei Hinsicht nachhaltig sein. Dabei muss das, was wir unter Freiheit, Klima‑, Umwelt- oder Tierschutz verstehen, immer im Wandel bleiben.

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Das Konzept der Nachhaltigkeit auf dem Pfad des Feminismus?

Faktisch sind Frauen* stärker von den Auswirkungen durch die Überschreitungen der planetaren Grenzen, insbesondere des Klimawandels und der damit verbundenen Naturkatastrophen, betroffen. Obgleich nicht alle Frauen* und keineswegs nur Frauen* tangiert sind, ist eine sog. genderspezifische Vulnerabilität messbar, da sich Gender oft mit anderen Merkmalen wie einer schlechteren sozio-ökonomischen Stellung oder einem erschwerten Zugang zu Ressourcen z. B. Land und Finanzmitteln überschneidet. Frauen* sind aber nicht nur passive Betroffene, sondern übernehmen auch aktiv Führungsrollen zugunsten von Klimaschutz und Klimawandelanpassung, beispielsweise im lokalen Wassermanagement oder in der Rechtsdurchsetzung.

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SLAPPs, Daphne’s Law, and the Future of Journalism

Media freedom has many dimensions. Whereas the EMFA deals directly with media oversight bodies and the likes, the proposed anti-SLAPP (strategic lawsuits against public participation) directive weighs into a more niche but crucially important topic: the silencing of journalists through bogus litigation. Such bogus litigation - or SLAPPS - does not intend to „win” cases but to slowly but steadily dry out journalists financially, emotionally, and socially. Currently, the Council of the European Union and the European Union Parliament are working on their proposals of the directive. It is crucial that the Commission’s proposal will not be watered down.

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EMFA and its Uphill Battle for Media Freedom and Democracy in the EU

The European Media Freedom Act, primarily designed to safeguard the EU media market, can also serve as an important tool in preserving the rule of law in member states such as Hungary and Poland, that have experienced an alarming assault on media freedom and pluralism in the past decade. This contribution critically evaluates the potential of the proposed European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) for addressing the ongoing issues in media freedom in Poland and Hungary.

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Without Enforcement, the EMFA is Dead Letter

Besides important substantive provisions, the EMFA proposal contains various mechanisms concerning the role of national regulatory authorities, the newly established European Board for Media Services (Board) and the Commission. However, this blogpost argues that the proposed tools fail to effectively improve the already available enforcement mechanisms in EU law. We offer three recommendations to improve enforcement of media law and policy in the EU, while remaining within the boundaries of the competences as established by the EU Treaties.

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Die „Letzte Generation”, die EMRK und das Strafrecht

Die Aktionen der „Letzten Generation“ haben den gesellschaftlichen und juristischen Diskurs der letzten Monate geprägt. So engagiert die juristische Diskussion jedoch geführt wird, so sehr verharrt sie ganz überwiegend noch im nationalen Recht. Die zuständigen deutschen Strafrichter:innen werden sich jedoch auch dem Blick nach Straßburg nicht entziehen können – die Blockadeaktionen der „Letzten Generation“ stehen unter dem Schutz der in Artikel 11 Abs. 1 EMRK kodifizierten Versammlungs- und Vereinigungsfreiheit. Dieser Schutz steht einer strafrechtlichen Sanktionierung der Aktionen nicht grundsätzlich im Weg; eine Rückbesinnung auf die menschenrechtliche Dimension der Proteste kann und sollte aber ein Korrektiv für allzu ausgeartete Kriminalisierungs- bzw. Selbstjustizfantasien darstellen.

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Die “Letzte Generation” in staatlichen Schulen?

Die Aufregung in Medien und Politik war ebenso groß wie schnell verflogen. Vertreter*innen der "Letzten Generation vor den Kipppunkten", so wurde berichtet, wollten an Schulen aktiv werden und Schüler*innen für Aktionen mobilisieren. Zum Glück trafen sie damit aber auf den „klaren Widerstand“ der Kultusminister*innen, die sich mutig der „Rekrutierung“ entgegenstellen. In Hamburg forderte die CDU in der Bürgerschaft, dass den Schulen verboten wird, in irgendeiner Weise mit Aktivist*innen der Letzten Generation zusammenzuarbeiten. Sich pauschal gegen die Einladung von Vertreter*innen der „Letzten Generation“ auszusprechen verkennt gleichermaßen die Aufgaben von Schulen wie auch die rechtlichen Bedingungen für die Beteiligungsmöglichkeiten externer gesellschaftlicher Kräfte in der Schule.

2

Ist der Umgang mit Klimaprotesten in Deutschland menschenrechtswidrig?

Wegen der in vielen Staaten der Welt zunehmenden Repressionen gegenüber friedfertigen Protestbewegungen, die vor allem auf Sitzblockaden zurückgreifen, hatten der UN-Menschenrechtsausschuss und auch der UN-Sonderberichterstatter sich in den letzten beiden Jahren wiederholt zu den menschenrechtlichen Standards im Umgang mit störenden Protestformen geäußert. Die dort identifizierten Gefahren für das Menschenrecht auf Versammlungsfreiheit sind auch für die deutsche Situation aufschlussreich.

20

Gesetz ist Gesetz?

Seit den Hausdurchsuchungen in 15 Wohnungen von Mitgliedern der „Letzten Generation“ hat sich die öffentliche Diskussion um die Aktionen der Gruppe noch einmal intensiviert. Im Zentrum steht dabei der Begriff des „Zivilen Ungehorsams“. Obwohl das dahinterstehende Konzept auf viel, auch auf viel berechtigte, Kritik stößt, möchte ich zeigen, dass „ungehorsames“ Protestverhalten die Funktion erfüllt, Ungleichgewichte in den Möglichkeiten politischer Einflussnahme auszugleichen. Ziviler Ungehorsam kann dabei eine integrative Funktion erfüllen; er kann aber auch die diskursiven Verhältnisse aufbrechen und zu gesellschaftlichen und politischen Veränderungen anstoßen. Zudem zeichnet er sich dadurch aus, dass er Visionen einer normativen Zukunft entwickelt und insofern einen Beitrag zur Entwicklung der politischen Gemeinschaft und ihrer Verfassung leistet. Die weltweit zunehmende Kriminalisierung von Protestaktionen missachtet diese demokratische und rechtsstaatliche Bedeutung zivilen Ungehorsams.

6

Aus der Mottenkiste politischer Theorie

Die aus der Mottenkiste der politischen Theorie entliehene Figur des „zivilen Ungehorsams“ in ihrer schillernden Unbestimmtheit ist kein grundrechtsdogmatisch plausibles Argument. Es gibt keine habermaskonforme Auslegung des Grundgesetzes. Ein dysfunktionales Einsickern in das Vokabular der Verhältnismäßigkeit wäre folgenreich und hat das Potential, die Mechaniken angemessenen Interessenausgleichs auszuhebeln, auf den wir alle gerade dann angewiesen sind, wenn wir erfolgreich die Wende in die Klimaneutralität organisieren wollen. In Zeiten, in denen sich die Institutionen des liberal-demokratischen Rechtsstaats immer aggressiveren Anfechtungen ausgesetzt sehen und sich robust behaupten müssen, wird die durchsetzbare Verpflichtung aller Akteure auf die demokratische Legalität zu einem kostbaren Gut. Man sollte es keinem autoritären Illegalismus opfern.

8

Manövrieren an den Grenzen des § 129 StGB

Die Ermittlungen wegen § 129 StGB gegen die Letzte Generation haben zu einem sehr frühen Zeitpunkt begonnen und stehen auf einer rechtlich alles andere als sicheren Grundlage. Die Strafverfolgungsbehörden manövrieren an der Grenze des Tatbestandes. Dies heißt aber auch, dass alle, die die Letzte Generation als Mitglied unterstützen, sich der Gefahr von Ermittlungsmaßnahmen aussetzen, also an der Grenze dessen agieren, was man sich selbst guten Gewissens zumuten möchte und kann. Schon die Ermittlungen wegen § 129 StGB haben damit eine prohibitive Wirkung.

15

„Ziviler Ungehorsam – Testfall für den demokratischen Rechtsstaat“

… so lautet der Titel eines Aufsatzes von Habermas, erschienen 1983. Genau diesen Testfall erleben wir derzeit. Es scheint, als ob „der Rechtsstaat“ – nach Wochen des intensiven Protests durch die „Letzte Generation“ in Berlin – nun „andere Saiten aufziehen“ möchte, und erneut nach dem Strafrecht greift, genauer gesprochen nach einem Tatbestand des ohnehin nicht unproblematischen Präventivstrafrechts. Meine These ist jedoch, dass der Versuch, die Klimaproteste „wegzustrafen“, den Rechtsstaat zwangsläufig schwächt, anstatt ihn zu stärken. Da politischer Protest im Ausgangspunkt als wesentliches Element einer demokratischen Kultur ausgehalten werden muss, ist auch der Umgang mit unter Umständen strafbaren Aktionen im Zuge des politischen Protests - freilich im Rahmen des Legalitätsprinzips - mit Augenmaß zu wählen, um diesen Grundsatz nicht zu konterkarieren.

3

Wie man eine kriminelle Vereinigung macht

Mit den bundesweiten Hausdurchsuchungen gegen Mitglieder von „Letzte Generation“ erreicht der gesellschaftliche Konflikt um die Klima-Proteste nach der Verurteilung erster Aktivist*innen zu Freiheitsstrafen ohne Bewährung die nächste Eskalationsstufe. Nicht mehr nur die Einzelaktionen werden als strafbares Verhalten delegitimiert, sondern die Klima-Gerechtigkeitsbewegung im Ganzen, soweit sie sich in Zusammenschlüssen organisiert, die auf zivilen Ungehorsam als Protestform setzen. Das „Feindbild Klimaaktivismus“, es nimmt mehr und mehr Kontur an.

13

The Future of the European Security Architecture: A Debate Series

This debate series is dedicated to Ligue des Droits Humains – a case in which the Court of Justice of the European Union decided on the fate of one of the main drivers of this development: the Directive on on the use of passenger name record (PNR) data for the prevention, detection, investigation and prosecution of terrorist offences and serious crime. The PNR Directive, being one of the first major EU-wide examples of predictive policing, is not just interesting in itself. It exemplifies the emergence and gradual consolidation of a new security architecture in Europe.

1

Closure and Continuity

Trade, sovereignty, rights and freedoms, courts, and constitutional change are lenses through which we can examine how two politically, culturally, and linguistically inextricably linked common law countries have defined their diverging relationship with the EU. 50 years on the divergence is complete. The UK is now a third country, charting a future outside the EU, while Ireland remains one of 27 Member States reporting high levels of trust and support for the EU. Hence 50 years on we have both the desire for closure (for the UK) and continuity (for Ireland). In fact, we argue that closure and continuity are necessary for the relations between both states and their relationship with the EU now and in the next half century.

0

Democracy, Sovereignty and Europe

Fifty years after Ireland and UK joined the EEC together in January 1973, the two states find themselves on radically different European trajectories. Both are common law countries with shared traditions of parliamentary governance and strong cultural links to the wider Anglosphere. However, in Ireland there is broad elite and popular support for maintaining alignment with the requirements of EU and ECHR law – while, in the UK, such European influences trigger a sharp allergic reaction. What explains this dramatic divergence? The answer perhaps lies partially in the differing ‘constitutional imaginaries’ of Ireland and the UK, and how EU and ECHR alignment is understood to impact on the exercise of popular sovereignty in both states.

0

Integration as Disintegration

50 years after accession of Ireland and the UK to the EEC and seven years after the disastrous Brexit referendum, Ireland still sits pretty in the EU, but the UK and its Constitution have been called into possibly fatal doubt, especially as regards their integrative capacity, or continuing ability to bind distinct political classes and the nations of the Union to one another. Writing in early 2023, amidst the ruins of a Brexit reality, if not the end of the Brexit delusion, this short commentary foresees – possibly foolishly – a radical future of independent nations within a loose ‘Confederation of the Isles’, wherein Ireland might share some (symbolic) competences with Scotland, England and Wales, enabling a peaceful a prosperous coexistence within the North-western European archipelago.

0

Constitutional Change in the UK – People or Party?

The UK’s membership of, and later exit from, the EU has had a dramatic effect on the UK constitution. It also provided a catalyst for further change. These demonstrate the relative ease with which the UK constitution can be modified, reinforcing the UK’s characterisation as a predominantly political, flexible constitution. This post will argue that these transformations illustrate something more fundamental that applies to all constitutions – be they predominantly codified or uncodified, with or without the ability of the courts to strike down unconstitutional legislation.

0

Imposing Brexit onto Northern Ireland’s Post-Conflict Governance Order

The Westphalian state provides for an all-but ubiquitous building block of governance. It stacks neatly into dominant accounts of multi-level governance, with all states being presented as nominal equals on the plain of international law. Where reasons of scale or the needs of diverse societies require, sub-state levels of governance can be introduced into the equation. Multiple states, moreover, can pool aspects of their law and decision making where they see the advantages of so doing, resulting in regional supra-national bodies such as the EU.

0

In Law as in Life?

On New Year’s Day in 2002, my late uncle, visiting us in Kerry at the time, walked to the local shop and came back with a pristine €5 note for everyone in the house. Spend it, keep it, do whatever you like with it; but this, he said, is history. Ireland adopting the euro as its currency marked one of the most significant divergent choices in the history of British and Irish membership of the European Union. The dense and complicated ties between the two states were otherwise reflected in so many ways across their EU membership profiles, from their coterminous application paths to shared exemptions from certain legal obligations.

0

A Fond Embrace?

As with any relationship, significant anniversaries offer us an opportunity to take stock. Looking backwards allows us not only to appreciate how far we have come, but also, perhaps, to reflect on the direction in which we might be heading. To date, upwards of 2,200 judgments of the Irish courts have considered EU or Community law in some form. Against this context, this short contribution reflects on the reception of EU law in the Irish courts since 1973.

0

Number Crunching EU Law and the Irish Legal Order

In this short piece, I will outline a few of the extremes of the Irish relationship with Europe that I have personally studied or encountered and its impact in my view. Many years ago, I wrote a dissertation on the relationship between EU law and the Irish legal order, on the unravelling dynamic since accession, focussing upon the preliminary reference data. I felt it was a deserving topic precisely because there was so little interest as to the relationship between EU law and Ireland. Ireland was uniformly always excluded from major US and EU political science studies that have been iconic in shaping views on EU integration.

0

How EU Membership Transformed Ireland’s Socio-Legal Norms: The Case of Abortion

In 1973, Ireland joined what would become the European Union (EU) in the first ever enlargement of the project of European integration. To say that 50 years of EU membership have been transformative for Ireland is an understatement. By all benchmarks considered, Ireland is a radically different country today than it was when it joined the EU. Abortion provides the best example of this.

0

The Quality of Sovereignty

It can generally be agreed that the purpose of sovereignty is to enable a government to protect the best interests of its citizens. To what extent did UK membership of the EU preclude this? In the context of the EU, the discussion on sovereignty tends to focus on quantity – the greater the scope of action of the EU and its institutions, the lower the sovereignty of the member states. From this perspective, sovereignty is a zero-sum affair – less means less. However, sovereignty can also be assessed from a qualitative perspective, with a focus on its quality, or character, rather than its scope.

0

An Interactive Relationship

In reflections on fifty years of membership, the employment of women is often identified as a tangible example of how membership changed Ireland. Concretely, in the years immediately following accession, the state was required to enact legislation on equal pay and equal treatment for women and men in employment. This narrative tends to place emphasis on EU law as a cause of law reform in Ireland. 50 years on, both Irish and EU equality law have expanded significantly.

0

Constitutional Identity, Ireland and the EU

Costello v. Government of Ireland and others is one of the most significant recent Irish Supreme Court rulings concerning EU law. The case involved a member of parliament seeking to restrain the Irish government from ratifying the 2014 EU-Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) on grounds of alleged unconstitutionality. Costello’s most long-lasting impact is likely to be its introduction of the concept of constitutional identity into Irish constitutional jurisprudence.

0

Post-Brexit Sovereignty

In thinking about sovereignty within the United Kingdom, it is helpful to separate out two ways in which sovereignty has historically been identified in both the United Kingdom and elsewhere. Sovereignty is, first, a power over others, most notably absolute and final authority over a territory. If this allows those holding it to achieve considerable things, it also generates apprehension as it allows them to do many things to others. Sovereignty is, secondly, a constitutive power.

0

Integration and Disintegration

In our analysis below, we examine the convergent and divergent paths of Ireland and the UK on the theme of integration and disintegration in three stages. The first considers the constitutional context and framework within which each of the two countries chose to embark on the path of European integration by acceding to the EEC in the early 1970s. The second examines several key policy choices made by the two states along a continuum between integration and disintegration, as part of a more differentiated, post-Maastricht EU. The final stage examines the implications of Brexit for the UK and Ireland following Britain’s departure from the EU.

0

Small Country, Big Hurdles

Liechtenstein is far away from a comprehensive decriminalisation of abortion. The termination of pregnancy is still regulated by the Criminal Code and the person who performs the abortion will be prosecuted. Only the pregnant person acts legally when terminating an unplanned or unwanted pregnancy. But it took until 2015 for pregnant persons to be granted a (limited) right to self-determination, and there is still a lack of sufficient legal, medical and social support. In a difficult and psychologically stressful situation, pregnant persons must seek treatment abroad – not because they want to, but because they have to.

0

Für eine Zeitenwende im Abtreibungsrecht

Am Ende des Symposiums wird sichtbar: Abtreibungen zu kriminalisieren bildet im Vergleich zu den ausgewählten Ländern nicht die Regel (I.). Das bedeutet allerdings nicht, dass eine Entkriminalisierung jegliche faktischen Zugangshürden aus dem Weg räumt. Der Blick ins Ausland lohnt sich deshalb auch unabhängig von der Frage der Entkriminalisierung, um potentielle Fallstricke für die Versorgungslage zu analysieren (II.). Die Entkriminalisierung des Schwangerschaftsabbruchs bereitet jedoch, so legt der Rechtsvergleich nahe, den Weg, um strukturelle Hindernisse abbauen zu können. Eine bedeutende Rolle können dabei aktivistische Bewegungen spielen (III.).

0

From Population Control to Reproductive Justice

On 11 April 2019, South Korea’s Constitutional Court ruled that the ban on abortion was unconstitutional. As a result, South Korea’s legislature had to revise its 66-year-old anti-abortion law by 31 December 2020. This historic decision was made possible in response to the advocacy of a number of feminist groups, doctors’ organizations, disability rights groups, youth activists, and religious groups in South Korea. Although the overall goal of reproductive justice movements was to change the law that threatened women’s health and lives through the criminalization of abortion, one of the main steps of the movements toward that goal was to challenge the previous framework of pro-choice versus pro-life.

0

Still a right?

Although abortion in Tunisia has been legal for 50 years and offered for free in government facilities, the revolution of 2011 and the following democratization process have paradoxically put into question the access to this service. The Islamists’ victory and the conservative turn of local society in the 2000s have led to a step backwards in the domain of women’s rights including sexual and reproductive rights. Together with Turkey, Tunisia is the only Islamic-majority country that authorizes abortion for social reasons.

0

Abortion in Canada: Always Legal, Not Always Accessible

In Canada, abortion is not a criminal offence. There are no legal restrictions on abortion, including no restrictions with respect to gestational age or on the reasons for which a pregnant person may choose to have an abortion. As lawful medical procedures, abortions fall under provincial jurisdiction over health and there is some regulatory variability between provinces. Information about abortion access is similarly affected by provincial jurisdiction over education. Prior to decriminalization, advocacy on abortion access was national in scope, but since 1988, most activism has been focused on access and funding and has been provincial or even local.

0

A Global Milestone

In 2019, Iceland passed a new law on the termination of pregnancy. Passed with a solid majority and the support of a cross-political coalition, the new law provides pregnant people with the right to decide on a termination, without having to get prior permission from medical personnel, as had previously been the case. The law was a huge step forward to ensure the protection of sexual and reproductive rights in Iceland, but there still remains room for improvement, for example with regard to the rights of trans people and the access of uninsured people to the service. The success of the legislation was also remarkable for the cross-political support it enjoyed, largely based on women’s solidarity as 18 of 22 women in parliament, from nearly all parties, supported the law.

0

A Decade of Implementation

Uruguay gained international praise in 2012 when it passed one of the most liberal abortion laws on the continent. While the law undoubtedly represents a step in the right direction, ten years have passed, and the law and its implementation could not live up to the expectations. The Uruguayan abortion law over-medicalizes, paternalizes, and imposes a series of very burdensome requirements on people wishing to access abortion services, in violation of human rights law.

0

The Long Road to Reproductive Justice

In North Macedonia, abortion law changes when the government does. The practices of the past years vividly demonstrate that abortion is not only a private matter but also a political issue. Depending on whether right or left-wing parties are in power, the law on abortion fluctuates between difficult-to-access and more liberal procedures.

0

The Force of Social Mobilization

On December 30th, 2020, the Argentinean Congress legalized abortion up to the 14th week. Its legalization in Argentina took place after the rising of the so-called green tide in 2018, which transformed the longstanding movement for abortion rights in the country into a mass phenomenon, and the abortion issue, which used to be a taboo, into a main topic of public discussion. The new law has been challenged through judicial actions without success so far, and it has changed the conditions for the implementation of lawful abortions throughout the country.

0

A Promising Future?

The Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act 92 of 1996 (Choice Act) provides the legislative framework that regulates access to abortion in South Africa. It is noted for its liberal stance on abortion and for this reason South Africa ‘serves as a global role model of reform in the area of abortion laws’. Despite its celebrated reproductive rights affirming approach, there are several on-ground issues that undermine the aims of the Act and the reproductive rights and health of those seeking abortion care. In this blog, I position the Choice Act within its historical and contemporary context which provides the necessary backdrop to demonstrate why the Act offers a ground-breaking approach to legislative regulation of abortion care. Thereafter, I explore some of the barriers to access and consider some key state efforts to overcome these issues, thus demonstrating a commitment to ensuring access to abortion care as part of the continuum of sexual and reproductive health care.

0

Constitutional but Criminal

In the last two years, India has witnessed significant changes in the legal regulation of abortion. In 2021, Parliament comprehensively amended the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act, 1971 (“MTP” Act) to ensure “access of women to safe and legal abortion without compromising on the safety and quality of care,” along with securing “dignity, autonomy, confidentiality and justice for women who need to terminate pregnancy.” Additionally, in September 2022, the Supreme Court of India delivered a path-breaking judgment on abortion, locating access to safe abortion within the fundamental rights to dignity, autonomy, privacy, and health. Despite these changes, the law and practice of abortion continue to deny pregnant persons access to safe and comprehensive abortion care.

0

Under Black Skies

Since the Indian state unilaterally abrogated the autonomous status of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) in August 2019, human rights defenders (HRDs) have been confronted with an unprecedented closing of civic spaces, forcing them to restrict or stop their engagement. While HRDs have been subjected to state repression for more than 30 years since the onset of the 1989 insurgency in J&K, the developments in 2019 mark a turning point, both in strategy and methods employed by the Indian state.

0

“Tuhindi Article” (“The Articles Were Yours”)

Through what was described with war-time imageries of a “constitutional surgical strike” and a “constitutional siege”, in August 2019 a radical change was made to what innocuously appeared earlier in the Constitution of India as Article 370. This blog post will attempt to problematise the use of the Indian constitutional framework in the engagement with Jammu and Kashmir. It will also hint towards an alternative role where the use of the Constitutional framework can, despite its limitations, make space for questions of self-determination, and contested sovereignties.

0

Suppressing Political Dissent

The administrative preventive detention law Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act, 1978 (PSA) is one of the most stringent laws to uphold in what is referred to as the “security of the state and the public order.” For decades, thousands of Kashmiris have been incarcerated under this law for expressing political views contrary to official state narratives. Creating a state of exception where people are not ordinary criminals but extraordinary criminals who pose a threat to the national integrity of the Indian state, the PSA has stripped countless individuals of their basic rights.

0

Фрагментарне реагування на загрозу свободі 3МІ в ЄС

Як відомо, шляхи польського та угорського урядів розійшлися щодо відповідей на російсько-українську війну. Однак на внутрішньому рівні обидві країни продовжують покладатися на схожі структурні зміни в медіа-середовищі, які допомагають їм впливати на виборців і підривають чесність виборів. Реакція ЄС на кризу свободи та плюралізму 3MI в Угорщині та Польщі була більш стриманою та якісно відрізнялася від реакції на кризу суддівської незалежності або загрози академічним свободам та правам меншин.

0

Несподівані ускладнення: вплив російського вторгнення в Україну на кризу верховенства права в ЕС

Якби наприкінці 2021 року мене запитали, які події визначатимуть кризу верховенства права в Європейському Союзі у 2022 році, я б відповів, що вибори в Угорщині стануть найвідповідальнішим моментом у боротьбі за цінності ЄС. 24 лютого 2022 року Володимир Путін зробив застарілими майже всі прогнози щодо європейської політики. Невиправдане, брутальне вторгнення Росії в Україну не лише зруйнувало понад 30-річну парадигму безпеки на континенті, але й мало масштабні наслідки для багатьох аспектів європейського життя, включаючи кризу верховенства права у двох державах-членах ЄС: Угорщині та Польщі.

0

“We Know Where You Live”

"We know where you live" is one of the most dreaded and threatening statements a Kashmiri can hear from the state armed forces. It can mean a number of things to an ordinary Kashmiri, including “we have information on you” and “we are watching you”. It can also be perceived as an immediate threat to the life and safety of the person given the absolute impunity enjoyed by the state armed forces.

0

Judicial Reform in Times of War

Russia launched its big war against Ukraine at a time when Ukraine has started implementing a comprehensive and genuine judicial reform. Ukraine has not only managed to resist the attack but also kept implementing the reforms and strengthening democratic institutions. This article describes the Ukrainian experience of the functioning of the judiciary and reforming judicial governance institutions during martial law times.

0

Судовий контроль та санкції ЄС проти фізичних осіб

21 лютого, напередодні вторгнення Росії в Україну, ЄС запровадив санкції проти п’яти осіб, пов’язаних з «так званими виборами» у Криму. Два дні потому, після перекидання Росією військ на Донбас, ЄС ухвалив далекосяжний пакет санкцій, який, серед іншого, розширив список підсанкційних осіб, включивши до нього 351 депутата російської Думи та 27 інших осіб. У цій публікації розглядається законодавство ЄС щодо санкцій проти фізичних осіб та його застосування у відповідь на війну в Україні.

0

Чи вбʼє війна Росії верховенство права в Україні та Європі?

Життєздатність верховенства права в Україні, Європі, а також у Росії чи будь-де у світі, може витримати навіть насильницький натиск там, де люди готові боротися за інститути та практику верховенства права, іноді з великим ризиком для себе. Якщо всі волелюбні країни будуть підтримувати одна одну повним і глибоким співробітництвом для просування миру, демократії, прав людини та верховенства права на всіх рівнях, як це робить ЄС з Україною протягом десятиліть, верховенство права, демократія та права людини будуть постійно зміцнюватися і давати людям все більше можливостей процвітати в умовах миру, безпеки та людської гідності.

0

Constitutional Patriotism for the Marginalized

Constitutions depict social realities, tell stories, reflect on people and culture. They are the embodiment of a state reality, matured by a national history, admonishing and guiding politics and the broader public. The Indian Constitution tells a unique story: Of combined liberalism and pluralism, of a reality of marginalization in society and of constant search for identity. Recent developments in majority-Muslim Kashmir have made these narratives more visible than ever and point to a new lens of analysis.

0

Flensburger Einhorn

Das Urteil des Amtsgerichts Flensburg zu Klimaschutz als rechtfertigendem Notstand stößt auf Begeisterung und scharfe Ablehnung. Nachdem der Freispruch eines Klimaaktivsten durch das Gericht bereits im November bekannt wurde, sind nun die Urteilsgründe veröffentlicht worden. Inmitten der zunehmend intensiver geführten Debatte um den juristisch „richtigen“ Umgang mit Klimaaktivismus schlägt das Urteil eine ebenso ungewohnte wie mutige Richtung ein.  

0

Den Baum vor lauter Wald nicht sehen – oder umgekehrt?

Das Amtsgericht Flensburg hatte jüngst über die Strafbarkeit eines Klimaaktivisten zu entscheiden, der ein fremdes Grundstück unbefugt betreten hatte, um dort die Rodung eines kleinen Waldstücks zu verhindern. Der Aktivist wurde vom Vorwurf des Hausfriedensbruchs freigesprochen, weil seine Tat dem Klimaschutz gedient habe und damit wegen Notstands (§ 34 StGB) gerechtfertigt sei. Dieser Beitrag wirft einen Blick auf die rechtliche Diskussion um Klimaproteste und um die diesbezüglichen Urteile und wirft dabei zwei Fragen auf: Sollten kleine Beiträge zum Klimaschutz als solche rechtlich anerkannt werden oder nicht? Und: Sind unkonventionelle Klima-Urteile illegitimer ‚richterlicher Aktivismus‘ oder ein Beitrag zur Rechtskultur? Bei beiden Fragen geht es um das Verhältnis vom Kleinen (Protestaktion, Urteil) zum Großen (Klimaschutz, Rechtskultur) und damit letztlich um das Verhältnis zwischen Baum und Wald.

9

Klimanotstand über Gewaltenteilung?

Bereits vor einigen Wochen wurde bekannt, dass das Amtsgericht Flensburg einen Klimaaktivisten freigesprochen hatte, der einen Baum auf einem Privatgrundstück besetzt hatte. Der Baum sollte auf Grundlage einer Baugenehmigung gerodet werden, gegen die auch eine verwaltungsgerichtliche Klage eingereicht worden war. Nun ist die Urteilbegründung veröffentlicht: Das Gericht sah § 123 StGB – Hausfriedensbruch – zwar tatbestandlich erfüllt, jedoch aufgrund von § 34 StGB in einer Art „Klimanotstand“ gerechtfertigt. Die vom Gericht bemühte „verfassungskonforme“ Auslegung ist jedoch weder überzeugend noch verallgemeinerungsfähig, schadet dem Ansehen der Judikative und schafft einen Anreiz für zukünftiges rechtswidriges Verhalten.

7

Appell für eine gesamtgesellschaftliche Aufarbeitung des Kolonialismus

Wir stehen am Anfang dessen, was man eine dekoloniale Rechtspraxis nennen kann. Es bedarf daher der tiefgehenden Auseinandersetzung mit den Grundannahmen von Rechtsanwendung angesichts historischen Unrechts. Das betrifft die Auswahl zulässiger (Rechts-)quellen, die rechtsdogmatische Einordnung der Dynamik zwischen Unrecht, Rechtsverletzung und Systemunrecht, genauso wie ein Verständnis von Vertretbarkeit im Fluss der Zeit.

0

Vom individuellen Unrechtskontext zum systematischen Umgang mit kolonialem Unrecht

Welche Probleme stellen sich, wenn an einer vorwiegend zivilrechtlichen, individuellen Rechtsbetrachtung zunächst einmal festgehalten wird? Inwieweit kann die Provenienzforschung die erforderliche Nachweisbarkeit des „unrechtmäßigen Erwerbs“ für die rechtliche Prüfung überhaupt liefern? Wann kann eine Provenienzforschung als abgeschlossen betrachtet werden, insbesondere wenn die Beteiligung von Angehörigen und Expert*innen aus der Region nicht als integraler oder auch erforderlicher Bestandteil dieser Forschung gesehen wird?

0

From Past Injustices to Today’s Unlawful Consequences / Eurocentric legal systems with a global social claim to validity?

In this split contribution to the blog debate on "Restitution, Colonialism and the Courts", Natalia Loyola Daiqui argues that the claim to eliminate the unlawful consequences of state action (Folgenbeseitigungsanspruch) can serve as a legal basis for restitution claims. Responding to this claim, Sebastian-Manès Sprute raises the question in how far relying on German administrative law would revive the asymmetrical colonial power relationship. restitution and repatriation claims of formerly colonized communities are subject to German administrative law.

1

Provenance Research and Claims to Bangwa Collections

On the basis of a case concerning the Bangwa collection in the Municipal Museum of Brunswick, this contribution proposes that a human rights law approach and cooperative provenance research are key in dealing with collections from colonial context. Fifty years after the UN General Assembly urged for the return of colonial cultural takings to victims of expropriation and twenty years after the Declaration on the Value and Importance of Universal Museums – by which museums justified their continued possession of such artefacts – return ceremonies that gained much attention attest that times have changed.

0

Law and the Challenge of Rehumanization

The report “We want them back”, published earlier this year, found at least 5958 human remains from colonials contexts in the collections of museums and scientific institutions in the geographical area of Berlin. The report, commissioned by the Berlin Senate, is the first systematic survey of the provenance of human remains from colonial contexts in Berlin’s institutions. Why – given the history – are these human remains still here? Where is the systematic effort to repatriate them and return them to their families and communities of origin?

0

Possessions, Spoils of War, Belongings

Addressing colonial injustices by claiming restitution of artefacts and other belongings before German courts is undeniably a legal challenge for all stakeholders. As a shield against (potential) legal claims, museums, state authorities and some legal scholars have argued that there is no legal obligation for restitution of such belongings. Based on the stipulation that “colonial law has to be applied, even if it is no longer compatible with today’s views on law and justice”, this line of argument assumes that the acquisition of the possessions of colonized people by Europeans and subsequent transactions were generally considered lawful in the nineteenth century. In this contribution, we question this assumption.

0

Restitutionsbegehren, Recht und Provenienzforschung

Die Frage der Restitution sowohl von sog. menschlichen Gebeinen als auch von sog. Raubkunst hat in den letzten Jahren zunehmend mehr Aufmerksamkeit bekommen. Unter Restitution versteht man dabei die Verpflichtung, den Zustand wiederherzustellen, der vor der Rechtsverletzung bestand, z.B. durch die Freisetzung widerrechtlich gefangen gehaltener Personen, aber eben auch in Form von Rückgaben von Gegenständen. Der Workshop „Restitutionsbegehren vor deutschen Gerichten“ am European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHR) hat Wissenschaftler*innen verschiedener Disziplinen zusammengebracht, um darüber nachzudenken, welche Rolle das Recht für die Aufarbeitung von kolonialem Unrecht und Kolonialverbrechen spielt.

0

Gewahrsam als letztes Mittel gegen die „Letzte Generation“?

Die Proteste der Klimaschutzgruppe der „Letzten Generation“ sind momentan aufgrund ihrer gewählten Protestformen ein vieldiskutiertes Thema. Eine der umstrittenen Protestformen besteht darin, sich mit den Händen auf der Straße festzukleben. Nachdem Klimaaktivistinnen in München ihre Protestaktionen wiederholten, wurden sie in Gewahrsam genommen - mit einer angeordneten Gewahrsamsdauer von 30 Tagen. Die pauschale Ausschöpfung der Höchstgrenze des Gewahrsams im Fall des Vorgehens gegen Aktivistinnen der Münchener Klimaproteste ist von der – ohnehin rechtlich bedenklichen – Rechtsgrundlage im bayerischen Polizeigesetz nicht gedeckt.

69

„Klima-RAF“ herbeireden

Derzeit erleben wir nahezu täglich und in ganz Europa, dass junge Menschen in unterschiedlichen Formen Protest erheben, um auf den voranschreitenden Klimawandel hinzuweisen. Alexander Dobrindt forderte härtere Strafen für „Klima-Chaoten“, um eine Radikalisierung zu vermeiden. Sollte der Protest besonders streng geahndet werden? Meine These lautet, dass selbst im Falle einer Strafbarkeit ein Labeling als Öko-Terrorismus beziehungsweise Schwerkriminalität nicht nur falsch, sondern sogar schädlich ist.

4

Gewaltfantasien und Gewaltmonopol

Auf Welt.de ist vor kurzem ein Stück Service-Journalismus der besonderen Art erschienen. Der Redakteur Constantin van Lijnden hat die „Rechte der ausgebremsten Bürger“ zusammengetragen. Was kann man tun gegen die Störenfriede der Letzten Generation, die sich fortwährend auf Straßen festkleben, um auf ihre Forderungen aufmerksam zu machen? Der Staat, jedenfalls in Berlin, leider nur wenig, so der Tenor.

18

Der Effektivitätsgedanke im Wahlprüfungsverfahren

Das Gebot effektiven Rechtsschutzes gilt im Wahlprüfungsverfahren jedoch nur unter Berücksichtigung der besonderen Ausgestaltung des Verfahrens. Dessen Ablauf und seine Exklusivität sollen eingangs skizziert werden. Auf der Basis der gewonnenen Erkenntnisse werden sodann hieraus resultierende Probleme im Hinblick auf die Effektivität des vorgesehenen Rechtsschutzes sowie mögliche Reformoptionen erörtert.

0

Die materiellen Kriterien für Wiederholungswahlen muss das Grundgesetz regeln

Weder das Grundgesetz noch das Wahlprüfungsgesetz stellen materielle Kriterien für eine Wiederholungswahl auf. Das ist in einer Demokratie ein ernsthaftes Problem, weil dann allein der Rechtsprechung die Aufgabe zufällt, die entsprechenden Kriterien zu entwickeln und sie somit judikativ Recht setzt. 

0

Gesätes Misstrauen

Das zweistufige System der Wahlprüfung ist getragen von politischen Erwägungen, die nicht mehr verfangen: Die Wahlprüfung gehört nicht notwendig zur Parlamentsautonomie, die Gefahr des politischen Missbrauchs der Wahlprüfung wird mittlerweile durch eine Parlamentsprüfung eher gesteigert. Eine institutionelle Reform der Wahlprüfung scheint daher angezeigt. Eine vorzugswürdige Regelung drängt sich allerdings nicht auf.

0

Warum sich die mehrstufige Wahlprüfung bewährt hat

Insbesondere nachdem das Berliner Landesverfassungsgericht den Hinweis auf eine komplette Wiederholung der Abgeordnetenhauswahl erteilt hat, wird öffentlich diskutiert, ob auch bei der Bundestagwahl nicht gleich das Bundesverfassungsgericht entscheiden könnte? Diese Frage sollte vor den Hintergründen des Zwecks der Wahlprüfung, ihrer historischen Entwicklung und der Einbettung in den Gesamtzusammenhang einer Wahl betrachtet werden und ist meines Erachtens im Ergebnis zu verneinen.

0

Für ein Update der Wahlprüfung in die Gegenwart

Kein anderes Element des demokratischen Verfassungsstaats ist in Deutschland stärker aus der Zeit gefallen als die Wahlprüfung. Sie ist in ihrer Grundstruktur noch in den Denkweisen und Bedürfnissen der konstitutionellen Monarchie verfangen und schützt einseitig die Interessen der etablierten und bei der zu überprüfen Wahl erfolgreichen Parteien. Das lässt sich an einer kritischen Hinterfragung von Zuständigkeit, Verfahren und Prüfungsmaßstäben aufzeigen.

0

Auto fahren oder Klima retten?

Vor dem Amtsgericht Berlin-Tiergarten finden zurzeit Prozesse gegen Aktivist:innen von Letzte Generation statt. Diese hatten sich an verschiedenen Straßen in Berlin festgeklebt, um auf die unzureichenden Klimaschutzmaßnahmen aufmerksam zu machen (die BZ prägte deshalb auch den Begriff „Klima-Kleber“). Dadurch kam es teilweise zu Straßensperren und Staus. Die jüngst ergangenen Urteile werfen die Frage nach den strafrechtlichen Grenzen von zivilem Widerstand bzw. Ungehorsam auf: Kann Klimaschutz ein strafrechtlicher Rechtfertigungsgrund sein?

6

Harder, Better, Faster, Stronger

Human rights courts can rarely avoid confrontation with backlashing states. This is particularly true for the two oldest and most prominent regional human rights courts, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR). Yet, by close observation, we can witness that for both courts, backlash has triggered important institutional developments which will guide the work of human rights bodies in an increasingly polarized 21st century.

0

The ECtHR’s Coping Strategy

The European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) is operating in an increasingly challenging political and legal environment. Even if member states have stopped short of far-reaching reforms, they have signaled their collective desire for a more restrained Court, starting with the 2012 Brighton Declaration. Governments in established democracies, like the United Kingdom, have refused to implement or dragged-out implementation of ECtHR judgments. In some countries, government officials or major politicians have suggested exiting the Court’s jurisdiction altogether. Finally, several member states have rolled back domestic rights protections for politically unpopular groups, such as criminal defendants, suspected terrorists, asylum seekers, and non-traditional families.

2

The Overreaching Court

In the United States, it does not appear to be the case that the apex judiciary faces truly significant attacks on its autonomy, whatever the expressed unhappiness of an increasing number of critics. At least some would argue that the problem is precisely the opposite, that the Supreme Court has a smug sense of its own autonomy and is willing to use it with reckless indifference to the consequences for the American polity overall.

0

Globalization on the Right

When Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro visited Hungary in Februar 2022, he was not only strenghtening political ties to his ideological “brother” Victor Orban, who had already attended Bolsonaro’s inauguration in 2018. Bolsonaro’s visit also put a spotlight on the transregional circulation of illiberal legal ideas. Over the past decade, conservative, religious and right-wing movements, activists and governments have built transnational networks in which they exchange legal ideas, forge common litigation strategies, and organize mutual intellectual and financial support. This posts addresses the role of Brazil and Bolsonarism in these networks, and it points to some consequences for the wider research agenda of comparative constitutional law.

0

Defending the Judiciary

The strategies of judicial resistance employed by the Polish judiciary after 2015 are diverse and complementary. They respond to changing and intensifying the pressure of political power on the judiciary. They are a consequence of the judgments of the CJEU and the ECHR concerning the administration of justice in Poland.

0

The Brazilian Federal Supreme Court’s Reaction to Bolsonaro

It is a relatively uncontroversial opinion that the Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro has undermined the rule of law and its constitutional institutions. This contribution concentrates on the Brazilian apex courts to show how a mix of resilience in day-to-day work and a few confrontational positions played an important role in safeguarding the autonomy and independence of the judicial branch in Brazil during Jair Bolsonaro’s term.

0

Pandora’s Box and Nostalgia

Especially over the last three years, people have been demonstrating on the streets of Brazilian cities, expressing their support of Jair Bolsonaro and even demanding the return of military rule. „I authorize“ (military intervention) is a now common cry among Bolsonaro’s sympathizers, often read on banners. Some of the demonstrators are more explicit and openly demand „Military intervention with Bolsonaro“. Why is this happening? Why are these citizens willing to give up their citizen rights not only in favour of a military dictatorship, but of a leader who apparently is capable of seducing, yes, hypnotising them in a way that no General-President during the military dictatorship could ever do?

0

The Challenge of Religious Populism to Constitutional Secularism in Brazil

Brazil is currently experiencing a tense electoral campaign, in which several candidates, most notably former president Lula da Silva (Workers‘ Party), are trying to prevent the reelection of far-right populist Jair Bolsonaro. In the segmentation of the electorate, one group has deserved special attention from all campaigns, the incumbent and its rivals: the so-called “evangelicals”. The evangelical electorate is more conservative, and thus has more affinities with Bolsonaro than with left-wing politicians. The politically organized evangelical community has made the Federal Supreme Court one of its main opponents.

0

Constitutionalism under Bolsonaro

On the eve of a fateful election that will determine whether the last four years have been a bad dream and a footnote in Brazil’s political history, or not, the legacy of Bolsonaro’s regime for constitutional law and constitutionalism is widely and expertly discussed. Despite all his rhetorical machismo, Bolsonaro has not governed as a classical autocrat: he was democratically elected and his subsequent administration always found itself between the rock of a fragmented, yet viscerally opportunistic legislature, and the hard place of a judiciary that - while not always unsympathetic to his program - has been primarily interested in safeguarding its autonomy and its (self-)assumed role as the last word on virtually everything.

0

How Courts Became a Battlefront Against Disinformation

This October, Brazilians will elect their next President amidst a wave of disinformation aimed at discrediting the electoral process, and the electronic voting system in particular. One of the main engines of disinformation has been President Jair Bolsonaro himself. The problems created by the President’s constant spreading of disinformation – now targeting the core of Brazil’s representative democracy – go beyond the (in itself very serious) question of whether he could or could not pull off an outright refusal to leave office, in spite of an electoral defeat. Bolsonaro’s unsubstantiated charges of fraud can contribute to and encourage confusion and violence during and after the elections.

1

Frontex and ‘Algorithmic Discretion’ (Part II)

Part I of this contribution explains how the regulatory design of the European Travel Information and Authorisation System (ETIAS) raises issues in relation to the rule of law principle of legality. Essentially, the ETIAS screening rules algorithm illustrates how automation can lead to what I suggest is a new form of arbitrariness. Part II reflects on how these legality issues affect other rule of law principles, including the principle of effective judicial protection. In turn, it raises three accountability issues and calls into question the assumption that the safeguard of manual processing in case of a ‘hit’ is a panacea for all rule of law challenges stemming from this semi-automated decision-making.

0

Frontex and Data Protection

Frontex has become notorious for its multiple fundamental rights violations, including pushbacks. The problem of fundamental rights infringements associated with the Agency has been lasting for years, leading ultimately to the resignation of the Executive Director. What I argue in this post is, first, that the fundamental right to the protection of personal data by Frontex has not yet received sufficient attention by scholars and EU institutions. Second, data protection within the Agency needs to be strengthened to prevent any future new scandals.

0

Financial Scrutiny of Frontex as a Political Accountability Tool

An investigation by the European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF) on allegations of misconduct within Frontex ended with a report classified as confidential, which was therefore only accessible to the agency’s Management Board. Shortly after submission of the report, Frontex’ Executive Director (ED), Fabrice Leggeri, resigned, opening up a new cycle in the governance of the agency. Following up on this, the European Parliament (EP) decided to postpone the discharge of Frontex’ budget on the ground of lacking information with regard to the subject of the OLAF report. In this contribution, I argue that the EP’s refusal to approve the discharge of the budget of Frontex, even though having little impact on the financial stability of the agency, is a tool to enable the political accountability of Frontex.

0

Frontex and Migrants’ Access to Justice

While possibly marking a step in the right direction towards more political accountability, the controversial resignation of Frontex’s former Executive Director, Fabrice Leggeri, leaves open the question about the effective judicial protection for migrants interacting with the agency. A number of judicial actions are brought before the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), as the only competent tribunal with jurisdiction on Frontex. By critically reviewing these judicial actions from the perspective of migrants’ access to justice, this post aims to flag the limits of the existing system of EU judicial remedies in light of Frontex wrongdoings. Beyond access to a court, access to justice vis-à-vis EU migration agencies must integrate elements of good governance, such as transparency and accountability.

1

What’s in a Name?

The available non-judicial forms of accountability are insufficient to ensure the accountability of the agency. Neither their combination nor the respective parts can constitute effective non-judicial remedy in the meaning of Article 13 of the European Convention for Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, while their pre-emptive functionality is not deemed adequate to prevent violations. Therefore, the need for legal accountability in the form of judicial remedies becomes all the more essential.

0

Frontex and the Rule of Law Crisis at EU External Borders

The resignation of the Executive Director of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (hereinafter: Frontex or Agency) at the end of April 2022 re-opened Pandora’s box with regard to the adequacy of the accountability mechanisms on the Agency. The turmoil was caused by several allegations of breaches of the law, which seems to be confirmed by the OLAF report, leaked at the end of July 2022. The aim of this blogpost is, first, to discuss the emergence of a rule of law crisis in border management and, second, to lay a finger on issues regarding both internal and external oversight mechanisms over Frontex, with special attention for the composition of the Management Board, the very first oversight body within the Agency.

0

Why Academic Ivory Towerism Can’t Be The Answer

At a time in which a worrying number of risks conspire to threaten the end of democracy and humanity – from climate change to uncontrolled new technologies –, to confine the remit of the legal scholar to the narrow boundaries of academic purity appears ahistorical at best, irresponsible at worst.

1

What’s wrong with good “scholactivism”?

There is a fine line between suspicion based on the nature of the motivation (seeking direct material change), and the substance of the motivation (commitment to a particular normative position). Once the “scholactivist” label gets thrown around, it may be hard to maintain that distinction. And it is to normative positions which advocate new ideas or change – including those that are reflective or well-considered – to which the label is most likely to attach.

1

Scholactivism and Academic Self-Awareness

In the past decade, the U.K. has seen the overwhelming influence of the populist right. It manifests most famously in the Brexit process, but also in continuous calls for a reversal of liberal constitutionalism. Notably this process is bolstered by a group of scholars, many of whom were in my own faculty at Oxford, who serve as legitimation of government policy and spur its development. Importantly, though clearly highly effective ‘scholactivists’, these scholars would never describe themselves as such. We need to follow the money, we need to follow its route to power and to understand the role the academy plays in legitimating and building these ideological (and often religious) positions.

2

More and Better

Tarunabh Khaitan’s editorial comment in ICON on the perils of letting activist inclinations influence one’s scholarship, resulting in an unsavoury “scholactivism” blend, is thought-provoking. Professor Khaitan calls for rigorous adherence to the ethical demands of a search for truth in our research, even as we might, he suggests, become or remain activists for causes we believe in a range of other activities. In my view, however, Professor Khaitan’s critique misses the mark. He is asking too much of individuals and not enough of institutions.

0

Academic Roles, Political Freedoms, and Practical Abilities

There is no general reason to suppose that constitutional law scholars should refrain from engaging in politics, and I think that a scholar’s motivation to achieve a certain political goal does not affect the value, quality, or credibility of the conclusions of her inquiry. Moreover, the austere research ethics underlying the arguments of Komárek and Khaitan imposes on constitutional law scholars a set of role obligations that are in tension with some dispositions and epistemic attitudes that are often necessary to be a competent scholar in value-laden disciplines like political philosophy and constitutional law.

4

Bridging Legal Longtermism and Animal Law

Discussions of animal law and legal longtermism often take place separately. That separation is misguided. Each field has much to gain from the other. In this post, we explain why animal law is important for legal longtermism. We then propose two general steps that legal longtermists can take to bridge these fields.

0

Future-Proofing Global Health Governance Through the Proposed Pandemic Treaty

It is clear that humanity is not prepared for the next pandemic; the global health governance architecture requires fundamental change in order to get us to that point. If humanity is to be prepared for the next pandemic, we must fix the deep rooted, structural inequalities which are embedded within our global health system. The pandemic treaty is an opportunity to do this, but on the basis of the present proposals, and the manner in which the treaty is being developed, it is clear that the treaty will fall far short of such expectations.

0

Why Banning Russian Tourists from Schengen Might not Be Unlawful

Recently, politicians in different EU countries have suggested barring Russian tourists from visiting the EU. Such a ban would be in retaliation for the war waged by Russia against Ukraine. From a legal perspective, these suggestions raise the interesting question whether such a blanket ban would be lawful. From a legal perspective, the question is precisely whether there is a possibility to amend the existing acquis, in order to ban Russians from obtaining short term visas for the purpose of visiting Europe as tourists. It seems hardly tenable to argue that the EU (secondary) legislature is somehow bound by the ratio legis of the current Schengen visa system.

2

Why Restricting Tourist Visas to Russians is Legitimate

In the aftermath of Ukrainian President Zelenski’s call on the EU to introduce a ban on short-term ‘tourist’ visas for Russians wishing to travel the Schengen area, a lively debate on the issue erupted, featuring important interventions not last on this website. For instance, Sarah Ganty argues that an EU tourist visa ban would be ethically wrong and unlawful. However, there is no absolute right to travel through the EU.

1

Long-term Constitutional Law for Global Public Goods

The rules-based order necessary for realizing the sustainable development goals (SDGs) requires antagonistic, perennial struggles for justice challenging abuses of power and struggling for collective protection of the SDGs. Without such a ‘Sisyphus morality’ and stronger leadership from constitutional democracies for improving multilevel governance of global public goods, realization of the SDGs and protecting ‘human rights of all’ risk remaining a utopia.

0

Proactive International Law

In this blog post we challenge the reactive nature of international law, a discipline that has largely developed in response to specific crises and incidents, such as wars, pandemics, mass migrations, economic breakdowns, or technological advancements. While we acknowledge that the reactive paradigm of international law has facilitated adoption of pragmatic solutions to the concrete problems encountered and offered international law a path by which to direct its development, this approach, we contend, has led international law to be backward-looking, short-sighted, and ill-prepared to address newly emerging global threats and advances.

0

The Rise of the Constitutional Protection of Future Generations

Constitutions worldwide have seen the rise of future generations. Considering the 193 UN member states, Kosovo, Palestine, and Taiwan, 41% (81 out of 196) of constitutions explicitly referenced future generations as of 2021. We find that this trend started in the early 1990s, lagging behind environmental constitutionalism by two decades. Why do constitutions increasingly refer to future generations? Based on a comprehensive data collection including all constitutions ever written, we argue that future generations are a significant part of a modern, universalist language of constitution-making.

0

Narrow Rules are not Enough

With continuing proliferation of increasingly capable AI systems, we will need regulation to address the associated risks. Since our ability to foresee such future risks is very limited, our best bet is to base such regulation on relatively general principles, rather than narrow rules. We think that negative human rights with their existing broad international support could form a suitable foundation both for flexible regulation and for the associated technical solutions.

0

Solidarity Across Time

I want to focus on the question of what the future can do for us – a question less asked, and which may seem antithetical to the idea of responsible behaviour now, and yet which is simply a part of the idea of solidarity across time. Its practical importance is that it strengthens the relationship between the present and future and so gives a more persuasive and coherent basis for solidaristic behaviour now

0

Paths Untaken

If the development of certain technologies, such as advanced, unaligned AI, would be as dangerous as some have suggested, a long-termist legal perspective might advocate a strategy of technological delay—or even restraint—to avoid a default outcome of catastrophe. To many, restraint–a decision to withhold indefinitely from the development, or at least deployment, of the technology–might look implausible. However, history offers a surprising array of cases where strategically promising technologies were delayed, abandoned, or left unbuilt, even though many at the time perceived their development as inevitable.

0

Staatsgeheimnisse und effektiver Rechtsschutz nach 9/11

Staaten haben Geheimnisse, die sie nach ihren innerstaatlichen Rechtsvorschriften vor einer Veröffentlichung schützen. Besonders problematisch ist die Geheimhaltung, wenn sich das Verfahren um gravierende Menschenrechtsverletzungen dreht, die von staatlichen Stellen verübt worden sind. Hier kann die Geheimhaltung die justizielle Aufarbeitung staatlichen Unrechts beeinträchtigen oder gar ganz verhindern und den individuellen Anspruch auf effektiven Rechtsschutz leerlaufen lassen.

0

Staatliche Lobbyisten

Beauftragte, die sich als ausgegliederte Organisationseinheiten ohne imperative Kompetenzen einem spezifischen Belang widmen, finden sich auf der Parlaments- und auf unterschiedlichen Exekutivebenen. Besonders vielfältig und undurchsichtig erscheint das Ensemble der Beauftragten der Bundesregierung. Je nach Aufgabenbereich stellen sie Fürsprecher:innen einer Sache oder einer Personengruppe dar, bilden Institutionen der externen Verwaltungskontrolle, koordinieren zwischen Hoheitsträgern und/oder beraten die Regierung aufgrund ihrer besonderen Expertise.

0

Das Quasi-Mini-Ministerium

Mit den Worten, es handele sich um „ein[en] Fisch also, der gar kein Fisch ist, aber doch wie ein Fisch behandelt werden soll, obwohl er eigentlich für seine Aufgabe auch gar nicht Fisch sein müsste“ beschrieb ein ehemaliger Bundesjustizminister die Beauftragte der Bundesregierung für Kultur und Medien (BKM). Er spielte dabei insbesondere auf das Gesetz über die Rechtsverhältnisse der Parlamentarischen Staatssekretäre an, in dem das Bundestagsmandat als Ernennungsvoraussetzung abgeschafft werden sollte. Seine Worte beschreiben aber auch die Organisationsstrukturen und Aufgabenwahrnehmung der BKM zutreffend.

0

Wenig Lärm um nichts