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25 December 2024
Merry Christmas, with Hope from Ukraine
In the depths of this dark winter, Shchedryk—the song born from Ukraine’s heart— shines as a gift to the world. It is a testament to Ukraine's resilience, its cultural spirit, and its undying hope for renewal and freedom. As the familiar chimes of Carol of the Bells ring through the air this Christmas, let us hear them not only as a celebration of holiday joy but also as a reminder of Ukraine’s fierce struggle for sovereignty and peace. Merry Christmas, with hope from Ukraine.
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23 December 2024
The ICC Under a New Threat
Since the ICC announced arrest warrants against Netanyahu and Gallant, the world has started to observe open equivocation from France and other European states about executing those arrest warrants. This inevitably raises the question whether it had been too easy in the past for nations of the West to profess “unflinching support” for the ICC when all the accused persons were Africans; even though the conducts of some of them (consider, for instance, the defendants from Kenya and Côte d’Ivoire) came nowhere close to the extravagant cruelty on full display in Gaza, despite rulings of the International Court of Justice and the relentless appeals of the UN Secretary General.
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Blinded by Legality
The Venice Commission’s recent opinions on Poland’s judicial reforms have prioritized formal legality over substantive judicial independence. The Commission thereby effectively legitimizes the judiciary captured under the previous autocratic government. The Commission’s shift contrasts sharply with its own prior critiques and European court rulings, raising concerns that the Commission’s stance now shields autocracy under the guise of legality.
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22 December 2024
Tendayi Achiume
Tendayi Achiume is a leading voice in international law, combining academic expertise with global advocacy to combat systemic racism, xenophobia, and gender discrimination. Her career is marked by an unwavering commitment to social justice, grounded in the belief that interdisciplinary collaboration is essential for impactful knowledge production. Through her work, she has distinctively contributed to rethinking human rights in the context of colonial legacies and migration justice.
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21 December 2024
Protecting Poland’s Public Media
In contrast to the slower-paced reforms in the judiciary, the new Polish government opted for swift and radical action in reforming public media during its first year. Political considerations often overshadowed strict adherence to the law in public media changes. However, public media showed improvement compared to their propagandist role under the previous administration. The media reform will be tested through its approach to revising legislation and following a constitutional procedure to appoint public media boards.
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Charting Change
The ongoing reform of the Polish Prosecution Service, initiated by separating the roles of Prosecutor General and Minister of Justice, aims to restore the rule of law and enhance the institution's independence and effectiveness. Yet, achieving this goal requires comprehensive reforms to address longstanding issues and external factors. Success hinges on legislative support, particularly from the Ministry of Justice, and overcoming resistance to change among prosecutors, marking a potential new era for the institution.
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One Year After Wałęsa v. Poland
Despite some progress, the Polish government faces immense political and structural hurdles in implementing ECtHR judgments concenring the rule of law. Because November 2025 marks one year since the ECtHR issued the pilot judgment in Wałęsa v. Poland, it is a good moment to reflect on the progress made by the current authorities in implementing ECtHR judgments. This post delves into the steps taken, the obstacles ahead, and the question of whether a coherent plan exists to navigate this legal and constitutional crisis.
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19 December 2024
At Risk of Capture?
On December 21st, the mandates of three judges of the Italian Constitutional Court will expire, creating a total of 4 vacancies. While Parliament is responsible for filling the seats, political parties are far from reaching an agreement on who should get appointed. The majority’s strategic obstruction of the appointment process in combination with Meloni’s assertions that it is up to her political majority to “deal the cards” for these elections raise the specter of the Court’s politicization. While the Italian legal system has several safeguards to preserve the impartiality and effectiveness of its Constitutional Court, these do not immunizes it against practices that could slowly and almost imperceptibly undermine its independence.
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New Zealand’s Constitution of Liberty
The New Zealand government has launched a consultation on a Regulatory Standards Bill that could shape both existing and future regulation. In addition to laying down principles to which regulation will be expected to conform, the bill would set up an institutional mechanism for implementing them. It is an ambitious undertaking which deserves attention beyond New Zealand’s shores for three reasons: first, its remarkably libertarian content; second, the unusual way in which it would be implemented; and third, what it can tell us about the ways in which an “unwritten” constitution changes―or doesn’t.
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Lay Judges in Common Courts
Lay judges in Poland, who play a crucial role in enhancing civic participation in the judiciary, have seen their role marginalized over time due to systemic changes and professional judges’ attitudes. Lay-judges do not feel adequately appreciated, do not see their function as a source of pride. Despite being undervalued and facing dwindling interest from citizens, revitalizing their participation through legislative reforms and a fresh narrative could strengthen public trust and legitimacy in the justice system.
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Schrödinger’s Judges
What happens when judges are both legitimate and illegitimate at the same time? In post-2023 Poland, tension arises between ‘old judges’ (pre-2018), accusing ‘neo-judges’ of ethical compromise, and the new government, which aims to maintain judicial continuity. As a result, neo-judges find themselves in a state akin to Schrödinger's cat, their legitimacy simultaneously affirmed and denied. This paradox encapsulates the broader struggle over judicial authority and political influence in the country.
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Prohibiting Drivers of Biodiversity Loss
On 14 November 2024, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) found Germany in breach of the Habitats Directive (HD) due to a failure to prohibit agricultural activities that drove biodiversity loss in protected (Natura 2000) sites. The ruling in C-47/23 appears significant due to its focus on the drivers of deterioration and the need to take legally binding measures against those drivers. In light of the poor state of nature across the EU and the ongoing failure to adequately address the drivers of biodiversity loss, this ruling provides an important clarification on the HD’s non-deterioration obligation.
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18 December 2024
Freundschaft schließen mit der Entgelttransparenz
Die Entgelttransparenzrichtlinie (EU) 2023/970 soll geschlechtsspezifische Entgeltunterschiede durch erweiterte Transparenzmechanismen und klare Sanktionsvorgaben reduzieren. Sie erfordert bis 2026 Anpassungen des deutschen Entgelttransparenzgesetzes, dessen bisherige Instrumente – wie der Auskunftsanspruch und freiwillige Berichtspflichten – nur begrenzte Wirkung gezeigt haben. Die Richtlinie bietet die Chance, bestehende Entgeltsysteme zu reformieren, geschlechtsneutrale Bewertungsmaßstäbe zu etablieren und die Verhandlungsposition von Beschäftigten zu stärken.
Continue reading >>Restoring the Rule of Law
Poland has become a real-time laboratory of rule of law restoration. The new government is faced with the fundamental question of how to tackle undemocratic reforms with legitimate, democratic measures. Avoiding obstruction by the affiliates of the outgoing regime and suppressing the desire for retribution by the injured parties presents the biggest challenge. Yet, the Polish government has a rare occasion to lead by example on how to solve the rule of law crisis not only by legal, but also political means.
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The Winding Road To The Mountaintop
In the Rule of Law in Poland Action Plan, the Polish government outlined its approach to restoring the rule of law in the country. It might have been a good starting point for developing the concept of restoring the rule of law. However, it remains unsatisfying that, after so many years of discussing the collapse of the rule of law, more elaborate ideas for its restoration were not put on the table, and the Action Plan lacks concrete proposals.
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Why Taiwan’s Constitutional Court Is in Danger
Legislators from the leading party in Taiwan’s Legislative Yuan are moving to pass an amendment that could effectively paralyze the Constitutional Court. Under the proposed changes to the Constitutional Court Procedure Act, the Court may find itself unable to carry out its constitutional mandate. This week, Taiwan’s Legislative Yuan will deliberate the amendments. If the amendments are passed in their current form, Taiwan could face nothing less than a full-blown constitutional crisis.
Continue reading >>The 2025 Polish Presidency of the Council
Poland’s 2025 Presidency of the Council of the EU arrives at a moment of political turbulence and high stakes, with security as its flagship theme. This short period will see the return of Donald Trump, the volatile German snap parliamentary election, and the buildup to Poland's own presidential election. While Poland’s government promises a fresh, value-driven approach, its own challenges in fully restoring the rule of law and balancing pragmatism with EU ideals may temper its ambitions.
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16 December 2024
Politicizing Constitutional Review
In July, the Finnish Parliament passed the Act on Temporary Measures to Combat Instrumentalised Migration. The Constitutional Law Committee, a Parliamentary organ in charge of ex ante constitutional review of legislation, greenlighted the Act despite the fact that all of the 18 legal experts it consulted found it to be in conflict with the Constitution, human rights obligations and EU law. This sparked a discussion about the politicization of the Committee and the role its experts play both in the Committee and the media. In this blog, I argue that the Committee’s politicization is visible in how it dressed political arguments as legal when assessing the law.
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EU Citizens’ Right to Join Political Parties
The Maastricht Treaty formally created the concept of citizenship of the European Union, based upon holding the nationality of a Member State. Now provided for in Article 20 TFEU, EU citizenship includes the right for EU citizens to vote in municipal and European Parliament elections in a Member State other than that of their nationality on the same basis as nationals. Two recent judgments by the Court of Justice enhance the role of EU citizenship as regards political rights, but its recognition of the importance of national identity in this area means that Member States can still place some limits on non-nationals’ role in politics.
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13 December 2024
“It looks more like a managed transition than a revolution.”
Five Questions to Michael Meyer-Resende
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Shooting Democracy in the Foot?
On December 6th, the Romanian Constitutional Court (CCR) annulled the Presidential Elections. The CCR’s decision followed the disclosure of intelligence documents on December 4th. These showed Russian interferences in the electoral process and campaign, via propaganda and disinformation. The gravity of the violations evidenced by the documents released, coupled with the many concerning declarations by Călin Georgescu, made the CCR’s intervention vital. However, the modalities of and belatedness of the CCR’s and the Romanian authorities’ response with respect to this unfolding mess do nothing but exacerbate the root causes of Georgescu’s win, bolstering his claim that democracy is being denied to the people of Romania.
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Regulating AI at Europe’s Borders
How does the EU's AI Act affect migration and border management? This blog examines the critical gaps and challenges posed by the classification of high-risk AI systems, revealing how exceptions and loopholes amplify fundamental rights risks and accountability gaps. The analysis points out the need for stronger oversight and higher standards to protect the rights of individuals affected by AI-driven migration technologies.
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12 December 2024
Integrating Artificial Intelligence in Ukraine’s Courts
This post examines Ukraine’s recent steps toward AI integration in the courts, highlighting initiatives and plans for the future. While these efforts reflect a growing recognition of AI’s potential, they also reveal limitations. Concerns surrounding AI, such as data security and confidentiality, reliability, transparency, explainability, accountability, fairness, and bias, are just as significant in judicial contexts as they are in other areas.
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Ahead of the Curve
While the German Supply Chain Act (SCDDA) faces criticism for its potential economic impact, compliance offers companies significant advantages. It positions them ahead of the curve in aligning with the forthcoming EU Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD). By integrating responsible business practices early, companies not only meet current human rights and environmental standards but also gain a competitive edge. Amending or repealing the SCDDA, however, risks diminishing these advantages for German businesses.
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EU’s AI Act and Migration Control. Shortcomings in Safeguarding Fundamental Rights
In the European Union, AI and non-AI technologies are increasingly being used for border and migration control. In this blog, Brouwer argues that the new AI Act, while adding safeguards, falls short of sufficiently protecting fundamental rights. This is due to its blanket exceptions and broad discretion for national and EU agencies to experiment with AI tools when making decisions about migrants, including asylum seekers and refugees. It is therefore important that the general legal framework on fundamental rights continues to be observed.
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11 December 2024
Passing a Budget in Times of Legislative Paralysis
On December 4, the French National Assembly passed a motion of no-confidence against Prime Minister Michel Barnier’s government. This is an exceptionally rare occurrence and its legal consequences are, by necessity, uncertain. What is indisputable, however, is that the very passage of this motion places the government into caretaker status, which considerably restricts its legal authority. This legal situation presents acute challenges for the two budget-related bills currently pending in Parliament since both bills must be passed before December 31.
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Ein Anfang, mehr nicht
Kein anderes Thema hat die Gemüter beim Ringen um die KI-Verordnung der EU so sehr erhitzt wie die automatisierte Gesichtserkennung in der Strafverfolgung und ihre Regulierung. Jetzt stehen die Vorschriften für Gesichtserkennung und andere Methoden biometrischer Fernidentifizierung fest – zumindest der aller-äußerste Rahmen, den die KI-Verordnung festlegt. Diese Regelungen sind allerdings nur ein Anfang, mehr nicht.
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10 December 2024
On Means and Ends
During the 2024 presidential elections, the Romanian Constitutional Court has assumed a surprisingly militant stance, ultimately granting it an unexpected leading role in the outcome (disruption) of the elections. Alas, the outcome, which at the moment seems an acceptable political result for the pro-European parties, i.e. preventing a possible victory of a far-right, pro-Russian candidate, was achieved through a series of unfortunate decisions. They were at odds with constitutional order, principles of the rule of law, or the idea of democracy.
Continue reading >>A Troubling Triumph in Romania
The annulment of Romania’s presidential election results by its Constitutional Court is, at first glance, a triumph for democracy. By nullifying the first round – narrowly won by far-right candidate Calin Georgescu amid allegations of Russian-backed interference – the Court sent a clear message: electoral integrity is not up for debate. But is this really a victory? In truth, this decision reflects a troubling pattern in how democracies respond to crises: after the fact. The annulment is not so much a defence of democracy as a stark reminder of the limits of judicial power.
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AI Act and the Prohibition of Real-Time Biometric Identification
Remote biometric identification (RBI) systems are increasingly becoming part of our daily lives. The most prominent example is the use of facial recognition technologies in public spaces (e.g. CCTV cameras). The AI Act regulates the use of RBI systems distinguishing between real-time and post RBI systems. While one of the main aims of the AIA was to ban real-time RBI systems, the Regulation failed to do so in an effective manner. Instead, it can be argued that the AIA still allows for a broad use of such systems.
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09 December 2024
The AI Act National Security Exception
In 2024, the EU legislators adopted a detailed national security exception to the AI Act, contravening prior EU case law. Beyond the possibility of a future ruling that would realign the AI Act’s scope with said case law, the impact of this exception might be limited by other applicable laws and the interpretative and practical difficulty of distinguishing between national and public security. The AI Act’s failure to sufficiently account for these intricacies risks further legal uncertainty within the already complex security landscape. Therefore, this blog post explores the challenges of implementing the exception of national security to the AI Act’s scope of application.
Continue reading >>The EU AI Act’s Impact on Security Law
The process of integrating European security law is imperfect and unfinished – given the constraints posed by the European Treaties, it is likely to remain that way for the foreseeable future. This inevitable imperfection, lamentable as it may be, creates opportunities for legal scholarship. Legal scholars are needed to explore the gaps and cracks in this new security architecture and to ultimately develop proposals for how to fix them. This debate series, being a product of VB Security and Crime, takes the recently adopted AI Act as an opportunity to do just that: It brings together legal scholars, both German and international, in order to explain, analyze and criticize the EU AI Act’s impact on security law from both an EU and German national law perspective.
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08 December 2024
Paula Escarameia
Paula Ventura de Carvalho Escarameia’s legacy extends beyond classical legal achievements. With a diversified career over decades that got cut short way too soon at the age of fifty, she’s earned global acclaim for her expertise in public international law, especially concerning the situation in East Timor. She believed that public international law was no rigid construct but could and should be changed especially in the areas of self-determination and the protection of human rights – ultimately contributing to the establishment of the International Criminal Court.
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07 December 2024
The Second Round that Wasn’t
On 6 December 2024, the final day of Romania’s most turbulent presidential election campaign in the last 25 years, the Constitutional Court issued a ruling that was unprecedented not only in recent Romanian, but also in European constitutional history: it annulled the first round of the elections, held on 24 November, and ordered the entire electoral process to restart. Only 4 days earlier, on 2 December 2024, the same Court had ruled not to annul the first round of the elections. What led to this dramatic shift between those two dates?
Continue reading >>“The Advisory Opinion Could Reshape Global Climate Governance.”
Five Questions to Tejas Rao, Marie-Claire Cordonier Segger and Markus Gehring
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06 December 2024
Bulgaria’s Controversial Prosecutor General
The ongoing nomination of Bulgaria’s next Prosecutor General, scheduled for January 16, 2025, has sparked concerns over the legitimacy of the Supreme Judicial Council, whose members’ mandates expired nearly two years ago, responsible for nominating the candidate. Despite the Constitutional Court’s ruling that the expiration of the SJC’s elected members does not dissolve the institution or suspend its functions, this decision follows a technical approach which allows nepotism and corrupted practice through the use of legal loopholes.
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A “Democratic Exception” to ICC Jurisdiction
On 21 November 2024, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for the Israeli Prime Minister and the former Minister of Defence, for alleged crimes against humanity and war crimes in the ongoing Israel-Gaza War. Equally contentious was the response of leading Western states – including Germany and France – who have questioned or openly rejected treaty obligations to enforce the warrants. This is a conspicuously fraught position for countries who previously welcomed 2023 ICC arrest warrants for Russian President Vladimir Putin in legally identical circumstances.
Continue reading >>05 December 2024
Why Australia’s Social Media Ban for Kids May Breach Its Constitution
On 29 November 2024, the Australian federal Parliament enacted a world-first law, which imposed a minimum age for access to most social media sites in the country. The law will not come into full force for at least twelve months, to give time to social media platforms to devise appropriate methods for verifying the ages of users. The law might be a rare example that fails the proportionality test. Social media companies have the means and incentive to mount a constitutional challenge to find out; surely they are going to do so.
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When Democracy Prevails
On December 3 at 10:25 pm, the President of South Korea Yoon Suk Yeol declared emergency martial law, which lasted for 6 hours until it was lifted following the unanimous vote of the South Korean Parliament to immediately end its imposition. This blog analyzes the legal aspects of the President’s failed attempt to maintain a martial law regime and further reflects on the significance of this event for the evolution of democracy in South Korea.
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Added value(s)?
During the hearing in the infringement proceedings against Hungary’s ‘anti- LGBTIQ+ Law’, the Commission placed the values of the EU at the heart of its pleas. Following its publication in the Official Journal, some expected (while others feared) that the Commission’s infringement action would rely on Article 2 TEU (which set out the values of the EU) as a self-standing ground. Instead, during the hearing, the Commission’s representatives were adamant that Article 2 may only be invoked in connection with other EU law provisions. That is a welcome clarification. Grounding an infringement action solely on Article 2 would be unwise. Yet, the inclusion of these values among the pleas is legally, politically, and morally significant.
Continue reading >>04 December 2024
Under Guise of War
The Knesset’s legislative work since October 2023 has included several legislative initiatives that may be creating a framework for furthering systemic discrimination against Arab Israelis. These new laws could pose a dangerous new precedent in Israel, stripping the right to equality and human dignity of their meaning and threatening the already fragile state of democracy as we know it.
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03 December 2024
The Return of Not-Quite “Phantom Experts”?
On Monday, 2 December 2024, the much anticipated hearing began in the Obligations of States in respect of Climate Change advisory proceedings before the International Court of Justice. Less than a week before the start of the hearing, the Court issued a brief and unusual press release about a meeting that it held with scientists from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). The Court’s decision to meet privately with the scientists raises questions about the Court’s procedures and its approach to evidence. Above all, it is unclear why the Court decided to consult with the IPCC scientists in a closed meeting rather than eliciting testimony from these individuals as part of the formal, public hearing.
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02 December 2024
A Right to Anonymity in the Digital Age
Although digital anonymity is associated with a wide range of opportunities, it also stands in the way of successful criminal prosecution. The right to respect private and family life under the the EU Charter as well as the right to protection of personal data are of fundamental importance for natural persons. However, since life is increasingly taking place online, anonymity can be exploited to spread hate, discriminatory content, and fake news. Considering these risks, the ECJ has opened the door to data retention in Europe and thereby restricted digital anonymity.
Continue reading >>Data Retention Laws and La Quadrature du Net II
La Quadrature du Net II has been criticized for allowing generalized metadata retention measures. However, it is important not to lose sight of the fact that the law must not become a mechanism for protecting criminals. The scale of online rights violations are a real problem. P2P networks are not only a threat to copyright protection, but also an environment for the distribution of content related to serious crime. It is therefore necessary to strike a balance between these two concerns and to propose solutions that adequately protect users without guaranteeing impunity for criminals.
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Squaring the Circle
La Quadrature du Net II, which allows for the general retention of IP addresses to combat copyright infringements committed online, should not be viewed as carte blanche for general data retention measures by the Member States. Instead of watering down fundamental rights protection on a case-by-case approach, Member States should agree on guarantees and safeguards as well as a list of serious crimes allowing only the restricted use of targeted data retention in specific cases.
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29 November 2024
The Challenges of Nuance
Five Questions to Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger
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New Media, New Data and a Dark Foreboding
After the major shift in surveillance practices from state power and control to big tech corporations and monetisation, we are currently witnessing yet another Zeitenwende: Surveillance practices as a means of hybrid warfare, with the AI-driven vision of accessing what people think and feel. This type of surveillance produces knowledge that not only claims to reveal what people are likely to do in the future but also what they feel and think. The consequences of this epistemological bending are potentially grave.
Continue reading >>Testing the Waters of Private Data Pools
Nowadays, data is mostly collected not by state actors but by businesses. In 2010, the German Constitutional Court held that the legislator has to evaluate the overall level of surveillance in Germany before enacting new data retention obligations. In light of the recent rejuvenised discussions about data retention and a general surveillance account, this text explores whether such an account needs to consider private data pools and what is required for a successful evaluation.
Continue reading >>28 November 2024
Compensation for Victims of Violent Crimes
On 7 November 2024, the CJEU provided clarifications for building a cohesive EU-wide framework for compensating crime victims. The ruling not only curtails Member States’ discretion in interpreting key concepts that are critical to defining eligibility for compensation, but it also strengthens the interplay between the Compensation Directive and the Victims’ Rights Directive. This judgment reinforces the the harmonized definition of victim established in Article 2 of the Victims’ Rights Directive, solidifying its status for determining those entitled to victim’s rights.
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Data Retention in a Cross-Border Perspective
This blog post compares the European and US approach to metadata surveillance and highlights some challenges that arise therefrom. It aims at shedding light on the main legal issues that may arise for the future of global counterterrorism. The essential role of courts in striking and keeping a balance between security and protection of human rights is further examined in light of the judgement in La Quadrature du Net II. Efforts should be made to avoid that the economic power of the US would lower the privacy standards when it comes to metadata surveillance.
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The Long and Winding Road
The Court of Justice’s Quadrature du Net judgements mark another key moment in the complex and long-lasting legal debate on mass data retention in the European Union. This blogpost critically discusses the “constitutionalisation path” outlined by the EU Judges as well as the fragmented roads taken by Member States, with specific attention to Italy. Ultimately, it demonstrates the need for a decisive EU legislators’ intervention, able to draw the future path of data retention regimes.
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The Future of GDPR Enforcement
The ongoing trilogue negotiations on the GDPR procedural regulation aim to address significant enforcement shortcomings. From strengthening complainants' rights to harmonising Data Protection Authorities' discretion and improving cross-border cooperation, these discussions carry major implications for data protection in Europe. This analysis highlights the urgent need for reforms to ensure effective and fair enforcement.
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Of Minor Benefits and Major Costs
Is general and indiscriminate data retention permissible under the EU fundamental rights framework? In La Quadrature du Net II, the Court tilts the metaphorical scale towards data retention. The take-away could contribute to the enlargement of privatised surveillance that rests on a generalised pre-emptive data retention scheme. The ECJ’s findings could cement intrusive practices emerging from the counter-terrorism narrative to regular state practice at the expense of fundamental rights protection.
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27 November 2024
Who Let the Bots Out
As artificial intelligence revolutionizes modern warfare, systems like Israel’s Lavender and Ukraine’s Clearview AI are transforming combat with precision and efficiency. This advancement has sparked an urgent debate on the responsible use and governance of AI in military, with 57 countries signing the Political Declaration on AI’s military applications, urging adherence to international law. Central to this is the accountability – who is responsible when AI systems violate laws? This blog post argues that state responsibility for AI violations remains viable within existing legal frameworks.
Continue reading >>Prioritising Member States Over Citizens
The classic story about the right to privacy and data protection in the EU is one of a high level of protection. Yet, this original rosy image is increasingly fading away, most visibly in the La Quadrature du Net litigation, which is a continuation of two dynamics. First, the Court is still cleaning up the residual mess that lingers on from the now annulled Data Retention Directive. Second, in so doing, it is incrementally allowing the Member States indiscriminately retain personal data. Hence, the Court is carving out space for Member States’ preferences to the detriment of the protection of the individual.
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Data Retention
The recent judgements of the CJEU on data retention should not be regarded as an authoritarian move towards a less fundamental rights-sensible position of the Court. Rather, the case law adapts the ever more complex development of the constitutional security law, which was originally dominated by the Member States. As a European court, the CJEU cannot simply ban certain police measures but must respect the complexity and heterogeneity of national law enforcement agencies.
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The Silence of the Israeli Supreme Court Judges
The arrest warrants by the ICC for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity are a red card for the Israeli legal system indicating grave doubts whether the Israeli legal system fulfills the complementarity requirement. Paradoxically, an indictment on the Israeli justice system arrives after the Israeli Supreme Court has recently fortified its position. Yet, the more the Court expanded its reach into the political arena, the less it could fulfill its core role of defending basic human rights.
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Made-Up Principles
The Principles of the Treaty of Waitangi Bill sparked remarkable protest in Parliament itself where Māori lawmakers used haka, a traditional Māori dance form, demonstrating strength and unity (the video went viral). It was also a key focus of what was likely the largest political protest ever seen at New Zealand’s Parliament, with 40,000-50,000 people descending on Parliament grounds and the surrounding streets on 19 November 2024. The Bill is so controversial because it would mean a change to the way in which rights and obligations under the Treaty of Waitangi are recognised in New Zealand law.
Continue reading >>26 November 2024
Protecting Victims Without Mass Surveillance
Mass data retention is on the rise. In the current heyday of security packages in Germany, we are now witnessing a “super grand coalition” in favor of mandatory IP address retention. Some are calling for greater protection for victims through data retention. Yet, what one often overlooks is the following: The investigative capacities of law enforcement authorities have never been better, and the digital data pools that can be analyzed have never been larger. Hence, victims must be protected without mass surveillance.
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More Protection for Victims Through Data Retention
Mass data retention is all about proportionality. The threat level determines the proportionality of the means – both of which are subject to the perpetual flux of time. Data retention is intended to protect victims of digital crimes. To protect freedom online, our security services urgently need to be able to access stored IP addresses. The alarming developments in our security situation are calling many certainties from the past into question. This also involves a re-evaluation of traffic data retention.
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Eyes Everywhere
Ten years after its groundbreaking judgment declaring the Data Retention Directive incompatible with the EU Charter, the Full Court significantly eased its previously strict requirements. On 30 April 2024, it issued La Quadrature Du Net II and, for the first time, declared the general and indiscriminate retention of IP addresses permissible for the purpose of fighting general crime. Given the CJEU’s fundamental change of heart, we have gathered a range of scholars to contextualize the judgment and situate it within the broader debate on mass data retention, online surveillance, and anonymity.
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Keine allgemeine Verfassungsaufsicht über die Unionswerte im Vertragsverletzungsverfahren
Am 19. Dezember 2022 reichte die Europäische Kommission in der Rechtssache C-769/22 eine Vertragsverletzungsklage ein, in der sie im zweiten Klagegrund eine eigenständige Verletzung von Art. 2 EUV geltend machte. Dies löste eine breite Diskussion darüber aus, ob der EuGH seine Wertejudikatur in Zukunft so weiterentwickeln könnte, dass Art. 2 EUV auch als eigenständige Rechtsgrundlage herangezogen werden kann – ohne eine Verbindung zu spezifischen Bestimmungen des Unionsrechts.
Continue reading >>European Society Strikes Back
“This is a frontal and deep attack against the … European society.” With this remarkable statement the Commission has started the “largest human rights battle in EU history”: the infringement proceedings against the Hungarian anti-LGBTIQ* law. The Commission claims that this law breaches the internal market, the Charter rights and the Union’s common values enshrined in Article 2 TEU. The “mega hearing”, which took place on 19 November 2024, is now facing its ultimate test: can the Member States’ compliance with Article 2 TEU be reviewed before the Court of Justice?
Continue reading >>25 November 2024
The European Banking Union Also Means Cross-Border Bank Consolidation
A heated debate on the risks of EU’s unfinished-effort to establish a Banking Union erupted on 11 September 2024, when the Milan-based UniCredit announced that it had amassed an equity stake of 9% in the Frankfurt-based rival Commerzbank. The German Chancellor quickly labelled UniCredit’s move an “unfriendly attack,” adding that the acquisition of Commerzbank is a threat to German financial stability. We argue that German authorities can hardly provide a legally-compelling justification to convince the ECB to reject UniCredit’s request on financial stability grounds.
Continue reading >>The Good, the Bad and the Ugly
In its recent decision in ST v Frontex the CJEU missed once again an opportunity to review Frontex's conduct in light of human rights standards. The decision is the latest in a series of key decisions concerning EU human rights responsibility over the course of the past year, including WS and Others v. Frontex, Hamoudi v. Frontex, Sea Watch v Frontex, as well as Kočner and KS and KD. This contribution explains how some of these cases perpetuate the shortcomings of the EU’s human rights responsibility regime, while others show the Court’s willingness and ability to redress these.
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22 November 2024
Die stille Mehrheit hat ihre Stimme gefunden
Fünf Fragen an John Morijn und Luke Dimitrios Spieker
Continue reading >>The Silent Majority Has Found Its Voice
Five Questions to John Morijn and Luke Dimitrios Spieker
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21 November 2024
Georgian Dream as a Nightmare for Democracy
The Georgian Dream Party has been declared as winner of the parliamentary election in Georgia. Independent observers, however, identified a large-scale, multi-faceted election-rigging scheme in favor of Georgian Dream, prompting calls to annul the results. These allegations triggered protests and sparked a debate about the future of democracy, and the rule of law in Georgia. Due to the absence of effective judicial oversight to address evidence of electoral fraud, public resistance and external pressure are crucial to preventing power capture by Georgian Dream and halting Georgia’s autocratic shift.
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Deporting the Enemy Within
Two weeks ago, the Israeli Knesset passed a law that grants the Minister of the Interior powers to deport family members of terrorists, including Israeli citizens. The logic of this law, its instrumentalization of legitimate security concerns to not just deny the rights and membership status of minority groups but attack the foundations of a constitutional system, is not unique to contemporary Israeli politics. As such, this logic needs confronting and refuting, and this law presents an important opportunity to do so.
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20 November 2024
Taming the Brazilian Supreme Court
The recent Proposal for Constitutional Amendment No. 28/2024 weakens constitutional review by allowing Congress to suspend certain decisions of the Supreme Federal Court. This article identifies several exaggerated and premature criticisms present in the public debate. Additionally, it explores how models of weak judicial review, successfully integrated by numerous established democracies, may foster constitutional dialogues and collaboration, potentially reducing counter-majoritarian frictions and enhancing democratic principles.
Continue reading >>Observing the Elections in Venezuela
Electoral Observation Missions are vital to democracies worldwide. The case of Venezuela demonstrates their crucial importance: In the last presidential elections, the work of EOMs was able to confirm irregularities, which today keeps Venezuela under political pressure and added grounds for civil protest. Despite the severe repression that followed, the demand for electoral transparency remains, and sustains its validity in part thanks to the irreplaceable work of the EOMs.
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19 November 2024
A Rare Win
In a rare win for the rights of asylum seekers in the first Greek asylum case making its way to Luxembourg, the CJEU has limited abusive uses of the safe third country concept that had condemned applicants to legal limbo. In its ruling on 4 October 2024, the Court left Greece’s designation of Türkiye as a safe third country intact. Nonetheless, the case will still have a significant impact on asylum applicants. This post sets out the practical effects of the judgment on people applying for asylum in Greece and beyond.
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The Brumadinho Disaster
In 2019, the rupture of a dam in Brumadinho unleashed a “torrent” of mining waste, destroying homes, contaminating the Paraopeba River, and killing 270 people. The dam was owned by the mining company Vale and its safety audited by the German TÜV Süd. More than five years later, no one has been held accountable. However, according to international human rights standards, the Brazilian state must hold companies accountable.
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The Visible and The Invisible of Justice in Strasbourg
Former ECtHR Vice-President Prof. Dr. Angelika Nußberger and current ECtHR Judge Dr. Kateřina Šimáčková discuss judges’ responsibility to provide relief to applicants. Focal points are recent procedural reforms affecting access to justice, the extensive yet often overlooked judicial work that does not result in published decisions, the persistent challenge of achieving gender balance on the bench, and their own personal legacies.
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Stiefmütterliche Behandlung
Mit dem Ampel-Aus ist die dringend erwartete Reform des Abstammungsrechts für Zwei-Mütter-Familien in weite Ferne gerückt. Geplant war, nach der „Ehe für alle“ auch ein „Abstammungsrecht für alle“ zu schaffen, und insbesondere eine automatische Mit-Mutterschaft einzuführen. Eine aktuelle Entscheidung des EGMR in dem Fall R.F. und andere gegen Deutschland hätte neuen Schwung in die Sache bringen können. Stattdessen hat der EGMR viel zu spät und am eigentlichen Problem vorbei entschieden.
Continue reading >>18 November 2024
Feminist Killjoy…But With a Heart
India is currently witnessing a spate of protests against gender-based violence targeted towards women. The rape and murder of a trainee doctor in Kolkata, allegations against influential figures of the Malayalam film industry, and wrestler Vinesh Phogat’s accusations of sexual harassment against BJP leader Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh have led to demands for stricter legal consequences. However, I urge feminists to eschew reliance on the punitive state. It is paramount that feminists “break the wheel” and not adopt the tools of the oppressor by advocating for punishment, shame, and stigma.
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Armenia’s Constitutional Catch-22
In October 2024, the presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan simultaneously approved a Protocol regulating the joint work of their respective border delimitation commissions. The protocol’s enactment in both countries became possible after Armenia’s Constitutional Court issued a landmark Decision No. 1749 on 26 September 2024, confirming that the border delimitation agreement complied with Armenia’s Constitution. However, the Court’s Decision traps Armenia in a legal and political Catch-22.
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Political Resistance and Two Dirty Words
On November 6, Donald Trump won the 2024 presidential election in a landslide, winning all Swing States and the popular vote. Given the dire consequences of Trump’s second presidency looming on the horizon, it would be natural for Democrats’ reactions to include some of English’s finest swear words, the f- and the s- words in particular. But besides swearing being impolite, there are at least two other dirty words to consider: Federalism and (State) Sovereignty. It is time to use them for progressive purposes and shield Democrat states against excessive overreach by the Trump administration, as some had already suggested during the first Trump presidency
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Into Reverse Gear
The recent Hague Court of Appeal judgment, in the appeal brought by Shell against the first instance decision in favour of the NGO Milieudefensie, held that Shell is legally obliged to reduce its scope 3 emissions, but did not order Shell to reduce them by 45%, or indeed any percentage. The judgment is likely to have a significant impact on climate change litigation against corporations beyond just the Netherlands. That impact will be all the greater if the losing parties, Milieudefensie and others, do not appeal.
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Towards a Bundle of Duties
This week’s decision in Shell v Milieudefensie from the Hague Court of Appeals seemed like a blow to climate litigation: Milieudefensie was ultimately unsuccessful in convincing the Court that it could transpose a global requirement for 45% emissions reductions by 2030 into an obligation for a particular actor. Yet, the Court of Appeals decision marks considerable progress in how we understand the civil liability of large Dutch economic actors for their contributions to climate change.
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14 November 2024
An Antidote To Constitutional Authoritarian Populism?
Presidential reelection is once more a focal point in Latin American constitutional law. The amendment to the 2010 Dominican Constitution, approved in October 2024, modifies the presidential term to bar future changes that would permit unlimited presidential reelection. This reform opposes the populist trend that argues for the people’s unconditional right to reelect the incumbent president, as witnessed in Venezuela and Chile. However, as cases like El Salvador demonstrate, constitutional design may be insufficient to deter abusive interpretations by constitutional courts.
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13 November 2024
Silent Prayer vs Safe Access
In line with a broader trend, all three jurisdictions in the United Kingdom now have Safe Access Zones legislation that creates a protective area around premises where abortion services are provided. Specified behaviours are criminalised within these protective areas, with silent prayer being a common challenge. I argue that the UK Safe Access Zones legislation demonstrates a cautious approach that protects a pregnant person’s right to access lawful abortion services in conditions of dignity and privacy.
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12 November 2024
Lessons of a Landmark Lost
On 12 November 2024, the Hague Court of Appeal in Shell v Milieudefensie set aside the preceding 2021 judgment which held Shell responsible for its contribution to climate change. The 2021 judgment was widely heralded (though also critiqued) as groundbreaking and a precedent that could be followed elsewhere. While the Appeal judgment is unlikely to receive similar praise from climate activists, it contains important lessons regarding the responsibility of multinational companies for their contributions to climate change.
Continue reading >>A Piece of Advice
In this blog post, we discuss two pieces of advice about the legal and political consequences for the Netherlands arising from the policies and practices of Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. These are the ICJ’s Advisory Opinion of July 2024 and the Advisory Letter from the Dutch Advisory Council on International Affairs of October 2024. Both pieces of advice provide concrete recommendations, many of which, in our view, require fundamental changes in the current Dutch policy regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Dutch Government is constitutionally obliged to provide a meaningful response to both these pieces of advice. So far, however, it has failed to do so.
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Hansa Mehta
Imagine if the very first article of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, 1948, referred “all men”, rather than “all human beings”, and asked us all to act in the spirit of “brotherhood”. Thankfully, that is not how it reads, and for this, credit is due to an Indian woman: Hansa Mehta, whose contribution UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres recognized in his speech celebrating 70 years of the UDHR when he said: “without her, we would literally be speaking of Rights of Man rather than Human Rights.”
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11 November 2024
Rising Gender Disparity at the CJEU
With the recent swearing-in of Judges and Advocates-General at the CJEU in October 2024, the number of women has decreased. Among the new cohort of 11 Judges and AG arriving in Luxembourg, only one new woman was appointed to the CoJ. There are currently 5 women Judges out of the 27 positions at the CoJ. Among the 11 Advocates-General, only 3 are women. We urge Member States to intensify efforts for gender parity and to reform their domestic nomination processes. Finally, we call on the 255 Committee to guarantee full gender parity.
Continue reading >>08 November 2024
Farewell to the Rules-Based Order
As political analysts debate the reasons for Trump’s victory, one contributing factor is surely the utter failure of Biden’s Gaza policies. As the US has continued to fund an Israeli war of annihilation against Gaza, the democratic ticket became a hard sell for many who care about Palestinians. Yet, Gaza has also triggered a veritable renaissance of international litigation. With Gaza destroyed and Trump in the White House, this tension may have reached a terminal point. And yet, I argue, the ghost of a rule-based order lingers in our political imagination despite its inability to shape outcomes.
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07 November 2024
Is This a Constitutional Democracy
Indonesia, a country that has experimented with constitutional democracy since 1998, inaugurated its new president, Prabowo Subianto, on October 20, 2024. His so-called “Red and White Cabinet” may appear peculiar from the perspective of Western democracies due to its concentration of power. Prabowo assembled a “bloated cabinet” of 48 ministers constituting a hodge-podge of anti-Sharia pluralists, nationalists, Islamists, and others, all swearing fealty to the magico-religious Pancasila. We argue that Prabowo’s cabinet parallels the “family state”, which envisions the state as a large Indonesian family working together to maintain familial harmony.
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06 November 2024
Towards Universal Criminalisation
“Italy Criminalises Surrogacy from Abroad, a Blow to Gay and Infertile Couples.” This was the headline on the New York Times website following the approval of a law in Italy criminalising reproductive tourism. Giorgia Meloni had already introduced the bill, Act no. 824, in the last Parliament, and the current right-wing majority has now passed it. The news has gone around the world. Let us try to understand why.
Continue reading >>05 November 2024
Art. 21 DSA Has Come to Life
Art. 21 DSA is a new, unusual and interesting framework to settle disputes over online content moderation decisions. By now, the first four online dispute settlement bodies (ODS-bodies) have been certified, and most of them have already started taking cases. In this article, based on recent interviews with representatives from all certified bodies, I will explore how these very first ODS-bodies are set up and which very first experiences they have made.
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The Tail That Wags the Dog
In Opinion 2/13 the Court of Justice held that accession to the ECHR must not interfere with the operation of the principle of mutual trust as this would affect the autonomy of EU law. I offer a different reading: mutual trust is not a general principle capable of having autonomous legal effects. Furthermore, mutual trust is acquiring a novel value for the progressive operationalisation of the foundational values ex Article 2 TEU. Read in this way, it has then the potential to enhance fundamental rights protection and is certainly no bar to accession to the ECHR – it is the dog of core values that wags the tail of mutual trust and not vice versa.
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04 November 2024
Two Courts, Two Visions
The diverging standards of protection concerning the right to a fair trial, as interpreted by the CJEU and the ECtHR, remain a critical obstacle to the EU’s renewed attempt at accession to the ECHR. In this field, the two Courts seem to be drifting further apart rather than converging, leading to unresolved conflicts between the standard of fundamental rights protection and mutual trust obligations in the EU. Except in the unlikely event of a course-correction by the CJEU, this means that we are no closer to accession today than we were ten years ago, when the now-infamous Opinion 2/13 was handed down.
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Enhancing Fundamental Rights Protection
The EU should ensure fundamental rights’ compatibility of EU legislation before its adoption. To that effect, we propose three distinct paths to improve the EU control mechanisms. Whilst mechanisms to ensure quality control do exist, primarily in the form of impact assessments, these mostly remain a merely formal exercise. Henceforth, we suggest strengthening the ex ante fundamental rights review of EU legislation through enhanced involvement of FRA in the legislative process.
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03 November 2024
Of Artificial Intelligence and Fundamental Rights Charters
The Council of Europe has adopted the Framework Convention on Artificial Intelligence – the first of its kind. Notably, the Framework Convention includes provisions specifically tailored to enable the EU’s participation. At the same time, the EU has developed its own framework around AI. I argue that the EU should adopt the Framework Convention, making an essential first step toward integrating the protection of fundamental rights of the EU Charter. Ultimately, this should create a common constitutional language and bridge the EU and the Council of Europe to strengthen fundamental rights in Europe.
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02 November 2024
Framing Fear
In the appraisal of international threats, seldom is media discourse included as an essential element of study. This post suggests that no analysis of international or European security is complete without considering the impact of mass media in shaping public perceptions of legal realities.
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Stuck Between Unity and Diversity
The role of the EU Charter in disputes concerning fundamental rights standards between the EU and Member States has been characterized by ambiguity ever since the Charter’s inception. As the EU deepens integration of Member States to effectively face the challenges ahead, I advocate for a pluralistic interpretation of Article 53 of the Charter that allows for a greater degree of accommodation of national particularities. In that way, one would reduce constitutional tensions and find that there may be unity in diversity after all.
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Interviewing EU Judges
Who are the women and men behind the CJEU’s decisions? The CJEU is an incredibly powerful institution, yet little is known about the backgrounds, judicial philosophies, and ambitions of its judges and advocates general. The Union’s “Help Desk,” as CJEU President Koen Lenaerts modestly describes the Court, is now interpreting broad-ranging rules while also giving legal meaning to ambitious and ambiguous values such as the rule of law. This is where the Borderlines archive comes in – we interview the judges and advocates general of the Court of Justice, to learn about their backgrounds, varied experiences, and their jurisprudential philosophies.
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01 November 2024
The Messiah and His Oligarchs
On Power, Personalities and Populism.
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Three Takeaways from the Nearly Failed EU Referendum in Moldova
Moldova’s accelerated path towards the European Union nearly came to an abrupt halt. On 20 October 2024, the people of Moldova participated in a referendum asking whether they "support amending the Constitution with a view to Moldova's accession to the European Union". While massive Russian interference in the election process is evident (though the full proportion remains yet to be investigated), it would be too short-sighted and also dangerous for Moldova’s future path towards the EU to attribute the outcome of the referendum solely to external interference.
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Who Gets to Define Jewish Identity in Germany?
The German Bundestag is soon expected to vote on a resolution on “protecting Jewish life in Germany” that would tie public funding for culture and science to compliance with the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of antisemitism. While IHRA’s potential in curbing Palestinians’ political speech has been largely studied, another set of problems should warrant additional attention: the definition’s potential to regulate Jewish political identity into a singular version: one that coincides with the state of Israel. In doing so, it gives the state regulatory power to decide on what is, in fact, a burning question within Jewish circles.
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Reconciling National and European Constitutional Legalities
In light of the increasingly established autonomous European constitutional legality, national constitutional courts are now compelled to reconsider their roles. Through a progressive expansion of its direct applicability by national ordinary judges, the Charter of Fundamental Rights risks fostering the marginalization of national constitutional courts. I argue that the solution lies in a highly differentiated consolidation of constitutional legalities that integrates and embraces the unique roles of national constitutional courts in their respective systems of adjudication.
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Pouring New Wine into Old Wineskins
The three seemingly trivial observations that follow inform three substantive proposals regarding the protection of fundamental rights within the EU. To address the challenges faced by national constitutional courts and the CJEU, it is essential to leverage existing procedural tools within domestic legal systems. Additionally, expanding the applicability of these versatile tools and considering a structural revision of the judicial bodies may facilitate the creation of hybrid entities that could collaboratively address major issues, thereby steering constitutional developments in the EU.
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31 October 2024
The right lessons from Trump 1.0
The US withdrawal from international institutions is a broader trend, not solely tied to Trump-era policies. Consequently, European governments that aim to preserve the rules-based international order should be prepared to take the lead and fill the gap left by the US exit. To pursue this strategy effectively, certain imperatives must be addressed.
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Maintaining Resilience in Human Rights Interpretation
In the Religious Movement Advisory Opinion, the European Court of Human Rights established detailed risk and proportionality assessment criteria that deviate from its previous case law in individual applications. The Court thus seems eager to embrace its standard-setting role and the spirit of dialogue inherent in the advisory opinion procedure, indicating some potential for resilience in rights interpretation within this sensitive context.
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Courts, Constitutions and Authoritarian Consolidation in Pakistan
In 2024, Pakistan has moved in a decisively authoritarian direction. The civilian and military hybrid ruling coalition that came to power in 2022 is using electoral engineering and constitutional entrenchment to consolidate power in the face of popular discontent and resilient political opposition. This process of electoral and constitutional consolidation does not move forward unimpeded, without resistance, and requires capturing and coordinating state institutions. In this blogpost, I show that formal constitutional safeguards provided little protection against the hybrid regime’s capture and weaponization of electoral monitoring bodies.
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Fundamental Rights Come Off the Bench
In 2014, the European Court of Justice clearly prioritised the EU’s position on the unity and effectiveness of EU law over the protection of fundamental rights (Opinion 2/13). Ten years later, in October 2024, a judgment pitting football against the media seems to have turned the tables. In Real Madrid vs Le Monde, the Court held that excessive defamation damages may breach the freedom of the press and trigger the public policy exception. This is a significant shift, prioritising fundamental rights protection over the traditional objective of seamless judicial cooperation across the EU.
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Why the EU Charter Matters
This blog post argues that the most interesting aspect of the Charter of Fundamental Rights at the moment is its impact on remedies in national law. Almost 15 years since its entry into force, it is not unusual to meet domestic lawyers and judges who will voice doubts as to whether the Charter really matters in practice. Yet, through the right to an effective remedy under Article 47, the Charter opens up domestic law for new (or modified) remedies, thus placing national procedural autonomy under greater constraint than it was from the principles of effectiveness and equivalence.
Continue reading >>Beyond the Letter of the Treaties
In the context of the EU’s intention to accede to the ECHR, the CJEU, through its recent case-law on restrictive measures, shapes the scope of its jurisdiction in CFSP matters and opens up new prospects for the future architecture of the EU legal order. The first part of this post recalls how the Court’s case-law on restrictive measures contributed to the constitutionalization of the CFSP through the extension of its jurisdiction in the matter. The second part presents the challenges posed by the most recent cases on EU sanctions and the possible implications of the Court’s responses.
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30 October 2024
Whither, the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights
So, has the Charter come of age, now that it is nearing its quarter century, and has been binding in force for nearly 15 of those years. No longer is the Charter a “sleeping beauty”, and no longer are fundamental rights mere epiphenomena in EU law – offshoots framed in the amorphous category of “general principles of law” – creations of the EU’s earlier desire for legitimacy in its quest for greater integration. The EU Charter contains the essence of a common language, a currency that all can understand. And the EU is better with it than without it.
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The EU Charter’s Odyssey
Since its inception, the Union has grown into a tremendously powerful political actor through ever-increasing legal harmonization. This development has significantly marginalized the role of national apex courts – the lighthouses of democracy. Moreover, the globally observed trajectory of authoritarian forces is shaking EU's roots and questioning the vision of a lasting European polity. To fend off all these challenges, the Union should be centred around the hard-won humanistic freedoms and common values defined in the Charter, serving as a basis for common identification and a canvas to project shared visions of a political entity.
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The Political Question Doctrine Under Close Control
The political question doctrine is a controversial admissibility requirement that intersects the rule of law and separation of powers. Based on recent ECtHR and ECJ judgments, this blog post highlights the need to evaluate the doctrine within a broader framework of legal accountability.
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29 October 2024
Managing Migration the Italian Way
The Italy-Albania deal provides a new, some say innovative, approach to externalization in migration procedures. It differs from the current EU toolbox, raising issues related to these differences and the treatment of procedural rights. Where these issues arise and how they will be litigated nationally and/or in front of the ECJ is unclear but will shape migration discourses beyond Italy.
Continue reading >>A Leap Forward for Biodiversity Litigation
On 23 October, 2024, BUND (Friends of the Earth Germany) and several individuals filed a constitutional complaint mirroring the Neubauer case, but directed at the biodiversity crisis. The claimants seek a declaration from the Federal Constitutional Court (FCC) that the lack of a coherent scheme for the protection of biodiversity infringes fundamental rights and seek an order from the court for the legislature to take the necessary measures to adopt an appropriate, legally binding protection scheme within a clear timeline. This case presents a significant development in the field of strategic biodiversity litigation as the first systemic government framework case. It can be seen as the Urgenda of biodiversity litigation.
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28 October 2024
The Missing Chapter
The European Commission’s Annual Rule of Law Report aims to prevent further rule of law backsliding within the EU by examining the rule of law situation in Member States. However, the report is missing an important chapter: the EU itself. On 28 October 2024, the Rule of Law Clinic (CEU Democracy Institute, Budapest), together with experts from across Europe, began bridging this gap by publishing the first report on EU adherence to rule of law standards. Without a meaningful self-assessment of its own compliance with rule of law principles, the EU weakens its credibility, particularly when addressing systemic non-compliance with EU law by Member States.
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25 October 2024
On a Knife’s Edge
Launching our Series on the 2024 US Elections
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Football at a Crossroads
The CJEU shook the world of football with its Diarra ruling on Friday, October 4. The impact of the ruling is all but a surprise for me. In a way, the FIFA transfer system was always on shaky legal grounds in terms of EU internal market law. Now, the chickens have come home to roost and key parts of the football transfer system have been brutally set aside. I aim to explain why the Diarra ruling marks a crucial turning point for football, its economy and even its identity.
Continue reading >>Why Teaching International Law Should Be an Antiracist Endeavour
Teaching international law as an antiracist endeavour is essential for addressing the historical and systemic biases that continue to shape the field. The text argues that by diversifying the curriculum, employing critical pedagogy techniques, and promoting active learning and engagement, educators can help students develop a more comprehensive and nuanced understanding of international law and its impact on diverse populations.
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24 October 2024
Do Sanctions Work?
After Rhodesia's 1965 unilateral declaration of independence, which upheld white minority rule, sanctions were imposed to challenge the regime. However, support from allies like South Africa helped circumvent these restrictions, revealing the limitations and mixed effectiveness of sanctions.
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23 October 2024
Getting a Grip on Migration but Mind European Law!
On September 13, the new Dutch government led by Dick Schoof outlined its programme for the next years. Unsurprisingly, a major point of this programme regards asylum and migration, for which the greatest ambition is to install the strictest regime ever and to include the Netherlands within the category of Member States of the European Union with the strictest admission rules. This post reviews these proposals through the lens of European Law to challenge their legal feasibility and flag the potential incompatibility with Dutch obligations stemming from EU and international law.
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Why Offshore Processing of Asylum Applications is Actually Racist
With the Rwanda scheme, the UK government unleashes a regime of offshore asylum processing which is being considered by countries around the world. Such schemes though may be considered racist for their obvious neocolonial implications of removing and returning asylum seekers and refugees from the global north to the global south. More importantly though, such schemes undermine the commitment to abide by international human rights law and the obligations which attach to states in a particular rather than vicarious sense.
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22 October 2024
Addressing Racial Discrimination Through International Law
The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination’s design makes it a very promising legal instrument to combat racial discrimination in particular regarding its structural manifestations. Expecting this legal framework to be of use in combatting racism is not unrealistic, but is hindered by the lack of visibility of the Convention, a lack of resources for the Convention system, and, above all, the lack of political will of States to effectively implement their obligations under the Convention.
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21 October 2024
Fractured Foundations and Pakistan’s Kafkaesque Constitutional Amendment
Pakistan is in the throes of yet another constitutional crisis. The ruling coalition government, which is heavily criticized for coming to power through blatantly rigged elections in February 2024, launched a campaign to amend the 1973 Constitution in significant ways. After weeks of speculation, the federal cabinet approved a draft on Sunday afternoon, which was approved by the Senate later the same evening. The National Assembly approved the draft today around 5 a.m., with the President assenting shortly thereafter.
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European Media Freedom Act and the Jigsaw of the “Parliamentarized” Italian RAI
Italian public media broadcaster RAI faces challenges in depoliticization amidst the European Media Freedom Act obligations. Its “parlamentarized” governance model is a risk for political capture in a politically loaded environment.
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Tackling Israel’s Interference with the International Criminal Court
On 8 October 2024, The Guardian reported that a criminal complaint had been filed in the Netherlands in connection with the shocking (yet unsurprising) revelations published by The Guardian, +972 Magazine, and Local Call on 28 May concerning hostile state activities targeting the International Criminal Court (ICC). The criminal complaint is both timely and viable and should lead to the expeditious opening of an investigation by the Dutch prosecution service. The political response by the Dutch and other governments of ICC States so far is insufficient to address the problem of interference with the ICC investigation in the Situation in the State of Palestine.
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Exploring Intersectionality as a Concept to Effectively Combat Racism and Racial and Ethnic Discrimination
The contribution promotes the concept of intersectionality as a means of addressing the gap between what anti-racism law promises and what it delivers. Then, nationality serves as an example to illustrate if and how intersectionality can affect anti-racism law.
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20 October 2024
Anti-Black Racism
Drawing on conversations with a queer interlocutor who moved to Austria to escape persecution in their country of origin, I reflect on the limits of legal protection in the host country when and if it is not accompanied by social change. I focus on the tension introduced by anti-black racism that comes in the way of queer solidarity.
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19 October 2024
How the judgment by the German Federal Constitutional Court on the German debt brake entrenches climate injustice
Germany, as a major greenhouse gas emitter, has a critical obligation to support developing countries affected by climate change; however, its adherence to the constitutional “debt brake” undermines this responsibility and exacerbates global inequalities.
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18 October 2024
Non-Retrogression as Progress
Latin America has often led the way in protecting the right to health, particularly in regulating risk factors such as tobacco and unhealthy diets. However, some of these advancements have recently been jeopardized as governments prioritize private economic interests over health. Judicialization has thus emerged as an opportunity – perhaps the only one – to defend progress achieved. Given recent judicial rulings in Uruguay and Ecuador, we reflect on the fragility of legal interventions that threaten powerful economic interests, as well as on the opportunities offered by human rights-based litigation.
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“There is only one morally, legally and strategically defensible choice: an arms embargo”
Five Questions to Janina Dill
Continue reading >>The Strictest Asylum Policy Ever?
On 13 September 2024, ahead of the presentation of the State Budget, the new Dutch coalition presented their finalized plan to implement what it has labelled as the strictest admission regime ever in the field of asylum law. To implement its Outline Agreement, titled ‘Hope, Courage and Pride,’ the government plans to rely on an derogation provision in the Dutch Aliens Act 2000. We argue that the provision does not apply to the current situation and that the Dutch government therefore does not have the jurisdiction to render parts of the Dutch Aliens Act 2000 inoperative.
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Taking Back Control?
This week, the Polish government unveiled its new migration strategy which lays out a proposal that, “in the event of a threat to destabilize the country by an influx of immigrants, it should be possible to temporarily and territorially suspend the right to accept asylum applications.” This blog argues that the proposal is not only unlawful but also poses a threat to the common European asylum system. This is so especially in light of the upcoming implementation of the New Pact on Migration and Asylum, a set of new rules managing migration and establishing a common asylum system at EU level.
Continue reading >>Anti-Racism Law and its Limits
By drawing upon insights of sociolegal thought, feminism and the US social context, this contribution argues that anti-racism law’s apparent ineffectiveness stems from its reliance on the inherently vague concept of “race”.
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17 October 2024
Nine Months Into Chaos
Ecuador is nine months away from the chaotic events of 9 January 2024: attacks and the seizure of a live newscast by members of organized crime, the consequent declaration of an “internal armed conflict” by the Presidency and the designation of 22 organized crime groups as “military targets”. This social and political process which has transformed the country is not yet fully understood and merits reflection on several key aspects of this ongoing dynamic.
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Apartheid or Systemic Discrimination?
This contribution argues that, reading between the lines, the expression “systemic discrimination”, which the Court referred to in para. 223 of the Advisory Opinion, was used as a synonym for “apartheid”, even though the Court did not link this description to a breach of Article 3 of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, but there does not appear to be any substantial difference between apartheid and systemic discrimination. This is because the word systemic is associated with crimes against humanity which is how apartheid is defined as a crime in international law.
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Unleashing Horizontal State Liability
The Common European Asylum System (CEAS) is under attack. In a recent Judgment against Hungary, the European Court of Justice has unambiguously stated that non-compliance with the rules of the CEAS undermines solidarity between Member States and strikes at the very heart of EU law. Traditional means of enforcement, however, seem insufficient to foster compliance with these rules. Against this backdrop, this blogpost argues for the unexplored avenue for enforcing the CEAS via horizontal state liability.
Continue reading >>Fundamental Rights Score a Goal
Amid the significant number of rulings delivered by the ECJ on 4 October 2024, the long-awaited judgment pitting football against the media stands out. In Real Madrid vs Le Monde, the Court held that excessive defamation damages may breach the freedom of the press and trigger the public policy exception under Brussels Ia Regulation concerning recognition and enforcement of foreign judgments. In doing so, the ECJ allowed national courts to conduct a substantive review of foreign judgments despite the principle of mutual trust, to ensure the enforcement of fundamental rights across the EU.
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The ICJ Advisory Opinion and Israeli Law
This post examines the relationship between the Advisory Opintion and Israeli law with respect to the duty to distinguish between Israel and the OPT. While the Opinion requires States to distinguish between Israel and the OPT in their dealings with Israel, and to omit acts that may strengthen Israel’s hold of the Territories, calls for such distinction are a civil tort under Israeli law, and those making them can be denied entry to Israel. As a result, Israelis are unlikely to support the Opinion. This will contribute to the growing gap between the international discourse and the domestic discourse in Israel with respect to the OPT.
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German Police Controls and Structural Racism
Police operations such as stops are prone for patterns of racial profiling. The contribution looks into the role of the new federal police commissioner (Polizeibeauftragte des Bundes) and his tools to address this.
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16 October 2024
Admissibility Revisited
In an effort to force the European Union to adopt more ambitious climate targets, two environmental NGOs initiated a proceeding before the EU General Court, invoking the rarely used mechanism of “internal review” under the EU’s Aarhus Regulation. The reason for this unusual approach lies within a reoccurring issue of climate litigation: overcoming restrictive admissibility requirements. This new approach follows a path that had not yet been considered by legal scholarship or practice. While the line of argument is rather innovative, it goes beyond the boundaries of the Aarhus Regulation and is therefore likely to fail.
Continue reading >>The Findings of the ICJ Advisory Opinion on the Oslo Accords and the Amici Curiae Proceedings before the ICC in the Situation of Palestine
This article focuses on the legal findings of the ICJ concerning the Oslo II Accord, and argues in favour of its relevance in deciding the jurisdictional question raised by the UK before the International Criminal Court (ICC). It also addresses whether invoking this question through a procedure of an amicus curiae during the warrant of arrest stage fits neatly within the ICC’s procedural regime, and it concludes that it does not.
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Unmasking the Intractable
The first contribution of the online symposium explores the ineffectiveness of anti-racism laws. It raises the leading question whether their underperformance is a result of unrealistic expectations regarding the potential of law in general, or whether inherent flaws in legal design are the root cause.
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15 October 2024
Non-Recognition and Non-Assistance
The International Court of Justice (ICJ) not only made it crystal clear that Israeli occupation is illegal in every respect – by itself a challenge for Western foreign offices as they face reproaches for double standards. The Court also added a number of paragraphs detailing the legal consequences of the Advisory Opinion for UN Member States.
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Unseating the Israeli Government from the UN General Assembly in case of non-compliance with the Advisory Opinion of 19 July 2024
This post analyses the possibility of unseating the Israeli Government from the UN General Assembly in case of non-compliance with the Advisory Opinion of 19 July 2024. The Advisory Opinion provides a particularly strong legal basis – grounded primarily in the right to self-determination – to unseat Israel’s government from the General Assembly until it complies with the Opinion – as the Assembly did with South Africa fifty years ago.
Continue reading >>New Structure, New Priorities
Von der Leyen has recently unveiled the new structure of the next Commission. At first sight it looks like a relatively light structure composed of only three hierarchical levels: the President on top, six Executive Vice-Presidents in the middle and the Commissioners at the bottom. However, as this post will argue, the new Commission is likely to become more hierarchical and less coordinated than before. Moreover, the new structure also reflects changing priorities that will lead to a less green agenda and increased competitiveness of the EU.
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Taking Locus Standi of International Actors Seriously
On October 4th 2024 the Court of Justice issued its judgement in Front Polisario II upholding the judgement in which GC annulled Council’s decision on the conclusion of the trade agreement between European Union and Morocco. In its landmark judgement the Court acknowledged the legal standing of Front Polisario – the liberation movement representing rights of the people of Western Sahara. The Court’s findings advance the flexible and adequate approach on access to EU’s courts – and for that are worth applauding.
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Bridging the CFSP Gap
The CJEU interprets its Common Foreign and Security Policy jurisdiction in light of the objectives set by the Lisbon Treaty, thereby integrating part and parcel of the CFSP into the rest of the European Union acquis. This aligns the CFSP with the general principles and constitutional rules set in the Treaty. As the Court advances the integration of CFSP jurisdiction within the broader EU legal order, the judgements of 10 September 2024 in Neves 77 Solutions and KS and KD v Council and Others serve as landmark ruling for the future of judicial review in CFSP.
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14 October 2024
The Obligation of Non-recognition, Occupation and the OPT Advisory Opinion
In the OPT Advisory Opinion, the ICJ considered that Israel’s abuse of its position as an Occupying Power, through de jure and de facto annexation of the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) and continued frustration of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, renders Israel’s presence in the OPT unlawful. In determining the legal consequences of this illegal presence, the Court held by a vote of 12:3, that all States are under an obligation “not to recognize as legal the situation arising from the unlawful presence of the State Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”. This holding was not accompanied by any concretization in either the Advisory Opinion or any of the many declarations and separate opinions attached to it.
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13 October 2024
Legislating Reproductive Rights
In May, the Brazilian parliament introduced a bill that included a gestational age limit for performing abortions, even in cases where the pregnancy resulted from rape. In practice, the bill would criminalize women who were victims of sexual violence, especially young girls. The proposal triggered a strong reaction from civil society, which ultimately prompted parliament to withdraw the bill. The case illustrates how the Brazilian parliament has become a dangerous place for women’s sexual and reproductive rights – a situation that has worsened due to an institutional dispute between the parliament and the constitutional court.
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Limiting ‘Security’ as a Justification in the ICJ’s Advisory Opinion
While international law accepts that States may employ otherwise prohibited actions in exceptional circumstances and within certain constraints, the Advisory Opinion firmly affirms that security cannot justify illegal actions such as annexation or prolonged occupation. The rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to self-determination, cannot be compromised by security claims. The Advisory Opinion serves to limit State practices predicated upon security when those practices violate essential rights and when the security claim is based upon an illegal situation created by the very State which invokes security concerns.
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Security Considerations, the Duty to End Belligerent Occupations and the ICJ Advisory Opinion on Israeli practices and policies in the Occupied Palestinian Territory
This contribution discusses three possible rationales for the Court’s rejection of the relevance of Israel’s security concerns: Lack of proof of serious and legitimate security concerns by Israel, the insufficiency of broad security concerns to justify the continued use of force, and the insufficiency of broad security concerns to deny realization of Palestinian self-determination. As long as international law doctrine on the duty to end a belligerent occupation despite the prevalence of serious security concerns remains contested, and as long as security conditions in the region remain extremely unstable, it is unlikely that a withdrawal will be deemed practicable
Continue reading >>12 October 2024
Uber knows. Do you?
Law shapes and is shaped by the contemporary, dominant economic system. This contribution illustrates this finding by the case of Uber.
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The ICJ’s Treatment of Questions of Occupation in Gaza
The ICJ’s treatment of the state of occupation in Gaza is questionable. While it rightly accepted the functional approach to occupation, I doubt whether Israel was indeed capable of exercising its authority in Gaza sufficiently for its occupation to be found as having continued post-2005. The Court should have relied on Israel’s continued exercise of administrative authority vis-a-vis Gaza residents to find the existence of a state of occupation.
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The Functional Approach as Lex Lata
The ICJ has de facto adopted the functional approach to occupation with regard to Gaza. The Opinion is thus a critical point in the development of the law of occupation, in that it transcends a binary approach to the question of the existence of occupation, in favour of a more nuanced approach that enables holding that a territory is occupied, but not in an “all or nothing” way. More generally, the Opinion as rejects a more restrictive approach to the question of whether occupation exists in a territory or not in favour of a more flexible approach.
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11 October 2024
The Advisory Opinion on Israel’s Policies and Practices in the Occupied Palestinian Territory
This post analyses the separation between jus ad bellum / in bello as arising from the Advisory Opinion of the ICJ. This separation was challenged by many States appearing before the Court, some of which implied that Israel’s policies and practices, as violations of jus in bello, rendered the occupation unlawful under jus ad bellum. The Court ultimately reaffirmed the separation with a twofold argument, namely qualifying the ‘legality of the occupation’ as a jus ad bellum question, and framing Israel’s policies and practices (prolonged occupation, annexation, and settlement policy) as violations of jus ad bellum.
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From Illegal Annexation to Illegal Occupation: The Missing Link in the Reasoning of the International Court of Justice
The Court’s determination that Israel’s annexation policies render its continued presence in the West Bank unlawful finds no basis in the international prohibition against the use of force. Moreover, the Court’s determination circumvents the Law of State Responsibility that determines the consequences of Israel’s unlawful annexation policies.
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Privatization for whom?
Almost every contribution to the symposium shows that it is not possible to import LPE positions from the US without friction. At the same time, an LPE Europe research agenda exists that is theoretically sound and embedded in a concretising practice. This could be used to reorganise important social infrastructures in a stable, climate-friendly and innovative way.
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Drop Bothsideism
Western media are not equipped to handle right-wing populists like Donald Trump, Orbán, or the AfD. Moreover, constitutional theorists who argue that democracy should be purely procedural are joining the populist chorus. In our current age of populism we keep telling ourselves that everyone’s voice is always equally valid – also when based on lies and disinformation. It’s just another “point of view”. What populism has undermined is the right but also the courage to call out those who deliberately spread lies as well as those who in doing so openly use democratic institutions to destroy democracy.
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10 October 2024
The Role of Private Law in Times of Polycrisis
Crises are a good test case, not only to check the practical performance of the law, but also to gain conceptual clarity about the possibilities of (certain areas of) the law. This post compares a German regulatory approach to private law with the US Law and Political Economy movement.
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A Seismic Change
It is no understatement to say that the 19 July 2024 ICJ Advisory Opinion constitutes a seismic change in the international law and practice on the question of Palestine. In one fell swoop, the ICJ has shifted what was hitherto an almost exclusive focus of the international community on how Israel has administered its 57-year occupation of the Occupied Palestinian Territory under International Humanitarian Law and International Human Rights Law, to the requirement that Israel end its occupation of that territory as “rapidly as possible”.
Continue reading >>The Legality of the Occupation and the Problem of Double Effect
The conflict between Israel and Palestine, or more accurately, between the two Peoples, has persisted for over a century. A tragic reminder of the unbearable costs of this conflict is the deadly October 7 attack by Hamas on Israel, and the ensuing war, which has led to horrific consequences, with thousands of Israelis and Palestinians killed, many severely injured, and extensive damage to the civilian infrastructure in the Gaza Strip. In these circumstances, an important question arises: what role should international law and international tribunals play in mitigating the grave harm to all those involved in the conflict?
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Steward Ownership, Wealth Inequality, and LPE
Among the many crises challenging our societies is the inequality crisis. The central role of law in creating and addressing this crisis is not sufficiently recognized. What do “Steward Ownership” and “Law and Political Economy” might have to offer in this regard?
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09 October 2024
And, of course, Climate Change
Scholarly debates on climate change law in general and climate change litigation more specifically and the recent LPE debates mutually enrich each other. Surprisingly, the interaction of those two fields of study – while evoked frequently – remains underdeveloped.
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Resurrected Colonial Courts and the Decolonization of the Chagos Archipelago
This post tells the fascinating story of two recent and remarkable developments in the decolonization of the Chagos Archipelago. Last week, the governments of Mauritius and the UK issued a surprise joint statement that the two countries had reached a ‘historical political agreement’ on the exercise of sovereignty over the Chagos Archipelago. Running in counterpoint to the international plane, a once inactive colonial judiciary established as an administrative pretence has recently begun to hear cases, and in doing so set the administration of justice in conflict with the US military.
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The Advisory Opinion and a Negotiated Settlement?
The accepted framework for settling the Palestine question through bilateral negotiations, in legal terms, does not survive the Advisory Opinion of 19 July 2024. The degree to which the Advisory Opinion catalyses a new political framework remains to be seen. But the Advisory Opinion gives the Palestinians newfound agency in shaping one.
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The principle of uti possidetis juris and the borders of Israel
The principle uti possidetis juris, raised in the Dissenting Opinion of Vice-President Sebutinde and according to which a new State established in formerly colonial territory inherits the former (colonial) borders is untenable in the situation of Israel. The reason is that at the time of independence Israel’s leaders accepted the principle of partition. No claim was made then or subsequently that the State of Israel inherited the borders of Mandatory Palestine and legislative acts reveal that Israel even regarded territories not within the UN Partition Plan borders as occupied territory.
Continue reading >>The 2024 ICJ Advisory Opinion on the Occupied Palestinian Territory – An Introduction
The Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on the "Legal Consequences arising from the Policies and Practices of Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem" was a groundbreaking moment in international law. It has consequences not only for Israel, but also for third States, as well as international and regional organizations, in terms of non-recognition and non-cooperation. In this blog symposium, Palestinian, Israeli, and other scholars take stock of the Advisory Opinion and its regional and global impact.
Continue reading >>Dismissing the Genuine Link by Disregarding Constitutional Principles
The struggle over the Maltese investment citizenship scheme is probably one of the fiercest debates of EU constitutional law. The conflict revolves around the question of whether EU law contains requirements for the acquisition of Union citizenship and whether these requirements consist in a “genuine link” between the respective state and individual. The recent Opinion by AG Collins provides us with an extremely narrow and astonishingly one-sided view. In particular, he seeks to make us believe that there are no sound ways to anchor a genuine link requirement in EU law. Martijn van den Brink finds it “hard to disagree with the Advocate General”. Respectfully, I disagree.
Continue reading >>Fanfictioning Critical Theory
To redeem its commitment to an ‘emancipatory critique’, LPE would do good by supporting itself with a theory of science, or at least an epistemic program. While the critical tradition has raised powerful normative desires, it first and foremost stands for an alternative model of scientific reasoning. LPE, as will be shown, updates much of critical theory’s historical normative claims. Yet, at least from my readings, it appears to be missing out on a theory of science.
Continue reading >>Every Fake You Make
In Asia, the war on fake news is reaching the next level. Several countries tightened regulatory demands over the past few years and introduced criminal liability for users and platforms publishing false content online. The laws effectively contribute to making the truth: Anything that is not aligned with the legal standards of what is considered true may be found unlawful. This blog post scrutinizes new legislation in South Korea and Singapore. Both jurisdictions are criminalizing deepfakes per se during election periods. The post situates these laws in the broader context of legal efforts to tighten controls of digital communication in Asia and beyond.
Continue reading >>Concise, Clear, and Convincing
While the rhetorical battle over citizenship by investment has been won by the EU institutions, its legal success is still up for debate. Last week Advocate General Collins delivered his much-anticipated Opinion in Commission v Malta, proposing that the Court dismisses the Commission’s challenge in a concise, clear, and, as I will explain, convincing legal opinion.
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08 October 2024
Normalization of the Housing Market
Law and Political Economy sharpens our understanding of how law came into being and how economic thought has shaped legal reality. Applied to housing, it uncovers the path dependencies of marketization and allows to question their background assumptions.
Continue reading >>The Bombay High Court Dismisses the Ministry of Truth
In 2023, the Indian central government established a Fact Check Unit to monitor online content related to ‘any business of the Central Government’ and order the takedown of any information that it considered ‘fake or false or misleading.’ The FCU itself was envisaged as a public body and a part of the central government. As it seems, the Indian central government wanted to depart from existing liability rules protecting platforms in all cases of online criticism of the Indian State. As the FCU would be the last arbiter of what could be said online in India about the central government, the amendment instituted what could be called a ‘Ministry of Truth’. This was struck down by the Bombay High Court.
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Different Jurisdiction, Same Problems?
The relationship of Economics and Law is long, contested, and entangled. Law and Political Economy, a group of legal scholars that are mostly working at universities in the United States, offers yet another perspective on this relationship. LPE may be described as an attempt to analyse, criticise and shape Law and legal scholarship to contribute to a more democratic and more egalitarian society. How this concept translates to the german and european legal debate is examined in this blog post. What can LPE bring to the table?
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07 October 2024
How Germany’s Trajectory Differs from LPE’s Diagnosis for the US, and Where Germany’s Problems Lie
LPE’s diagnosis for the US situation does not map neatly on Germany’s political, constitutional and economic model and its trajectory. This does not mean, however, that the German model faces no problems; but these problems take a different shape and require distinct answers.
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The French Premiership Saga
The appointment of Michel Barnier as French Prime Minister and the designation of a cabinet even further to the right has led to thousands of protesters rallying across France. Taking a step back from the latest developments, this post looks back to some of the constitutional tensions the events of this summer have exposed. It argues that Emmanuel Macron’s actions following the snap election have relied on a distorted reading of the French constitution. In addition to raising serious legal questions, these actions have also set worrying precedents that arguably fit in a pattern of “executive aggrandizement”.
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Leaping the Atlantic?
Eva Herzog opens the blog symposium by introducing the US-American LPE movement’s main thesis. She calls for thorough contextualization in German and European economic, social and cultural history.
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Constitutionalizing the Political Economy?
Is constitutionalization a process that Law and Political Economy should strive for? So far, this debate has mainly been conducted in the US context. There, promoting a version of popular constitutionalism based on an egalitarian economic vision is clearly an “uphill battle.” But what about Europe and Germany? Is constitutionalism here a way of transforming LPE’s critical perspective into a positive agenda?
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06 October 2024
Thinking Outside the (Ballot) Box
The Election Commission of Sri Lanka is riding a wave of praise after completing a peaceful presidential election on 21st September 2024. Less than a month before, however, the commission was found responsible for a breach of fundamental rights for its failure to conduct local government elections scheduled for 2023. This blogpost argues that the landmark decision sends a strong signal to all guarantor institutions in Sri Lanka to maintain their independence and to use their powers to discharge their functions.
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Lore Maria Peschel-Gutzeit
Lore Maria Peschel-Gutzeit was a judge, lawyer and Senator of Justice in Hamburg and Berlin. She fought for the introduction of part-time work and family leave for female civil servants, which was introduced in 1968 and has since become known as "Lex Peschel".
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05 October 2024
Whose Consent?
On 4 October 2024 the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice upheld the General Court’s decision to annul two economic agreements concluded between the European Union and the Kingdom of Morocco. This judgment is a landmark for the CJEU in its application of international law. The Grand Chamber is navigating a difficult path; it seeks to ensure EU agreements comply with international law and respect the rights of the people of Western Sahara while seeking to maintain economic relations between the EU and Morocco.
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04 October 2024
“This was a completely normal election by Austrian standards”
Five Questions to Laurenz Ennser-Jedenastik.
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03 October 2024
Mutterschutz nach Fehlgeburt
Das BVerfG hat mit Beschluss vom 21. August 2024 die Verfassungsbeschwerde mehrerer Frauen, die eine Fehlgeburt nach der 12., aber vor der 24. Schwangerschaftswoche erlitten haben, nicht zur Entscheidung angenommen. Damit ließ das BVerfG die zentrale materiell-rechtliche Frage offen, ob das MuSchG Frauen nach einer Fehlgeburt von Verfassungs wegen schützen muss. Der folgende Beitrag geht dieser Frage nach und kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass die aktuelle Schutzfristregelung aus § 3 Abs. 2 bis 4 MuSchG gegen Art. 3 Abs. 1 GG i.V.m. Art. 6 Abs. 4 GG verstößt. Zwar ist eine verfassungskonforme Auslegung möglich. Gleichwohl sollte der Gesetzgeber den Mutterschutz nach Fehlgeburt ausdrücklich regeln, um Betroffene effektiv zu schützen.
Continue reading >>Democracy’s Guardians
In its Resolution 1/24, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights recognizes electoral observers as human rights defenders. By equating observers with human rights defenders, the Resolution obliges States to guarantee their work, including non-interference, accreditation, and protection against risks, both in physical and digital realms. Setting out clear state obligations, the Resolution marks a significant step forward for democracy and human rights.
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Sex Work Can’t Buy Human Rights
In a recent decision on the merits in M.A. and Others v. France, the ECtHR held that French legislation criminalizing the purchase of sexual acts did not violate the rights of 261 sex workers. The decision retreats into the Court’s traditional interpretative toolbox of European consensus and (procedural) margin of appreciation. I argue that the ECtHR decision does not only demonstrate blindness towards the rising sensitivity towards intersectional grounds of discrimination in human rights law but also contradicts recent proposals on “a human rights-based approach to sex work” promoted by several UN organs and the Council of Europe’s Commissioner for Human Rights.
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02 October 2024
Sale of Nationality as a Violation of Human Dignity
On 21 March 2023, the European Commission brought action against Republic of Malta for establishing and maintaining a policy and a practice of naturalisation despite “the absence of a genuine link of the applicants with the country, in exchange for pre-determined payments or investments”. In this blog, I argue that the Court is fully competent because Malta violated article 1 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. Specifically, I argue that selling nationality violates human dignity because nationality confers legal subjecthood, which is a central condition for guaranteeing the human dignity of European citizens.
Continue reading >>27 September 2024
“Not only legally dubious but also ineffective”
Five Questions to Lilian Tsourdi
Continue reading >>26 September 2024
Can the Knesset dissolve itself during recess?
On July 28, 2024, the 25th Knesset entered the longest recess in its history amidst an ongoing military conflict and complex political challenges. This unprecedented situation brought to the forefront the urgent and hypothetical question of whether opposition factions in the Knesset could initiate the dissolution of the Knesset, topple the government, and return the mandate to the people. While the High Court of Justice ruling in Frij restricts convening the Knesset during recess to urgent government matters, private bills aimed at dissolving the Knesset should be an exception under certain constitutional conditions.
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Iraq’s Lost Century
Shia religious authorities, in collaboration with their political allies in the Iraqi parliament, seek to redefine Iraq’s personal status law according to religious rules. On July 29, the largest bloc in Iraq’s parliament, introduced a controversial bill to amend the Personal Status Law of 1959. This proposed amendment would mandate that Iraqis, upon marriage, choose either Shia or Sunni jurisprudence to govern all personal status-related matters within their marriage. This change creates legal uncertainty by replacing predictable, codified law with premodern, uncodified Islamic jurisprudence. Moreover, it disproportionately affects women, especially by facilitating early marriages.
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Towards Shared European Finances
The EU is once again eyeing a workaround to address an emerging challenge. A few days ago, former ECB President Mario Draghi issued a landmark report to stem the EU’s decline, calling for a massive investment of 800 billion euro annually. Draghi’s proposal is in line with an emerging post-pandemic pattern in EU policymaking. This pattern is characterized by flexible, ad-hoc measures that are implemented outside of the bloc’s treaty framework. We celebrate the boldness and effective design of this important template, even as we recognize some legal creativity necessary to carry out bold moves.
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25 September 2024
La Commission, c’est moi?
Contrary to cartoonish portrayals of Ursula von der Leyen as a latter-day Caesar, who may be illegitimately presidentialising the Commission, the current Commission President is merely furthering a more centralised vision of the institution that is implicit in the extent of her organisational powers under Article 17(6) TEU. While there are strong legal and constitutionally moral arguments for an alternative, more plural executive understanding of the Commission, the Treaties leave room for a contest between presidentialist and pluralist visions to take place across time in the political arena. Moreover, a more presidential conception of the Commission, while it may raise some questions regarding the mode of election of the Commission President and the role of the Commission, may also possess some positives.
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24 September 2024
A Political Question Doctrine for the CFSP
On 10 September 2024, the CJEU issued its judgment in the joined cases of KS and KD, addressing the scope of its jurisdiction within the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Specifically, the Court asserted its jurisdiction in so far as the harm-causing conduct did not relate to “political or strategic” choices made in the context of the CFSP. I criticize the Court’s reliance on such an ill-defined concept to delineate the boundaries of its jurisdiction and argue that removing the limitations on the CJEU’s jurisdiction within the CFSP would require a reform of the Treaties.
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22 September 2024
The 2024 Judicial Reform in Mexico
On September 11, 2024, the Senate of Mexico approved the controversial judicial reform. The ruling party, MORENA, achieved adopting the judicial reform thanks to a qualified majority in Congress and Senate. In this blogpost, we show that the way in which the judiciary reform was passed in the Senate cannot be considered as “expressing the will of the people”. We suggest that the very way in which the Senate vote came to pass is undermining one main justification of the judiciary reform, namely that it will lead to a judiciary “of the people”.
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19 September 2024
A Voice for Nature
The rights of nature movement is gaining momentum all around the world. With the decision of the Landgericht Erfurt on 2 August 2024 the movement seems to also have set foot in European courts. Realizing those rights will ultimately depend on nature being represented before a court. Environmental ombud agencies akin to the Austrian Umweltanwaltschaften may serve as an example. Despite some shortcomings in its Austrian form, this institutionalised representation has the potential to give a firm voice to nature.
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The Inadvertent Protagonist
The International Court of Justice (ICJ), a UN body essentially responsible for resolving inter-state disputes, has been increasingly asked to consider matters with implications for individual criminal responsibility – a predominant concern of international criminal law. In some cases, the link is direct; for instance, in the last two years, the Genocide Convention has been invoked twice on behalf of Ukraine and Gaza. Although for the ICJ, its application is a question of State responsibility, it will give rise to questions of individual responsibility in other international and domestic fora.
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A War for the Tech Economy
Today, various commentators are asking about the purpose behind the pager attack and the subsequent communication device attack yesterday. The New York Times’s detailed report of the incidents announces in its title that Israel has built a “Modern-Day Trojan Horse”. The idea comes from Greek history, but perhaps a better comparison might be found in Greek myth. Prometheus stole fire from the gods. Today, Israel is attempting to develop secularized but God-like technological capabilities, at least in terms of their ability to generate surprise and change reality overnight. Yet, by discarding moral or political considerations in favor of pyrotechnics, Israel risks Prometheus’s ultimate fate: punishment.
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18 September 2024
Rethinking EU Law Beyond the Liberal Feminist Paradigm
In K,L v Staatssecretaris van Justitie en Veiligheid (‘K,L’), the CJEU decided that a belief in the value of gender equality associated with the lifestyle of the westernized woman be regarded as a reason for persecution. While the decision contributes to a gender-sensitive EU asylum law, I argue that the CJEU’s classification of the young women’s belief in the value of gender equality as ‘identificatory’ (as opposed to ‘religious’ or ‘political’) perpetuates a long-standing criticism of the liberal feminist paradigm.
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17 September 2024
The Patriots for Europe
Never in the history of the EU has a political party at Union level so ostentatiously misnamed itself as the Patriots for Europe. Their name suggests a passionate love for homeland Europe but their Manifesto reveals an unmistakable commitment to dismantle European democracy and to reduce the EU to an undemocratic organisation of illiberal states. Following the recent European Parliament elections, the Patriots for Europe has emerged as nothing less than the third largest political party. I explore the core elements of their illiberal political agenda as outlined in their Manifesto and discuss how their proposed sovereign policies, if implemented, could reverse the progressive trajectory of European (legal) integration.
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16 September 2024
Mexico’s Constitutional Democracy Under Threat
The final act of Mexican President López Obrador will be in collaboration with the president-elect Claudia Sheinbaum and the newly elected Congress. Among other things, in a move that goes beyond anything found in other prominent backsliding states such as Hungary or Poland, it introduces the popular election of all sitting judges across the Federal Judiciary, including Supreme Court Justices, every 9 and 12 years respectively. In an open letter, legal scholars, judges, policymakers and practitioners from various regions of the world have expressed deep concern over the potential consequences that the popular election of judges may have on judicial independence, the rule of law, and the safeguarding of rights and freedoms in Mexico.
Continue reading >>Flying Blind
A quarter of a billion euros. That was the final price tag the last time German politicians and constitutional law professors assured us that a controversial German idea was compatible with EU law. Yet the Autobahn car toll for foreigners only pushed through by the Bavarian regional conservatives (CSU) and passed by the Federal government grand coalition of Conservatives and Social Democrats was – quite predictably from the outset – contrary to European law and cost German taxpayers many millions of euros in contractual penalties following clarification by the ECJ in 2019. The way the current refugee debate in Germany is handled could end up costing Germany, i.e. all of us, much more – not so much in euros, but in trust in the reliability of Germany in general, as an EU Member State, and more generally trust in the reliability of the law.
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Soft Law’s Increasing Clout
The non-binding nature of soft law is rather self-evident, yet, its influence is growing, as reflected in the recent Jemerak case, decided on 5 September 2024. While the judges in Luxembourg explicitly stated that the Commission’s guidance document had no effect on their interpretation of Union law whatsoever, their decision de facto indirectly reviewed that document. I argue that the Jemerak case exemplifies the growing significance of soft law.
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14 September 2024
“This case has the potential to set precedent for all of the internet.”
Five Questions to Kate Klonick.
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13 September 2024
Story of a Death Foretold
On 30 August 2024, the Brazilian Supreme Federal Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes suspended X (former Twitter) in Brazil. The decision follows a critical deterioration of the relationship between Elon Musk and Brazilian authorities, which became confrontational in April and hit an all-time high point of contention when the tech billionaire closed X's Brazilian office in mid-August. While Musk's attitude towards the Brazilian rule of law can be defined as delinquent, entitled, and anarchist, the Supreme Court’s decision to ban the platform in the country and establish hefty fines for any Brazilian attempting to use a VPN to access it is also controversial. Within the complexity of democratic erosion and digital policy in Brazil, the judicial expansion of power vis-à-vis the struggle against disinformation has been observed at least in the last five years, and the lack of a general legal framework regulating digital platforms supports these immediate but many times inefficient and legitimacy eroding measures.
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12 September 2024
The Future of the European Green Deal
With the European Green Deal, the Commission has successfully presented a concept for improving climate, biodiversity, and environmental protection in line with Art. 11 TFEU. Most measures proposed by the Commission since 2019 have been adopted by the European Parliament (EP) and Council. However, the focus now shifts to implementation and application, where member states bear primary responsibility. "Law in the books" must become "law in action".
Continue reading >>France’s Shifting Constitutional Landscape
France is experiencing a major shift in its constitutional and political landscape. After weeks of uncertainty, President Emmanuel Macron has now appointed Michel Barnier as Prime Minister, sparking new protests against Macron’s actions since the election. From a constitutional perspective, it is becoming clear that the President cannot simultaneously serve as an impartial guarantor of institutions on one hand and the most powerful political actor on the other. While the country’s presidentialist tradition is not over, the era of fait majoritaire — a cornerstone of the stability of the French system — has ended.
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Democratizing Draghi
The Draghi Report is now published, outlining the “existential challenge” of European competitiveness going forward. In view of the geopolitical developments of the last several years, the scale of the challenge is difficult to deny, and the need for collective action at the EU level is commensurately intense. Despite these “compelling” reasons and the hoped-for “strength to reform”, however, the Report is hesitant on one crucial point: the EU is apparently not strong enough to undertake Treaty change to fulfil the Report’s ambitious objectives. We believe this approach is legally dubious, politically unwise and, eventually, helps constructing a diffused governance architecture that will fail to tackle the very real challenges the continent indeed faces.
Continue reading >>11 September 2024
Bangladesh Through the Prism of Doctrine
Bangladesh is currently experiencing a political and constitutional vacuum following the abrupt resignation of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina after fifteen years in office. To restore order and steer the country towards new elections, the military has announced the establishment of an interim administration. However, debates have erupted questioning the legality of the interim government as it is not provided for in the constitution.
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10 September 2024
Brave New World
The exhilaration and enthusiasm which followed the passing of the Digital Services Act (DSA) is long over. No matter one’s perspective on the DSA, it seems clear that the party is over and the work begins. One of the perhaps oddest provisions of the DSA is Article 21. It calls for the creation of private quasi-courts that are supposed to adjudicate content moderation disputes. User Rights, based in Berlin, is one of the first organisations to assume this role.
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09 September 2024
Yayori Matsui
What to do when national and international legal systems fail thousands of survivors of sexual violence? The life and work of Yayori Matsui shows that the fight for justice does not require a legal background. As a journalist and feminist activist, she succeeded in convening a private people’s tribunal to prosecute crimes against women committed by the Japanese army during World War II.
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06 September 2024
Beyond Doom and Gloom
What can we do now? Civil Constitutional Protection!
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Why Institutional Reputation Matters
Mexico is about to adopt a constitutional amendment to reform the judicial branch. While framed as an attempt to restore the legitimacy and independence of the judiciary, it is, in reality, aimed at capturing the judiciary. In this blogpost, I discuss a key strategy that enabled this judicial overhaul: the President’s persistent and systematic defamatory attacks on the judiciary. I argue that to facing the threat of institutional defamation, we must recognize the importance of the right to reputation.
Continue reading >>A Standoff Between the Monarchy and the People
On 7 August 2024, Thailand’s Constitutional Court ordered the dissolution of the Move Forward Party (MFP), the country’s most popular political party. The dissolution follows a decision in January, when the Constitutional Court ruled that the MFP’s campaign to amend section 112 of the Penal Code (the lèse-majesté law) constituted an attempt to overthrow the democratic regime with the king as head of state (DRKH), which is considered a fundamental principle of the Thai state. The decision is another chapter in a long-standing conflict over the scope of the criminal offense of lèse-majesté, the extent of freedom of expression, and ultimately, the character of the Thai state.
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Revenge in the Big Village
The EC’s 2024 Rule of Law report is yet another indicator of the deterioration of constitutional standards in Slovakia. Next to outlining selected key developments of Slovakia’s illiberalization in 2024, this post underscores how the small jurisdiction’s size in combination with its relatively isolated doctrinal legal academia could hamper the development of robust democratic constitutional discourse and thus legal academics’ contribution to democracy.
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Fast-track Democratic Backsliding in Slovakia
Over the past ten months, the Fico IV government in Slovakia has intensified its assault on democratic principles, revealing deep vulnerabilities in our legal system. This article examines the government’s four key strategies to consolidate power and weaken civil society: undermining judicial independence, expediting the legislative process, attacking civil society organizations, and exerting political control over independent institutions, particularly the public broadcaster RTVS.
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05 September 2024
First Time as Tragedy, Second Time as Farce
In December 2023 the Hungarian Parliament speedily adopted the Act on the Protection of National Sovereignty and by February 2024 the government had already designated the Sovereignty Protection Office (SPO) for its enforcement. The history repeats itself, first time as tragedy, second time as farce. The current activities of the SPO exemplify the Hungarian government’s ongoing efforts to undermine free and independent society. It is crucial for the Union and European civil society to once again act swiftly to prevent the harassment of journalists and the potential disappearance of NGOs.
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04 September 2024
From Zero to Hero
Poland, once a country with one of the highest numbers of Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs), might now be an example of how to deal with them. With third sector actors experienced in helping SLAPP victims and a willing Minister of Justice, Poland may have found the recipe for success. With Poland set to take over the EU Presidency, the effective implementation of the Anti-SLAPP Dircetive could transform the country into a model of progress after years of shamefully using abusive proceedings to suppress freedom of expression among government critics.
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Misjudging the Football Transfer System
In 1995, the Bosman ruling put an end to transfer fees for out-of-contract players. This year, the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) is dealing with the Diarra case, which concerns players still under contract. The Advocate General has already given the Opinion, which suggests that the upcoming CJEU's ruling will further weaken the transfer system. I argue that both rulings focus too much on the labour market and the freedom of movement of workers and neglect the fact that the football transfer system enhances competition in consumer markets at the benefit of smaller clubs and the football fans.
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03 September 2024
When Words Really Matter
It has been over 900 days since Russia launched its so-called ‘three-day crusade’ to capture Kyiv. The way we talk about Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has far-reaching implications, not only for public perception but also for international policy and accountability. How we label this conflict—whether we call it the ‘war in Ukraine’ or ‘Russia’s war against Ukraine’—influences how we understand responsibility, justice, and the path to peace.
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Auditing Platforms under the Digital Services Act
Taming the power of online platforms has become one of the central areas of the European Union's policy in the digital age. The DSA increases the accountability of very large online platforms and very large search engines by introducing an auditing system. The audit process as defined by the DSA risks producing counterproductive consequences for the European policy objectives. From a constitutional perspective, the outsourcing of competence and decision-making from public to private actors articulates a system of compliance and enforcement based on multiple centres of power.
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02 September 2024
The Hungarian Treeless Treetop Walkway
In the small village of Nyírmártonfalva in northeastern Hungary, there stands a wooden treetop walkway designed for walking among the tree canopies. Yet, there are no trees around. The European Public Prosecutor’s Office initiated proceedings to investigate this allegedly fraudulent appropriation of the EU common budget. In early August 2024, the Hungarian Office of the Prosecutor General rejected EPPO's jurisdiction. Nonetheless, the EPPO has jurisdiction according to the result theory, accepted also in Hungary, due to the place where the result of an offence occurs.
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29 August 2024
Prove Your Integrity or Resign
In May 2024, in the case of Bala, the ECtHR issued another decision concerning the vetting of the judiciary in Albania. This time, the Court decided that the state’s ban on a judicial advisor, who resigned instead of undergoing the integrity vetting process, from entering high public offices for fifteen years does not violate the ECHR. While the ECHR does not explicitly articulate the right to free choice of occupation or the right to equal access to public offices, this article demonstrates that even under these two rights, the limitation in question is likely proportionate. However, legislators would be wise to consider less intrusive options as well.
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Lights, Camera, Inclusion?
On July 8th, 2024, the Supreme Court of India ruled on a case challenging the movie "Aankh Micholi" for allegedly reinforcing harmful stereotypes about disabilities. The Court declared that “disabling humor” which demeans persons with disabilities would not be fully protected as freedom of speech. While the judgment provided an in-depth analysis of creative freedom and the rights of persons with disabilities, it stopped short of issuing binding directives, thus lacking the teeth necessary to effect meaningful change in how disabilities are portrayed in media.
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Jurisprudence of Convenience
Last month, in Nipun Malhotra v. Sony Pictures Film India Private Ltd, the Indian Supreme Court delivered an opinion on the limits of protected speech under Article 19(1) of the Indian Constitution. While the opinion touched upon several important aspects of the free speech right, it is replete with behavioral guidance, and its language makes it hard to discern the binding legal principles. I argue that courts should approach cases involving hard questions of constitutional law with extreme caution in terms of their potential implication on the growth (or absence) of a consistent doctrine.
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28 August 2024
Strengthening the EU Legal Edifice for Data Transfers
GDPR provides the rulebook for international transfers of personal data from the EU and serves as the vehicle through which EU data protection law interacts with the wider world. However, the EU seems ambivalent about deciding how far it can expect third countries to adopt data protection standards similar to its own. Moreover, DPAs often fail to scrutinize data transfers to third countries that may lack the rule of law. Finally, the EU lacks a comparative methodology for assessing data protection equivalence in third countries. It is essential for the EU to elevate the public discourse so that the global significance of data transfers is recognized.
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27 August 2024
Mainstreaming Gender in EU Arms Export Controls
With the third review of the EU Common Position on Exports of Military Technology and Equipment (EU Common Position) well underway, there is a critical opportunity to align this document with international instruments that incorporate gender considerations in the arms trade. In light of this, the post examines the increasing integration of Gender-Based Violence (GBV) within arms trade legal frameworks and calls for the EU Common Position to explicitly reference gender beyond its already present human rights considerations.
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26 August 2024
Hungary’s Sovereignty Protection Sham
Hungary’s persistent rule of law and corruption shortcomings have led the EU to freeze EUR 27.8 billion in funding under various conditionality regimes. Prime Minister Orbán, who relies on these funds to maintain his political machinery and reward loyalists, has wielded Hungary’s veto in the Council to unlock this funding. Moreover, Hungary adopted the Act LXXXVIII of 2023 on the protection of national sovereignty (Sovereignty Law), which sets up the Sovereignty Protection Office (SPO), a state entity created to defend Hungarian sovereignty. This post examines the Sovereignty Law and calls the EU to effectively halt the SPO’s activities and prevent this model from spreading elsewhere.
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23 August 2024
Cooperation à la Carte?
In a recent contribution to this platform, Kai Ambos, Stefanie Bock, and a number of other distinguished German scholars have presented a compelling and highly topical plea for a consistent and effective application of the Rome Statute "without fear or favour" by Germany, one of its 124 States Parties. A similar risk of selectivity concerning the question of cooperation with the ICC can be observed in the present public and political discourse in Austria. I argue that an 'à la carte' approach to cooperation with the Court in matters of arrest and surrender, as partially indicated in the current debate, is untenable when adopting the ICC's recent jurisprudence on the horizontal inapplicability of head of State immunity, irrespective of the prevailing political circumstances.
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16 August 2024
The Sleeping Beauty Has Awoken
In June 2024, the International Humanitarian Fact-Finding Commission (IHFFC) announced that it had been mandated to investigate an incident in the Gaza-Israel conflict. Often dubbed “the Sleeping Beauty”, the IHFFC conducted its first investigation in 2017, twenty-six years after its establishment in 1991. Despite being sidelined for almost three decades, the IHFFC has the potential to reinvent itself as a crucial tool for monitoring compliance with international humanitarian law.
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15 August 2024
The Price of Equality
Israel’s long-standing debate over ultra-Orthodox Yeshiva students conscription has reached a critical juncture in June 2024. The Israeli Supreme Court not only declared the absence of a legal basis for a broad and overall exemption for Yeshiva students but also introduced a remedy that I claim might be controversial: the suspension of state funding for Yeshivas whose students are subject to conscription but refuse to comply with it. This marks a significant shift in the Court’s approach to enforcing equality in military service and the rule of law.
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14 August 2024
Counterclaims
Every case counts: Legal action against authoritarian populism
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In the Shadows
Recent investigations by Netzpolitik and the German public service broadcaster Bayerischer Rundfunk into the company Datarade have shed light on a part of the digital economy that has so far operated mainly in the background: data trading. The key players in this sector are data brokers, whose business model is to trade in (non-)personal data. Data trading is a multi-billion-dollar component of the global digital economy and not a new phenomenon. This article outlines the legal implications of data trading in the context of the GDPR, the DSA and the AI Act.
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Kashmir’s Legal Exceptionalism Reinforced
A single judge bench of the Delhi High Court recently passed an order, rejecting a plea by the petitioner, Sublime Software, challenging a blocking decision by the Union Government under Section 69A of the Information Technology Act, 2000. n this blogpost, we critically analyze the Delhi High Court's ruling, arguing that it exemplifies a troubling trend of legal exceptionalism in Kashmir. We critique the order for its unqualified deference to the states’ national security claims, failing to examine the merits of those claims at all.
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12 August 2024
On the Basis of ‘Backwardness’
Following the reinstatement of a quota system that reserved 56% of vacancies in public service posts for former freedom fighters by the High Court of Bangladesh, students in Bangladesh have demanded reformation of the quota system. On 21 July, the Supreme Court of Bangladesh overturned the decision by the High Court and ordered the government to limit the quota to 7%. It thereby eliminated the quota of 10% previously reserved for women. This reflects a dangerously narrow conception of equality which could negatively impact Bangladesh’s use of special measures such as quotas to redress women’s subordinated status.
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11 August 2024
Jutta Limbach
Jutta Limbach is remembered as the first female president of the German Constitutional Court. In her career she served as Senator for Justice for the Government of West Berlin from 1989-1994 and prior to that as a Professor at the Free University of Berlin. But there is so much more to be said about a woman who for so many years was the face of Germany's highest court. This post has tried to focus on a period of her professional life that has not yet been very visible to the public.
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09 August 2024
Wartime Constitutionalism and the Politics of Constitutional Review in Ukraine
On 18 July 2024, Ukraine’s Constitutional Court issued a decision concerning the rights of the accused in criminal proceedings under martial law. The extension of detention, the Court ruled, can only be issued based on a reasoned court decision—this applies even in times of war. In this blogpost, we examine how the war has influenced the ways in which various actors engage with constitutional complaints, before discussing the Constitutional Court's recent decision on Article 615.6 of the Criminal Procedure Code. We argue that this ruling exemplifies how the Constitutional Court can maintain the relevance and practical significance of its decision-making in wartime.
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Non-Binary Gender Markers in Italy?
In July, the Italian Constitutional Court recognised the existence of non-binary people for the first time in Italian history. Although the decision as such is a big step for queer rights in Italy, the Court stops halfway. In contrast to the German “Dritte Option” decision, the Court does not set clear instructions or deadlines for the Parliament. Italy’s current far-right political climate likely means non-binary gender markers will not be introduced by the Italian Parliament anytime soon.
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08 August 2024
Family Values, Tradition, and Human Rights
Georgia is in the process of democratic backsliding. In short succession, a number of laws were passed that have raised alarm over the country’s commitment to democratic values, and its aptitude as future member of the European Union. The law under scrutiny in this contribution targets sexual minorities.
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Could Hungary be suspended from Schengen?
In early July, the Orbán government announced that it would extend a program that grants third country nationals simplified access and stay to work in Hungary to Russian and Belarussian nationals. This blog maps the ways in which Hungary’s policy might undermine the security of the Schengen area and surveys the tools Member States and EU institutions have at their disposal to counter it. Should the Hungarian government fail to dispel the concerns raised by its extension of the national card system, these mechanisms should be activated to safeguard the security of the Schengen area.
Continue reading >>Are Rights of Nature Working?
Legal initiatives recognizing the rights of nature have transformed from a trickle to a cascade. But are they really effective? A systematic study on the implementation of the Ecuadorian Los Cedros ruling, one of the most prominent decisions of this sort, shows that it has been notably effective in protecting the forest from mining threats. However, its impact on local community involvement has been limited, and the fate of Los Cedros and the case remain vulnerable.
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07 August 2024
Why Georgia’s Law on Transparency Violates the Constitution
Since the spring of 2024, the political landscape of Georgia has been experiencing turbulent times. The so-called law “On Transparency of Foreign Influence (“Law on Transparency”) has, for the second time, caused huge public tension. The “Law on Transparency” represents more than a mere legal issue; it symbolizes the country’s choice between totalitarianism and democracy.
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Zwei- bis Drei-Klassen-Justiz in Österreich?
Seit der „Ibiza-Affäre“ vom Mai 2019 reißt die Kette an Skandalen in Österreich nicht ab. Zuletzt sorgte die Causa Pilnacek für Aufsehen. Der dazu nun veröffentlichte Kommissionsbericht attestiert Österreichs Justizsystem gravierende Mängel, insbesondere Korruption. In der europäischen Mehrebenenjustiz ist dies letztlich ein genuin europäisches Problem. Die zutage getretenen Schwächen sind damit nicht nur Schwächen der österreichischen Rechts- und Verfassungsordnung, sondern Herausforderungen für die europäische Rechtsstaatlichkeit insgesamt.
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Breaking with Conservatism?
The Japanese Supreme Court has been described as “the most conservative constitutional court in the world”. And, though lower courts can sometimes be more active, the Japanese judiciary as a whole tends also to be referred to as conservative. However, recent developments challenge this view. In particular, Japanese courts have begun to issue rulings in favour of the rights of sexual and gender minorities on issues like same-sex marriage and gender recognition. Do these decisions suggest that the conservatism of the Japanese judiciary has been overstated – or are they signs of change?
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06 August 2024
A Setback for Homeless Rights in the United States
On June 28, 2024, the United States Supreme Court handed down its decision in City of Grants Pass v. Johnson (Grants Pass), its most significant case on homelessness in decades. The decision overturned the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeal’s 2018 decision in Martin v. Boise (Martin), which mandated that cities allow unhoused individuals to sleep in public spaces when shelter beds were not available. The decision fails to consider the root causes of homelessness in the United States and exacerbates the already fragmented regulatory landscape governing the vulnerable community of the unhoused.
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Making the Unacceptable Acceptable
Over the last days, England and Northern Ireland have witnessed a wave of racist violence and destruction. These riots, which have thrown the country into chaos, included attacks on mosques, burning of cars, and confrontations with the police. The racist nature of the events is made clear by the racist chants that are sung amid them, by posters shown by participants, and by the selective targeting of minorities. Given how shocking these scenes are, one naturally wonders what is causing them. Research suggests that elite rhetoric in recent months can have made these events more likely, by making far-right individuals feel that acting on their views is more acceptable.
Continue reading >>The Right to Defend Rights
On April 21, Narciso Beleño, a rural (campesino) leader and human rights defender who worked for the restitution of land and the sustainable exploitation of natural resources in Colombia, was murdered. Sadly, this is not an isolated case. 79% of the murders of human rights defenders occur in the Americas, with 47% in Colombia alone. Two recent judgments by the Constitutional Court of Colombia and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights have now addressed the phenomenon and gave legal life to the right to defend human rights.
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05 August 2024
Taming the Shrew
On May 30th, Iraq’s Court of Cassation (CC) issued an unprecedented decision invalidating a previous ruling by the country’s highest court in the land, the Federal Supreme Court (FSC). The CC’s judicial coup and self-aggrandizement rests on a flawed doctrinal foundation and runs counter to the judicial hierarchy set out by Iraq’s constitution.
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02 August 2024
On Recognition
The decades-long campaign for recognition of a Palestinian state on the 1967-occupied territory meets the international system, however flawed, where it is. Its selling point is simple: an independent Palestinian state is the most attainable way, if not the only way, to restore integrity and dignity to the Palestinian people while maintaining a minimum standard of order.
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Shades of Unconstitutionality
On July 12, the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye passed the 9th Package of Judicial Reforms. The package continues the tradition of amending various unrelated laws through a so-called omnibus law under the guise of reform. In addition, another feature has become remarkable: the alleged reforms deliberately overrule the decisions of the Turkish Constitutional Court (TCC), rendering its rulings null and void.
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01 August 2024
Unprecedented Fraud and New Momentum
Venezuela is entering a new, dangerous phase of its conflict. Though not fully verified, the opposition appears to have won the July 28 election by a landslide. Nicolás Maduro's government has likely committed unprecedented fraud, tampering with votes and withholding tallies. Massive protests have erupted nationwide, with the government rapidly increasing repression and surveillance. This challenges prospects for a democratic transition, requiring a skilled national and international response.
Continue reading >>Liberty of the Press Forever?
Constitutions are linked both to the past and to the future. A central constitutional mechanism in the attempt to mark a dividing line between the past and the future, to represent a new era are unamendable provisions. Unamendable provisions, in this sense, play a “negative” role, serving as a lasting reminder of recent past devastations and as a constitutional/institutional attempt to transform and never return to past injustices. It is within this framework of ‘never again constitutionalism’ I wish to examine one of the most unique and interesting unamendable provisions in the world: the protection of ‘Liberty of the press’ in the Mexican Constitution of 1824.
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Allocating Duties and Distributing Responsibilities in a Post-Territorial Human Rights Paradigm
Migration is one of the frontier areas for rethinking the way in which human rights obligations are typically allocated. Not only is migration externalised and privatised, it is also a consequence of structural global inequalities. But complexity cannot be an excuse for lack of human rights accountability. Nor is there an unchecked mission creep: if human rights are indeed universal, there is no other option but to fill post-territorial gaps in human rights protection.
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31 July 2024
Relationalizing the EU’s Fundamental Rights Responsibility
Human rights law traditionally governs a three-part relationship which connects the individual, the state, and its territory. The design of the EU’s Integrated Border Management (IBM) governance model eschews the applicability and enforceability of international and European human (fundamental) rights law by significantly reconfiguring the relationship between each of these three prongs. This contribution maps how these three traditional triggers for the applicability of human rights law are increasingly evaded in EU IBM policies, the responses to these evasion techniques and how a relational turn in the determination of human rights responsibility may be inevitable.
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Humanitarian Visas for International Protection Purposes
When feasible, third-country nationals request within EU Member States’ diplomatic or consular representations a visa on the basis of their need of international protection, in order to be granted legal access to the issuing State’s territory precisely to apply for international protection upon arrival. The focal point is whether States can be required to issue these visas in order to comply with their human rights obligations. This contribution demonstrates that the European Court of Human Rights holding that States do not hold any obligation in the context of humanitarian visa proceedings is unconvincing.
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Breaking Bad all’Italiana
The European Commission's 2024 Annual Rule of Law Report provides some analysis of Italy’s current political and judicial landscape under Meloni’s right wing rule. While the expectations towards the Report were low, the document must be read as a wakeup call, as Italy sets out to be the new Hungary.
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Never Again to Us and/or to Anyone
There are few questions that have proven themselves more fruitless to pose than “What Are the Lessons of the Holocaust?” For very many Jews, and certainly for the Israeli state, the lesson, to be realized in law and policy, is “Never Again–to Us”. The more liberal or universalist lessons are a call for civil courage, democratic self-defense and early awareness of the possibility of dictatorship and mass murder, “Never Again–to Anyone. The tension between these two perspectives is found everywhere the matter is considered, even in Israel and even symbolically.
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30 July 2024
Bulgaria’s Constitutional Drama and the EU Commission’s Rose-Colored Glasses
On 26 July 2024, Bulgaria’s Constitutional Court declared a significant part of constitutional amendments enacted in December 2023 unconstitutional. These amendments were part of a rushed constitutional reform which was supposed to address persistent rule of law challenges in the country, such as the excessive powers of the Prosecutor’s Office and the politicization of the Supreme Judicial Council. The drama in Bulgaria raises concerns about why the EU Commission recognizes half-baked, ill-written constitutional reforms as progress without analysis of their substantive merit in context.
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Common but Differentiated Responsibility in Climate and Genocide Cases
The search for a more equitable and legally binding responsibility distribution mechanism in global refugee protection starts with the question what responsibility states bear for the protection of refugees and other forced migrants outside of their territory. Here I discuss two potential avenues within international law: the operationalised international law principles of cooperation and solidarity, based on their application in climate cases; and the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) doctrine from international humanitarian law. The distribution mechanism they both apply might be useful to establish and define extraterritorial protection obligations of states towards refugees.
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Due Diligence in International Law
This contribution determines to what extent the international law obligations of due diligence, the no harm principle or the principle sic utere tuo ut alienum non laedas can be relied upon today to advance extraterritorial obligations of states towards migrants. Crucially for this purpose, the due diligence obligation is not limited to individuals within the jurisdiction of a State. Rather, States must ensure that activities within their jurisdiction do not cause serious harm to individuals in the territory of another State or to common interests of the international community.
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ByteDance v. Commission
The Digital Markets Act (DMA) is a revolutionary tool to regulate EU digital markets, it complements competition law by imposing ex ante obligations on the largest digital undertakings. The General Court judgement in the ByteDance case was the first test of the limits of this expediated enforcement and resulted in a remarkable win for the Commission. The Court dismissed ByteDance’s appeal against the European Commission’s decision to designate ByteDance with its social network TikTok as gatekeeper under the DMA.
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An Inconvenient Truth? Fascism and Ethno-Nationalism
India’s modern history has been profoundly shaped by a concern that nationalism can lead to mass violence and atrocity, if not genocide. This preoccupation was also shaped by the experience of World War II. Indian politicians and thinkers often referred to the experience of Nazism in making the case for India to intervene and prevent an impending genocide in what was then East Pakistan. While the intervention led to the creation of an independent state of Bangladesh, it was also a case in which invocation of the holocaust and “Never Again” was apt.
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29 July 2024
‘One, No One, One Hundred Thousand’
States use mechanisms such as visas, maritime interdiction operations, pushback practices to unsafe countries to prevent migrants from reaching their shores, applying for asylum, or invoking fundamental rights guarantees. This raises the question of whether and to what extent States have extraterritorial obligations towards migrants who have not yet reached the territory of destination countries. By focusing on recent practices in the Mediterranean, this post addresses this overarching question.
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Beyond Borders
The question of extraterritoriality has found a very particular application in contexts of migration. This renders the questions of which state has to fulfill human rights obligations while a migrant is on the move and to what extent very pressing ones. This symposium examines what the existing criteria for attribution exactly mean for states’ extraterritorial obligations and responsibility in a migration context and whether arguments from other fields of law could either inspire or be implemented beyond their respective borders.
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Influences of the Holocaust on the Constitutional Law of Israel
The trauma of Auschwitz continues to reverberate in the collective consciousness of Israelis and manifests in Israeli laws across several primary domains. However, the primary impact of the Holocaust trauma on Israeli constitutional law has been the concerted efforts to prevent Israel from descending into a fascist, racist regime akin to Germany in the 1930s. The incorporation of the concept of Intolerant Democracy, which occupies a central role in Israeli constitutional law, was explicitly inspired by German history.
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28 July 2024
Jewish Past, Mnemonic Constitutionalism and the Politics of Citizenship
For this symposium essay, I will focus on the Jewish past, with its tragedies extending beyond and preceding the Holocaust as a master narrative unfolded by mnemonic constitutionalism. Specifically, I will reflect on how citizenship laws – as the foundational cluster of constitutional law in liberal democracies, including the countries without a formal constitution – have built constitutional ontologies upon the Jewish past and the “never again” theme through three central examples involving “Jewish citizens”.
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27 July 2024
Never Again – Ever Again
The “Never Again” is the desperate evocation of something impossible. Nothing prevents people from expanding the arsenal of their crimes with ever newer, ever more artificial, more scientific methods and instruments, and from using them. Just as grass and flowers mercifully spread over the ruins of the ovens, the fields fertilized with ashes, all attempts to bear witness to the crimes, to keep memory alive as a warning, dissolve into the history of the victors, which has dominated everything else in all times of human history.
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26 July 2024
The “Never Again” Imperatives in Chinese Constitutions
This essay aims to provide a Chinese perspective on the question of traumas and the Never Again imperative. It will first place the question in the long history of constitution-making in China, taking the view that constitutional narratives are context-driven, shaped by particular historical processes, and addressing particular historical concerns of respective nation-states, each with its trauma and Never Again imperatives. This essay then brings the current 1982 constitution into focus, highlighting the trauma it is designed to address and assessing the sincerity and effectiveness of the commitment.
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A Network in Defense of the Rule of European Constitutional Law
In face of the erosion of the role of the judiciary, which is undermining the power and independence of many courts worldwide, European national courts stand in a stronger position. They benefit from the support of a robust network of actors committed to defending shared European values.
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25 July 2024
Never Again in Russia
In the Soviet Union and later in Russia, reference to World War II played a central role in the decades after 1945. The “never again” narrative in Russia takes a very specific form: The focus is not on the Holocaust but on the Victory in the “Great Patriotic War” against fascism, the increase of power and status in the international system that this has brought, and the perpetuation of the present and timeless actuality of war in a mostly imperial and post-imperial context. The discourse on Victory against fascism undergoes a paradoxical development, from a way of commemorating collective trauma to the justification and glorification of new wars.
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Restitution for Pushback Victims
Despite the trauma caused by the brutality of pushbacks, victims often attempt to return to the expelling state’s territory, driven by desperation and the search for a better life. In doing so, they risk repeated violations of their rights. This vicious circle has to be broken. As reparation for the violation of their rights, restitution allowing for their return to the territory of the state responsible for the violation should be granted. This victim-centered approach allows their primary goal of re-entry into the state territory to be achieved through legal means.
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Freedom to Discuss Religion Between Facts and Opinions
In a recent televised discussion in Turkey, two Youtube-influencers have discussed Sharia law and Muhammad’s marriage with Aisha. This has caused strong reactions on social media. Moreover, after a public statement of the Justice Minister, a criminal investigation has been initiated. I argue that such statements should enjoy the full protection of freedom of expression. However, I criticise the distinction between “statements of fact and value judgements” as introduced by the ECtHR in case E.S. v Austria.
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24 July 2024
A Democratic Mandate to Overhaul Mexico’s Judiciary?
It is time to take the present threat as what it is: the most serious threat to Mexico’s constitutional democracy at least since the slow start of the democratic transition in the late 1970’s. The constitutional amendment to the judiciary will translate into an incommensurable retrocession in terms of professionalization and judicial independence building. The day after the amendment is passed, Mexico will officially be less democratic and more authoritarian in that the scrutiny of the exercise of public power would have been put at great risk.
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Aristotle in the Commission
Today, the European Commission issued its fifth Annual Rule of Law Report (ARoLR). While this monitoring exercise has come a long way and has been significantly improved, the rule of law backsliding remains one of the most pressing issues of the EU. In the following I present seven recommendations how to improve the Commission’s monitoring exercise. At the core lies a differentiation between a democracy and a hybrid regime. Once a Member State qualifies as the latter, it must be treated accordingly.
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The Collective Memory of Trauma and Why it Still Matters
Holocaust historian Jan Tomasz Gross claimed in a 2015 article that the immigration crisis in Europe is inextricably linked to the way Europeans today contend with their group’s behavior during the Holocaust. What does the influx of mostly Muslim immigrants to Europe have to do with how Europeans treated their Jewish population eighty years ago? According to Gross, the answer lies in whether nations acknowledge their historical culpability, most notably in the case of Germany, or whether they actively try to deny any wrongdoing, such as in the cases of Poland and Hungary.
Continue reading >>23 July 2024
Poverty as a Crime
In June 2024, the U.S. Supreme Court in the Opinion City of Grants Pass v. Johnson held that the Constitution does not guarantee individual protection against the criminalisation of homelessness. Similarly, in May 2024, the European Court of Human Rights found the case concerning the criminalisation of begging, Dian v. Denmark, inadmissible. Both of these judicial decisions are disputed since the criminalisation of poverty cannot solve the problem of homelessness or begging. Rather, it violates the fundamental dignity of the individual.
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Never Again. And Not Quite.
Those who build new public law act with the past hovering over their shoulders. Rejecting regimes of horror explains much of the content of new constitutions. Aversive constitutionalism – in which constitutionalists overtly steer away from a country’s appalling pasts – guides how they understand these new texts. On balance, even among those who disagree over precisely how the past is memorialized as “never again” in new constitutions, evidence shows that the horrors of the past influence public law in the present much more than do the dreams of some ideal future.
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22 July 2024
A Union of Equality?
Last Thursday, Ursula von der Leyen, the new – and former – President of the EU Commission presented the ‘Political Guidelines for the next European Commission 2024-2029’, her ideas and priorities for the coming mandate. This blogpost will examine whether the Guidelines are living up to the scale of the gender-related concerns and challenges that are facing the Union, as Ursula von der Leyen promises. It identifies a shift in tone in the Commission’s pledges to promoting gender equality and outlines some proposals that the German Women Lawyers Association (djb) has advanced in order to help tackle these challenges.
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Administrative and Citizen Interpretations of Unwritten Constitutional Principles and Constitutional Silences
Looking at Canadian law, this blog posts argues that administrative agencies should be able to interpret and articulate unwritten constitutional principles when exercising their discretionary powers, and that these interpretations ought to be deferred to by courts. This would also encourage citizens to put forward their own interpretations of unwritten constitutional principles, fostering a participatory approach to constitutional interpretation.
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Never Again Say “Never Again”
“Never Again” is one of those slogans on which practically everyone can agree. How can one not? (Unless you belong to the flat-earth Holocaust-denial lunatic fringe). When we use “Never Again” it is, of course, a shorthand to the enormity of German National Socialism. The pledge “Never Again” is absolute in time: Never again. It is absolute in space too: “That” cannot and should not ever take place anywhere. It is universal: It bridges Left and Right, North and South, Rich and Poor. Standing at the barricades under the “Never Again” banner is both powerful and self-empowering. But herein lies its potential for abuse. What exactly is the “that” which must never happen again?
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“Never Again”
“Never again” is, first and foremost, a story. It’s a story about our collective fears, anxieties, and aspirations, those moments and events that we have promised ourselves that will never be repeated. The Jewish story is interwoven with the Holocaust—the killing of six million Jews in Europe and the urgency of the re-establishment of a Jewish state to solve the problem of Jewish homelessness. Yet the constitutional and international meaning of “never again” depends on one’s position and point of view, and it changes over time. The chain reaction that began with the horrors of WWII continues to drive constitutional and international agendas. It is clear that “history talks,” but in which direction?
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A Historic Verdict Against Chiquita Brands
A jury in a small town in Florida has set a milestone in the fight for international justice. After more than 25 years and 17 years of litigation, survivors of violence in Colombia have secured a victory in their pursuit of financial compensation. The verdict determined that Chiquita Brands International illegally financed the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia, a designated terrorist paramilitary organization, and thus contributed to the murder of hundreds of civilians. The Chiquita case is the first to hold a U.S. company accountable for financing human rights violations in Colombia.
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19 July 2024
Proximity, Amicable Settlements, and how the EU Guts GDPR Enforcement
The EU legislator is working on a new Regulation to modify the GDPR. Unfortunately, the reform features deeply troubling elements. It seeks to mainstream a controversial Irish approach to dealing with data protection complaints, namely “amicable settlements” between individuals and digital corporations. Further, and rather problematically, the reform foreshadows the end of the principle of proximity. Gutting – or at least eroding – the proximity principle should ring alarm bells for anyone concerned with effective judicial remedies in the EU.
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16 July 2024
Germany’s Filibuster
Filibuster and debt brake contribute to legislative failure on both sides of the Atlantic. This failure is one of the causes of anti-democratic tendencies. The developments of recent years in the USA should serve as a warning to everyone in the democratic spectrum. Those who, in light of these developments, prioritize a symbolic balanced budget over addressing the real challenges of the 21st century are paving the way for German Trumpists. The European election was just a warning shot.
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Ensuring the Mission of Public Service Broadcasters
Public Service Broadcasters (PSBs) are publicly organised and funded broadcasters, organised by each of the EU’s Member State with a great degree of discretion and under a unique legal framework. Politicised interventions and the decline of PSBs’ independence threaten their ability to adequately perform their role and offer citizens a high-quality public service which meets the public’s democratic and cultural needs. The politicisation of PSBs by national authorities, coupled with the increasing concerns about media freedom, shows that some type of regulatory intervention is necessary.
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Biting More Than It Can Chew
Among (too) many other things, the recently adopted European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) introduced an assessment of the impact of media market concentration on media pluralism and editorial independence. It thereby aims to address the growing economic threats media pluralism and freedom have been facing all across Europe. However, when considering recent media merger cases in Poland as well as the substantive and institutional competition law framework, it is uncertain whether the Act will provide efficient solutions.
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Digital News Aggregators, Media Plurality and the Right to Information
The advent of the digital economy has brought many challenges to traditional business models, leading to new issues that go beyond pure market problems. This is also true for the news media industry since the emergence and rapid expansion of digital platforms like Google and Facebook. While the latter, in contrast to press publishers, do not produce any news content themselves, they have become digital news aggregators and first contact points for readers of online news. In this post, we reflect on the existing approaches towards addressing the bargaining imbalance between press publishers and digital news aggregators. We argue that the most adequate measure in addressing this imbalance would be a regulatory instrument such as a bargaining code.
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Taking Extra Care of the Media?
The adoption of the European Media Freedom Act broke new ground in the EU’s approach to media law. Amongst other goals, the EMFA seeks to address the risk of restricting media content by online platforms by envisaging the special, privileged, treatment of media service providers in the area of content moderation. This post discusses the extent of the privilege granted to media service providers and the relationship between the EMFA and the DSA.
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15 July 2024
Why and How the Hungarian Presidency Must Be Stopped
It took less than a week for Viktor Orbán to make the worst predictions about the Hungarian Presidency of the Council become true. Yet with a twist. If many had warned about the danger that such a Presidency would have paralysed the internal operation of the EU, nobody expected this could also cause confusion and damage to the Union’s foreign policy. How the EU Member States will react to it may define the overall credibility of the Union on the international stage, particularly at a time when it increasingly faces significant challenges both from within and the outside.
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On Tables, Markets, and Free Speech
On the surface level, we see private actors exercising more and more power over speech; on a deeper level though, we might be returning to a far older discussion about the interplay of private and public power, and the fate of an individual who lives in the crash zone between them. Given that the result of this clash largely comes down to choosing a proper regulatory policy, this contribution argues that when regulating market-situated speech particular caution should be exercised.
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Regulating the Discursive Power of Big Tech Companies
Big Tech companies have power. One element of this power is discursive power, including in the public sphere, a cornerstone of democratic societies. In the current digitalized society, the public sphere has a significant online component. Discursive power may continue to grow, fuelled by AI developments, unless checked. To shape a possible legal response – we focus on European competition law – requires understanding the complexity of this power. Though competition law is focused on market power, we argue that it can and should have a role to play in curbing discursive power too, despite some inherent limitations.
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‘Democracies Die in Silence’
What is ‘media’ in a digitalized society where boundaries between news, commercial and social content are increasingly blurred? What do we really mean by ‘media pluralism’? These are all key questions liberal democracies in Europe and beyond need answers to, given both political challenges and the rise of market power and Big Tech companies whose actions affect media markets. While the law will not solve all of the problems associated with these developments, it can help in imposing limits on the way in which political and market power is used. This necessitates a sustained and informed debate as to what the existing legal framework offers and what additional legal responses are necessary.
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14 July 2024
“Displacement due to environmental factors is one of the great tragedies of our time”
In a recent judgment, the Colombian Constitutional Court has ruled that displacement due to environmental factors can be legally considered as forced displacement triggering specific obligations of the State. The judgment (T-123 of 2024) highlights the deficit of constitutional protection for victims of environmental displacement, urging the state to develop specific strategies to address this issue. In this interview, Natalia Ángel-Cabo, a Judge at the Colombian Constitutional Court, explains the implications of the ruling and the concept of displacement due to environmental factors.
Continue reading >>The “Hong Kong 47” Verdict
Recently, the first court verdicts in the trial surrounding the “Hong Kong 47” were handed down. The trial is one of several political trials that are underway in Hong Kong (HK), a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). These trials are political partly because the accused are political figures involved in the 2019 civil unrest, partly because the accused are being tried under the National Security Law (NSL) introduced into HK by the PRC Central Authorities, and partly because they have been didactic spectacles revealing the actions and consequences sought by the accused. This blog post explains the background of the “Hong Kong 47” case and shows why it raises questions that are of interest outside of Hong Kong as well.
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13 July 2024
Hate Speech on and off the Field
During the EURO 2024 in Germany, the UEFA has imposed a series of sanctions on fans and two players for inappropriate comments and gestures. Albania's player Mirlind Daku was suspended by UEFA's Control, Ethics and Disciplinary Body (CEDB) for two UEFA representative team competition matches after chanting nationalist slogans. Turkey's Merih Demiral was suspended for two matches for celebrating his second goal against Austria with a "wolf salute". These sanctions can be considered justified under the standards of the European Convention on Human Rights ("ECHR"). However, in order to have an effective preventive effect, they should be accompanied by criminal investigations under national law.
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Prison for Fake News
In Cyprus, a new legislative proposal introduces a prison sentence of up to one year and/or a fine of up to EUR 3,000. I argue that criminally punishing fake news is absolutely horrifying for free speech, for media pluralism, and for democracy. Criminalizing fake news has a “chilling effect” and it causes a self-censorship by media, civil society organizations, and average citizens. Moreover, the concept of fake news is highly ambiguous and its criminalization is counterproductive as it is not reducing the problematic content but “often draws more attention to it.”
Continue reading >>11 July 2024
Online Speech at the US Supreme Court in Moody v. Netchoice
The First Amendment of the US Constitution raises some of the most difficult legal hurdles for regulating the global digital public sphere today. In Moody v. Netchoice, the US Supreme Court heard appeals from two judgments, an appeal from a decision of the Fifth Circuit declaring that Texas’ social media law H.B. 20 did not violate the First Amendment, and an appeal from a decision of the Eleventh Circuit finding Florida’s social media law S.B. 7072, instead, unconstitutional. These laws are similar in that they both attempt to impose must-carry and non-discrimination obligations on social media platforms, which in practice amounts to requiring them not to discriminate against conservative users’ posts. The compatibility of these two laws with the First Amendment cuts across a plethora of crucial issues on the future of social media regulation which the court could, but didn’t fully, address.
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10 July 2024
Locating Unwritten Constitutional Norms in Global Constitutionalism
If there is a global constitutional order, it is “unwritten”. We cannot point to a written constitution for global law. Rather, theories of global constitutionalism and processes of global constitutionalisation are derived from an amalgamation of sources across international law and domestic constitutional orders. This blog post reflects on these tensions within the debate on global constitutionalisation, and focuses specifically on democracy as an unwritten constitutional norm in global constitutionalism.
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The Rule of Law and the United Nations Summit of the Future
Is the rule of law an unwritten principle for the UN system? Today, rule of law language has been gradually replaced by a new paradigm of ‘inclusivity’. The rule of law debate within the UN was centered on a thick understanding of the rule of law, highlighting substantive values rather than procedural guarantees. Absent a consented definition of the term, the rule of law was never considered to be an unwritten principle for the UN system.
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Giving Covenants Swords
The classical Hobbesian critique of international law famously asserts that “covenants, without the sword, are but words.” Accordingly, given Israel’s persistent non-compliance with the ICJ’s provisional measures in South Africa v. Israel, on 29 May 2024, South Africa requested “the Security Council to give effect to the Court’s judgments” under Article 41 of the ICJ Statute. This post shows why the discussions on whether the Council lacks the statutory authority to supervise and enforce the Court’s provisional measures under the ICJ Statute overlook the broader point. Namely, the Order on provisional measures is the perfect legal evidence for the Council to trigger its powers under Chapter VII and thus end the humanitarian calamity in Gaza.
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09 July 2024
How Viktor Orbán Challenges the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy
Since the start of the Hungarian Presidency of the Council of the European Union (EU), the Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán pursued an active foreign policy. He went to Kyiv for a meeting with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, made a surprise visit to Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow, attended an informal summit of the Organisation of Turkic States hosted by Ilham Aliyev, President of Azerbaijan, and then flew to Beijing for a meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping. Orbán’s self-declared ‘peace diplomacy’ illustrates – once more – the challenges surrounding the EU’s external representation. His visits are nothing else than an expression of Hungarian national foreign policy. Also in that capacity, however, his actions are problematic in view of Hungary’s obligations under the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy.
Continue reading >>Unwritten Constitutional Law as a Brazilian Constitutional Category?
Brazilian constitutional law is profoundly marked by the ideal of codification. In this context, the ‘unwrittenness’ of certain constitutional problems is usually not treated as such. This is especially intensified through the size and textual openness of the Brazilian Constitution. Yet unwritten constitutional normativity plays (and can play) arguably a decisive role in Brazilian constitutionalism. Could one then articulate unwritten constitutional law as a Brazilian constitutional category?
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08 July 2024
The French Fifth Republic Enters Uncharted Waters
After yesterday's elections, the French Fifth Republic steps into uncharted waters. In the short term, France’s role at the heart of EU integration and as a key supporter of Ukraine remains steadfast. This stability is impressive, given most predictions. However, this new phase of French politics will be fragmented and fluid, demanding a recalibration to find a stable equilibrium while countering the far right. French moderate parties face a tough road ahead. Their success or failure will not only shape France’s future but also reverberate beyond its borders.
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The Stakes of the Unwritten Constitutional Norms and Principles Debate in the UK
Unwritten principles serve crucial purposes in the UK’s constitution. For example, they provide guardrails for judicial interpretation of legislation, and they form or give rise to substantive rules about the limits of legislative, judicial and executive power. With a growing body of research on unwritten constitutionalism, it is worth considering why these issues matter, and what is at stake in the debate. This post considers two issues which it argues can only be properly understood once regard is paid to the unwritten principles and norms in the UK’s constitution: the limits of Westminster’s legislative power, and the nature of the UK’s territorial constitution.
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Why the International Criminal Court’s Jurisdiction Doctrinally Attaches to Israeli and Russian Nationals
As the storm of ICC Chief Prosecutor Karim Khan’s request for arrest warrants loomed and landed on Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu and his Defence Minister Yoav Gallant, ardent supporters of Israel within the U.S. and U.K. governments and beyond appear to have seized upon a jurisdictional objection. U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken is reported as saying that the “ICC has no jurisdiction over this matter.” The U.K. Foreign Secretary David Cameron is reported to have said the same thing. There is a basic flaw, though, in the treaty-based objection to the ICC jurisdiction as has been made. It ignores the nature of the mandate of international criminal tribunals as mechanisms for the effective preservation of the basic fabric of the international order.
Continue reading >>The Salience of “Writtenness” and “Unwrittenness” as Constitutional Categories in Canada
Canada's Constitution sits somewhere between the paradigms of a fully codified written and partially codified unwritten constitutional order. This blog post explains why the differentiation between the written and unwritten matters for our understanding of Canada's constitutional system with a view to terminological, institutional, proceduaral, and policial questions.
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The Stakes of the Unwritten Constitutional Norms and Principles Debate in Germany
Focussing on “writtenness” can sharpen our sensibility of how liberally the German legal system allows the Federal Constitutional Court, as well as other courts, to acknowledge legal norms or principles whose textual basis in the Grundgesetz is far from obvious – which in other jurisdictions might be put into the area of norm-free, principle-oriented argumentation, i.e. whose constitutional quality is being problematized.
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07 July 2024
Annie Ruth Jiagge
The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), which aims to eradicate all forms of discrimination based on sex and gender, is an indispensable treaty for women and girls worldwide. Given its profound impact, today’s sphere of international human rights law would look vastly different. But few people know that the CEDAW treaty was preceded by a 1967 draft by Annie Ruth Jiagge.
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The Limits of Contemporary French Constitutionalism
French President Emmanuel Macron’s dissolution of France’s National Assembly (its lower house of parliament) on June 9th took many by surprise. The results of the snap election’s first round suggest that Macron’s risky gamble—an attempt at turning the tide after his party suffered a major blow in the European Parliament elections—backfired majestically. However, more than a political setback for Macron, and outside of the many (highly warranted) concerns as to what harmful policies a new far-right-dominated parliament could pass, the move also raises many interesting constitutional law questions. Whatever the outcome of the second round on Sunday, July 7, France will face unprecedented circumstances that are likely to put the country’s 1958 constitution to the test.
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A Legal Trap for Freedom of Expression
More than seven years ago, 406 academics and researchers have been permanently dismissed from their positions at Turkish universities for signing a peace petition condemning the military operations by Turkish security forces in areas heavily populated by the Kurdish minority. The case raises critical questions about the limitations of international human rights bodies in safeguarding freedom of expression. In this blog, I demonstrate how the pragmatic considerations of the Council of Europe (CoE) contributed to the creation of a judicial trap disguised as a legal remedy.
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Beyond Protection
Whether and how gender-related violence can constitute a ground to claim and receive asylum has long been a subject of debate in refugee law. While feminist legal scholars have long sought to alleviate the gender-blindness of the original text of the Refugee Convention, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) only started taking some steps in this direction earlier this year. The CJEU determined in K, L, that women or specific groups of women who share a belief in an additional common characteristic — such as a belief in gender equality — may be regarded as members of a ‘particular social group’ (PSG), making them eligible for refugee status.
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04 July 2024
The Supreme Court v. the Administrative State II
The outlook is not rosy for Democrats, neither politically nor in court. Democrats’ hopes that President Biden – who, according to some polls, is trailing Trump in all seven swing states – could turn the odds in his favor in an early debate have been dashed by his disastrous performance. To add insult to injury, in three 6-to-3 rulings along ideological lines, the Supreme Court further reigned in on administrative agencies, putting Biden’s regulatory agenda at risk. The most far-reaching of these decisions is, undoubtedly, Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo. This case marked a milestone for the conservative legal movement’s fight against the administrative state.
Continue reading >>Rethinking the History & Tradition Approach
In a landmark 8-1 decision, the United States Supreme Court ruled in United States v. Rahimi that the federal government has the authority to disarm individuals deemed by courts to be credible threats to their partners or children, consistent with the Second Amendment. This ruling marks a significant shift from the Court's previous stance in New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen (2022), which had established a stringent history and tradition test for evaluating gun regulations that undermined key tenets of the rule of law – clarity, consistency, and predictability.
Continue reading >>Soccer Meets Geopolitics
Two competitions are currently predominating Europe’s agenda – the UEFA Euro 2024 in Germany and the brute reality of geopolitics. While the former will decide over Europe’s next soccer champion, outcomes of the latter will arguably shape whether Europe will champion the new geopolitics of the 21st century. To win this competition, we argue that the European Union (EU) does not need a unified military force, but rather a new defense commissioner who would act as a dual security manager, bringing together the EU’s global entanglements with its economic clout to enhance the military power of its Member States.
Continue reading >>All Eyes on Sudan (too)
This article is an attempt to add layers to the discussions of ongoing mass atrocities committed in several parts of the world by discussing an under-reported situation of large scale violence unfolding in Sudan since April 2023, in the hope that the ‘international community’ can address multiple catastrophic situations with similar urgency, mobilise for justice for all peoples, end the culture of impunity, and eventually shift the discourse towards the structural causes of such large-scale violence in different parts of the world.
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03 July 2024
Putting the Record Straight About the Spitzenkandidaten
In the last few weeks, a great deal of nonsense has been said about the concept of the Spitzenkandidat. Some accuse the European Parliament of a power grab, subrogating the lawful role of the European Council in choosing the new Commission President. Others trivialise the role of the Parliament and doubt the democratic credentials of the process. Many believe that the candidate must always be drawn from the largest party come what may. All these assertions are wrong. The election of the Commission President is a joint endeavour between Parliament and Commission, democratically legitimate, and fully in conformity with EU law.
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02 July 2024
France’s Legislative Elections and the Uncertain Path to 2027
As most expected, Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National (RN) was the clear winner of the first round of the snap legislative elections in France, unexpectedly called by President Macron three weeks ago. Le Pen’s party, allied with a rump Les Républicains, led by Eric Ciotti, obtained 33.1% of the votes. A coalition including moderate and radical left parties, the Nouveau Front Populaire (NFP), came second with 28.1%, while the centrist parties supporting Gabriel Attal’s government received 21.3%. The mainstream right Républicains who refused to ally with the RN stopped at 6.6%. The RN confirmed its strong showing at last month’s European elections and more than doubled its votes in comparison to the last legislative elections of April 2022. Yet, an RN-led government is not a foregone conclusion.
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01 July 2024
Ukraine, the Netherlands and 26 Third States Without Russia Before the ECtHR
The hearing in the case of Ukraine, the Netherlands v Russia lasted four hours and twenty-five minutes. more than double than an “ordinary” Grand Chamber hearing. These four hours and twenty-five minutes are an important milestone in what is undoubtedly one of the most important set of cases in the history of European Convention on Human Rights. They cover more than ten years of Russian activities in Eastern Ukraine, including the open war of aggression since February 2022. The number of third parties involved in the proceedings likewise renders the case extraordinary.
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28 June 2024
From Constitutional Crisis to Poisoned Chalice
The national elections to the UK Parliament in Westminster are scheduled for 4 July 2024, and are consequential for the constitution.
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Growing the Living Tree
On 21 June 2024, the High Court of Namibia in Friedel Laurentius Dausab vs. The Minister of Justice unanimously held that laws criminalizing same-sex relationships are unconstitutional and invalid. The judgment significantly advances anti-discrimination law jurisprudence in Namibia, particularly in relation to the grounds of sexual orientation and the interpretation of constitutional equality provisions.
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27 June 2024
A Global South Perspective on Loss and Damage Litigation
In June 2024, delegates undertook two-week-long negotiations at the UNFCCC Bonn Climate Change Conference. These meetings concerned the modalities of the newly instituted Loss and Damage (L&D) Fund and the provision of financial assistance to developing countries. In this piece, we reflect on the future interactions between the L&D Fund and litigations regarding L&D. We argue that these two phenomena must be seen as having a synergistic relation, effectively benefitting the Global South.
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26 June 2024
The Lighthouse of EU Law Shines on the Polish Constitutional Tribunal
Last week, legal scholars from all over the world met in Freiburg at the ConTrans conference. On the one end of the spectrum, scholars like Woijcech Sadurski advocated for a revolutionary approach, simply dismantling the current Tribunal and re-building it from scratch. On the other end stands Adam Bodnar, who stressed the importance of legality in the transition process. In my view, EU law shines a possible way ahead – it can justify disregarding the Tribunal’s decisions and empower ordinary courts to assume the Tribunal’s jurisdiction. Eventually, this would lead to a decentralised constitutional review.
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In Favour of the Hungarian Council Presidency
On the 1 July 2024, Hungary will start its second EU Council Presidency. In light of Hungary’s continuous breaches of the rule of law, questions have been posed whether the Presidency could be postponed or cancelled (also here). However, given the mere informal powers of the Presidency, I argue that the real damage is rather limited, especially because the Hungarian Presidency takes place just after the European elections. Finally, the Hungarian Presidency may even improve the connection of its citizens with the EU and show the best version of itself to the other Member States.
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Secret Campaigns and Masked Messages
Every election season in India reignites a familiar concern: the pervasive influence of financial resources on the democratic process. While the Election Commission of India, in conjunction with the judiciary and various state apparatuses, consistently underscores the link between monetary power and electoral outcomes, a significant loophole persists. This blogpost examines that loophole: the unchecked power of surrogate advertising on social media platforms and uncovers the systemic failures that enable political parties to exploit these gaps, perpetuating financial inequalities in the democratic process.
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25 June 2024
The Abrogation of Asylum
Migration and border control are amongst the most pressing topics throughout the regions in this global super-election year. How to tackle this issue seems to be the million-dollar question and the urgency of this topic seemingly has pushed President Joe Biden – who previously pledged to reverse restrictive migration policies – to drastic measures. After failed attempts to pass a bipartisan immigration deal earlier this year, Biden is now in a race with Republican candidate Donald Trump to show a “tough stand” on the matter while ignoring core refugee law principles and arguably with little lasting effects on numbers of arrivals at the southern border.
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24 June 2024
Toward a More Rigorous Mechanism for Resolving Legislative Conflicts
In December 2023, China’s national legislature, the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress (NPCSC), adopted the Decision on Improving and Strengthening the System of Recording and Review, a major bill aimed at reforming “recording and review” (R&R)—China’s system of parallel processes for resolving legislative conflicts. Under R&R, an enacting body—that is, a governmental body authorized to issue documents of a legislative nature—must file its legislation with the designated reviewing body for subsequent review. Some would give more teeth to the rectification process so that enacting bodies do not abuse the latitude they enjoy. How the new measures would work in practice and whether they would achieve the intended goals, however, remain to be seen.
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21 June 2024
Taiwan’s Constitutional Showdown
A stress test for Taiwan's democracy.
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Rule of Law Chickens Coming Home to Roost
Ongoing assaults by Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz administration on the rule of law in Hungary have produced manifold reactions, generally of depressingly limited effectiveness. Last week, on 13 June 2024, in Case C-123/22 European Commission v Hungary, the Court ordered a record lump sum payment of €200,000,000 and a penalty payment of €1,000,000 per day of delay until an earlier 2020 Court ruling is complied with. Hungary thus received a stinging reminder that the Court of Justice is not toothless when it comes to the rule of law.
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Austria‘s Action for Annulment
On 17 June, Austrian Minister for Climate Action and Environment Leonore Gewessler voted in favor of the Nature Restoration Law in the EU Council of Ministers. Although a seemingly unspectacular thing for a minister to do, this set off a political scandal and constitutional dispute in Austria. This blogpost examines whether one of the most ambitious pieces of EU environmental legislation could be struck down by the Austrian federalist system and an angry coalition partner within it. It argues that, given that this is essentially an internal national dispute, an action for annulment before the CJEU does not appear to be the appropriate legal remedy and is unlikely to succeed.
Continue reading >>20 June 2024
Downstream Emissions as Climate Impacts
In a 3-2 majority, the UK Supreme Court delivered a landmark ruling today, significantly impacting the consideration of climate impacts in the oil and gas licensing process. While the Government’s approach so far has been to only consider exploration and production emissions, the Court’s decision establishes that emissions resulting from burning the produced oil and gas (regardless of where it occurs) have to also be considered. The ruling is significant as it is the first highest court decision to adopt this interpretation on climate impacts of fossil fuel production. It will no doubt have a knock-on effect on at least three other cases pending before lower courts in the UK, and potentially affect cases both within and outside the European Union.
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The Emir Giveth, the Emir Taketh Away
Kuwait, a democratic outlier in a hopelessly authoritarian Gulf, is facing a constitutional crisis under its new Emir who is intolerant to his country’s never-ending political gridlocks. Over the next four years, expect a constitutional overhaul. Instead of emulating the Kais Saied model, which would scrap the entire democratic experiment, the new constitution should address the key flaws in a six-decade-old political system that has been plagued by persistent stalemates between the government and parliament.
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18 June 2024
A Constitutional Reform in Italy to the Detriment of Systemic Balance
In Italy, an important reform of the Italian constitution is underway: the introduction of direct elections for the head of government. This is to take place together with the election of both chambers of parliament. In addition, the composition of the two chambers is to be significantly influenced by a new "majority bonus" to be anchored in the constitution. By strengthening the power of the prime minister at the expense of guarantor functions of the head of State, Italy would therefore gain nothing in terms of democratic stability but would lose a great deal in terms of checks and balances in the political system.
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Eine Verfassungsreform in Italien zulasten systemischen Gleichgewichts
Italien diskutiert gerade eine wichtige Reform seiner Verfassung: die Einführung der Direktwahl des Regierungsoberhaupts. Sie soll zusammen mit der Wahl beiden Parlamentskammern stattfinden. Zusätzlich soll die Zusammensetzung der beiden Kammern mit einem in der Verfassung neu zu verankernden „Mehrheitsbonus“ maßgeblich beeinflusst werden. Mit einer Stärkung der Macht des Ministerpräsidenten zulasten staatsoberhäuptlicher Garantiefunktionen würde Italien also nichts an demokratischer Stabilität gewinnen, dafür aber vieles an Ausgewogenheit und checks and balances im politischen System verlieren.
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Eine neue Verfassungsordnung in Südafrika
Die Ära der absoluten Mehrheiten im demokratischen Südafrika ist vorbei. Nachdem der African National Congress sechs aufeinanderfolgende Wahlen über einen Zeitraum von 30 Jahren mit absoluter Mehrheit gewonnen hatte, erhielt die Partei am 29. Mai 2024 zum ersten Mal weniger als 50% der Stimmen. Der ANC bleibt stärkste Partei. Am Abend des 14. Juni wählte die südafrikanische Nationalversammlung den ANC-Parteichef Cyril Ramaphosa in seine zweite Amtszeit als Präsident des Landes. Doch Politik und Verfassungsstaatlichkeit in Südafrika haben sich fundamental geändert.
Continue reading >>A New Constitutional Order in South Africa
The dominant party era in democratic South Africa is over. After winning absolute majorities in six consecutive national elections spanning thirty years, on 29 May 2024 the African National Congress (ANC) fell below 50% of the vote for the first time. The ANC remains the largest party. On the evening of 14 June, the National Assembly elected ANC leader Cyril Ramaphosa for a second term as the country’s president. But South Africa politics, and its constitutionalism, have changed fundamentally.
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17 June 2024
Restitution durch Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit
Die Restitution nationalsozialistischer Raubkunst beschäftigt uns seit Jahrzehnten. Entgegen vieler Stimmen aus dem öffentlichen Recht liegen gegenwärtig im Feld der Restitution nationalsozialistischer Raubkunst die größten versöhnungspolitischen Chancen nicht darin, ein „Restitutionsgesetz“ anzustreben, sondern vielmehr darin, die bestehenden Möglichkeiten „privatautonomer“ Streitbeilegung durch Errichtung einer Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit auszuschöpfen.
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Louise Weiss
When you hear the name 'Louise Weiss', you may think of the European Parliament building in Strasbourg that bears her name, or of her election to the first European Parliament and her inaugural speech. What may not come to mind is the woman Louise Weiss herself and the outstanding achievements throughout her life. This brief profile is a reminder that she should be remembered for her tireless search for peace, her tireless fight for women's rights, her endless humanitarian work and for being truly 'European'.
Continue reading >>Why an EU Country under the Surveillance Procedure (Article 7.1 TEU) Should not Chair the Council Presidency
In accordance with the Council Decision on the exercise of the Presidency of the Council of the European Union, from July 1 of this year the office is to be held by Hungary. This occasion will mark the first time that the Presidency will have been held by a Member State that has been subject to the “surveillance” procedure in Article 7(1) of the Treaty on European Union, having been launched by the European Parliament in September 2018. It would now be both prudent and sensible for the Council to delay the Hungarian Presidency to such a time when the Article 7(1) TEU surveillance procedure will have been successfully concluded. Such a postponement should not be considered as a sanction against Hungary, but rather a simple precautionary measure to preserve the smooth functioning of the European Union.
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16 June 2024
‘Relevant Rules’ as Normative Environment
On 21 May 2024, the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) delivered its much anticipated Advisory Opinion on Climate Change. This post zeroes in on one particular interpretative issue, and its wider ramifications for the development of international law, namely the Tribunal’s approach to Article 31(3)(c) of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (VCLT) (which enshrines the principle of systemic integration) in connection with the interpretation of UNCLOS. Although ITLOS did not elaborate in detail on its approach, as can be seen from its entire analysis, the Tribunal has demonstrated a clear and principled choice with respect to the content and application of Article 31(3)(c) VCLT and its customary counterpart.
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14 June 2024
Art, Science, Research and Teaching Are Free
Bettina Stark-Watzinger and her "Year of Science 2024 - Freedom"
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Kunst, Wissenschaft, Forschung und Lehre sind frei
Bettina Stark-Watzinger und ihr "Wissenschaftsjahr 2024 - Freiheit"
Continue reading >>Without Fear or Favour
Germany, like any other State Party to the Rome Statute, would be obliged under international law, and would be capable under German law, to arrest any person against whom the ICC has issued an arrest warrant, be it President Putin or, in future, perhaps one of the Hamas leaders, Defence Minister Gallant or Prime Minister Netanyahu. The opposing view not only misrepresents the current state of international law, but it also contradicts the Nuremberg legacy, which must be upheld particularly by Germany.
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The Proposed Psychological Tests for Judges in Italy
The recent proposal to introduce psycho-academic tests for access to the judiciary, which in Italy includes both the careers of judge and public prosecutor, has sparked heated clashes and debates between state powers and legal practitioners. But what are the reasons behind this proposal and why is it causing such a stir?
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The Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive beyond Europe
The CSDDD is a game changer that forces a large number of European States to level the legislative landscape with regard to corporate responsibility for human rights and environmental impacts, as well as in relation to liability and access to justice. And yet, its reach throughout global “chains of activities” will most likely bring important hurdles for implementation including in relation to the scope of human rights covered in practice; the need for effective capacity-building in transnational chains of activities; the need for a more proactive dialogue and cooperation between the EU and other States; and last but not least, in ensuring consistency between the national implementation of the CSDDD and international and regional human rights obligations.
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13 June 2024
Reframing Harassment as Occupational Safety and Health Issue
In 2019, the International Labor Organization adopted the Convention No. 190 on Violence and Harassment at Work. The convention has been dubbed a milestone, since it implements a duty of each member state to address this topic through “an inclusive, integrated and gender-responsive approach”. This duty will apply to Germany from the 14th of June, when the convention enters into force. At the event of ratification, the German government expressed its opinion that “in order to meet the requirements of the Convention, no additions to national legislation are necessary.” We will demonstrate that this does not hold true.
Continue reading >>Voting for the Government-in-Exile
So far, democracy in Belarus has struggled to establish itself within the country. After the protest movement in 2020, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya went into exile where she and her supporters have been trying to penetrate the firm autocratic regime of Alexander Lukashenka. On June 8, the results of the elections for the Coordination Council – an exiled substitute assembly for the in situ Belarusian Parliament were announced. Less than 7,000 people participated in the vote. Despite the considerable efforts to mobilise the voters for the Coordination Council, the exiled opposition has failed to secure any meaningful turnout and thus its much-needed further democratic legitimacy.
Continue reading >>The EPPO as a Domesticated Cat
The European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO) has just celebrated the third anniversary of the start of its operations. “I am sure you will soon see [the EPPO] is anything but a ‘toothless tiger’”, said Laura Kövesi in an interview in 2021. Sadly, in Bulgaria, a country frequently shaken by scandals implicating abuses of EU funds and known for rampant corruption, the EPPO reminds of a domesticated rather than a fierce wild cat.
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Legitimizing Heresy through Law
In the heart of Europe, a troubling commemoration persists. On May 18, Croatia observed a remembrance day that honors the memory of those killed in Bleiburg in 1945 – a group that included members of the Ustasha movement, a Nazi collaborationist faction during WWII. Established by law, this memorial day controversially depicts Ustasha as fighters for Croatia’s freedom and independence. Such a narrative not only distorts historical facts but dishonors the memory of the victims of Ustasha atrocities. Additionally, it affirms values contrary to the country’s Constitution and fails to align with international standards on memorialization and the EU politics of memory.
Continue reading >>Between Continuity and a Perforated ‘Cordon Sanitaire’
Fears of a radical right-wing wave dominated the debates leading up to the European Parliament (EP) elections. As the final votes are tallied across the 27 EU Member States, it has become evident that the predictions of pre-election polls have partially come true: Far-right parties secured about a quarter of the popular vote. What are the implications? While the current results likely indicate by-and-large continuity in the European Parliament, including an ongoing shift to the right on contested issues such as migration or climate policy, they had heavily disruptive consequences on the national level, which in France has resulted in snap parliamentary elections. This will have pronounced impact on the balance of power in the (European) Council and on the EU as a whole.
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The Unintended Consequences of Mandatory Due Diligence
The EU Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) seeks improvements in companies’ societal impacts but carries risks of negative impacts, including on the developing countries where some supposed beneficiaries are located. Does the CSDDD recognise and mitigate such risks? The blog identifies provisions in the CSDDD that address the unintended consequences that mandatory human rights and environmental due diligence requirements might have in developing countries.
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12 June 2024
Two Steps Forward?
On May 25 2024 the Advocate General Nicholas Emiliou delivered his opinion in the Case C-406/22 CV v Ministerstvo vnitra České republiky, Odbor azylové a migrační politiky on several issues regarding the application of the safe country of origin (SCO) concept. The case could have significant impact on SCO policies of several EU Member States and the rights of refugees as it addresses the possibility of designating countries as safe with territorial exceptions as well as a more active approach to judicial review of SCO designations. If adopted by the CJEU, the AG’s suggestions could serve to enhance refugee protection, though the adoption of the Pact on Migration and Asylum might possibly counteract this.
Continue reading >>More of the same or true evolution?
While rights holders are not expressly mentioned as a group of stakeholders in CSDDD, the adoption of this important legislation creates a significant opportunity to involve rights holders to define how the content of the stand-alone article on stakeholder engagement can be filled with legal meaning by soliciting them directly.
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11 June 2024
Should a Convicted Felon be the Next President of the US?
On Thursday, May 30th, 2024, former President Trump was convicted in New York City by a jury of thirty-four criminal charges consisting of falsifying business records with the intend to deceive. Regardless of his tirade against the American legal system, he stands as a convicted felon unless he could prove otherwise on appeal. This is an unprecedented conviction. Mr. Trump is the first American president who has been criminally convicted. Lamentably, the republican establishment continues to stand by the former president and to question the legality of this trial thereby challenging the integrity of the rule of law.
Continue reading >>Nothing but your own Constitution?
The recent report on Germany by the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights following her visit in late 2023 records an alarming situation regarding social inequality in Germany. The document criticizes Germany for its approach to combat social inequality. Similarly harsh in tone reads the statement by the Federal Government on the Commissioner’s report, claiming the situation not to be as alarming as presented and the German law to have been misinterpreted. What’s it all about?
Continue reading >>Delegitimizing by Procrastinating
In countries where populist movements have garnered significant electoral support, their self-proclaimed role as the sole representatives of the true will of a unified people has led them to assert that their democratic legitimacy surpasses the technocratic authority of constitutional courts. The requirement of supermajorities in the election of Italy's constitutional judges has, in combination with a changed political landscape, led to political deadlocks, entailing the risk of jeopardizing the Court’s operability and partisanship-based appointments.
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10 June 2024
From Paper to Practice
The CSDDD requires companies to carry out due diligence on actual and potential human rights and environmental adverse impacts. This means companies have to identify harmful impacts in their value chains and take appropriate measures to prevent, mitigate, or bring them to an end. In this two-part blog post, we will look at which environmental impacts are covered by the CSDDD and how they are addressed. In this second part, we will discuss how the CSDDD negotiations influenced the design of its environmental provisions and identify missed opportunities. We will conclude by analysing what factors are important to ensure that transposition and implementation remain true to the CSDDD’s objectives.
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Waiting for Kinsa
On 18 June 2024, the Court of Justice of the European Union will sit as a Grand Chamber in a hearing addressing the compatibility of the so-called Facilitators Package with the principle of proportionality set out in the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights (CFR). The Kinsa case (previously named Kinshasa) provides an opportunity for the CJEU to counteract the trend towards overcriminalisation of humanitarian action that has taken hold across the EU. This blog highlights the ways in which the Facilitator Package fails to take account of important fundamental rights and why the criminalization of solidarity that it has facilitated is not an inevitability but a political choice.
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A High-Stakes Game
So it has happened: Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National (RN) received more than twice the votes of Macron’s Renaissance list in the European elections (31.4% vs. 14.6%). Following the results, Macron announced to dissolve parliament and call an early election. Judging by the immediate reactions on social media, Macron’s announcement shocked several commentators and the public. Yet, from the perspective of the 2027 presidential elections, the reasoning may not be as reckless as it seems. Macron’s calculation is based on the consideration that three more years of the current situation would make a Le Pen presidency highly likely in 2027.
Continue reading >>New Wine in Old Bottles
The CSDDD requires companies to carry out due diligence on actual and potential human rights and environmental adverse impacts. This means companies have to identify harmful impacts in their value chains and take appropriate measures to prevent, mitigate, or bring them to an end. In this two-part blog post, we will look at which environmental impacts are covered by the CSDDD and how they are addressed. Our intention is to provide a starting point for the debate by summarising the outcome of the legislative process, explaining how we got there, and offering some thoughts on where we might go next.
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07 June 2024
Hitting the Pause Button on the EU Project?
What is at stake in these elections.
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Towards Planetary Boundaries for Business?
While the material scope of the EU’s Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) fell behind civil society demands, it does mandate a degree of environmental due diligence that constitutes a tentative shift towards real corporate environmental accountability. Despite its conceptual restrictions, which are the result of a somewhat polarised legislative process, the CSDDD’s environmental annex provides a provision with potential for the protection of biological diversity: the reference to the Convention on Biological Diversity.
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More than a Sink
The difference between treating the oceans as a mere sink versus protecting them as a vital part of the environment has important implications under international law. These implications come to the fore when considering the relationship between the UNCLOS on the one hand and the UNFCCC and its Paris Agreement on the other. While the latter treaties in no way legitimize pollution of the marine environment, their focus on oceans as sinks could be misinterpreted to deprive UNCLOS and the customary rules it codifies of a meaningful role in addressing climate change.
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06 June 2024
Why Climate Science Matters for International Law
The International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) issued an advisory opinion on May 21, 2024 in response to a request submitted by the Commission of Small Island States on Climate Change and International Law (COSIS). While various aspects of the advisory opinion have already been discussed in this joint blog symposium, this post focuses on a feature of the opinion that has so far received little emphasis: the strong role of science. The scientific evidence presented by the tribunal provides a solid basis for its conclusions on State obligations to prevent, reduce, and control climate pollution.
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Militant Public Administration
An unprecedented scandal surrounding a Polish governmental fund established to aid crime victims highlights the role of civil servants in authoritarian state capture. The revelations surrounding the Justice Fund show broad levels of bureaucratic acquiescence with shocking abuses of power, and only belated effort to document and report these abuses. The Polish case shows it is time for a democratically militant public administration – the new vision of civil service better prepared to fend off authoritarian encroachment from elected politicians.
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05 June 2024
Trans Rights and Gender Recognition before the CJEU
On May 7, 2024, the Advocate General of the CJEU issued his Opinion on the Mirin case concerning the right to Legal Gender Recognition (LGR) for transgender persons. Yet, the solution offered by the AG deviates from the Court’s previous case-law on LGR, by making it about free movement rather than protection against discrimination, or fundamental rights. It also places the applicant, and those in a similar position, in an administrative situation that is defeating the very purpose of LGR – an issue that the AG himself acknowledges. A more satisfactory and ambitious alternative would instead be to frame the LGR as protected under the EU Charter.
Continue reading >>From Strasbourg to Luxembourg?
KlimaSeniorinnen has established a remedy which, in EU law, is not easy to locate and may actually be unavailable in light of restrictive CJEU case law. Whatever one’s views on this restrictive case law, it is a fact that the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights now obliges the CJEU to do as much as it can to accommodate the KlimaSeniorinnen remedy and to interpret the relevant TFEU provisions flexibly. One may assume that, sooner or later, the CJEU will be confronted with a KlimaSeniorinnen claim. If the CJEU were to declare such a claim inadmissible, it will put itself in the corner of courts refusing to engage with climate change policies. That would be unfortunate for a court that has long been at the forefront of legal progress.
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04 June 2024
Finding Light in Dark Places
Can the new advisory opinion interpreting the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) move us beyond the lethargy of unmet climate change policy needs? The International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea established the gravity of this question by stating that “climate change represents an existential threat and raises human rights concerns”. The Tribunal acted both boldly and conservatively by interpreting UNCLOS as an independent source of international legally binding obligations to address climate change and ocean acidification.
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03 June 2024
Soft law, hardcore?
Soft law offers the possibility of agile and flexible regulation that can adapt to dynamic digital developments. However, due to its non-binding nature, soft law is not considered to be very effective. With the Digital Services Act (DSA), however, the EU is taking an - at least from a legal dogmatic perspective - unconventional approach by combining hard and soft law in a unique way. The DSA itself is a legally binding EU regulation, but it provides for soft law instruments and even contains provisions for their legal enforcement. Although such regulatory techniques are well known in EU law, they at least call into question the public perception of the DSA as the ‘constitution of the internet’. How far-reaching can such a constitution be that outsources essential issues to (executive-initiated, privately set) soft law?
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Deepfakes, the Weaponisation of AI Against Women and Possible Solutions
In January 2024, social media platforms were flooded with intimate images of pop icon Taylor Swift, quickly reaching millions of users. However, the abusive content was not real; they were deepfakes – synthetic media generated by artificial intelligence (AI) to depict a person’s likeness. But the threat goes beyond celebrities. Virtually anyone (with women being disproportionately targeted) can be a victim of non-consensual intimate deepfakes (NCID). Albeit most agree that companies must be held accountable for disseminating potentially extremely harmful content like NCIDs, effective legal responsibility mechanisms remain elusive. This article proposes concrete changes to content moderation rules as well as enhanced liability for AI providers that enable such abusive content in the first place.
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01 June 2024
Dividing the Indivisible
The absence of a number of important human rights instruments from the EU’s Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive, notably for indigenous peoples’ and migrants’ rights, are serious omissions and must be rectified at the EU level during the first review of the directive. Given the status of the CSDDD as a directive, Member States also have the freedom to add these missing instruments during national transposition and should do so in order to further honour their commitments under the UNGPs.
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National Human Rights Institutions – Critical but, Overlooked Actors
National Human Rights Institutions are a critical but often overlooked actor in the context of the European Union’s Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive. As we enter the transposition and implementation phases, National Human Rights Institutions can leverage their unique mandate as human rights experts in their jurisdictions to act collectively and individually to ensure that transposition laws meet human rights standards for an effective implementation.
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30 May 2024
Follow Me to Unregulated Waters!
In this article, I will demonstrate how some major platforms are failing to properly implement the Digital Service Act's (DSA) rules on notice and action mechanisms. In my view, many platforms are unduly nudging potential notice-senders to submit weak, largely unregulated Community Standards flags. At the same time, platforms are actively deterring users from submitting (strong) notices regulated under the DSA.
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A Comparative Analysis between the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive and the French and German Legislation
This blog post offers an initial comparative glimpse of the most important changes that the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) will bring for the respective mandatory human rights and environmental (HREDD) legislation in Germany and France. While both the French Duty of Vigilance Law and the German Supply Chain Act already require effective HREDD, the CSDDD goes a long way in strengthening the requirements and bringing them more in line with international standards.
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29 May 2024
The Electoral Reform in New Caledonia as a Blessing in Disguise
The constitutional amendment recently examined by the French Parliament would allow French citizens, residing in New Caledonia for at least ten years, to take part in local elections. Prompted by President Macron, this electoral reform has led to massive riots in recent weeks involving supporters and opponents of independence for this territory of the French Republic. Local representatives fear that this reform will place the Kanak – the archipelago’s autochthonous people – in an even more inferior position vis-à-vis loyalist militants. Nevertheless, this reform should guarantee better representation of the population of New Caledonia and thereby guarantee the right to vote more widely, in line with the democratic principles of the French Republic.
Continue reading >>Administrative Enforcement of Corporate Human Rights Due Diligence Legislation
Mandatory human rights and environmental due diligence legislation such as the new EU’s Directive on Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence (CSDDD) have received praise and critique in practice and scholarship. This contribution assesses the regime of administrative enforcement contained in the CSDDD and asks if it meets the standards of effective remedy.
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ITLOS and the importance of (getting) external rules (right) in interpreting UNCLOS
The Advisory Opinion handed down by the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) on 21 May 2024 is truly remarkable. However, while ITLOS succeeded in noting the relevance of many other treaties and customary norms in international law, it fell short of a comprehensive and consistent approach to determining which other treaty norms would be relevant to the interpretation of UNCLOS and how. Establishing coherence by “taking into account external rules” means more than a general reference or a pick-and-choose approach to some relevant norms in an external treaty, while not to others.
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On Kanaks and Caldoches
Over the past week, the French electoral reform in New Caledonia precipitated into violent unrest. Although the French government lifted the state of emergency on Tuesday morning, in an attempt to initiate a process of de-escalation and to renew the dialogue with the independence movement, the reform will eventually move forward. Henceforth, France will further entrench its influence in the South Pacific and effectively deny the Kanak people to achieve their desired self-determination.
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Untying the Gordian Knot
Much like Alexander the Great’s “untying” of the mythical Gordian Knot in ancient Persia, tracking defamation litigation in this year’s US Presidential election season would appear to not only require formal legal training, but resort to some fairly unconventional tactics. But rather than slicing the metaphorical knot with brute force (as legend has it), this article shines a modest but revealing light on the history and principles of US defamation law to assist foreign jurists with its many technicalities and often perplexing uses.
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28 May 2024
The Unbearable Lightness of Interfering with the Right to Privacy
The European Court of Justice has once again ruled on national data retention laws. In La Quadrature du Net II, the full court allowed the indiscriminate retention of IP addresses for the purpose of fighting copyright infringement. It seems that the Court is slowly but surely abandoning its role as guardian of the right to privacy, as it now allows member states to collect vast amounts of data on their citizens in order to solve even the most minor of crimes.
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Conditions of Corporate Civil Liability in the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive
The civil liability provision of the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) in Article 29 has been highly debated during the entire drafting and negotiation process of the Directive, but it held on. Where harm occurs, will Article 29 CSDDD fulfill its function to provide a right to remedy for the affected individuals and legal clarity for the companies at the same time?
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27 May 2024
Access to Supply Chain Justice?
One of the novel features of the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive is a private law liability for damages caused upstream in the supply chain. However, liability under substantive law is worthless without procedural rules that allow for its enforcement. Within the context of supply chain liability there are at least two major procedural problems. First, victims affected by supply chain mishandlings might be unable to afford proceedings in Europe. Second, proving that a company has not exercised a sufficient level of diligence can be difficult. Art. 29 para. 3 CSDDD seeks to address those issues.
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A Small But Important Step
While no advisory opinion can solve the climate crisis, the ITLOS decision does provide an important push for action, both globally and at the national level. It cleared the way for the ICJ’s forthcoming opinion on climate change, demonstrating how a clear and solid line of arguments can be developed. Although the ICJ may decide differently due to variations in the questions posed and treaties interpreted, it is unlikely to diverge significantly from the ITLOS narrative or reject its findings on related topics.
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25 May 2024
Consensus, at what Cost?
After four applications for provisional measures, three sets of formal orders and two rounds of oral hearings, on Friday night, the International Court of Justice in South Africa v. Israel delivered a long-awaited Order. It is, to be frank, most unsatisfactory. While the Court is known for its “Solomonic” decisions, which try to give each party a little of what they asked for at times to no one’s satisfaction, this is not a maritime boundary delimitation where equidistance can be imposed in pursuit of impartiality.
Continue reading >>Harmonization Pains but Stakeholders’ Gain
The Article 13 EU Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive is home of the meaningful engagement provision. It is significantly more robust than similar provisions in national due diligence legislation in France, Germany and Norway. Despite the fact that a number of differences between EU CSDDD and these national laws is likely to give rise to some “harmonization pains”, one silver lining exists: stakeholders gain some leverage.
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The ITLOS Advisory Opinion and Marine Geoengineering
The ITLOS advisory opinion does little to resolve the long-standing uncertainty regarding the legal status of marine geoengineering activities. On the contrary, the opinion raises more questions than it answers. ITLOS seems content to leave those questions to others. Indeed, in the advisory opinion, ITLOS noted that “marine geoengineering has been the subject of discussions and regulations in various fora,” including the London Convention and Protocol. But after nearly twenty years, the regulatory framework for marine geoengineering adopted by the parties to the London Convention and Protocol is still not, strictly speaking, legally binding. Perhaps the advisory opinion will spur the parties into action.
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24 May 2024
Unboxing the New EU Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive
There is a lot to unpack in the now final text of the Directive. The German Institute for Human Rights offers initial analysis in this blog symposium, which starts with this contribution. The contributions engage with the final text of the Directive and give some initial guidance for interpretation and transposition requirements. Topics covered include a critical reflection on the neo-colonial context of the the law-making process, access to justice and administrative supervision measures for rightsholders, the scope of human and environmental rights that are covered by the Directive as well as the transposition phase with comparative analysis in the context of existing national due diligence legislation, its extraterritorial reach and the involvement of National Human Rights Institutions.
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The East German Gap
Reflecting on guiding principles and content, history and practice.
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A Collision Foretold
On 16 May, four Dutch parties presented a new governing agreement (Agreement). The four parties PVV, VVD, NSC, and BBB will form one of the most right-wing governments in Dutch history. They vow to impose the strictest migration policy to date. The proposed migration measures under the Agreement endanger the fundamental rights of migrants and people applying for international protection. The plan also put the Netherlands on a collision course with the EU as many of the measures are contrary to the provisions in the EU Migration Pact, which was adopted last week.
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After Switzerland Comes Austria
The KlimaSeniorinnen judgment of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has been the subject of intense debate for several weeks. One focus was on the question of standing, i.e., who can bring a lawsuit connected to climate change and human rights before the ECtHR. However, less attention has been paid to the question of the impact of the judgment on currently pending climate change cases before the ECtHR. This blog post sheds light on “climate change case number four”, a case against Austria primarily challenging the shortcomings of the Austrian Climate Protection Act.
Continue reading >>Unlocking UNCLOS
By advancing a more holistic vision of climate-relevant international law—one that seeks to harmonise but also allow for complementary interaction amongst the obligations set under different regimes—the ITLOS advisory opinion offers hope. It holds out the promise of a synergistic international legal response to climate change that better maps to the integrated and interconnected nature the ecosystems at stake and to the multi-pronged regulatory effort that will be needed to safeguard our climate system.
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23 May 2024
On Rebuilding and … Keeping the Rule of Law
When I think about the challenge of rebuilding the rule of law in Poland after years filled with unimaginably lawless legal and factual acts and hateful words tearing the Polish Constitution to shreds and offering adequate recipes, the starting point is framing the discussion. A correct description of the starting point determines the route and provides the background against which one can evaluate more detailed legislative choices made along the way. The route must be determined by “fidelity to the Constitution”. Finally, our avowed destination must be framed in clear terms as restoring the meaning and respect to the basic elements of the Polish legal order. I argue that the latter must become the new narrative of lawyers, politicians and citizens alike if we are to succeed.
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Nigeria as a Safe Country of Origin?
On May 7th 2024 Italy updated its list of safe countries of origin (SCO) for the second time after the introduction of the notion in the national legal system in 2019. Notably, the latest update retained the most contentious addition to the list from last year, Nigeria. Until then, only Cyprus considered Nigeria as generally safe. The legal issues underlying this designation illustrate how country of origin information (COI), largely provided to Member States by the European Union Agency for Asylum (EUAA), is (mis)used to produce policy-based evidence rather than evidence-based policies.
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Elisabeth Selbert
Dr. Elisabeth Selbert, who took her A levels in self-study and completed her law degree in six semesters, did her doctorate – ahead of her time – on the principle of irretrievable breakdown of marriage. As a member of the Parliamentary Council, she was one of the four ‘mothers’ of the German Constitution. The inclusion of ‘Men and women shall have equal rights’ in Art. 3 (2) of the Basic Law (‘Grundgesetz’) is her merit. On the occasion of the 75th anniversary of the ‘Grundgesetz’, this contribution aims to portray her life, achievements and impact in a short profile.
Continue reading >>22 May 2024
The ITLOS Advisory Opinion on Climate Change
On May 21, 2024, the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) delivered a long-awaited Advisory Opinion on climate change and international law. This marks the first time that an international tribunal has issued an advisory opinion on State obligations regarding climate change mitigation. The Advisory Opinion addresses several key questions regarding application of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) in the context of climate change. There is much to explore in terms of both the content of the ITLOS advisory opinion and its potential implications for global, regional, and local efforts to combat climate change. To facilitate discussion and the exchange of ideas, the Sabin Center's Climate Law Blog and Verfassungsblog are partnering on a blog symposium on the ITLOS opinion. In this first, introductory blog, we outline the background to the advisory opinion and highlight some of the key takeaways from it.
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19 May 2024
Immanuel Kant’s 300th Birthday, Human Dignity, and the German Constitution
Immanuel Kant, born on April 22, 1724, would have celebrated his 300th birthday this year. And the German Constitution, the Basic Law (Grundgesetz) turns 75 years old in a few weeks. What do these two mean to each other? What does Kant's philosophy have to do with the Basic Law?
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16 May 2024
Gaza, Artificial Intelligence, and Kill Lists
The Israeli army has developed an artificial intelligence-based system called “Lavender”. This approach promises faster and more accurate targeting; however, human rights organizations such as Human Rights Watch (HRW) and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) have warned of deficits in responsibility for violations of International Humanitarian Law (IHL). In the following, we will examine these concerns and show how responsibility for violations of IHL remains attributable to a state that uses automated or semi-automated systems in warfare.
Continue reading >>Litigating the EU-Turkey Deal
Earlier this year three Dutch NGOs sued the Netherlands for approving and carrying out the EU-Turkey deal. They argue that the Dutch government should be held responsible for the dire conditions under which asylum seekers have been held under on Greek islands since the deal has been concluded, which have repeatedly been found to violate human rights. In this blog, I sketch the context of litigation surrounding the EU-Turkey deal which has driven the NGOs to sue in the Dutch national legal system and explain the promise and pitfalls of the rise of strategic litigation in the sphere of migration and asylum law.
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Upgrading Environmental Rights
In Community of La Oroya v. Peru the IACtHR for the first time found a violation of the autonomous right to a healthy environment in a non-indigenous context related to the long-lasting environmental contamination of a community by toxic substances. La Oroya lays foundational principles that will likely shape the content and direction of environmental and climate change litigation and jurisprudence in the Americas. This historic judgment provides a robust basis for anticipating how the Court will handle the specification of environmental rights within the climate emergency and how it may accordingly inform States’ human rights obligations.
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La Oroya and Inter-American Innovations on the Right to a Healthy Environment
In La Oroya v. Peru, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights declared Peru responsible for violating several rights, including the right to a healthy environment, due to the environmental degradation and health crises in La Oroya—one of the world’s most polluted cities. Regarding the right to a healthy environment, the Court addresses for the first time pollution in air, water, and soil—marking a departure from previous cases that primarily focused on communal property rights and deforestation—and even goes as far as to refer to the right to a healthy environment as jus cogens. Such innovations would have not been possible without the ever-expanding horizon of Inter-American case law and approaches.
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15 May 2024
What Does the European Court of Human Rights’ First Climate Change Decision Mean for Climate Policy?
On 9 April the European Court of Human Rights issued its first ever comprehensive decision in a climate litigation case. The ECtHR has set out clear directions for member states to follow to align their climate policies with human rights obligations. Domestic legislators across Europe must give these requirements serious consideration to ensure their climate laws not only meet these minimum standards but also effectively contribute to global climate goals. This is imperative for both environmental sustainability and the protection of fundamental human rights that climate change is affecting.
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The New Transgender Ruling in Czechia
In a recent decision in the case of N.G. (Pl. ÚS 52/23), the Czech Constitutional Court (CCC) addressed the pressing issue of trans persons’ rights, more specifically the requirements for legal gender reassignment, involving (often involuntary) sterilisation and castration. When compared to the earlier decision in T.H. (Pl. ÚS 2/20), the new ruling represents a major shift. In fact, the CCC changed its legal position by 180 degrees, giving preference to protecting individual rights over deferring to the legislator’s choices.
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14 May 2024
Bend it like Britain?
After months of parliamentary ping-pong, the UK Parliament passed the “Safety of Rwanda (Asylum and Immigration) Act” in late April. Not even two weeks later, 66 persons were detained to be deported to Rwanda, and the FDA launched an unprecedented legal action before the High Court, claiming the Act conflicts with the Civil Service Code obligation to “uphold the rule of law and administration of justice.” By seeking to avoid the prohibition of refoulement, the Act undermines both core principles of the rule of law and disapplies fundamental human rights protections. This blog post discusses key provisions of the new Act, the concerns they raise and some remaining avenues for legal challenges.
Continue reading >>A “Me too” Movement in the Equestrian Arena?
“Never look a gift horse in the mouth” is a well-known saying, yet the proverb might recently have gained new meaning. Just before the recent World Cup finals in dressage and show jumping in Riyad, there were reports about horses with blue tongues in the dressage sport. These non-human athletes did not get enough air, presumably due to overly tight bridles and excessive pressure applied by their riders. Currently, animal protection is not sufficiently harmonized and enforced in the EU, but there are reasons to be hopeful. The EU should take the lead and require member States to implement comprehensive animal protection systems.
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Climate, Constitution and Party Politics
Recent developments in Scotland in relation to climate targets have presented interesting questions for both constitutional and climate law. After proudly announcing itself as a nation with world-leading targets for reducing greenhouse gas emissions and giving these legally binding status, now that it has been realised that the 2030 target will not be reached, that target has been abandoned. In turn, this has been the catalyst for the break-up of the two-party arrangement that supported the government and the resignation of the First Minister who faced losing a vote of confidence.
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13 May 2024
Challenges to Georgia’s EU Integration: Is the Georgian ‘Russian Law 2.0’ contrary to the Georgian Constitution?
The so-called Euro-Atlantic provisions have been inserted into the Georgian constitution in 2018 and aim “to ensure the full integration of Georgia into the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization“. The Georgian draft law ‘On Transparency of Foreign Influence’, the so-called ‘Russian Law 2.0’, is likely to be contrary to those Euro-Atlantic provisions in the Georgian Constitution. Georgia has EU candidate status since late 2023. According to statements by EU representatives, the law is incompatible with Georgia’s EU aspirations. If the law is passed by Parliament, despite ongoing pro-Western protests in the streets of Tbilisi, it remains to be seen what the constitutional Court will make of it, and whether Russian influence can be contained by the Court, which is itself, under pro-Russian political influence.
Continue reading >>The Autocratic Party-Structure of PiS
Political parties are the heart of every parliamentary democracy. This post aims to explore what categorises political party-structure as autocratic and postulates a reform of political parties in Poland as partially inspired by German legal solutions. Namely, the main executive body of the party must consist of at least three members elected no less frequently than every two years. Furthermore, all party members must be allowed to propose electoral candidates. Finally, decisions on party offices and electoral nominations must be carried out by a secret ballot.
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12 May 2024
Bertha Maria Júlia Lutz
Bertha Maria Júlia Lutz was an acknowledged scientist, a women’s rights activist, a politician, and a diplomat. Mostly known for being one of four women to sign the United Nations Charter in 1945 and assuring the inclusion of the rights of women in its preamble, she also played a vital role in attaining women’s suffrage in Brazil.
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10 May 2024
On the border, the war is relatively close
500 meters away from Poland.
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Legalising Illegality
Following Russia’s on-going facilitation of migrants to the Finnish border since last fall, Finland’s newly formed right-wing coalition government has closed the eastern land border indefinitely on 4 April 2024. Worried that this step will not be enough to ensure national security, the government is finalising a Draft Act on Temporary Measures to Combat Instrumentalised Migration, currently under revision.The draft bill allows for pushbacks in violation of non-refoulement and openly admits a conflict with Finland’s human rights obligations, EU law and own constitutional system, which is unusual. The unprecedented nature of the proposed measures is particularly worrying given that the Act appears unlikely to effectively address the essentially political problem that “migrant instrumentalisation” poses.
Continue reading >>Reparation for Climate Change at the ECtHR
The recent rulings on climate change by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) are—as others have pointed out in this blog symposium—both “historic and unprecedented” for various reasons, not least regarding the question of reparation for climate change-related harm. While redress is a pivotal question to think through in relation to climate change, it has, somewhat surprisingly, received less attention from scholars and has not yet been directly addressed by international courts and tribunals. In this regard, Verein KlimaSeniorinnen Schweiz and Others v. Switzerland might be considered a missed opportunity on the part of the ECtHR.
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09 May 2024
Not a Disaster, but a Missed Opportunity
Following lengthy negotiations within Germany’s coalition government, on 26 April 2024, the Bundestag passed an amendment to the Federal Climate Protection Act. One part of the amendment in particular has drawn sharp criticism from environmental NGOs, experts, and commentators: the abolition of annual, sector-based targets for greenhouse gas emissions reduction, which form the basis of the obligation for ministries to submit ‘immediate action programmes’ (Sofortprogramme). We argue that many critics overestimated the effectiveness of the Sofortprogramm mechanism, as enshrined in the original version of the KSG, in enforcing Germany's ambitious climate targets. Instead, we must realistically assess the potential, and limits, of institutional design to deliver ambitious climate policy.
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KlimaSeniorinnen and Gender
This blog post discusses the relevance of the KlimaSeniorinnen case to the discussion of vulnerability and intersectional gender in climate litigation. To date, very few climate cases have addressed the gendered dimensions of climate change and there was some hope that this case would. However, as this post argues, despite the fact that KlimaSeniorinnen is a case about the impacts of climate change on elderly women, the Court fails to meaningfully engage with gender as a determinant of the harms suffered by individuals. Gender remains an overlooked issue in climate litigation.
Continue reading >>07 May 2024
The Genre-Bending of Climate Litigation in India
In a widely acclaimed judgment, India recently saw its first climate ruling issued by the Supreme Court. The Court derived the right to be free from the adverse effects of climate change from Article 21 and Article 14 of the Constitution. The ruling of the Supreme Court has been classified in this blog as an important step in connecting human rights and climate change. In this blog post, I offer another overarching route that cases connected to climate change in India have taken, which is genre-bending in that they use environmental litigation as the pathway to also address climate change.
Continue reading >>Unboxing the EU Body for Ethical Standards
The creation of a dedicated EU Body for Ethical Standards carries the potential to mark a qualitative difference in the development of the EU ethics system as we know it. The contributions shows the strengths and looming pitfalls of the new Body.
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KlimaSeniorinnen and the Question(s) of Causation
In Verein Klimaseniorinnen Schweiz and Others v Switzerland, the European Court of Human Rights makes many general statements about the nature of climate change and different actors’ roles in addressing it. Many points have been addressed in this blog symposium. In my blog post, I turn to a more technical aspect of the judgment, namely the question of causation. I will untangle the analytical gymnastics that the Court performs regarding this question. I will argue that the reasoning regarding causation is confusing and that it is not clear how specifically the ‘real prospect’ test is applied for finding a breach.
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3½ Myths about EU law on Citizenship for Sale
The sale of national and European Union citizenship understandably remains highly controversial. It seems arbitrary, perhaps even abject, to grant nationality in exchange for a monetary investment, when most people must wait years and overcome considerable hurdles before they can naturalize. As evidenced by three recent posts on the Verfassungsblog by Joseph H.H. Weiler, Merijn Chamon, and Lorin-Johannes Wagner, this question continues to divide EU law scholars. It is also a question that is still plagued by several myths about how EU law and, relatedly, international law, apply to CBI practices. This post discusses 3½ such myths.
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The EU Association Agreement with Andorra and San Marino
On 26 April 2024, the European Commission put forward a proposal for the Council to conclude the Association Agreement (AA) between the European Union and Andorra and San Marino. The AA with Andorra and San Marino goes another step further and introduces in an unprecedented manner the supervision and jurisdiction of the European Commission and the Court of Justice (CJEU) in the context of an association agreement. Accordingly, the Union may now have fully exhausted its association competence when it comes to the depth of integration it may offer third countries.
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06 May 2024
Unconstitutionality à l’Anglaise
After long and tortuous proceedings in Parliament, the Safety of Rwanda (Asylum and Immigration) Act 2024 finally received Royal Assent on Thursday 25 April. There are so many problems with the Act and they are so fundamental that there has been speculation that the courts might refuse to apply some of the Act’s provisions. In this blogpost, I suggest that aside from the ‘hard-line’ approach of striking down or disapplying the statute in whole or in part, the courts also have a ‘soft-line’ option of declaring its unconstitutionality without denying its status as binding law. I explain how such an intervention might fit into the constitutional tradition of the UK and what may make it attractive in the case at hand.
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The Reform of the EU Fiscal Rules
The reform of European economic governance has been in the air for quite some time, but it was not until 2023 that the Commission put forward the most substantial development since the Maastricht Treaty. In April 2024, the European Parliament, along with the Council, approved all three legislative proposals. These measures strengthen European economic security by protecting the sustainability of the Union's debt. Without examining the legislations’ details, this blog post reveals a propensity within EU economic governance towards neo-protectionism of the EU’s financial interests.
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04 May 2024
The Battle for Immunity
The International Law Commission is preparing to continue discussions on Draft Articles on the Immunity of State Officials from foreign criminal jurisdiction at its forthcoming 75th summer session. This article focuses on two issues: the scope of immunity and its exceptions. These issues, which are widely discussed internationally, are far from being resolved. In this state of flux, a common ground is needed to move forward, which I try to outline in this blog post.
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03 May 2024
From Gaza to Manhattan and Back
The real protectors of the universities.
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Why Europe Needs a Harmonised Access to Information Act
May the 3rd marks press freedom day around the world. Today, many articles and editorials will be published across Europe, highlighting the need to put an end to threats faced by journalists in Member States. While all these pan-European threats certainly need to be tackled, one fundamental pan-European crisis faced by journalists across the continent remains widely ignored: the difficulties to access information held by public authorities and the disparities among Member States when requesting data. This article aims to review the current situation of the right to request information from public bodies in EU Member States and offers a proposal that opens the door to discussing the possibility of harmonising such a right through the internal market competence.
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A Human Right to Climate Protection as “Life-Saving Treatment”?
Manuela Niehaus defends the human rights-based climate jurisprudence - especially of the ECtHR - against my criticism. It is not "Homeophatic Globules for Environmental Lawyers", but a potentially life-saving medicine that - in combination with other means - can make a significant contribution to climate protection.
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The UK Parliament, the UK-Rwanda Agreement and the CPTPP
On April 1, 2024, the Ponsonby Rule, the constitutional convention that set the standard for Parliament’s role in how the UK makes treaties, turned 100. But the procedure for Parliament’s involvement in treaty-making is no longer fit for purpose. As the UK-Rwanda and CPTPPP Agreements show, the UK Parliament’s role in treaty-making must be reformed. In particular, the House of Commons must obtain the power to have a formal vote on international agreements before they can become binding on the UK.
Continue reading >>02 May 2024
China’s Memory Laws
The study of ‘memory laws’ has seen a spectacular rise in recent years as governments worldwide are reverting to formal legislation to shape and secure their preferred historical discourses and outlaw narratives subverting these. Despite the increasingly global nature of this phenomenon, this budding scholarly genre has remained largely preoccupied with developments in Europe. Until very recently, Chinese memory laws have been overlooked in these discussions. It is time to start paying attention to them.
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Why the Provisional Measures Order in Nicaragua v. Germany severely limits Germany’s ability to transfer arms to Israel
In an application before the International Court of Justice brought by Nicaragua against Germany, Nicaragua requested that the ICJ indicate provisional measures as a matter of extreme urgency with respect to Germany’s ‘participation in the ongoing plausible genocide and serious breaches of international humanitarian law and other peremptory norms of general international law occurring in the Gaza Strip’. While Nicaragua did not get any of the provisional measures requested, the request for provisional measures may nevertheless have achieved its aim of preventing Germany from providing arms to Israel for use in the Gaza Strip.
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Ten Commandments to Stifle Academic Freedom
Since 2010, the beginning of the populist takeover and the authoritarian transition, Hungary has gathered a lot of experience on how to dismantle academic freedom. This knowledge can be useful for other autocrats as well. But even if we don’t want to give them tips on how to repeat what happened and is happening in this country, it might still be worth reconstructing how it all took place. This can be especially useful for calculating what to expect from autocrats and preparing how to defend against them.
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01 May 2024
Nicaragua Comes Up Empty
On 30 April 2024, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) rejected a request by Nicaragua for the indication of provisional measures in connection with claims relating to Germany’s support for Israel in the ongoing Gaza conflict. In a terse, sparsely-reasoned decision, the Court decided 15-1 that the circumstances were ‘not such as to require the exercise of its power under Article 41 of the Statute to indicate provisional measures’. While this outcome was not necessarily surprising to those who had followed the proceedings, the Court’s approach—in which it declined to address the usual requirements for the indication of provisional measures—was unusual.
Continue reading >>International Trade and “Embedded Emissions” after KlimaSeniorinnen
A key and underrated aspect of the recent triad of climate rulings of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) is that the ECtHR has brought to the fore the role of trade-related greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions in states’ carbon footprints. While most international climate agreements focus on the reduction of domestic GHG emissions, in the Verein KlimaSeniorinnen Schweiz and Others v. Switzerland Judgment (KlimaSeniorinnen), the ECtHR found ‘attributable’ to Switzerland the GHG emissions taking place abroad, ‘embedded’ into goods (and possibly services) ‘consumed’ in Switzerland. As I will argue, the ruling appears to require Switzerland to adopt a climate-oriented trade policy.
Continue reading >>Globules or Life-Saving Treatment after all? On the Effect of Climate Lawsuits
In her response to the post by Bernhard Wegener, who criticizes climate lawsuits as ineffective globules, Manuela Niehaus illustrates the effect of climate lawsuits. She argues that not everything that tastes sweet is just ineffective homeopathy.
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30 April 2024
Chaos, Verwirrung und republikanischer Kurswechsel
Das US-amerikanische Abtreibungsrecht ist schwer nachvollziehbar – für Schwangere, für Ärzt:innen, und auch für außenstehende Beobachter, die verstehen wollen, wie Abtreibung mit den Präsidentschaftswahlen 2024 verstrickt ist. Die Geschichte ist kompliziert, dynamisch und noch nicht vorbei. Eine Warnung in den Worten von Bette Davis: “Fasten your seatbelts; it’s going to be a bumpy night”.
Continue reading >>Separation of Powers and KlimaSeniorinnen
Especially in Switzerland, the KlimaSeniorinnen ruling has been met with sharp criticism. The rightwing Swiss People’s party (Schweizerische Volkspartei, SVP) (predictably) accused the Court of judicial overreach and demanded that Switzerland leave the Council of Europe. The ECtHR decision directly addresses separation of powers and the role of the judiciary in adjudicating human rights, specifically in the context of climate change. This post unpacks the decision and argues that concerns about ECtHR overreach are unwarranted. It shows how the judgment forms an integral part of democratic governance (particularly in Switzerland) whilst being conducive to better laws and policies.
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29 April 2024
Chaos, Confusion and Republican Change-Up
Grasping the rules for getting an abortion in the American states is no easy matter for pregnant women, for abortion doctors, or for outside observers trying to understand how deeply entangled abortion is with the 2024 Presidential Election in November. The story is complicated, fast-moving, and not over yet. As Bette Davis warned her party guests, “Fasten your seatbelts; it’s going to be a bumpy night”.
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Rebuilding the Rule of Law
The victory of the opposition in the parliamentary elections in Poland in 2023 followed by the formation of a coalition government paved the way for the rebuilding of the rule of law after a period of its systematic violation during the 8-year rule of PiS. The first four months of the new government have already shown that this process will not be easy. However, certain actions aimed at rebuilding the violated standards have already been taken. Three goals and values should be among the guiding principles in the process of rebuilding the rule of law in Poland: legalism, legal certainty, and building citizens' trust in public institutions.
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The Enemy Within
Naivety persists when it comes to understanding the scope of the hybrid war that Russia is currently waging against us, with the role played by the Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban being a good example. European diplomats, politicians and commentators continue to underestimate the security risk that he poses as Putin's willing puppet. As a result, they are right now sleepwalking into what will likely be a disastrous Hungarian EU Presidency, not only for the Union itself but also for Ukraine.
Continue reading >>The European Court of Human Rights’ April 9 Climate Rulings and the Future (Thereof)
By recognizing the responsibility they have toward future individuals who will be standing in their shoes, current decision-makers are encouraged to adopt long-term perspectives and consider the broader implications of their actions beyond the immediate. This responsibility is echoed in numerous statements by the ECtHR in its rulings about how it understands its own role in European society and the world, and about the deference it believes it owes to domestic decision-makers on the one hand, and to its own past and future work on the other hand. In this light, the ECtHR has struck a pragmatic yet slightly cynical balance between the great demands it was faced with and the great responsibilities it owes to European citizens, to other institutions, and to itself.
Continue reading >>Overcoming Big Tech AI Merger Evasions: Innovating EU Competition Law through the AI Act
To develop AI, computing power and access to data (aka bigness) are crucial. Now, Big Tech companies appear evading EU competition law. Companies like Google and Microsoft evade the EU Merger Regulation by entering partnerships with smaller AI labs that fall short of shifting ownership but nevertheless increase the monopolistic power of Big Tech. These quasi-mergers are particularly problematic in the context of generative AI, which relies even more than many other services on incredibly vast computing power. That is a dire state from an economic as well as a more fundamental and democratic perspective, as concentrating economic might in the hands of very few companies may cause problems down the road.
Continue reading >>28 April 2024
Uniting the Indian Opposition
More than 35 parties have come together to form a big-tent united opposition bloc called the ‘Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance’ (“INDIA”) to jointly fight the BJP in the 2024 General Elections. They believe that if the opposition could field a single common candidate against every BJP candidate, they could potentially defeat the BJP or at least challenge its ambitious goal of winning a supermajority. The strategy of uniting the opposition against an electorally strong and populist leader is not uncommon, both for India and globally. In the following paragraphs, I’ll discuss how this strategy has played out in the recent past and what lessons INDIA could learn from such a global experience.
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26 April 2024
Unfree, Unfair, and Insecure
It is essential to recognize that elections encompass more than just the act of casting votes on election day.
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Long Live Nottebohm
Next year, Nottebohm will be turning 70. Only very recently, Weiler, on this blog, made the point that the argument of a genuine link – underpinning the case of the Commission against the Maltese golden passport scheme – is unconvincing and rests on a “tendentious reading of Nottebohm”. Yet, in Commission v Malta, the CJEU may well reinvigorate a European debate about the genuine links that bind us. I, for once, would argue it is high time to make the point that nationality is not just anything a State makes of it.
Continue reading >>Who is afraid of actio popularis?
If, as the German experience suggests, the actio popularis exclusion serves to bar individuals from invoking objective illegality that does not concern rights, while standing of associations is a way to enforce objective legality despite the actio popularis exclusion, it is hard to see why this should have any relevance for the European Convention of Human Rights. Human rights are, after all, rights.
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25 April 2024
The Paris Effect
The judgment of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in the case Verein KlimaSeniorinnen v. Switzerland is a striking example of the Paris effect: the influence of the non-binding collective goals of the Paris Agreement (PA) on the interpretation of domestic constitutional law or international human rights law in climate litigation. The Court’s decision proves to be an essential element in triggering the necessary democratic debates on which the PA relies “from the bottom up”. Reinforcing the procedural limb of Art. 8 ECHR will be an essential step towards further strengthening democratic decision-making in the societal transition to climate neutrality.
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India’s New Constitutional Climate Right
The Supreme Court of India delivered a historic judgement on climate change and human rights in M.K. Ranjitsinh and Others v. Union of India and Others (hereinafter “M.K. Ranjitsinh”) on March 21, 2024. A three-judge bench of the Supreme Court, led by Chief Justice, D.Y. Chandrachud, formulated a new constitutional right to be free from the adverse effects of climate change by drawing upon Article 21 (the fundamental right to life and personal liberty) and Article 14 (the fundamental right to equality) of the Indian Constitution. The final judgement is a remarkable development for the evolution of constitutional climate litigation in India
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24 April 2024
The Ball is in the Game
In 2017 strategic lawsuits against public participation (SLAPPs) became an important topic on the EU level. As a result, the EU adopted the anti-SLAPP Directive, which shall protect journalists from abusive lawsuits that do not serve justice but only the sinister aim of silencing free press. However, there is important litigation as well. In 2024 the Real Madrid Club de Fútbol vs Le Monde case addressed the problem of exorbitant damages targeting press and introducing a deterrent effect on freedom of speech in transnational cases. From a rule of law and, especially, freedom of the press angle, the case is of paramount importance as it forwards a simple but groundbreaking argument: two of EU law’s most fundamental principles, mutual recognition and freedom of speech, are a strong basis to fight SLAPPs.
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Rallying under a Nazi Swastika Flag
On April 5th, 2024, the Helsinki Court of Appeal held that rallying under a Nazi swastika flag constituted an offense of incitement to hatred, namely, agitation against a group of population. Contrary to German law, Finnish law does not include any specific prohibition of symbols of this kind. It therefore leaves it open under which circumstances the public use of symbols such as those linked with the Nazi regime in fact constitute a criminal offense. Against this background, the Court of Appeal’s conclusion is to be welcomed. Had the outcome been different, this would have triggered a set of difficult questions of how to amend the regulatory framework in order to address this issue. The judgment may, however, still be appealed.
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Pushbacks From Europe’s Borders Enter the Mainstream
The Polish reckoning with the illiberal turn of the past years seemingly does not apply to the unlawful practice of pushbacks on the Poland-Belarus border. The unlawful practices, best exemplified by pushbacks, have come to be accepted in the European mainstream. The humanitarian crisis on the Poland-Belarus border and its handling by the new government, together with its rejection of the New Pact on Migration and Asylum, vividly illustrates this point.
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23 April 2024
The End of a Dream?
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) may have officially declared war on the hijab in 2022, but the Hindu right’s battle strategy has been set in place since at least 2014 when the BJP rose to power under the leadership of Narendra Modi. A tenacious master of populism, the BJP has successfully altered the mainstream Hindu perception of the Muslim as a threat to secularism. Within this imaginary, Muslims are believed to constantly seek exemptions from the secular regulations constraining the Hindu community.
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Im Zweifel gegen die Freiverantwortlichkeit
Das Landgericht Berlin I hat einen pensionierten Arzt wegen Suizidhilfe zu einer Freiheitsstrafe von drei Jahren verurteilt. Hier zeigt sich einmal mehr, dass die Maßstäbe, die der Bundesgerichtshof und das Bundesverfassungsgericht in den letzten Jahren zur Suizidassistenz bei psychisch erkrankten Menschen formuliert haben, weder für die Praxis noch für die Tatgerichte verlässliche Leitlinien bieten. Damit dürfte sich die Chance psychisch Erkrankter, Hilfe bei der Umsetzung ihres Sterbewunsches zu erhalten, bis zu einer Grundsatzentscheidung des Bundesgerichtshofs bzw. einer gesetzlichen Regelung verringern.
Continue reading >>A Proposal Towards a European Defence Union
In the context of profound (geo-)political changes, and following the Conference on the Future of Europe, the European Parliament (EP) adopted proposals for a Treaty reform for the area of defence. This blog post analyses the proposed formation of the European Defence Union (EDU) and the introduction of qualified majority voting (QMV) while concluding that the new framework would likely create contradictory outcomes and undesirably challenge the current constitutional balance.
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22 April 2024
Schengen’s Paper Pushbacks
On Wednesday, the 24th of April, the European Parliament will vote on a reform of the Schengen Border Code (SBC). The reform appears to institutionalize existing patterns of denying access to rights for people on the move by introducing “transfer-procedures”. Expulsions without procedural safeguards have become common practice at internal borders throughout the EU. The proposed regulation raises concerns over its unclear resolution of potential conflict with EU secondary and primary law, particularly its incompatibility with children’s rights standards, and its application in practice.
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“Very Tight Control”
In 2020, at the height of the Covid crisis, the EU had its 'Hamiltonian Moment'. To overcome the pandemic's economic shock, Member States agreed to back an unprecedented, capital markets-based 750 billion Euro funding scheme to kickstart the European economy. However, since then, it proved surprisingly hard to make sense of where all the money went. Apparently, one main oversight body is a rather informal committee of Member States. Now, internal documents paint a picture of peer scrutiny that remains at a general level, is conducted under tight deadlines, and is strongly limited by scarce resources. They also reveal an evolution of the process to a point what looks much like a mere formality.
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The First Italian Climate Judgement and the Separation of Powers
On 26th February 2024, in its Giudizio Universale decision, the Tribunal of Rome penned the first Italian climate judgement. Shortly after, on 9 April 2024, the ECtHR handed down its seminal trio of KlimaSeniorinnen v. Switzerland, Duarte Agostinho v. Portugal and Others and Carême v. France. In this monumental string of cases, the ECtHR set the new standard for climate litigation in Europe, also regarding separation of powers. This invites a critical assessment of Giudizio Universale’s stance.
Continue reading >>21 April 2024
Selective, Reactive and Liminal
With a staggering 450 million internal migrants (as of the 2011 census), migration has become integral to the political economy of India. India also has the largest diaspora in the world, numbering 18 million people. The modes, institutions, and ideological underpinnings of migration governance vis-à-vis both internal and international migration have witnessed substantial shifts and continuities ever since the ascendance of the NDA (National Democratic Alliance) led Modi government in 2014.
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19 April 2024
The Complex Conflict
A competition over resources, power, and influence.
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Without a Doubt
The German Federal Court of Justice recently announced that the exclusion of functional immunity for foreign state officials in cases of international crimes is “without a doubt” part of customary international law. Like many others in academic literature, we agree with this conclusion – the German government would be well advised to embrace it and put an end to its long-standing ambiguous position on the matter.
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The Right to Education and Democratic Backsliding in India
Since the election of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to power in the federal elections in India in 2014, the country’s performance in key indicators of democratic quality has suffered. Over the course of its two terms in power, the party has sought to subvert key institutions for accountability, enact an ethno-cultural majoritarian electoral agenda, and use federal law enforcement agencies against their political opponents. While there is extensive literature on the erosion of civil-political rights in the past ten years, the effects of the BJP government on social rights like education and healthcare remain under-explored. Therefore, in this post, I explore three striking dimensions of primary educational policy under the BJP government.
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The European Court of Human Rights’ Kick Into Touch
On April 9, 2024, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) ruled on three applications concerning the fight against climate change and the positive obligations of the signatory states of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) in this respect. This blog post analyzes the Carême decision in which the Court declared inadmissible an application brought by a former mayor of a French town on the grounds of incompatibility ratione personae with the provisions of the Convention within the meaning of Article 35 § 3 (§ 88). In my view, this is an ill-developed decision, which could dangerously imply a regression in environmental matters.
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18 April 2024
A Malfunctioning System
Party bans do not represent a serious threat to neo-fascist movements in Italy. Despite a constitutional provision and an ordinary law regulating the issue, their use has so far been limited to associations of minor size and relevance.
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KlimaSeniorinnen and the Choice Between Imperfect Options
The facts of Verein KlimaSeniorinnen Schweiz and Others v. Switzerland were categorically different from the ECtHR’s previous environmental case law. The Court therefore decided to incorporate important parts of International Climate Change Law into the ECHR. From an institutional perspective, this approach, which is not without its weaknesses, amounts to the ECtHR’s attempt to maintain the relevance of the Convention in the midst of the climate crisis, while, at the same, carefully striving to respect the realm of politics.
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17 April 2024
Solidarity Crimes, Legitimacy Limits
The criminalisation of humanitarianism has become pervasive in the EU over the last two decades. Overbroad definitions of the crimes of facilitation of irregular entry, transit and stay produce well known noxious effects on the human rights of migrants and civil society organisations. Nevertheless, the tendency has been to tighten the rules rather than contesting the EU’s failure to pursue a migration control system that is ‘fair towards third-country nationals’ and constructed ‘with respect for fundamental rights.’ In this blogpost, I argue that the EU legislator’s disregard for the human rights impacts of the facilitation regime constitutes an abuse of power. Legislative measures that have the effect of subverting legally enshrined principles (Arts 2, 6 & 21 TEU) and suppress the rights of civil society and the migrants with whom they engage are incompatible with core democratic premises.
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India’s Push-and-Pull on Reproductive Rights
For a piece mapping India’s push-and-pull on reproductive rights – the expanse of its protection and the edges it comes up against – history is a good place to start. Rights in the reproductive sphere are relatively new to India. While India enacted a seemingly liberal abortion legislation as early as 1971, concerns about women’s rights were hardly the drivers behind it. Women’s bodies were a means to achieve the State’s end of population control. It is difficult to justify if women were truly seen as rights-holders. Did this change in recent years?
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Mixed Signals for Domestic Climate Law
The climate rulings of the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) are landmark decisions. However, it is not obvious what they mean precisely for the State parties of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). Have we witnessed, in Verein KlimaSeniorinnen Schweiz, a landslide victory for the activists that will revolutionize domestic climate law? Or do the two other decisions in which the Grand Chamber dismissed the applications preponderate?
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A Non-EU Rule of Law Commission
In March, the European Parliament decided to sue the European Commission over a quid pro quo exchange of European Union funds with Hungary for support of Ukraine EU accession. This lawsuit marks a striking culmination of a years-long failure on the part of the Commission to protect the rule of law. Given frustrating delays from Brussels, this blog post proposes a non-EU accountability mechanism—a so-called Rule of Law Commission—to bolster and reinforce commitments to rule of law issues among European states.
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16 April 2024
Homeopathic Globules for Environmental Lawyers
Are courts, as institutions aimed at individual justice, suitable institutions for dealing with the climate crisis? Could they guide the social and global transformation processes that are certainly necessary? Bernhard Wegener takes a clear stand against the “sweet illusion of climate justice“.
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15 April 2024
On the Duarte Agostinho Decision
We may not readily describe Duarte Agostinho as a success. But it does offer an excellent opportunity to clarify what we mean by ‘success’ in this context. Arguably, this depends on our expectations – whether that’s to generate attention, trigger mobilization, seek judicial engagement with an issue, clarify the law, or pursue a given outcome, among others.
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In the Dark
There is an old adage in the world of official transparency that “sunlight is the best disinfectant”. But when it comes to Europe’s recovery transformation via the NextGenerationEU (NGEU) programme and related instruments, the Commission insists on conducting as much of it as possible in the dark. As concerns grow about both the effectiveness and even potentially corruption in the use of recovery funds, this lack of transparency is particularly worrying.
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The Fabulous and the Fascist
The last ten years have witnessed the gradual collapse of democracy and constitutionalism in India. Where do LGBT rights figure in all this? I contextualize the wins and the losses and discuss why LGBT rights in India are not “under attack” as they have been under authoritarian governments elsewhere.
Continue reading >>A Rejoinder to Citizenship for Sale (Commission v Malta)
In his piece on Citizenship for Sale of 14 April 2024, Joseph Weiler criticizes the European Commission's infringement procedure against Malta's golden passport scheme. He names three reasons why the Commission should (or could) not have brought the case and the Court should not uphold it. While the present reply does not argue that the Court will necessarily find in the Commission's favour, the Commission's legal claim and strategy do not seem to be as (constitutionally) problematic as Weiler make them out to be.
Continue reading >>GDPR Overreach?
After Meta introduced this model for its social networking services Facebook and Instagram in November 2023, several national data protection authorities called on the EDPB to clarify the compatibility of this model with the GDPR. Data protection law is to be used as a lever to prohibit media companies or online service providers from offering a service that is more data-minimalist than the traditional business model. Data protection authorities are therefore faced with the question of whether the GDPR should address "social justice" concerns.
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14 April 2024
Citizenship for Sale (Commission v Malta)
The Maltese “passports for sale” (Golden Passports) was big news a year or two ago but has now disappeared below the radar of public attention. Yet, the mills of justice might grind slowly, but grind they do. The case brought by the Commission against Malta is scheduled to be heard by the CJEU sometime later this year. So, Malta offers passports for sale. Quelle Horreur! I hear you sniffing with disgust and indignation. They sell their citizenship, and hoopla – automatically these new citizens, ipso facto and ipso jure are European Citizens enjoying all the rights and duties which attach to such.
Continue reading >>12 April 2024
Hercules or Sisyphus? On the legacy of statutory lawlessness in post-autocratic Poland
A constitutional responsibility.
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Gender, Equality, and the Predicaments of Faith
In the context of the rise of the global right, feminist debates on gender and sexual rights can and have at times slipped into a left and right ideological divide. In reflecting on the ways in which gender equality has been addressed in the context of Indian constitutional law over the past two decades, what emerges is a more complex picture.
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States’ Extraterritorial Jurisdiction for Climate-Related Impacts
States’ extraterritorial jurisdiction was one of the hot topics decided by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in Duarte Agostinho. Strictly speaking, the “lack of it” led the ECtHR to declare the complaint inadmissible with respect to all defendant States except Portugal. This finding is in line with previous ECtHR case law but highlights a gap in human rights protection and creates a mismatch between the ECtHR’s case law and that of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR) and the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC).
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Climate Litigation Reaches Italian Courts
With Giudizio Universale, climate litigation has found its way to Italy. This case has many aspects in common with the general transnational phenomenon, both in terms of the structure and content of the legal arguments used. The case highlights the difficulties that courts face in view of the high social expectations connected to this kind of proceedings.
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11 April 2024
The High Representative Strikes Again
In March 2024, the High Representative (HR) in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), Christian Schmidt, once again used his “Bonn powers” under the Dayton Peace Agreement which, inter alia, enable him to impose substantial legislation. After a dark warning, he enacted a new package of reforms concerning the electoral process. While these reforms reflect the necessary and desirable changes in the process of the EU accession, concurrently resolving a political stalemate, this schmidtian mode also creates further political cleavages. Nevertheless, arguably a “Smith” has found a fairly clever way forward.
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Third Provisional Measures in South Africa v Israel
On March 28, 2024, the ICJ issued its third provisional measures order in South Africa v Israel. The Court ordered further, more pointed, measures towards Israel to ensure the provision of humanitarian aid throughout Gaza. In this blog post, I consider that the right to be heard in the course of this third order has not been fully guaranteed since the ICJ based its ruling on the international reports which were not provided, known, and considered by either of the parties. Moreover, I argue that the ICJ underscored its decision on humanitarian law rather than obligations to prevent genocide.
Continue reading >>The Digital Public Square meets the Digital Baton
The value a society and its laws place on protecting free speech is arguably most keenly felt where that speech takes a critical turn. Which is why the history of this field is littered with prosecutions and penalties being levied against problematic speech, inviting courts to draw the lines between what is protected and what is not. The past ten years in India demonstrate that when faced with speech that is critical of government policy or state action, the state has become increasingly hesitant to let it remain on air. What is perhaps most alarming for the health of democracy is that, in most cases, there is often a synergy across the three arms of the State that curbing problematic speech is the best course of action to follow.
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The Meaning of Carbon Budget within a Wide Margin of Appreciation
Although the KlimaSeniorinnen judgment discusses a number of rights of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), including Article 6 (right of access to a court), Article 2 (right to life), and Article 13 (right to an effective remedy), the focus of this blog post is on its discussion of Article 8 (right to private, home and family life). The question raised by that discussion is whether the judgment is one that will “frighten the horses” and lead to oppositional cries of judicial overreach around the separation of powers, or if it is more an unexceptional case of “move on, nothing to see here.” My argument is that the judgment is mostly the latter but that it has what, in computer gaming terms, is known as an “Easter egg” – a hidden element included by the developers to surprise and reward those who look carefully. That could turn out to be more controversial.
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10 April 2024
Catalysts of Eco-Constitutional Evolution
On a lawsuit brought forth by a women’s association of the indigenous Kukama people. The association sought recognition of the intrinsic rights of the Marañón River. The judgement is part of a broader constitutional trend towards recognizing nature’s own rights. This movement is notably being driven by Latin American nations where indigenous perspectives on nature emphasize the intrinsic link between a healthy environment and the realization of human rights, thereby softening the adversarial stance between anthropocentrism and ecocentrism. As such, this jurisprudence may serve as catalyst for the ecological constitutional evolution of Western legal systems.
Continue reading >>Subordination and Arbitrariness in Citizenship Law
In 2019, the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party returned to power in India. The Bharatiya Janata Party oversaw the enactment of the Citizenship (Amendment) Act 2019 (‘CAA’) which gave Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain, Parsi and Christian (but not Muslim) migrants from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan a fast-tracked pathway to Indian citizenship. This post argues that the CAA is unconstitutional, and uses it as an example to clarify two important under-theorised Indian constitutional principles: anti-subordination and arbitrariness.
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Enforcement of the Digital Markets Act
Since March 2024, the undertakings Alphabet/Google, Amazon, Apple, Byte-Dance/TikTok, Meta, and Microsoft must comply with the obligations of the Digital Markets Act (DMA). Within the first month after the 6-months implementation period has ended, the European Commission opened investigations against Alphabet/Google, Apple, and Meta for non-compliance with the obligations in the DMA. All proceedings can be traced back to related competition law cases. However, only two proceedings follow the same reasoning as their competition law role models, while the case against Meta reveals that the approaches under the DMA can and will deviate significantly to those under competition law and data protection law.
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09 April 2024
Historic and Unprecedented
The three much-awaited judgments rendered by the European Court of Human Rights on 9 April 2024 are truly historic and unprecedented. In Verein Klimaseniorinnen Schweiz and Others v. Switzerland, the Grand Chamber established that climate change is 'one of the most pressing issues of our times' and poses a threat to human rights. With this ruling, the Court confirmed that States have a positive obligation to adopt measures to mitigate climate change under Article 8 ECHR, the right to family and private life. The judgments will undeniably set the tone for climate litigation in the years to come. It will impact both litigation and other procedures before other international courts.
Continue reading >>The Transformation of European Climate Change Litigation
In a transformative moment for European and global climate litigation, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) ruled today that the state has a positive duty to adopt, and effectively implement in practice, regulations and measures capable of mitigating the existing and potentially irreversible future effects of climate change. In Verein KlimaSeniorinnen Schweiz and Others v. Switzerland (“KlimaSeniorinnen”), the Court held that by failing to put in place a domestic regulatory framework for climate change mitigation, the Swiss government violated Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), the right to respect for private and family life. The judgment is a milestone for human rights protection.
Continue reading >>Paternalistische Freiwilligkeit
Nachdem das Digitalunternehmen Meta ein sog. „Pay-or-Consent“-Modell im November 2023 für seinen sozialen Netzwerkdienst Facebook eingeführt hatte, riefen mehrere staatliche Datenschutzbehörden den EDPB an, um die Vereinbarkeit dieses Modells mit der DSGVO zu klären. In einer grotesken Volte soll das Datenschutzrecht als Hebel dienen, Medienunternehmen oder großen Netzwerkbetreibern das Angebot einer Leistung zu untersagen, die datenminimalistischer ist als das überkommene Geschäftsmodell. Die Datenschutzbehörden stehen damit vor der Frage, ob die Interpretation der DSGVO einen „social justice turn“ vollziehen soll und Anliegen sozialer Gerechtigkeit zum Schutzzweck gemacht werden können.
Continue reading >>08 April 2024
Amending the Constitution Without Deliberation
India is undergoing a “deliberation backsliding”. Since the current government was elected to office in 2019, only 13% of all government bills introduced in Parliament were referred to Parliament Committees for detailed study, scrutiny and stakeholder consultations. While the deliberation deficit is concerning with respect to ordinary government bills, it becomes alarming with respect to bills which seek to amend the Indian Constitution. In this blog post, I argue that the promise of deliberative democracy in India is coming undone, which sets back the project of constitutionalism in India.
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To Define Is Just to Define
Social media allows users to share content worldwide. This also enables users to distribute illegal content. The laws of the EU Member States vary greatly when it comes to what content they consider to be illegal, especially regarding hate speech. Thus, it is important which national law applies in cross-border cases concerning online content. Ultimately, this question is closely linked to the broader reshuffling of power in the digital sphere: will it be actual ‘law’ that platforms enforce online or norms made by platforms themselves? So far, the law of 27 Member States plus the EU itself remains utterly chaotic compared to the more uniform Terms of Service (ToS) of the internet giants.
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07 April 2024
Ecuador’s Embassy Raid
The Mexican government broke diplomatic ties with Ecuador after the Mexican Embassy in Quito was raided on April 6, 2024, to detain Ecuador’s ex-vice-president Jorge Glas, convicted of bribery and organized crime. Both governments are facing significant stakes: Ecuador must ensure that a high-profile crime does not go unpunished, while Mexico is obligated to uphold international law and offer international protection for Jorge Glas.
Continue reading >>Reimagining Indian Federalism
As India’s new dominant party system coalesced after 2014, the country entered a phase of centralisation. India has always had federalism with a strong centre, but from the late 1980s to the mid-2010s, political and economic regionalism and national coalition governments encompassing national and regional parties produced an appearance of deepening federalisation. Since 2014, when the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) became the first party in over 25 years to win an outright parliamentary majority, the twin pillars of political centralisation under a dominant party system and economic concentration, have once again drawn attention to the contested nature of India’s federal contract.
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Anna Julia Cooper
Dr. Anna Julia Cooper was born into slavery at a time, when the 1831 Act prohibited the teaching of literacy to enslaved people in North Carolina in order to prevent rebellion and emancipation. Despite this, she was the fourth (known) Black female Ph.D. and the first African American woman to receive a doctorade from the Sorbonne University. She is still considered a mother of Black feminism and a formidable writer, activist, and educator.
Continue reading >>06 April 2024
Why Party Bans Often Don’t Work
In July 2008, in an intensely debated and enormously consequential case, Turkey’s Constitutional Court weighed whether to close the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and ban its 71 leading members, including then-Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Six of the eleven justices voted in favor – falling just one vote short of the super-majority required to dissolve the AKP and bar its leaders from politics for five years. More than 15 years after the AKP closure case, Turkey has experienced significant democratic backsliding, and Erdoğan has secured a third term as president, extending his tenure in office into 2028. Although the tools of “militant democracy” may be useful, the Turkish case suggests that targeted legal interventions, rather than sweeping party bans, may be more effective at safeguarding democracy.
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Gewalt durch Sitzblockaden
Sitzblockaden der „Letzten Generation“ bewerten deutsche Gerichte als Nötigung durch Gewalt. Ich halte dies für vereinbar mit dem Begriff „Gewalt“, den § 240 Strafgesetzbuch enthält. Gewalt bedeutet nicht zwingend Aktivität – maßgeblich ist, ob körperlich wirkende Macht über eine andere Person ausgeübt wird. Damit wende ich mich gegen den kürzlich erschienenen Beitrag von Siegmar Lengauer, der aus österreichischer Perspektive ungläubig auf die deutsche Rechtsprechung zum Gewaltbegriff blickt und diese ablehnt.
Continue reading >>Civil Society and its Engagement with the Constitution
The Indian Constitution is as much a culmination of the ideas of the freedom movement against colonial powers as it is of the achievement of a social revolution through law. Our Constitution, which was inspired by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, thus, not only provided for political freedom from foreign rule and established a democratic republic, but it also provided a road map to undo the deeply entrenched hierarchies, inequalities, and social exclusions in our society and therefore for a social transformation. Much of the civil society interventions of the last seven decades have been to work for redeeming the promise of the constitution inside and outside courts.
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Indian Constitutionalism in the Last Decade
Having been governed by Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) for the last ten years, India will hold elections in the following weeks. We use this moment as an opportunity to reflect upon the last decade and assess how the Hindu nationalists have impacted Indian constitutionalism. To do so, we have asked legal scholars and practitioners to reflect upon the developments in particular areas of Indian constitutional law over the last decade. This blog post will provide an introduction to the symposium.
Continue reading >>05 April 2024
Argentina’s Dangerous Experiment
Improvisation, Irrationality, and Provocative Cruelty.
Continue reading >>Still Alive?
Party banning was developed in Spain in 2002, with the aim of combating the terrorism of ETA (1958-2018), an extreme left-wing and separatist Basque organisation that murdered more than 800 people. This instrument proved useful in defeating the terrorist group and its network of support organisations, including several parties. Today, there are strong separatist or pro-independence movements in Catalonia, the Basque Country and, to a lesser extent, Galicia, and other regions. Faced with this, there are parties that have proposed using the mechanism of banning parties. But is this viable, and would it be useful?
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European Democracy at Stake in Battle of the EP versus Orbán
Shortly after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009, the European Parliament expressed its concern about the rule of law in Hungary. 14 years later, the EP still, and yet again, discusses PM Orbán’s lack of respect for the values of the Union. The forthcoming debate on 10 April will be the Parliament’s last chance to prevent the scheduled takeover of the Council-Presidency by Hungary. The EP and the European Council must prevent a self-proclaimed illiberal leader from assuming the Presidency of the Council and thus protect the democratic nature of the European Union.
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Access and Benefit-Sharing Isn’t Equity
It is unsurprising that equity has featured so prominently in the Pandemic Treaty negotiations – the Treaty is a direct response to the COVID-19 pandemic, which was characterised by gross inequality between high-income and LMICs. For all the talk at the start of the Treaty negotiation process of equity, of doing things differently in the future, it appears that very little will change. If it works, and there are very good reasons to believe that it will not work, it will at best make sure that a small proportion of vaccines end up where they need to be, and the rest will continue to go to the highest bidder, regardless of need, equity, or justice.
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04 April 2024
Die Verfassung der Sanktionspolitik
Das Magazin MONITOR berichtet in einem Beitrag von heute, wie diverse deutsche Firmen legale, also nicht-sanktionierte Korridore in den Russland-Sanktionen nutzen, um so Regionen wie Mariupol (unter übrigens enormen sanktionsrechtlichen und völkerrechtlichen Risiken) mit wichtigen Baustoffen zu beliefern oder beliefern zu lassen. In den sozialen Medien und unter Politikern ist sehr schnell, nämlich noch vor der eigentlichen Ausstrahlung der MONITOR-Sendung am heutigen Donnerstag, breite Empörung darüber entstanden, dass hier offenbar eines der wichtigsten Kriegsziele Russlands im wahrsten Sinne des Wortes mit deutscher Hilfe zementiert wird. Die massive Empörung über die Geschäfte ist nachvollziehbar, die allgemeine Verwunderung darüber, dass hier offenbar eine Sanktionslücke klafft, nicht.
Continue reading >>A Limping Militant Democracy
Images of hundreds of men gathering outside the former headquarters of the Italian post-fascist party (Movimento Sociale Italiano – MSI), giving the Roman salute in Acca Larentia (Roma) on the 8th of January 2024, have sparked numerous controversies in Italy. The Roman salute was paired with the Fascist ritual of the “roll call”, whereby a leader calls out the name of a fallen soldier and his comrades shout “presente!”. While one would expect the President of the Senate, facing an incident that stirred political controversy, to reason in more institutional terms rather than strictly legally, La Russa was partially correct in stating that the current Italian legal framework is (still) not sufficiently clear and coherent on the matter.
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Strengthening the Resilience of the Rule of Law through Democracy
For almost a decade now, the European Union (EU) has been struggling with the erosion of the rule of law in some of its Member States. The IEP explored the various pillars of the rule of law resilience, culminating in the recent RESILIO report. Unsurprisingly, the independent judiciary and effective public administration prove to be key for the functioning of the rule of law. To remain resilient, the rule of law needs a solid democratic political culture anchored in a robust civil society, independent media, and a sound public debate. Henceforth, a long-term investment in democracy is the best way to strengthen the resilience of the rule of law.
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To Bind or Not to Bind
While the majority of the contributions to this blog symposium tackle issues of global justice, distributive justice and the impact of a decolonial perspective on global health law, our approach might seem to stand out at first sight: Our contribution is interested in the legal form the new Pandemic Agreement will take. Attention to the formal dimension of the reform process might seem remote from the substantive issues of the other contributions. However, we would like to argue in this short piece that the decision for a certain legal architecture can very well have repercussions on the question to what extent the new instrument can deliver on its promise to pursue equity and hence to arguably overcome divisions still entrenched in the international community.
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03 April 2024
Advancing Equality in the Enjoyment of the Right to Health
States parties to the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination must improve their public health systems by measurably advancing racial equality in law and in practice. As the world moves forward in understanding the structural dimension of racial discrimination in all areas of life, the General Recommendation No. 37 on racial discrimination in the enjoyment of the right to health can serve as a quasi-global instrument towards a more equitable and inclusive landscape for the realization of the right to health for all.
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The Silent Victim of Israel’s War on Gaza
In March 2024, Forensic Architecture reported that more than 2,000 agricultural sites, including farms and greenhouses, have been destroyed in Gaza since October 2023. Almost six months into Israel’s war on Gaza, evidence indicates the devastating impacts of the war on the natural environment in Gaza. In particular, it has been reported that farms have been devastated, and nearly half of the trees in Gaza were razed. While this raises numerous issues, the question of whether Israel’s large-scale airstrikes on Gaza would make a substantial contribution to serious violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) protecting the natural environment during armed conflicts, deserves more thought than it gets.
Continue reading >>The Spitzenkandidaten Practice in the Spotlight
Ten years have lapsed since the first successful attempt to launch the Spitzenkandidaten practice in 2014. With the European political parties midway through selecting their lead candidates once again, the upcoming European elections raise questions about the constitutional nature of this informal practice. The following comment aims to enquire what consequences, given the evolving dynamics of the practice, can be attached to a potential failure to designate a Spitzenkandidat. In particular, I argue that only if the SK process evolves into a constitutional customary rule, it is possible to conceive a duty upon the European Council to consider appointing the leading candidate from the party winning the elections of the European Parliament.
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Transnational Solidarity and the Global Health System
The coronavirus pandemic has once again shown that scarcity and distribution are political problems. It is only through distribution that resources, finite in principle, are separated into scarce and non-scarce goods. So how can this unfair distribution of resources be countered?
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Apartheid in the Occupied Palestinian Territory?
The apartheid claim made against Israel because of its policy in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) – most recently in the ongoing advisory proceedings before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) – cannot be settled with the counter-claim of antisemitism, but calls for an objective, thorough and fact-based legal inquiry. Only such an approach with regard to this and other allegations against Israeli policy will strengthen Israel, understood as a liberal and democratic Rechtsstaat, which guarantees, in line with its 1948 Declaration of Independence, “complete equality” to “all its inhabitants”.
Continue reading >>02 April 2024
Colonialism, Criminal Law, and the Dustbin of History
In a ruling that is important beyond Kenya, the Kenyan High Court has delivered a milestone judgment. By striking down a provision of the Kenyan Criminal Code on subversion, the Court takes a significant step towards further doing away with the colonial legacy in the Kenyan legal system. The judgment exemplifies how judges in postcolonial contexts interpret the law against the backdrop of the country’s history.
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Refoulement As A Crime
Last month, the Italian Court of Cassation upheld the (suspended) sentence of one year’s imprisonment of the shipmaster of the Italian ship Asso28. He was convicted of two offences of abandonment for returning and handing around 100 migrants over to the personnel of a Libyan patrol boat, including some unaccompanied minors and pregnant women, whom he had previously rescued in international waters within the Libyan SAR zone. The case constitutes the first time an individual was held criminally responsible for failing to fulfil the duty of non-refoulement. Until recently, the refoulement duty has only served to exclude the liability of shipmasters who had complied with it whenever they were accused of facilitating irregular immigration. This case indicates the emergence of a new function of the principle, namely that of grounding the criminal liability of those who violate it.
Continue reading >>Moderation Made in Europe
The EU’s Digital Services Act (DSA) has been fully applicable for a little more than a month now. The conditions are thus in place for the emergence of the out-of-court dispute settlement (ODS) ecosystem envisaged in Article 21 DSA, arguably the DSA’s most original contribution to securing digital platform users’ rights. In this post, we try to envision the shape such an ecosystem might take over the next few years in the key area of social media content moderation (SMCM). We argue that the DSA may create an adjudication system dominated by a few ODS providers backed by public-private partnerships and ready to work in concert with the complaint-handling mechanisms set up by the platforms themselves.
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Between Legal Deficiencies and Political Restraint
Traditionally, it is Germany, not France, which is presented as the model example of militant democracy. Among the various provisions of the German Basic Law, Article 21 (2), setting out the procedure for banning political parties, is perhaps one of the clearest expressions of the basic constitutional decision in favour of a streitbare Demokratie. Nevertheless, setting concepts aside and examining empirical data, it is interesting to note that Germany has banned fewer political parties than France since the end of the Second World War.
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01 April 2024
Decolonization Through Decolonial Reforming
Many stakeholders agree that the WHO has not been able to adequately address the political and social problems, global health emergencies triggered or exacerbated by epidemics and pandemics, malnutrition, and access to clean water in recent years. Against this backdrop, there is a widespread call for more equity and solidarity in the global health system. Most of the proposals concerning the reform of the WHO deal with the possible goals and outcomes of such a reform. However, it is just as important to consider how such a reform should be carried out so that the ambitious goals are not compromised by the implementation process itself.
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One Health – One Welfare – One Rights
The projected WHO Pandemic Agreement, as currently under negotiation, will most likely contain a detailed prescription of a One Health approach (Art. 1(d) and Art. 5 of the INB negotiating text of 30 October 2023). This contribution examines the legal potential of a One Health approach for laws and policies towards animals raised, kept, and slaughtered for providing meat, milk, fur, and other body products for human consumption. My main argument will be that, taken seriously, the idea of One health defies a hierarchy between the health of humans, animals, and ecosystems. The inner logic of One Health is to exploit the positive feedback loops between safeguarding human, animal, and ecosystem health. This approach should modify the still prevailing unreflected and unchecked prioritisation of measures in favour of human health at the expense of and to the detriment of animal health and life. I will illustrate my claim with two policy examples.
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30 March 2024
As Good as It Gets
Contrasting the constitutional limitations on the freedom to establish political parties in Italy and Germany brings out two quite different conceptions of militant democracy: one is particularistic, retrospective, and provisional – preoccupied with the transition to democracy; the other is universalistic, prospective, and enduring – concerned with the degeneration of democracy. The Portuguese Constitution, true to its eclectic character and multiple influences, steers a seemingly middle course between these polar options.
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29 March 2024
The Future of Pathogen Access and Benefit Sharing under International Law
The sharing of pathogen samples and their associated genetic sequence data (GSD) is crucial for global pandemic prevention, preparedness and response. It enables global surveillance, risk assessment and the research and development of pandemic-related products. The sharing of related benefits is also seen as key to ensuring more equitable global access to the fruits of science. These issues, collectively known as Pathogen Access and Benefit Sharing (PABS), remain a major point of contention in the ongoing Pandemic Agreement negotiations. In this post, I explore potential scenarios regarding the establishment or absence of the new PABS System, and their implications under international law.
Continue reading >>28 March 2024
A Supremely Complex Decision
On March 28, 2024, a majority decision of the Supreme Court of Canada in Dickson v. Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation held that Canada’s constitutional bill of rights, the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (“the Charter”), applied against an Indigenous government’s residency requirements for election to the government’s Council. However, the majority also held that a section of the Charter that offers some protective effect for Indigenous governments would protect this residency requirement from a challenge under the Charter. The case reaches significant determinations but with some messy splits amongst the seven justices who sat on the case.
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The Kovačević Case Revisited
On 20 March 2023 the Council of the European Union gave Bosnia and Hercegovina green light to start accession negotiations. However, despite this political endorsement, BiH must fulfill the conditionality criteria, including a series of six judgments by the ECtHR relating to the predetermined ethnic keys. The last case, Kovačević v. BiH, was referred to the Grand Chamber in December 2023. If the Court follows its previous case law, this should force the mono-ethnic political parties and their leaders as well as the EU institutions to insist on de-blocking the constitutional impasse for any realistic steps towards European integration.
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Power and Distribution in Global Health Governance
Since at least the 1980s, private actors and market-based mechanisms have played an increasingly important role in the provision of public goods and services and the pursuit of public policy objectives in general. A market approach is also widely used in the field of public health. In effect, the PPP approach, as illustrated by COVAX, can work to structurally protect the interests of (a majority) of the high-income countries. While PPPs in global health may do a lot of good things, their private law, contractualist nature and structures safeguard formal state sovereignty and voluntarism, predominantly benefitting high-income donor countries
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27 March 2024
Beyond the Blocs
On Monday, 25 March, the UN Security Council adopted a resolution demanding a ceasefire in Gaza and the immediate release of hostages, as well as emphasizing the need to increase the provision and distribution of humanitarian aid. The Resolution was adopted 14-0, with the United States the only member to abstain. As the Security Council website announces, this Resolution ended a “months-long deadlock”. The recent Resolution is not perceived by Israeli actors as binding. And yet, I argue that the fact that the US and Russia are now essentially voting together on the need to end this war could lead to significant further ramifications that may shape the region and beyond.
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Closing the Accountability Gap
In their latest ‘WHO transformation’ (which began in 2017), the WHO hired at least six consulting firms, praised by the Director-General as the ‘best firms in the world’. Despite their prominent role in WHO processes and reform efforts, there is a clear accountability gap in their role at WHO. Consultant engagement contributes to a trend towards informal governance and public-private collusions in an organization that looks less and less like a public authority.
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Rejecting Lip Service or Validating 1930s Family Values?
On 8th March 2024, the Irish people rejected two separate constitutional referendums on family and care in an overwhelming no vote. These amendments aimed to update a conservative and gendered ideal of family found in Article 41. The family and care referendums involved more abstract statements of directive constitutional values. The result of the referendums is a win for voter confusion, anger towards the government and the NoNo campaign. It is also a loss for political constitutionalism.
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Party Bans and Populism in Europe
In the latest episode in a decades-long conversation about militant democracy, the growing electoral success and radicalization of Alternative for Germany have relaunched debates about the appropriateness of restricting the political rights of those who might use those rights to undermine the liberal democratic order. While it is typical for dictatorships to ban parties, democracies also do so, but for different reasons and with compunction. Party bans respond to varying rationales which have evolved over time. However, a ban on the right-wing populist Alternative for Germany would be out of step with more general patterns of opposition to such parties in Europe.
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26 March 2024
The Silent Disintegration of Global Health Governance?
With an estimated 6,9 million deaths and with its enormous scale of economic, social and political collateral damages, the COVID-19 Pandemic has created excessive momentum for re-considering the rules and procedures governing global health – or has it? In this blog contribution, I will discuss the promises and pitfalls of current law-making and law-amending efforts that seek to strengthen pandemic governance post COVID-19 by reflecting on three distinct features of global health as an area of international cooperation.
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Towards Equity and Decolonization?
The COVID-19 pandemic exposed systemic problems in the global health system. It revealed that the global health system perpetuates global health inequalities rather than effectively reducing them: The international community, particularly the countries of the Global North, failed to make COVID-19 vaccines widely available to the populations of the world's poorest countries. This blog debate takes stock of the reform debate about a just and decolonizing transformation of the health system. Bringing together scholars from various disciplines, the contributions of this debate ask what a fair global health system could look like and what role the law plays in it.
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Zwischen Fluss, Meer und Strafbefehl
Macht sich strafbar, wer den Satz „from the river to the sea, Palestine will be free“ verwendet? In aller Regel nicht. Der Slogan ist vieldeutig und Gerichte müssen bei mehreren Deutungsmöglichkeiten wegen der Meinungsfreiheit genau begründen, warum allein die strafbare Interpretation plausibel sein soll. Er kennzeichnet auch nicht die Hamas, denn verschiedene Akteure verwenden ihn seit Jahrzenten bis heute.
Continue reading >>25 March 2024
Why Today’s UN Security Council Resolution Demanding an Immediate Ceasefire Is Legally Binding
Today, the Security Council adopted a resolution calling for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza during Ramadan as a first step to a “lasting sustainable ceasefire”. This comes after a months-long impasse and a total of five vetoes on the matter. The resolution is – despite statements to the contrary – legally binding and creates a legally binding request for an immediate ceasefire during Ramadan and a legally binding request to immediately release all hostages.
Continue reading >>Silence is Golden, but not Mandatory
Last week, European Commissioner Breton received a slap on the wrist from the commission’s officials. After he (politically unwise) criticized the process of electing Ursula von der Leyen as the EPP’s leading candidate on X (formally Twitter), the Commission’s Secretary General did not mince his words in reminding him of his obligations under EU law and the potential sanctions for violating them. In this post, I argue that one cannot construe the duties of the Members of the Commission as a prohibition of political expressions of any kind.
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23 March 2024
Inquiring into the Technicalities of EU Law
It may sound trivial, but I argue that the technicalities of EU law have been neglected and that an in-depth inquiry is lacking. To see why such an inquiry might be interesting, we must go beyond the traditional understanding of legal technicalities and see them as protagonists in their own right. We need to focus on lawyers’ knowledge practices and to inquire into the transformative power of legal technicalities.
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A Critical Assessment of How We ‘Speak’ EU Law
Although EU law touches on several profound and complex ontologies of ways of living and being in the European polity, these meanings are usually not reflected in how lawyers and legal scholars ‘speak’ EU law. The reason for this is that EU law is formulated in a strikingly abstract and univocal way, leaving little room for an in-depth consideration of the different interpretations of the law by reference to the various values and conceptions of the individual and social institutions that it underlies.
Continue reading >>The Janus-Faced Culture of EU Law
Can there be a cultural study of EU law? The notion of legal culture is notoriously tricky. It is both omnipresent and yet seemingly ungraspable. Can we nevertheless hope to dispel the mystery of legal culture, and seize this notion as an object of study? And can it provide a method to improve our understanding of EU law?
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22 March 2024
Daniela Klette und die Frucht der vergifteten Maschine
Am 26. Februar 2024 hat die Polizei die mutmaßliche Terroristin Daniela Klette festgenommen. PimEyes, eine KI-basierte, biometrische Gesichtserkennungssoftware, hatte Klette im Netz gefunden. Dieser Beitrag plädiert aus verfassungs- und unionsrechtlicher Perspektive dafür, dass der Einsatz von offensichtlich rechtswidriger Software wie PimEyes im Strafprozess ein Beweisverwertungsverbot begründet, das auch eine Fernwirkung entfaltet.
Continue reading >>Polish(ing) Broken Tribunal
Resetting the Constitutional Tribunal in Poland after the Law and Justice Party's eight years in power is a Herculean task. However, the constitutional and political room for maneuver for the new government turns out to be quite limited.
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PimEyes User auf den Spuren der RAF
Ende Februar hat die Polizei die mutmaßliche RAF-Terroristin Daniela Klette in Berlin festgenommen. Dies haben Hinweise ermöglicht, an die ein Journalist mittels der Gesichtserkennungssoftware PimEyes gelangt war – allerdings unter Verstoß gegen das Datenschutzrecht. Dass die Polizei die Hinweise verwendet, ist verfassungsrechtlich problematisch, denn sie selbst dürfte PimEyes nicht einsetzen. Dies hindert die Polizei aber nicht daran, aufgrund von Hinweisen durch Private, die PimEyes generiert hat, gegen bestehende Gefahren einzuschreiten und auch nicht daran, strafprozessuale Ermittlungen aufzunehmen.
Continue reading >>How to Avoid Another Botched EU Enlargement by Sticking to the Rules
Is the European Union once again about to duck the challenge of constitutional reform? Even the imperative of Ukraine’s accession does not impel the EU to strengthen its governance. The European Parliament has made formal proposals to change the treaty from unanimity to QMV. The Commission equivocates. The European Council simply sits on the dossier, looking for excuse after excuse. Worse, a new idea is being floated in Brussels that mixes bad law with bad politics. The ruse is to use Article 49 TEU, the accession clause, instead of Article 48. I explain here why this approach will neither help Ukraine nor salvage the Union’s self-respect.
Continue reading >>Studying Migrations and Borders from a Pluridisciplinary Perspective
I chose for years to consider migrations and borders from a pluridisciplinary perspective. Such a pluridisciplinary approach reveals to be demanding: it needs both to be developed with discipline, and to be opened to wanderings. You have to accept to be confronted with personal controversies, to be faced with internal discourse on the method.
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Europe’s Judicial Narratives
Through the representations of Europe that it conjures up and conveys, the European Court of Justice significantly influences the EU’s self-perceived identity. In that sense, it contributes to the shaping of a European polity, i.e. a European political community united by shared representations about its history and identity.
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The Triumph of EU Law in Context?
Whereas law-in-context analyses of Community law were relatively rare in the early 1990s, they seemed to flourish from that point onwards. Unsurprisingly, even “mainstream” journals, such as the Common Market Law Review, now strive to attract pieces that combine legal analysis with social, political or economic insights. Does that mean that we are all “contextualists” now? Not in my view.
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21 March 2024
Gender as a Trade Concern
The African continent is currently witnessing the creation of the largest regional free trade area in the world. The African Continental Free Trade Area represents a significant milestone in Africa’s socio-economic development. However, this development is also significant in another respect: A recently adopted special Protocol on Women and Youth in Trade has the potential to blaze the trail for gender-transformative intra-African trade. The protocol thus confirms a general trend in international economic law to acknowledge and address the gendered nature of trade.
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Colonialism and EU Law
In 1957, when the Treaty of Rome was signed and founded what later became the European Union (EU), four out of six of the original Member States were colonial powers. An important methodological question for EU law research is how this historical fact has affected the development of EU law. I argue that answering the question of how Europe’s centuries long history of colonialism has shaped EU law is not just a historical exercise but also a starting point for an examination of EU law of today.
Continue reading >>For a Postcolonial reading of the EU
The use of the terms 'decolonial', 'postcolonial' and 'race' has become fashionable, particularly in Anglo-American legal scholarship. However few legal scholars in recent years have ventured into postcolonial approaches to European Union law. I will argue that one cannot understand the history and law of the European Union if one fails to understand and acknowledge colonialism.
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20 March 2024
The Spanish Amnesty, the Conflict with Catalonia, and the Rule of Law
The Spanish amnesty for the Catalan independence movement is a victory for the rule of law, rather than a defeat. It is not an exemption from punishment otherwise due, but instead a reflection of the fact that the acts now amnestied should never have been subject to criminal prosecution in the first place. It is thus also a way for Spain to return to compliance with its obligations under European and international human rights law.
Continue reading >>EU Law Through the State Lens
The conceptual apparatus that frames our knowledge of EU administrative law today has its origins in the legal scholarship that established a new field in the turn of the 1980s and during the 1990s. This scholarly field owes much of its uncontested existence to a series of major handbooks, which systematized materials that hitherto had been sparse and scattered, first in German, then in English and later still in French. Revisiting the past may provide some clues as to the role legal scholars can and should have in a period in which we may be witnessing an epochal transition in Europe.
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Establishing Law in Context
Law in Context (LIC) was a revolution in EU law studies. It began in the 1980s and ‘90s and its effects continue today. This blogpost sketches selected basic landmarks. Inevitably it is a personal perspective, because if the short history of LIC shows anything, it is that there are almost as many views of ‘context’ as there are LIC scholars. To fully understand the LIC movement, it is essential to consider it in context; furthermore, despite changes in context, LIC remains pertinent today.
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19 March 2024
The Fall of The Great Paywall for EU Harmonised Standards
In case C-588/21 P, the CJEU dismantled a foundational axiom of the European Standardisation System: the paywall of harmonised standards. The Court confirmed that harmonised standards are an integral part of EU law, mandating their free accessibility. In this commentary, I posit that the Court’s decision imposes a proactive publication obligation and challenges the existing copyright protection afforded to harmonised standards.
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EU Law and Legal Theory
European law is a very strange creature. It is something that has been created, produced, mostly by jurisprudence and doctrine, and this makes European law especially challenging and interesting for scholars, because it has been, in many respects, a product of scholars. How should we approach the study of European law? How could we approach in a sensible way the study of European law?
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Reconnecting EU Legal Studies to European Societies
EU legal studies suffer from a disconnect with social reality. If we need a method, it is one that allows us to reconnect with European societies as a bustle of unsettled forms of life, from both an existential and social perspective. Departing from classic institutional and constitutional approaches to EU law, while endorsing the critical turn in the EU legal studies, I will argue in favour of a new “anti-transcendental” perspective.
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18 March 2024
FIFA Transfer System Rules in front of the Court
The governance of professional football is facing turbulent times. After three verdicts on 21 December 2023 (ESL, RAFC and ISU), the next case potentially sanctioning football governance is already well underway. In the pending Diarra case (C-650/22), the validity of the FIFA transfer system is at stake. Transfers are among the bread and butter of daily football practice. Any flaw in the transfer system will affect the whole industry. This blog post explores Diarra from a competition law perspective.
Continue reading >>Becoming a (Critical) EU Law Scholar Today
Turning the existential crisis of Europe into critical knowledge, called for by Loïc Azoulai, requires – among other things – critical scholars. The question is, however, whether the present conditions allow for such people to emerge. I discuss only four of the many obstacles that critical scholarship faces today and conclude with a call for something that might be called “critical scholarship about legal scholarship”.
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Controversies over Methods in EU Law
Methodological issues pervade contemporary debates in EU law. There are many reasons for this. Some are specific to the subject matter of EU law itself. The multiple crises that the European Union is experiencing lead EU law scholars to question their classical conception of EU law: a law of integration that should more or less naturally lead to a constitutional or federal order. These crises may also lead scholars to question their relationship with the European institutions, which have been central to the development of the core concepts of EU law and of EU law as a disciplinary field.
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17 March 2024
Tort Law and New Zealand’s Corporate Greenhouse Gas Emissions
In February 2024, the New Zealand Supreme Court overturned the previous strike outs in the case of Michael John Smith in tort against seven major New Zealand companies in the dairy, energy, steel, mining and infrastructure sectors. Smith asserts that the respondents are engaging in conduct that affects him and others, and has put them into legal connection with one another in ways that enable appropriate remedy. This is heartland common law territory. Even though the climate change problems we are now grappling with may be new ones, the centuries-old practices and traditions of the common law are a part of New Zealand’s constitutional heritage and structure. Litigation is a legitimate vehicle for members of the population to engage the law in the face of harm or threats to individuals’ rights and well-being.
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15 March 2024
Der Geist von Moria
Wie das mytilinische Strafgericht das Verfahren gegen die Moria 4 in der zweiten Instanz handhabt.
Continue reading >>The Ghost of Moria
How the Mytilene criminal court deals with the case against the Moria 4 in the court of second instance.
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The Sovereign Protection Office as the Tip of the Iceberg
In December 2023, the Hungarian Parliament passed a law establishing a Sovereign Protection Office—a state administration which now possesses unfettered access to personal data to find and sanction supposed foreign agents among the Hungarian populace. This office operates at will and without oversight, offers no avenue for legal redress, and wields prison time upwards of three years. In recent weeks, the European Commission launched an infringement proceeding over the law, and the European Parliament called on the European Council to consider Article 7(2) procedures.
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Judging Nicaragua’s Public Interest Litigation in The Hague
The judicialisation of Israel’s war in Gaza has taken a significant turn, with Nicaragua boldly entering the scene and executing two distinct actions. This post contributes to understanding Nicaragua’s two moves before the ICJ by analysing three dimensions. First, the country’s rich relationship with the Court. Second, the prioritisation of political impact and visibility over adjudicative success. Finally, the normative assessments concerning Nicaragua’s moral standing and intentions.
Continue reading >>Brazilian Judges Regulate Elections … and AI
Brazil has new regulations on AI and election interference. Also, in Brazil, the judiciary oversees elections. As municipal elections are coming up, we face a quite unique situation of technological challenges, untested laws, and unusual institutional arrangements. Although innovative, these regulations are constrained in their effectiveness and indifference to broader regulatory debates concerning the regulation of AI, showcasing an uncomfortable relationship between judicial and legislative powers regarding digital policy in Brazil. Disregarding the complexity of AI, the regulations legitimise the expansion of the judicial branch's power to deal with digital threats to democracy while not fully engaging with how these threats materialise through the development and use of AI.
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Reconceptualizing Legislative Privileges
Earlier this month, the Indian Supreme Court delivered a judgment in a reference pertaining to the law and scope of legislative privileges under the Indian Constitution. The primary question before the court was whether legislative privileges extend to the protection from prosecution of a legislator who receives a bribe to speak or vote in a certain manner in the legislature. In the following sections of this post, I’ll first discuss the existing law on legislative privileges in India, which is unique in its origination and formulation. I’ll then argue that there is a need to reconceptualize the understanding of legislative privileges in order to support the legislative systems in performing their roles and functions in their true essence.
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14 March 2024
Shortcomings of the AI Act
After the much-awaited vote of the 13th March 2024 by the European Parliament, it is time to begin evaluating the state of fundamental rights in light of the AI Act. In this blog post, three areas of potential inconsistencies and risks are examined: differentiation of provider and deployer, biometrics used in real-time and post-factum, and the standards of biometric recognition in the areas of immigration.
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CILFIT in Strasbourg
On 19 February 2024, the European Court of Human Rights decided not to answer the Estonian Supreme Court’s request for an advisory opinion on the basis of Protocol 16 (P16). For the first time, it dismissed a request because it did not concern a question of principle concerning the interpretation and application of ECHR rights. The decision is significant because the ECtHR provides clear contours as to what types of questions courts should (not) ask.
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13 March 2024
Privileges Constrained
Last week, the Indian Supreme Court delivered its judgment in Sita Soren v. Union of India, holding that parliamentary privilege – the constitutionally recognized legal immunity of legislators – does not extend to bribe-taking for exercising their legislative vote or speech a certain way. In this blog post, I discuss the Court’s formulation of the essentiality test, as well as its conclusions on the availability of privilege for bribe-taking. I argue that while the ruling can strengthen democratic institutions since it protects the integrity of legislative processes, certain risks in the essentiality test’s composition – which risk depriving important legislative functions of privilege – must be addressed.
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What is Living and What is Dead in the Turkish Parliament?
On January 30th, 2024, the Turkish Parliament officially revoked the mandate of Can Atalay, an opposition MP representing the earthquake-affected city of Hatay. Atalay's incident, from its inception to the recent parliamentary drama, not only exposes the diminished authority of the Constitutional Court but also exemplifies the tacit cooperation among the regime's loyal officers—judges, MPs, or civil servants. In this subtle network, the Parliament occupies a peculiar place with its distinct symbolism, serving as a fig leaf for authoritarian politics.
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Conspicuously Absent
Nicaragua alleges that Germany violates the Genocide Convention and international humanitarian law by assisting Israel and also by failing to prevent violations of these bodies of law. It requests the International Court of Justice to indicate provisional measures, which would oblige Germany inter alia to stop assisting Israel. While the Court may be barred from exercising its jurisdiction over Nicaragua’s claims relating to the Genocide Convention it may be able to hear the claims regarding Germany’s duties under IHL.
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12 March 2024
Why Courts will not Stop Global Warming, but Climate Litigation is Still Useful
Despite the global trend of record temperatures and the increasing number of disasters caused by extreme weather events, the political impetus to combat global warming is weakening all over Europe. Not only far-right forces want to stop ambitious climate policy, but also other political parties tend to neglect this field. To counter those political forces, climate litigation tries to hold national governments accountable to their goals as enshrined in the Paris Agreement. Courts represent one of the arenas in the struggle for climate protection. However, the battle is ultimately won or lost in the legislative arena.
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How Populist Politicians Are Weakening the Kenyan Judiciary
The Kenyan President and his parliamentary allies are guilty of constitutional vandalism. In what has become an increasingly popular political move, they conveniently blame the judiciary for their unfulfilled promises, making the courts an easy target in a democracy backsliding. Lacking public outreach – judges neither organise rallies nor post on social media –, the judiciary has become a scapegoat to rally political support. While courts aren't beyond criticism, some attacks are self-serving, often from those with pending or impending court cases.
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11 March 2024
Shipwreck after Shipwreck
On 26 February 2024, the European Ombudsman issued a decision OI/3/2023/MHZ on the fundamental rights obligations of Frontex with regard to search and rescue in the context of its maritime surveillance activities. While affirming Frontex’s compliance with the applicable rules and protocols, the inquiry exposed significant shortcomings in how the Agency handles maritime incidents, including the issuance of emergency signals. Given the persistent scale of recurrent shipwrecks, I argue that integrating AI systems into Frontex’s activities has the capacity to significantly improve the decision-making process in responding to boats in potential distress and the overall SAR system.
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A Constitutional Dignitary Conceived in the Orbán-Regime
On 26 February, Tamás Sulyok, the former President of the Hungarian Constitutional Court, was elected Head of State by the Parliament. The election of Tamás Sulyok as a member of the Constitutional Court and then as its president was part of the process during which Fidesz took over the Constitutional Court. Sulyok’s presidency (2016-2024) was a testimony to the fact that the Constitutional Court has become subservient to the Fidesz-dominated political branches, and there is no sign that he has actively tried to do anything against it. Based on what we have seen so far, therefore, Tamás Sulyok is part of the Orbán-regime, and nothing suggests that he will exercise greater autonomy and independence in his role as Head of State.
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09 March 2024
Ecocide à la Bruxelloise
Belgium's new ecocide provision has been hailed as a resounding victory for environmental activists, particularly so for the burgeoning Stop Ecocide campaign. But is the widespread excitement justified? Can the new law deliver on the lofty expectations? And how does it fit within the soon-to-be adopted revision of the Environmental Crime Directive at the EU level? Despite constituting a highly symbolic step, I argue that the Belgian law’s constrained scope makes it a toothless tool to punish environmental outlaws in practice.
Continue reading >>Enshrining Abortion Rights in the French Constitution
On International Women’s Day 2024, President Emmanuel Macron signed an amendment, that enshrines abortion rights in the French Constitution. Abortion is now a constitutionally “guaranteed freedom” for women in France: but constitutionally guaranteeing this freedom is also — if not even more — a call-out to the rest of the world. By constitutionalizing the right to abortion, French parliamentarians and government officials aimed to signal this commitment to the global community, with a particular emphasis on the United States.
Continue reading >>08 March 2024
Substantive equality, not flowers
And we stand in solidarity with the women all over the world who are still fighting for equality!
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07 March 2024
The Digital Services Act as a Global Transparency Regime
On both sides of the Atlantic, policymakers are struggling to reign in the power of large online platforms and technology companies. Transparency obligations have emerged as a key policy tool that may support or enable achieving this goal. The core argument of this blog is that the Digital Services Act (DSA) creates, at least in part, a global transparency regime. This has implications for transatlantic dialogues and cooperation on matters concerning platform governance.
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How Europe Dodges the International Arms Control Regime
F-35 fighter jets are the world's most sophisticated weapon. This post argues that the legal basis for Dutch exports in the F-35 programme shows a worrying disregard for international law regulating arms exports. Dutch legislation does not require the government to carry out a detailed and prior assessment of the export of F-35 components. This is a clear breach of the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT). What’s more, the Netherlands is not the only European state that blatantly ignores its procedural obligations under the ATT, but countries such as Denmark and the UK have adopted a similar approach. Hence, one wonders whether dodging the ATT regime by European states in the F-35 programme is part and parcel of the negotiation package on commercial contracts with the US
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06 March 2024
Climate Protests and City Bans
As climate protests are mounting across Italy, there is a corresponding escalation in repressive responses from public authorities. This trend is not unique to Italy but is rather widespread throughout Europe, as evidenced by frequent reports in national newspapers and posts on this blog. What sets Italy apart from other European nations is the spectacular increase in the use of preventive measures by the public security administration.
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The ECtHR Advances the Battle against Racial Profiling in Wa Baile c. Suisse
On 20 February 2024, the European Court of Human Rights decided in the case of Wa Baile c. Suisse on racial profiling. This blog argues that the judgment represents a cautious step forward in the fight against racial profiling and repairs some shortcomings of earlier case law. The ECtHR holds that Switzerland violated Article 14 in combination with Article 8 ECHR. It reverses the burden of proof and accepts that both the lack of an adequate preventive framework and reports by international human rights bodies and NGOs contribute to establishing a presumption of discrimination.
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05 March 2024
Trump and the American Problem of the Commons
Americans missed another opportunity on Monday to reduce the threat Donald Trump presents to constitutional democracy in the United States and in other countries. The Supreme Court in Trump v. Anderson unanimously overturned decisions that held Trump ineligible to run for the Presidency. Three justices acknowledged that Trump is an “oathbreaking insurrectionist.” None challenged that Trump committed treason on January 6. Nevertheless, in an unsigned per curium opinion that had some basis in policy, but little or no foundation in the constitutional text or history of the Fourteenth Amendment, the justices ruled that states had no power to determine whether persons were eligible for the presidency under Section 3.
Continue reading >>Hundred Days of Fico IV Administration
In Slovakia, we are witnessing something truly extraordinary. Within the first hundred days of the new administration, Slovakia has experienced a paradigmatic change in the penal codes, an attack on civil society organizations, an abolishment of the Special Prosecutor’s Office, a bill for a limitation of the whistleblower protection, and politicization of independent institutions. Accordingly, I argue that Slovakia faces a much faster democratic backsliding than what was happening in Hungary and Poland. Based on the pace of the initial steps, we can expect a radical shift in Slovakia’s democratic character and its position in international relations.
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Presidential Dismissals of Judicial Officers in Tunisia
The situation unfolding in Tunisia serves as a stark example of blatant executive overreach into the realm of the judiciary. On February 12, 2024, Youssef Bouzakher, one of the most senior judges in Tunisia, submitted an individual communication against Tunisia to the UN Human Rights Committee. Through a series of presidential decrees adopted during 2021-2022, he was removed from his position as High Judicial Council member and President and was later dismissed from his judicial position together with 56 other magistrates. In this blog post, I will analyze the centrepiece of the assault on the Tunisian judiciary by President Kais Saied, namely presidential decree 2022-35, in light of international standards on judicial independence, and particularly, the ones from the African system.
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04 March 2024
Re-Imagining the European (Political) Community through Migration Law
The constant portrayal of migration as an exceptional and problematic phenomenon fuels public anxieties and makes deterrence and harshness seem like the only effective political approaches to managing global migration. By contrast, positive visions of how a society of immigration needs to look like for all members of society to benefit are scarce. Yet to counter apocalyptic scenarios, we need not only such a positive vision but also a theory of societal action that helps to realize it. This blog post offers such a vision and theory that is grounded in the normative and legal framework of the European Union. It argues that we should conceptualize the European society as an inclusive, participatory, and self-reflexive community that is based on constitutional principles as enshrined in Art. 2 TEU. To realize this vision, we must understand practices of claiming and defending human rights not as an overreach into the political latitude of the legislator but as a joint practice of (political) community-building.
Continue reading >>The Place of Numbers in Migration Debates
The governance of migration, in particular of asylum migration, is caught in the contrast between the political relevance of numbers, and the individuum-based structure of the law. For politics, it matters how many persons arrive, require shelter, enter procedures. For the legal assessment, however, numbers mostly do not matter: The right not to be rejected at the border, the right to access an asylum procedure and to shelter during that procedure are individual rights that are independent from the overall number of arrivals. This contrast is visible in periodical debates about a maximum number of asylum seekers per year, or proposals to abolish the individual right to protection altogether. Such proposals disregard that individual rights to protection are enshrined not just in constitutional law, but also in European and international law, and for good reason. However, it is worth taking the perspective of numbers seriously – while respecting the individual right to protection.
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29 February 2024
Pushing Back
The CJEU has pending before it a crucial case on the criminalisation of seeking asylum and assistance to those seeking protection. At this critical juncture, this blog post highlights a sample of important decisions in which courts, giving effect to constitutional and international legal principles, set legal limits on this form of criminalisation. These cases reflect not only the appropriate legal limits, but also acknowledge the character of irregular migration and smuggling. Rather than framing individuals as dangerous illegal migrants and exploitative smugglers, they reassert the humanity of both those in search of refuge and opportunity, and those that assist them.
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No Benefit
On January 18, 2024, the German federal parliament (Bundestag) passed the controversial Repatriation Improvement Act which de facto criminalises humanitarian support for entry by land as well as entry of minors by sea, land, and air. The German provision resembles both in wording and substance Article 12 of the Italian Consolidated Immigration Act (TUI) whose compatibility with EU law the CJEU is set to rule on, following a preliminary reference procedure initiated in July 2023. While the effect of a pending referral is uncertain, in the current case, the German government should have suspended its legislative process.
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When Treaties are Forbidden
A few months ago the UK’s Supreme Court held that the Secretary of State’s policy to remove protection seekers to Rwanda to have their claims determined there was unlawful. The British government responded to this decision with a Treaty and Bill that seek to legislate the fiction, or indeed, the falsehood, of Rwanda’s safety. This move demonstrates the fragility of the rule of law, both domestically and internationally. Addressing the latter, this essay shifts focus from domestic challenges to international ones, exploring whether STCs could be contested as ‘forbidden treaties’.
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Humanitarian Externalisation
Why are the reasons given in support of the declared aim of the current asylum policies in the UK, EU and USA of breaking the business model of smugglers expressed in humanitarian terms? It is, no doubt, tempting to simply dismiss this humanitarian rhetoric as hypocrisy, as the compliment that vice pays to virtue. Yet however justified that dismissal may be in particular cases, to turn away too quickly from this phenomenon would be to miss something of political significance in its form and to fail to register the historical entanglement of humanitarianism and border externalisation.
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No Backdoor for Mass Surveillance
Bulk data retention is the evergreen of European security policy. On February 13, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) – once again – ruled in Podchasov on Russia’s collection of and access to citizens’ private communication. The Court made it clear that weakening the encryption of all citizens cannot be justified. This sends an important message not only to the Russian state, but also to other European governments that contemplate installing “backdoors” on encrypted messenger services like Telegram, Signal or WhatsApp.
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28 February 2024
The Future of Legal Struggles
The year 2023 was not a good year for the rights of asylum seekers. The decision about a new legal framework for the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) was described as a "historic moment" (Ylva Johansson), but in fact works as a programme of disenfranchisement. If the pursuit of progressive positions are blocked in the political arena, actors shift their strategies to the judicial field. Even before the summer of migration 2015, successful legal struggles had a significant impact on European migration policy. Push-backs on the high sea were prohibited and transfers of asylum seekers to inhumane conditions under the Dublin system were prevented. The draft for the new CEAS are characterised by attempts to circumvent the consequences of these judgements. In this blogpost, I will discuss what the future of legal struggles within the framework of the new CEAS might look like.
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Asylum-Seekers’ Right to Free Movement
Restricting the freedom of movement of unwanted asylum seekers is the conceptual core of the CEAS reform package politically agreed upon by the EU’s legislative institutions in December 2023. Large groups of the people seeking international protection in the EU will be subject to so-called border procedures. Their claims will be processed while being ‘kept at or in proximity to the external border or transit zones’ (Commission proposal) in order to prevent their onward movement and to facilitate ensuing deportations. Introducing such confinement measures will be mandatory for all Member States, provided that an asylum seeker meets certain criteria, in particular a low rate of success of earlier protection claims made by his or her fellow nationals, calculated on an EU-wide average. Why did we fail to make asylum-seekers’ right to free movement relevant in context of the CEAS reform?
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Risky Recommendations
2024 will see numerous elections, including the European Parliament Elections in June. The Digital Services Act (DSA) obliges Big Tech to assess and mitigate systemic risks for “electoral processes”. The Commission published Draft Guidelines on the mitigation of systemic risks for electoral processes and sought feedback from all relevant stakeholders. While the protection of election integrity is a laudable aim, the Guidelines as proposed would not rebuild but further erode citizen trust in the digital environment and democratic processes. The recommendations are too vague, too broad and too lenient as regards the suggested cooperation between Big Tech, civil society and public authorities.
Continue reading >>27 February 2024
Understanding European Border Management
This contribution highlights how European border management disrupts conventional state-centric understandings thereof, while fostering impunity for human rights violations in its enforcement. EU borders are increasingly controlled in a supranational fashion by a panoply of different actors with different legal mandates and obligations, expanding within and beyond the physical frontiers of Member States. In addition, new technologies and the political turn to the logic of ‘crisis governance’ are contributing to changing the traditional practice of border controls, with a multiplicy of actors being involved in a complex dynamic of securitization. The actors, practices and the legal framework governing European border controls are rapidly changing; yet underlying linear and territorial assumptions and liability regimes remain unchanged perpetuating serious human rights shortcomings.
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Chasing Shadows
The Net Zero Industry Act (NZIA) was touted as the European Union’s big response to the US Inflation Reduction Act. A year ago, the Biden administration’s new green subsidy program spooked the EU into a flurry of industrial policy announcements. Now, the political dust has settled, and the EU’s main green industry initiatives will finally hit the legislative books. So, what has become of the EU’s new green industry agenda, and what can we learn from it about Europe’s role in the new global age of industrial policy?
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The EU’s Eastern Border and Inconvenient Truths
The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, alongside with the EU’s confrontation with Russia’s ally Belarus, however, has deeply impacted the securitisation of migration within the EU. Highly politicised conflict-related securitisation narratives have rarely found their way so swiftly into Member States’ domestic migration and asylum laws, leading to open and far-reaching violations of EU and international human rights law. Hardly ever before have ill-defined concepts and indiscriminate assumptions been so broadly accepted and used to shift from an individual-focused approach to blanket measures stigmatising, dehumanising and excluding entire groups. And rarely before have radical changes of this kind received so little criticism - a deeply unsettling and dangerous trend.
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How the EU Death Machine Works
Since 2015, more than 27.500 innocent people died or ‘went missing’ in the Mediterranean. They drowned by themselves thanks to villain smugglers, the Council submits; accountability for the death toll is a complex matter, the Court of Justice finds; besides the geopolitical times are complex – the Commission is right. But what an accident: mare nostrum, a great thoroughfare, turned itself into a racialized grave. Yet, these deaths at EU borders, just as mass abuse and kidnappings by EU-funded and equipped thugs in Libya do not happen by chance. The EU-Belarus border is another locus of torture and violence. All this is a successful implementation of well-designed lawless policies by the Union in collusion with the Member States. In this post, we map key legal techniques deployed by the designers of the EU’s death machine.
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26 February 2024
Rethinking the Law and Politics of Migration
2023 was, to put it mildly, a terrible year for (im)migrants and their human rights. With the declared end of the Covid pandemic came an end to the exceptional border policies it had led to which had further restricted already weakened migrants’ rights. Yet governments have largely chosen to replace them with legal frameworks that incorporated many of the same rights negating policies and ideas- except for this time they put them on a permanent legal basis. Liberated from their initial emergency rationales, asylum bans have now joined outsourcing and overpopulated mass detention camps as standard methods of migration governance. What is the role of legal scholarship and discourse at a time where governments seem increasingly comfortable to eschew many long-standing legal rules and norms, often with majority support?
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On Citing Van Gend & Citing it Correctly
There are multiple common misunderstandings that have, over time, taken on the status of established truths. For example, to Sherlock Holmes is often attributed the quote “Elementary, my dear Watson”, which never appears in the Conan Doyle novels. Neither did Voltaire ever confide to anyone that he “disagreed with what you say, but will defend to the death your right to say it”. In EU law, there exists a similar widespread misconception, albeit tiny in nature. Simultaneously, it does concern the probably most famous ruling ever delivered by the European Court of Justice, so the comparative weight is substantial.
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24 February 2024
The Curious Fate of the False Claim of Genocide
The International Court of Justice (ICJ) delivered another blow to Ukraine’s litigation strategy. The ICJ only confirmed its jurisdiction for considering Ukraine’s narrow claim that it had not committed genocide in Donbas. As we have previously argued, given the expected modest outcome of the case for Ukraine, it would make sense for Ukraine to expand its litigation strategy beyond the false claim of genocide. Ukraine may consider lodging a new lawsuit before the ICJ under the Genocide Convention, alleging that Russia breached the Convention by committing genocide against Ukrainians as a protected national group.
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Accountability for the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine
Two years have passed since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine – an act of aggression which 141 states of the UN General Assembly (UNGA) condemned as such shortly after. This crime of aggression has brought unimaginable suffering to the people of Ukraine. As this blog will highlight in the following, a reform of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) concerning the crime of aggression is necessary and long overdue. The current jurisdictional regime leaves accountability gaps, which have become painfully visible in the past two years. Plausible suggestions for the reform are already out there – it ultimately “all depends on the political will” of the 124 ICC state parties.
Continue reading >>Our Fighting Democracy
How Ukrainian democracy manages to persist in these challenging times.
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23 February 2024
Taking War to Court
A surprise attack launched by Hamas on October 7 ignited yet another period of violence in Israel and Gaza. In response, Israel launched an unprecedented invasion of the Gaza Strip, which resulted in the deaths of over 25,000 Gazans, most of them civilians. While the war does not seem to come close to an end, Israel has meanwhile encountered a different kind of problem; following the October 7 attack, Israel captured hundreds of Hamas fighters. Immediately following the start of the war, voices in Israel urged the government to launch criminal prosecutions of these attackers, with some arguing that Israel should impose the death penalty on the perpetrators.
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A2D for Researchers in Digital Platforms
Over the past decade, access to data (A2D) in digital platforms has emerged as a significant challenge within the research community. Researchers seeking to explore data hosted on these platforms encounter growing obstacles. While legal policies in the US have generally focused on establishing safeguards for researchers against the restrictions on access imposed by private ordering, the recent EU Digital Service Act (DSA) introduces a legal framework, which enables researchers to compel platforms to provide data access. These complementary legal strategies may prove instrumental in facilitating A2D for research purposes.
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22 February 2024
Pakistan’s Qazi Court and Who is Afraid of the Cricket Bat
In a fundamental misunderstanding of classical Islamic law, legendary sociologist Max Weber conceptualised it as ‘Qadi justice’ quintessentially characterized as an Islamic judge “sitting under a tree” handing out informal and irrational decisions. Weber may have been incorrect in his characterization of Islamic law, but the Qazi Court of Pakistan appears to fit that mould. In several decisions, the Qazi Court effectively condoned the unconstitutional delay in elections, suppression of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) of Imran Khan’s election campaign, and turned a blind eye towards a campaign of repression by the military-backed establishment. However, the unkindest cut of them all to Pakistan’s democracy and the legitimacy of the elections was the Qazi Court’s decision denying the PTI its electoral symbol: the cricket bat.
Continue reading >>The DSA’s Trusted Flaggers
One of the most-publicized innovations brought about by the Digital Services Act (DSA or Regulation) is the ‘institutionalization’ of a regime emerged and consolidated for a decade already through voluntary programs introduced by the major online platforms: trusted flaggers. This blogpost provides an overview of the relevant provisions, procedures, and actors. It argues that, ultimately, the DSA’s much-hailed trusted flagger regime is unlikely to have groundbreaking effects on content moderation in Europe.
Continue reading >>21 February 2024
The Legal Limits of Supporting Israel
On January 26, 2024, the International Court of Justice (‘ICJ’ or ‘the Court’) issued its provisional measures order on the Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v. Israel). This article provides an overview of the legal implications of the ICJ’s order for third-party states providing political, financial, or military support to Israel, including the US, Canada, the UK, Germany, and the Netherlands. I argue that the plausibility of genocide establishes the necessary evidentiary threshold to trigger state responsibility for third-party states on the international level as well as to initiate domestic legal proceedings.
Continue reading >>Will the DSA have the Brussels Effect?
The Digital Services Act (DSA) is a comprehensive effort by the European Union (EU) to regulate digital services. Many on-lookers in Europe and beyond its borders wonder about whether the DSA will influence activities outside of Europe via a “Brussels Effect.” In this contribution, we argue that when it comes to extraterritorial spill-over effects of the DSA that are driven by economic incentives or de facto standardisation and private ordering.
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Autocratic (Il)legalism
It is a common myth that since the Fidesz-KDNP coalition has almost always had a two-thirds parliamentary majority since 2010, the Orbán-government could pass its illiberal legislative reforms in a legally correct manner. In reality, however, many laws that constitute the pillars of Orbán’s illiberal regime were enacted in violation of the procedural requirements of the rule of law. The European Commission’s country visit to Hungary provides an opportunity to remind the EU bodies of their responsibility to enforce all requirements of the rule of law without compromise.
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Human Rights Outsourcing and Reliance on User Activism in the DSA
Article 14(4) of the Digital Services Act (DSA) places an obligation on providers of intermediary services, including online platforms hosting user-generated content (see Article 3(g) DSA), to apply content moderation systems in “a diligent, objective and proportionate manner.” Against this background, the approach taken in Article 14(4) DSA raises complex questions. Does the possibility of imposing fundamental rights obligations on intermediaries, such as online platforms, exempt the state power from the noble task of preventing inroads into fundamental rights itself? Can the legislator legitimately outsource the obligation to safeguard fundamental rights to private parties?
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20 February 2024
Towards a Digital Constitution
The DSA exemplifies the EU's efforts to create a fairer, more responsible digital environment. Through the DSA, the EU appears to be advancing a process of constitutionalisation of Internet governance, as an important milestone in the evolving landscape of “digital constitutionalism”, aiming to establish a unified framework of rights, principles, and governance norms for the digital space, while also contributing to the development of new governance structures and regulatory bodies dedicated to effectively safeguarding fundamental rights online.
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European Nuclear Weapons
After Donald Trump’s announcement to withhold US military support in case of an attack on a NATO member by Russia under certain circumstances, a discussion has been sparked on whether Europe itself should have their own nuclear weapons for nuclear deterrence. However, given the progress in the legal framework of nuclear non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament, European nuclear weapons would violate international law.
Continue reading >>Who’s Afraid of Militant Democracy, U.S. Style
Yesterday, Professor Samuel Issacharoff asked “Can it really be that one public official in Maine can remove a national presidential candidate on her say-so?” Professor Issacharoff and I, as well as every proponent of disqualification I know of, agree on a basic point. Right-wing populist authoritarianism cannot be defeated by legal decree. Government by the people cannot be maintained by means other than government by the people. Disqualifying individual candidates who resort to violence when they lose the vote, however, does not raise the difficulties that concern Professor Issacharoff and are consistent with democratic rule.
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How the DMCA Anticipated the DSA’s Due Process Obligations
Among other things, the new DSA requires platforms to provide “due process”-like protections for user-authors. This regulatory approach is an important Internet Law development, but it’s not completely novel. The DMCA also contains several due process-like protections for user-authors. This post identifies some of the DMCA’s due process elements, compares them to the DSA’s analogous provisions, and discusses the lessons from the DMCA for the DSA. Though the DSA uses a different policy paradigm than the DMCA, it’s unclear if it will achieve better outcomes.
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The CJEU’s Feminist Turn?
In Case C-621/21, the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) held that women in general and women facing domestic violence in their country of origin in particular, qualify as a protected ‘social group’ under EU Directive 2011/95 and thus avail themselves for refugee status or subsidiary protection in the Common European Asylum System. This contribution applies the perspective of feminist approaches to international law to critically analyze what this decision means for women and victims of gender-based violence – in- and outside of the European Union.
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19 February 2024
EU’s Involvement in the Renewal of the Spanish Council of the Judiciary
The growing political polarization of Western liberal democracies often leads to situations of political deadlock that require the intervention of an external authority capable of untangling the knot. After the second (fruitless) meeting held today between Commissioner Reynders and representatives of the Spanish government and the main opposition party, there is no simple solution in sight to an issue of the renewal of the Spanish Council of the Judiciary with significant implications for the immediate future of the Spanish political scenario. In this blog, I argue that underneath all the technical layers of legal order invoked under the generic defence of the rule of law, there are political and democratic debates for which the EU may play an important yet uncertain and questionable role.
Continue reading >>Restoration of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal as Reading the Constitution Forward
The question of how to restore the fallen and degenerated body that once was the Polish Constitutional Tribunal is finally to make its way to the Parliament this week. The stakes are clear: If we get lost in legalese and accept half-baked solutions, it will taint all ambitions and legislative projects aimed at restoring the rule of law in Poland. To avoid this mistake, the “fake court” should be “zeroed out” and newly appointed.
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Trump’s Trials for Democracy
It is hard to imagine a stable democracy having to confront the legal challenges presented by Donald Trump’s bid for reelection. Courts have found him to be responsible for sexual assault, defamation and fraud, all in relatively quick succession. Taken together with repeated acts of demagogy and cruelty, the various legal proceedings reinforce the sense that Trump simply does not belong within the bounds of legitimate democratic contestation. But the charges against him thus far are civil claims that have no formal bearing on his bid for office. Nor do they seem to affect public opinion as the polarized electoral environment has little intermediate play that might be swayed by scandal, legal condemnation, or even the sense that enough is enough.
Continue reading >>A Hobgoblin Comes for Internet Regulation
Recent laws in the US, along with the Digital Services Act (DSA), seek to provide “due process” for individual content moderation decisions. Due process, understandably enough, often contains a component of treating like cases alike. It seems to follow, then, that if two relevantly similar users are treated differently, there is a problem of inconsistency, and that problem might be addressed by requiring more “due process” in the forms of appeals and clear rules and explanations of those rules to offenders. But it is said that consistency is the hobgoblin of small minds. In internet regulation, it is a damaging goal if taken as a mandate to make individual decisions uniformly consistent with each other.
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From the DMCA to the DSA
On 17 February 2024, the Digital Services Act (DSA) became fully applicable in Europe. The DSA's new approach fundamentally reshapes the regulation and liability of platforms in Europe, and promises to have a significant impact in other jurisdictions, like the US, where there are persistent calls for legislative interventions to reign in the power of Big Tech. This symposium brings together a group of renowned European and American scholars to carry an academic transatlantic dialogue on the potential benefits and risks of the EU’s new approach.
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18 February 2024
The Triumph of Evil
Putin's regime finally murdered Alexei Navalny, a Russian patriot and freedom fighter. Regardless of how the events on 16 February unfolded, his death is a direct result of the actions of Russian state agents who had long been working towards his death. Putin’s belief in his absolute impunity, reinforced by appeasement, was a decisive factor that facilitated Alexei Navalny's murder. However, what happened to Navalny must not happen to Vladimir Kara-Murza, Aleksei Gorinov, Ilya Yashin, and many others. Navalny’s death is a huge loss for all Russians who believe in a free and peaceful future for their country, but also for Europe and the world.
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16 February 2024
A Letter from the Stabi
Sitting inside while outside all hell is breaking loose
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In Search of a Methodical Approach to Seat Apportionment in the European Parliament
The European Parliament is once again trying to tackle the problem of how to apportion its seats between member states. In one of those rare Treaty instances, Parliament is obliged to initiate this procedure itself [Article 14(2) TEU]. It has so far failed in this obligation, and finding a decent solution still proves difficult. However, on 14 February 2024, the Parliament’s Constitutional Affairs Committee (AFCO) organised a workshop to consider three alternative formulae, all of which respect the principle of degressive proportionality. The blog outlines these proposals and explicates the challenges of the search for a methodical approach to seat apportionment in the European Parliament.
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Heyday of Autocratic Legalism in Slovakia
Slovakia’s parliament approved an amendment to its criminal code and associated legislation that, if it comes into effect, will significantly reduce the prescription periods for various crimes including rape, the penalties for others, and abolish the Special Prosecutor’s Office. Despite a narrative claiming to commit to restorative justice by reducing lengths for prison sentences and implementing a more diverse set of conviction options, the legislative changes perpetuate violence through autocratic legalism on the vast majority of the Slovak population, and especially those vulnerable to abuses of power. This assault on the criminal legal system in Slovakia by the ruling illiberal coalition is expected to put the Constitutional Court under pressure.
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Why the Russian Constitution Matters
Russia’s failure to become a democracy after the collapse of the Soviet Union is not an inevitable product of its history. On the contrary, it has been shaped by the adoption of a constitutional system of centralised power in the office of the president. Long term democratic reform will require more than just Putin leaving the office of the presidency. Avoiding a system of ‘Putinism without Putin’ will also require a new Russian constitutional foundation that breaks with centralisation and reshapes the later structural chapters of the constitution to balance power between institutions.
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Polish Re-Democratisation as “Building Back Better”
Since the new Polish government took power, it has taken first steps to restore the rule of law. These have been quite different in nature, from the soft appeals to comply with the case law of the CJEU to more uncompromising and confrontational measures, like taking control of the public broadcasting TVP. It is clear that restoring a damaged liberal democracy requires a different mindset than fighting its demise. While the latter aims to strategically delay the anticipated undemocratic endeavours, the former must constructively rebuild. I call this ‘Building Back Better’, akin to the UN risk-reduction approach employed to avoid future disasters.
Continue reading >>Advancing Accountability
In Alkhatib and Others v. Greece, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has condemned Greece for yet another instance of human rights violations in border management. By underlining the importance of clear regulations and adequate evidence within border operations, the Court showed avenues to enhance the accountability framework for violations perpetrated at Europe’s borders. Its decision contrasts favourably with the approach taken in the EU at large, where both legislators and national and supranational courts generally disregard the opacity in regulations governing border operations and the difficulty of collecting evidence for migrants.
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15 February 2024
A Shortcut at the Expense of Justice
On 31 January 2024, the International Court of Justice rendered its judgment on the merits of a case initiated by Ukraine against the Russian Federation in 2017. Ukraine alleged numerous violations by Russia of two treaties: the 1999 International Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism and the 1965 International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. This blog post provides a brief overview of the decision and argues that the Court sidestepped the task of reconstructing what has happened in reality via judicial fact-finding. This approach comes at the expense of several legal errors. The harsh realities of the conflict and, most importantly, the human suffering on the territories of Ukraine occupied by Russia seem far removed from the grandeur of the Peace Palace.
Continue reading >>“Rented Uterus” as a Universal Crime
The principle of universal jurisdiction (UJ) has traditionally been grounded in the idea of a collective response to the most heinous crimes on a global scale. Italy, a country that currently lacks universal jurisdiction for international crimes, is amid deliberations on a proposed bill advocating for the use of universal jurisdiction in cases of surrogacy. This analysis contends that the underlying political motive behind this bill is to curb all forms of same-sex parenthood, inadvertently resulting in a criminal law framework that would specifically impact male-gay couples. Secondly, it draws a parallel with “memory law”, illustrating how legal mechanisms initially established in the enthusiasm of the ‘90s are now being repurposed as instruments for divisive political agendas.
Continue reading >>14 February 2024
Teaching Human Rights in Russian Legal Education
The growing mistrust towards the West in Russia since the early 2000s, as well as general disillusionment with the results of political transition and economic reforms, along with the aggressive anti-human rights propaganda of the Russian regime for a long time, has led to a perception of human rights as a "Western theory" that does not fit the Russian people. This context made it easy in the 2010s to weaponize human rights in the Kremlin’s foreign policy rhetoric and subsequent direct aggression; the rhetoric of "protecting human rights" became the justification for both the annexation of Crimea and the initiation of full-scale aggression against Ukraine.
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Dutch Court Halts F-35 Aircraft Deliveries for Israel
In a landmark decision, the Hague Court of Appeal ordered the Dutch government on 12 February 2024 to stop supplying Israel with F-35 fighter jet parts because there was a “clear risk” that serious violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) would be committed with the aircraft in Gaza. In their unanimous decision, the three judges relied on the European Union (EU) Common Position on Arms Exports and the Arms Trade Treaty as they apply to Dutch law, which outline criteria against which military exports must be assessed to determine the risk of abuse. The judgment made important findings on the nature of these risk assessments, which may have significant implications in future litigation.
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Desperate Times, Desperate (Provisional) Measures
On 12 February 2024, South Africa requested the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to consider exercising its power under Article 75(1) of the Rules of Court to indicate provisional measures proprio motu against Israel. This is an extraordinary request by South Africa, coming less than three weeks after the Court indicated provisional measures against Israel on 26 January 2023. It is also very rare for the Court to act proprio motu, whether prompted by a state’s request or otherwise. South Africa’s latest request is a response to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s statement on 9 February that Israel is preparing a ground invasion of Rafah in the south of Gaza. How will the ICJ respond to South Africa’s request? In this regard, the method by which South Africa seeks the Court’s intervention merits attention.
Continue reading >>Christine de Pizan
In conversations on missing female voices in the traditional development of international law a repetitive argument given as an explanation for the absence of women as active designers and contributors to international law is that it was simply unusual to find women in certain professions at that time due to the assignment of gender roles and corresponding conduct and activities considered as adequate. There is certainly a great deal of truth in this explanation. Nevertheless, the argument that the absence of women was a normal side effect of the traditional social circumstances at that time could also serve as an excuse to overlook, ignore and make women invisible, who have actually played a crucial role as active designers of the international legal order. One of them is Christine de Pizan.
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Absolute Truths and Absolutist Control
Last week, the Bombay High Court delivered its judgment in Kunal Kamra v. Union of India, comprising a split verdict on the constitutional validity of the Information Technology Rules, 2023. The rules install an institutional regime for determining – and warranting takedown by social media intermediaries – of content relating to the Central Government deemed “fake, false or misleading”. This regime was challenged on three main grounds – first, its violation of citizens’ free expression due to “fake, false, or misleading” speech being constitutionally protected; second, the pedestalization of state-related information, such that it enters public discourse with a single, truthful formulation, as being an illegitimate and disproportionate measure; and third, the violation of natural justice in enabling the state to determine truth and falsity concerning itself.
Continue reading >>13 February 2024
Can the Russian Constitution Still Strike Back?
Three decades after the adoption of the Russian Constitution, we must admit that it has not become an effective safeguard against the usurpation of power and state terror. The conditions under which the Russian Constitution could have served as a secure barrier to the revival of authoritarianism and state terror is a profound question warranting a separate discussion. I suggest that we should look a few steps ahead and imagine an optimistic scenario of a new attempt to establish democracy and rule of law in Russia – regardless of how improbable such a scenario may seem at present. One of the priorities of such an attempt will be to overcome impunity for the perpetrators of crimes of the Putin regime.
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Protect the German Federal Constitutional Court!
For a long time, we felt in Germany as though we were in a world of bliss. While the independence of the judiciary was being attacked in Poland, the USA and most recently in Israel, we were blessed with a strong constitutional court. Over the decades, it has proven to be independent and impartial; it has earned immense trust and respect among the public. However, the independence of the Federal Constitutional Court is built on sand. Now, a public debate has flared up as to whether and how the independence of the Constitutional Court should be protected. A look into other legal systems can contribute to this debate.
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12 February 2024
The Year of the Defense of Life, Liberty and Property
Following his inauguration on December 10, Argentina's President Javier Milei has pursued his governmental goal to reduce the size and expenses of the state and to deregulate productive activities by issuing Executive Order (DNU) 70/23, titled "Bases for the Reconstruction of the Argentine Republic." This executive order is unprecedented in Argentina's history for its ambitious scope, addressing a wide range of issues in a single directive. This blogpost maps some constitutional questions that arise with Milei’s choice of implementing his governmental agenda via Executive Order, including their status in Argentina’s constitutional system and available mechanisms for congressional and judicial control.
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Consolidating Group-Based Refugee Protection
Two pending cases before the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) provide an opportunity for the CJEU to consolidate group-based refugee protection. At the heart of the cases is a concern with granting refugee protection to groups of persons based on their inherent characteristics, in this case women and girls from Afghanistan. However, as the joined cases of AH and FN highlight, this is often due to an apprehension amongst asylum decision makers over the grant of protection to large groups of persons based on sex and misconceptions surrounding gender-based violence and discrimination.
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11 February 2024
What Went Wrong and What Could be Done?
The question should perhaps be “what went right?”. I argue that for more than 30 years, as a result of a key provision in the Constitution, and the work of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation (CCRF) there were many positive changes to Russian law and practice. These advances were only possible as a result of Russia’s membership of the Council of Europe and ratification of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). But that chapter in Russia’s constitutional history has been closed.
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Why Nicaragua’s Article 62 Intervention in South Africa v. Israel is Potentially Unhelpful
On 23 January 2024, Nicaragua applied for permission to intervene in the case concerning Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v. Israel). Nicaragua's application will drag proceedings out one way or another. Potentially it means the Court must hear and decide upon a third version of events, clouding South Africa’s original case. If this case is really about addressing what the Court described as a ‘human tragedy’ in Gaza and not just about political point-scoring, Nicaragua, by trying to help, may just have made things worse.
Continue reading >>10 February 2024
Legitimizing Authoritarian Transformation
In the early 1990s, the Constitutional Court of Russia (RCC) was viewed as an important institution for protecting human rights and facilitating the democratic transition. However, the good intentions of the constitutional drafters were insufficient to overcome the country’s totalitarian legacy and practices. An examination of the RCC’s evolution over three decades reveals two significant trends: Firstly, the RCC transformed into a machine for legitimizing laws designed to dismantle political competition, civil society, and civil liberties. Secondly, this dynamic did not prevent the RCC from losing its independence and political weight after the constitutional amendments of 2020. In this blog post, I will provide a brief overview of the RCC’s most controversial decisions over the past 30 years, along with the measures taken to destroy independent constitutional review in Russia.
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09 February 2024
In Favour of Civilian Constitutional Protection
Why civil society will continue to be critical even if the AfD party ban proceedings are successful.
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Women’s Rights and the Russian Constitution
Since the beginning of Russia’ aggression against Ukraine, the government’s rhetoric has become more conservative and nationalistic. In 2022-2023, Russia witnessed the introduction of a slew of oppressive legislation directly violating human rights. Against the backdrop of Putin’s focus on the fight against the ‘enemies’ and Russia’s isolation due to ‘fighting for the right cause’ women once again became the target of regulation with a steady and consistent assault on their human rights, particularly reproductive rights. Moreover, as women actively participate in anti-war protests, the authorities have been treating women more harshly during arrest, trial and sentencing as various reports show. Nevertheless, women continue to fight for their rights and freedoms in courts and on the streets, hoping for change.
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UNRWA as Sui Generis
Since UNRWA preemptively disclosed Israel’s claim to have evidence that 12 UNRWA employees participated in the 7 October 2023 attacks, at least 16 donor states and the European Union, which collectively supply the vast majority of the Agency’s budget, have suspended their contributions. This poses an existential threat to UNRWA, the largest provider of humanitarian assistance in Gaza. This post explains how the current episode displays the unsatisfactory sui generis status of UNRWA’s Palestinian staff, and forms part of an ongoing and largely successful attempt to position UNRWA as a compromised, sui generis UN organisation which constitutes an outlier in the law and practice of the United Nations.
Continue reading >>Exercising Power from the Outside
Since 2019, anti-Islam non-parliamentary activists have explored the limits to freedom of speech in Denmark, Sweden, Norway, and the Netherlands through their provocative Quran desecration acts. Using the non-parliamentarian arena to exercise power from a position of minority, the far-right activist Rasmus Paludan and his party were able to effectively push the Danish constitutional boundaries, while at the same time affecting the geopolitical situation. While the protests so far only have had legal repercussions regarding blasphemy and freedom of speech in Denmark, it clearly demonstrates that non-parliamentary far-right activists also hold certain legislative powers.
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08 February 2024
Subnational Politics and the Path of National Democracies
In Germany and the United States, political factions have emerged in the last decade that have challenged some of the core institutions, conventions, and norms of liberal democratic life. In both countries, subnational units of government—states or municipalities—have operated as staging grounds for parties or factions of parties that reject some or all necessary elements of democratic practice. While they have used different institutional tactics to this end, many basic elements of political strategy can be observed across the two cases.
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Regime Adaptation Within Russia’s Judicial Elites
The case of Valery Zorkin, chairman of the Russian Constitutional Court, shows how elites prioritize their own survival and therefore do not oppose a repressive and aggressive regime, most likely because they fear revenge from liberal peers and victims of the system. And since the war against Ukraine, elites have another reason to stay loyal. For those who fear being held responsible for a war of aggression and war crimes, Putin is the only “guarantor of stability.”
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07 February 2024
Examining the EU’s Artificial Intelligence Act
Finally, consensus on the EU Artificial Intelligence Act. The academic community is thus finally in a position to provide a (slightly) more definitive evaluation of the Act’s potential to protect individuals and societies from AI systems’ harms. This blog post attempts to contribute to this discussion by illustrating and commenting on the final compromises regarding some of the most controversial and talked-about aspects of the AI Act, namely its rules on high-risk systems, its stance on General Purpose AI, and finally its system of governance and enforcement.
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Paving the Way for Violence
The negative effects of the 1993 conflict prevailed over the benefits from the end of a confrontation. Its outcomes raised a major barrier to the democratization of Russia and paved the way for the use of violence as a means of preserving power. This conflict contributed to the maximization of presidential power and to the weakening of checks and balances in the constitution, which included significant authoritarian potential. The political order established in Russia after the 1993 conflict largely determined the subsequent trajectory of Russian political evolution and its drift towards a personalist authoritarian regime.
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06 February 2024
Bricolage, Bullshit, and Bustle
On 15 December 2023, the Swiss Federal Council (Government) announced that it intended to start formal negotiations with the EU on the conclusion of a Framework Agreement (FA) 2.0. Five existing and two new treaties between the EU and Switzerland are to be subject to dynamic alignment and institutionalised, i.e. provided with a monitoring and judicial mechanism. The project, which is practically fixed in the decisive questions by a “Common Understanding” (“CU”) between the two parties, is based on a triple B approach: in substance, it consists of unsuccessful bricolage, the foundations were laid by bullshit, and because elections and a change of the Commission are imminent in the EU, bustle is supposedly of the essence. The CU summarizes what the Parties have informally agreed on.
Continue reading >>05 February 2024
Heightening the Repressive Dynamic
The new French Immigration Act was promulgated and published on 26th January 2024, the day after the Conseil Constitutionnel decision which censored 35 provisions in one of its longest decisions to date. The Conseil chose to emphasize the Constitution’s procedural requirements, while largely avoiding substantive analysis of the Act’s drastic reduction of foreigners’ rights. Indeed, it asserted the constitutionality or remained silent on many provisions that undercut foreigner’s rights. The Act as promulgated thereby constitutes the most repressive text since 1945 and heightens a migration restrictive dynamic.
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Unveiling Democracy
On 11 January, Advocate General Richard de la Tour delivered his Opinions in two cases, against the Czech Republic and Poland, which cautiously uncover part of the core of the EU value of democracy. The Commission launched these infringement cases against the two Member States back in November 2012 and April 2013 respectively. Now that the rule of law is a well-established principle of EU law, these cases present themselves as a chance to focus on a less explored value enshrined in Article 2 TEU. They allow the Court to construct a foundation to address prospective questions regarding democratic principles.
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03 February 2024
Our Dignity in Your Hands
Complacency now will endanger millions of people, not the Constitution.
Continue reading >>01 February 2024
Milieudefensie v ING: Climate Breakdown and Banks’ Duty of Care
There is a trend towards climate lawsuits against companies based on their alleged duty of care not to emit more than a certain amount of greenhouse gases (GHGs). Currently, there are four such cases before courts in Germany, all of which have been unsuccessful so far. On 19 January 2024, Milieudefensie, a Dutch environmental group, initiated legal proceedings against the Dutch Bank ING, for the first time raising the issue of whether financial actors have such a duty of care. This case represents a significant milestone in the worldwide effort to transform the financial sector and curb its seemingly endless appetite for financing fossil fuels. In light of these proceedings, I argue that the German courts have adopted an imprecise understanding of what the duty of care entails and that an appropriate application of this duty can increase the accountability of financial actors.
Continue reading >>An Unfortunate Trend of Vagueness
The German Government is planning to change the procedural and substantive legal framework on international criminal law in Germany, with an expert hearing having taken placed on 31 January 2024 before the German Parliament’s (Deutscher Bundestag) Legal Affairs Committee. One aspect appears to have been totally neglected by the current draft proposal: the issue of functional immunity from foreign criminal jurisdiction in case of core crime charges. In this post, I highlight an ambiguity regarding the personal scope of functional immunity arising from German case law which the German Government and Parliament should take the opportunity to clarify with the current reform proposal. This is particularly important given that the ambiguity appears to have traveled to other jurisdictions as illustrated by the case of Ziada v. Netherlands.
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Civil Disobedience and Judicial Theories of Political Change
This post considers the latest episode of Australia’s engagement with civil disobedience under its constitutionally ‘implied freedom of political communication’ — Kvelde v New South Wales (‘Kvelde’). In Kvelde a judge of the New South Wales Supreme Court followed the tendency of some High Court judges of reducing the democratic value of civil disobedience to binary terms: if a form of political speech is already illegal, the Court will not engage with further legislative acts seeking to increase penalties for it. I describe this as the ‘binary approach.’ I argue that the binary approach reflects a particular judicial theory of political change not necessarily prescribed by the freedom, that is also out of step with historical Australian political practices.
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The Limits of Public Participation
In this piece, I critique the proposed people-driven constitution-making process in South Sudan, identifying some challenges that may hinder meaningful participation by the people. One is mass illiteracy: over 70% of the population is illiterate. This can impact the people’s capacity to meaningfully engage with some of the complex issues that may arise from the process. Another factor is that involving the people could exacerbate existing ethnic tensions in the country, as constitution-making is inherently divisive. My suggestion is to entrust the process to experts with oversight by parliament.
Continue reading >>31 January 2024
The Ambivalent Juridification of Humanitarian Space
While humanitarian actors remain hesitant and somewhat suspicious to legal regulation, litigation, and lawyers, the sector is going through a process of juridification: the law regulates more activities, is more often used to solve conflicts, and the legal profession is getting more involved in the nuts and bolts of humanitarian lawyering. Most importantly, individuals in crisis and aid workers increasingly see themselves as legal subjects – whether as workers, rights-holders, or customers. My objective in this blog is to encourage the humanitarians to deal with these developments more comprehensively. Moreover, this blog post takes stock of the ambivalence to law and emergent shifts in the sector and calls for international law scholars to pay more attention.
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South Africa v Israel: A Solomonic Decision as “Constructive Ambiguity”
In its wise Order of 26 January 2024, the ICJ managed to make a virtue out of a necessity: Israel was not prohibited from continuing its combat operations but was reminded of its strict compliance with international humanitarian law and its obligation to avoid genocide. At the same time, the ICJ reiterated the requirement to respect the most fundamental rights and the core of humanitarian law to all warring factions. Despite still essentially being a court for inter-state disputes – it put the individual, the human being, at the centre. Henceforth, the ICJ’s order of provisional measures is a Solomonic decision at its best and a further step towards the “humanization of international law”.
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30 January 2024
Is the Norwegian Paradox Coming to an End?
A wind of change is sweeping in the last stronghold of European petrostates: Norway. The recent decision rendered on January 18, 2024, by the District Court of Oslo in the North Sea Fields Case may testify to the demise of what was once called the Norwegian paradox, referring to Norway’s dual role as a climate leader internationally while maintaining a significant reliance on fossil fuels domestically. Despite advocating for climate action on the global stage, Norway remains the largest per capita exporter of CO2 emissions, due to its substantial petroleum industry.
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Shielding Frontex 2.0
In Hamoudi v Frontex, the General Court dismissed another action that could have clarified if, when, and how independent or joint human rights responsibility would arise when Frontex is engaged in shared operational conduct with the Member States. This time not on the basis of an obscure re-interpretation of the Applicant’s claim, but instead, on the basis of an unattainably high and unrealistic burden, standard and method of proof. In doing so, the General Court again eschews from clarifying the nature, conditions and consequences of both independent and joint human rights responsibility of Frontex. Taken together, these cases raise the question whether there are any viable forms of judicial recourse for fundamental rights violations committed or contributed to by the EU’s Border and Coastguard Agency.
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29 January 2024
Provisional Measures as Tools of American Empire
One could feel the weight of history on her shoulders, as Judge Joan Donoghue, President of the International Court of Justice, read the provisional measures order in South Africa v Israel. Her hand reached several times for the glass of water. Carefully, and with an occasional sip of water, she walked her viewers on the ICJ’s streaming service from one provisional measure to the next. By first zeroing in on the role of the American judge, this post describes how the provisional measures decided upon, ultimately correspond to a larger project of global American governance. As I will argue the US Executive Branch is likely to take a lead role in interpreting the provisional measures, further cementing their place as tools of empire.
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A Way Forward?
While included in the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights (CFR), academic and scientific freedom were for years hardly a focus for the EU. This no longer holds true. On 29 November 2023, the European Parliament invited stakeholders to discuss the state of academic freedom in Europe (STOA conference), including the role of the EU in its legal protection. The conference intertwines with two important developments, both driven by the EP. First, on 22 November 2023, the EP adopted its proposals for the amendment of the Treaties, with some relevant for academic freedom protection. Earlier this month, on 17 January 2024, the EP approved the Report calling on the Commission to initiate a legislative proposal on the promotion of the freedom of scientific research in the EU and providing recommendations on its content. In this blog post, we briefly discuss these two EP calls aimed at enhanced protection of academic and scientific freedom to assess to what extent they address the concerns raised by various stakeholders.
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26 January 2024
Ending Diversity without Debate
How to Safeguard Germany's Free and Pluralistic Media .
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Too Little, Too Late
All signs indicate that the various procedures and instruments invented and used by the European Commission to improve the situation of the rule of law in Hungary have so far not been successful. In fact, apart from a few sham measures, democracy and rule of law, in their simplest definitions (the possibility to overthrow the incumbent government through free and fair elections, and the limitation of political power by law) are in a worse situation in Hungary today than when the various mechanisms for protecting the rule of law were launched or payments were suspended. Why have the tools used by the European Union so far proven ineffective? Finding the causes of a complex phenomenon is never easy, but the experience of recent years makes it possible to identify some that can explain this failure.
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25 January 2024
Measuring with Double Legal Standards
Less than two hours after Israel had closed its pleadings, the German Government released a press statement, announcing its intent to intervene as a third party under Article 63 of the Statute of the ICJ (ICJ Statute). Therefore, it can be assumed that Germany did not take sufficient time to conduct a comprehensive assessment prior to its decision. At all costs, it sought to be perceived as being on Israel’s side. Germany’s decision may not appear startling given that it had previously intervened in both genocide proceedings against Russia (Ukraine v Russia case) and Myanmar (Rohingya case). However, in the latter case, Germany joined Gambia in upholding a purposive construction of Article II Genocide Convention, which would seem to present a serious obstacle to support Israel. Thus, this contribution investigates whether Germany, in its intervention in the "Genocide in the Gaza Strip case", would be able to abandon its previous submissions in the Rohingya case and instead adopt a more restrictive construction of the Article II Genocide Convention.
Continue reading >>Counter-Genocidal Governance
The International Court of Justice’s decision regarding South Africa’s request for provisional measures in its genocide case against Israel is expected tomorrow. Whatever the Court decides, it is worthwhile noting that the impact of the process is already evident. And any provisional measures that may be given, will shape a years-long and likely tense dialog between Israel and the Court, as well as third countries. Everything that will happen for the duration of the proceedings, over the next two or three years at least, will continue to build evidence until, finally, the owl of Minerva will spread its wings. My purpose in this post is to provide some provisional reflections on how that may work. In doing so, I will expand a bit on a notion I’ve tried to develop in a previous post, that of counter-genocidal governance.
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19 January 2024
More Security for the Security Apparatus
How to protect Thuringia's police and office for the protection of the constitution from an authoritarian-populist takeover
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18 January 2024
Leading the Way
There is little doubt that climate change in all its facets is one of the most pressing global issues of our time. Increasingly, we see international and regional treaty bodies addressing it. Much has been written about ongoing procedures in front of the International Court of Justice, the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, and the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). However, other regional developments, such as the African Commission’s study on the impact of climate change or the request for an advisory opinion on the climate emergency to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR) have regrettably received less attention. As we have submitted an amicus curiae to the latter proceeding, we want to contribute to its prominence and present the core arguments of our intervention to the Court. In particular, we highlight the nexus between climate change and forced displacement from a complementary protection perspective.
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Unpacking the Critical Raw Materials Act
The recently adopted Critical Raw Materials Act (CRMA) is framed as a milestone for the EU Green Industrial Plan and the twin green and digital transitions. In the context of emerging green industrial policies and the resurgence of the state as an economic actor, the Act encapsulates the EU’s attempt to instrumentalise markets for public objectives. Yet, the bid to generate tailored and specific market outcomes is undercut by the Act’s primary strategy of adjusting risks and returns for ultimately volatile, profit-driven private initiative. At the same time, the Act’s focus on domestic green growth, even if read charitably, remains myopic to the global challenge of climate change and perpetuates existing patterns of core-periphery extractivism.
Continue reading >>17 January 2024
Rule of Law Abnegated
This year is the second winter that thousands of asylum seekers will spend on the cold streets of Brussels. More than 2700 of them are still without any material assistance and shelter. 869 of them have a domestic court order recognising their right to reception, yet the Belgian government has consistently refused to implement them. This deliberate refusal to secure the human rights of migrants, especially where these are single males, is not only creating a humanitarian disaster in Belgium’s streets but also undermines the raison d’être of Belgian democracy. While the government’s actions have been condemned by human rights experts and courts alike, we argue it is arguably reflective of a worrying wider trend in the EU of the impotence of the law to secure human rights for migrants.
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Germany Blocks Europe-Wide Protection of Women Against Violence
Gender-based violence has dramatically increased in the European Union (EU) in recent years. In particular women are widely affected by rape. On 8 March 2022, the Commission presented a Draft Directive for comprehensive, effective and enforceable protection against gender-based violence in all EU Member States. The main point of contention in the negotiations, which could ultimately prevent the adoption of the Draft Directive, is the introduction of the common definition of the criminal offence of rape. The Directive aims to harmonize across Europe the definition of rape as a violation of the consent-based sexual act. Yet, twelve Member States, with Germany and France at the forefront, are not convinced that the EU has a sufficient legal base to regulate that issue. This article highlights the arguments for a common regulation of the criminal offence of rape in the EU under Art. 83 (1) TFEU against the doubts raised by the German Federal Ministry of Justice.
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15 January 2024
Legislating fiction
Members of Parliament in the UK will on 16 and 17 January 2024 debate the Safety of Rwanda (Asylum and Immigration) Bill, which ‘gives effect to the judgement of Parliament that the Republic of Rwanda is a safe country’ for asylum-seekers. The Supreme Court unanimously ruled in November 2023 that Rwanda was manifestly not safe as asylum seekers sent to the country would face a real risk of ill-treatment due to insufficient guarantees against refoulement. The Bill thus aims to use law to determine a factual situation for as long as the law is in force. This blog discusses the risks inherent in creating such a ‘legal fiction’ and how the Bill could be revised to mitigate this risk, before assessing the chances of it becoming law in the currently turbulent political context.
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Managed Violence
In its application to the International Court of Justice (ICJ), South Africa seeks a ceasefire as a provisional measure. However, after the oral arguments, it seems rather unlikely that the entire scope of the provisional measures will be granted. This post seeks to offer some preliminary reflections on what a “softer” provisional measure would mean for the law and politics of the “genocide” category. Initially, such measures would slightly complicate predictions on whether and how Israel will comply, and how it will manage ramifications for its reputation. More importantly, I suggest that such provisional measures would almost inevitably position the Court, for the duration of the proceedings, in a position of quasi-bureaucratic governance. I call this counter-genocidal governance. As shown in other national security contexts, such judicial governance is a double-edged sword. While moderating certain aspects of state violence, it may legitimate others.
Continue reading >>12 January 2024
Polish Pandemonium
Restoring the rule of law is not for the faint of heart.
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Staatsräson: Empty Signifier or Meaningful Norm?
Following the shocking Hamas atrocities against the state of Israel and its people on 7th October 2023, German state representatives keep voicing unwavering support for Israel: “(A)t this moment there is only one place for Germany. The place beside Israel. That’s what we mean by saying: Israel’s security is German Staatsräson”1), Chancellor Olaf Scholz emphasised in the German Bundestag, confirming “full solidarity with the people of Israel” and emphasising “that Germany stands unwaveringly on Israel’s side.“ As this public claim leads beyond solidarity, which other states have also expressed in light of the Hamas atrocities, many wonder what – if anything – the Chancellor’s reference to the norm actually means beyond uttering moral support?
Continue reading >>Why Germany Should Join Sides with Israel before the ICJ in its Defense against South Africa’s Accusation of Genocide
Yesterday and today, the ICJ heard an application for provisional measures brought by South Africa, in which Israel is accused of the particularly serious crime of genocide against Palestinians in Gaza due to its reactions to the Hamas attacks of 7 October 2023. This participation in the proceedings, as well as other reasons to be explained below, speak in favor of also declaring an intervention in the proceedings between South Africa and Israel – in this case, however, with the aim of supporting Israel as defendant and countering the South African argumentation.
Continue reading >>11 January 2024
The Missing Party
South Africa’s argument today was historic and extremely important. If you missed it, I recommend that you go back and look for the recording. For the Israeli viewer, at least, the South African argument was a real service because at last, we could connect to a very dominant narrative in world politics, which is completely concealed by Israeli media. However, the hearing also exposed a problem in South Africa's argument, which was also apparent in the written application. The South African case brought before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) is highly selective. Prof. John Dugard, in an impressive performance, described how observers watched the events of October 7th “with horror”. But people reading the documents and listening to the oral arguments, without otherwise following the events, might think that before and after October 7, Palestinian forces did not shoot a single bullet.
Continue reading >>09 January 2024
Time to talk about academics’ role in Qatargate
Two years ago, we discussed the problems associated with revolving doors at the European level on this platform. One year ago, Qatargate was on the agenda. Confronted with a slew of ‘gates’ that challenge the legitimacy of EU decision-making and the ethics of its politicians and staff, EU institutions rushed to propose a series of reforms to prevent future scandals. We could discuss in detail the causes and consequences of these scandals, what they teach us about the state of European democracy, and the inadequacy of the reforms undertaken. Instead, we have chosen to redirect our focus inward, contemplating the broader scholarly community. We believe this introspective analysis is what EU institutions should have done, rather than hastily shifting to the technicalities of reform proposals.
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Did the Israeli Supreme Court Kill the Constitutional Coup?
On January 1, 2024, the Israeli Supreme Court struck down a constitutional amendment prohibiting judicial review of actions of the government, the prime minister, or any minister based on the “reasonableness” doctrine. The judgment illustrates how societal and judicial vigilance in recognizing “early warning” signals of potential “constitutional capture” may play a significant role in battling such processes. However, notwithstanding this judgment and the halting of the legislative process, the threat of democratic backsliding in Israel persists. The ongoing war has, in fact, paved the way for further anti-democratic measures, some of which were upheld by the very same Court that struck down the anti-reasonableness amendment.
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08 January 2024
The Body of the Judge and the Suffering of the Collective
The widespread prediction among experts right now is that Israel’s chances of prevailing at the ICJ in its response to South Africa’s genocide application are slim. Let’s assume, for a moment, that the prediction is accurate. As has been reported, Israeli authorities, too, have acknowledged that there’s a real risk of an ICJ decision against Israel. What does this mean for Israel’s legal strategy? When a party is preparing to lose in a proceeding, one relevant question is what the minority opinion will look like. Aharon Barak’s appointment as an ad-hoc judge for the ICJ proceedings may reveal some of the outlines Israel is preparing for this minority opinion: even if we lose, we may still try to convince the world that the issue at hand is none other than the memory of the Holocaust. But this is a morally and politically risky choice to make.
Continue reading >>Putting X’s Community Notes to the Test
All of the biggest social media platforms have a problem with disinformation. In particular, a flood of false information was found on X, formerly Twitter, following the terrorist attack by Hamas on 7 October 2023 and the start of the war in Ukraine. The EU Commission therefore recently initiated formal proceedings against X under Art. 66 para. 1 of the Digital Services Act (DSA). One of the subjects of the investigation is whether the platform is taking sufficient action against disinformation. Despite these stakes, X takes an approach different to all other platforms: As can be inferred from the X Transparency Report dated 03.11.2023 posted information is not subject to content moderation, but solely regulated through a new tool: The Community Notes.
Continue reading >>One-sidedly Staffed Courts
In Poland, the new parliamentary majority elected on October 15 is confronted not only with a president brought into office by the PiS party but also with a constitutional court made up exclusively of judges elected under the aegis of PiS. Any effort to restore the rule of law in the Polish judiciary is likely to meet resistance from these veto players. The difficulties to be expected for the new majority in dealing with the rule of law deficiencies that have piled up in the Polish justice system, and especially in the Polish Constitutional Tribunal since 2010 (on these difficulties here, pp. 227 ff., and here) draw attention to an underlying problem to be witnessed not only in Poland, and not only in other countries where democracy and the rule of law have deteriorated or never existed: the problem of courts, and in particular constitutional courts, with a blatant lack of political balance in their composition.
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04 January 2024
The European Game
The long-awaited judgement of the Court of Justice of the European Union in Case C-333/21 - European Super League Company has finally arrived. There is a lot to unpack, especially with respect to developments in competition law. Constitutional lawyers will, however, find particular interest in how the Grand Chamber dismissed Advocate General Rantos’ pitch for a constitutional recognition of the European sports model based on Article 165 TFEU. This post focuses on this aspect of the European Super League judgment. It argues that while the Advocate General’s construction was rejected, the Court still used this judgement to further define its own constitutional understanding of the European sports model, as well as to solidify its role as the primary interpreter of that model.
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22 December 2023
Looking Back on 2023
The Verfassungsblog Posts of the Year from the Editorial Staff's Point of View
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Sri Lanka’s Economic Crisis Before the Supreme Court
On 14th November 2023, the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka issued a landmark decision holding several high-ranking executive officials responsible for the economic crisis of 2021-2022. This was widely regarded as the worst economic crisis the country had experienced post-independence; it manifested itself in a rapid depreciation of the currency, dramatic shortages of fuel which saw vehicles in mile-long queues at fueling stations, and rolling electricity cuts throughout the island. In mid-2022, two petitions were filed in the Supreme Court alleging that several officials named as respondents were responsible for this economic crisis. In this blogpost, I argue that the court’s decision has significant implications for the scope of the fundamental rights jurisdiction, and for the court’s potential role in future controversies.
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21 December 2023
Avoiding the Legacy of Impunity
This week for the second time in history the Irish Government has announced its intention to lodge an Inter-State application against the United Kingdom before the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg. The Irish government argues that the Northern Ireland Troubles (Reconciliation and Legacy) Act 2023 which was enacted in September 2023 and provides an extensive conditional amnesty is incompatible with the European Convention on Human Rights.
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Testing the Limits of Deliberative Constitutionalism
On 14th December 2023, a parliamentary committee in Ireland issued a report recommending a referendum on inserting environmental rights, including rights of nature, into the Irish Constitution. The origin of those recommendations was the prior Citizens’ Assembly on Biodiversity Loss, which was formally linked to the committee. These events are another important chapter in the unfolding story of deliberative constitutionalism, with Ireland often cited as a leading example. The fate of the constitutional reforms proposed by the Assembly and the committee on environmental rights will provide important insights into: 1) when deliberative recommendations can gain the necessary political support for implementation; 2) whether institutional design can improve the likelihood of political support for citizen-led constitutional reform.
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Same, Same but Different?
The Commission’s decision to release a significant amount of EU money is a testament to some serious pitfalls in the mechanism, which governs the unblocking of frozen EU funds. To recall, Hungary’s endowments are blocked via two different channels, based on two different conditionality criteria, which have some overlapping points. Both prescribe reforms to preserve the independence of the judiciary, which according to the Commission’s justification has been successfully accomplished by Hungary. The Commission has, however, never published a detailed plan that would attach a specific amount to be released to every sufficiently satisfied conditionality criterion. In this blog post, I showcase that the overlap between the two conditionality mechanisms and the absence of a robust ex-ante blueprint for releasing frozen funds make the unblocking process highly obscure. This lack of transparency both decreases the efficiency and robustness of conditionality, and increases the tendency for inter-institutional conflicts.
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Constitutional Identity vs. Human Rights
In two recent Latvian cases concerning the Russian-speaking minority decided respectively in September and November 2023, the ECtHR made clear that protection of constitutional identity has now been elevated to a legitimate aim for a differential treatment under the Convention. This post explores how the protection of constitutional identity has been deployed to enable a collective punishment by association with a former occupier, and how the ECtHR’s reasoning has effectively endorsed such a punishment, which is unbefitting of a liberal democratic system the ECHR aspires to represent. Until the three cases were decided, no liberal European democracy could argue without losing face that suppressing a large proportion of its population was its constitutional identity – one of the goals of its statehood. Today, this claim is seemingly kosher, marking a U-turn in the understanding of what the European human rights protection system is for minorities in Europe.
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Everybody’s Business
War has devastated Sudan since it first broke out on 15 April 2023. What started as a power play between the country’s two most powerful armies, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), has since metastasized into a major civil war. International actors have not paid this war the high-level attention it requires and deserves. This blog explains why international actors need to pay more attention to what is happening in the strategically located country at the crossroads between the Red Sea and the Sahel, between the Arab and African worlds. The war threatens Sudan’s integrity as a state, displaces millions and draws in neighbouring and other regional countries, all in a region already in turmoil because of coups, insurgencies and violent extremism.
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20 December 2023
Can Germany Remain Silent?
Is Germany legally obligated to condemn violations of international humanitarian law? This argument was recently put forward in an article on Verfassungsblog. Elsewhere it was claimed that Germany, along with other States failing to utilize their full repertoire of diplomatic options (including “[calling] for a permanent ceasefire”), is in breach of its own IHL-responsibilities. Admittedly, international law does have a say when organs of States speak. Nevertheless, the intricacies of this matter go beyond first impression. I submit that such a duty is not as easy to derive in the present case as is suggested by opposing views.
Continue reading >>A European Dialogue on Strike Action
With its decision in Humpert and others v Germany of 14 December 2023, the European Court of Human Rights settled a long-standing debate: The ban on strikes for German Civil Servants does not violate the rights under the European Convention on Human Rights. This decision ends the strategic litigating efforts of the applicants and their union to obtain the right to strike for the approximately 1.7 million civil servants in Germany. The judgment is also the culmination of an extraordinarily intense dialogue between Strasbourg and Karlsruhe.
Continue reading >>Militant Rule of Law
To protect the rule of law based legal system against abusive use of the loopholes, imperfections, contradictions of the law, to avoid legal inertia legal positivist arguments are needed to convince and mobilize the legal mind. The same applies when the blind fortune of democracy provides the opportunity to erase the legally enthroned injustice and domination of illiberal regimes. When it comes to legal enactments that serve legal cheating the rule of law must respond to systemic abuse of the law, and that requires and justifies a rule of law based exceptionalism and a systemic remedy.
Continue reading >>Not Just Abortion
On 14 December 2023, the European Court of Human Rights ruled in the case M.L. v. Poland. The ECHR decided that the restrictions on abortion rights that Poland had violated Article 8 (right to respect for private and family life) of the European Convention on Human Rights. Contrary to the hopes of the initiators of the case, this is not a European Roe v. Wade moment. The ECHR again refused to affirm that Article 8 can be interpreted as conferring a right to abortion. Nevertheless, the ECHR made significant findings regarding Polish rule of law violations.
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Between Return and Protection
Last month, the ECJ responded to a preliminary reference of the Regional Court in Brno concerning Czechia’s so-called return procedure. The ECJ ruled that a third country national cannot be subject to a return decision if they applied for international protection and a first-instance decision on that application has not yet been delivered. Curiously, the ECJ thereby answered a question it had not actually been asked, while contradicting the conclusion of the Grand Chamber of the Czech Supreme Administrative Court (“SAC”), rendered shortly before. While the ECJ’s ruling will nonetheless improve some of the problems that have inhered within Czechia’s approach to international protection and return procedures, its failure to answer the referred question constitutes a missed opportunity to facilitate a productive dialogue with referring courts in an area of law where preliminary references have been exceedingly rare.
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A Duty to Rescue
Reports of migrants drowning in the Mediterranean have, unfortunately, become more and more frequent in recent years. A recently published MSF report has highlighted the role ‘pushbacks and systematic non-assistance to those at risk of drowning proliferate’ play in this regard. The report refers specifically to two events that happened in 2023 in which national authorities failed to launch rescue operations despite receiving the information on migrants in distress at sea hours before the tragedy. In this blogpost, we assess whether a coast guard’s failure to act in situations of migrants in distress might violate an incumbent criminal law duty to rescue. We map the core elements of the duty to rescue under criminal law and how they might apply to such a chain of events, using the abovementioned event of 14 June as an example.
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19 December 2023
The EU’s Pacing Problem
The EU regulators face a pacing problem. This has been demonstrated several times during the legislative process of the AI Act itself: for example, the initial Commission proposal from 2021 did not include a definition of General Purpose AI (GPAI). The proposal did not anticipate the rise of Large Language Models like ChatGPT and GPT-4 but only addressed AI systems designed for specific purposes. This lacuna in the original proposal has haunted the EU Parliament, Council and Commission in the past final weeks of the trilogue negotiations, where the inclusion of so-called Frontier Models has been hotly contested. This blog post explores potential boosters for the EU's capacity to regulate AI: delegated legislation, soft law, and a centralized AI office.
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The Economic Distortions of the Federal Constitutional Court’s Debt Brake Decision
Germany is not facing a debt crisis, but rather a serious budget crisis triggered by the ‘debt brake’ ruling of the Federal Constitutional Court (FCC). This crisis is deeper than the 60 billion in unused "Corona debts" being shifted to a climate fund, as reported in the media. More fundamentally, the court has mandated that the federal budget strictly adhere to the "principle of annuality" (Jährlichkeit). This is the most significant impact of the court's ruling, and from an economic perspective, it is quite perplexing.
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One Step Forward, Two Steps Back
This blogpost unpacks some of the ‘democratic paradoxes’ that come with the ‘Defence of Democracy’ package (DoD package), which the European Commission published on Tuesday, 12th of December. While a Recommendation on promoting civic engagement and citizen participation (Civil Society Recommendation) reflects positive changes in the Commission’s conception of democracy, the ‘Directive establishing harmonised requirements in the internal market on transparency of interest representation carried out on behalf of third countries’ (Foreign Funding Directive) directly contradicts this emphasis on a more citizen-centred model and is illustrative of a broader dilemma: how to defend democracy in the EU’s multi-level constitutional space, while keeping the sensitive legal tools for doing so out of the hands of the enemies of democracy that are already – and for the time being irreversibly – on its inside.
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“This Is Not a Foreign Agents Law”
On Tuesday, 12 December 2023, the Commission adopted its long-awaited Defence of Democracy package, which includes a Proposal for a Directive on Transparency of Interest Representation on behalf of Third Countries. Dubravka Šuica, Commissioner for Democracy and Demography seemed eager to clarify what the Directive is not. Šuica emphasised that the Directive “is not a foreign agents law”. But the more a statement is repeated, the less credible it appears. Rather, the opposite appears to be true. And so, the devil is not in the name, it lies in enforcement. Despite the Commission’s assertion that full harmonisation of the Directive prevents Member States from gold-plating or potentially worse activities, the Commission has limited control over how Member States apply and enforce their national laws. This is the biggest risk of the proposal.
Continue reading >>18 December 2023
(State) Immunity for Palestine?
On December 11, 2023, the Berlin Public Prosecutor's Office decided to discontinue investigations against Mahmoud Abbas, the President of the Palestinian National Authority. The declared reason for doing so lies in his immunity pursuant to Section 20 para. 1 of the German Courts Constitution Act (GVG). The decision is instructive with regard to Germany's understanding of sovereign immunity and Palestine's role in international relations.
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17 December 2023
The EU’s Faustian Bargain
Twelve years into the EU’s rule of law crisis, this week has demonstrated that EU leaders are still unwilling to confront their own complicity in Orbán’s rise and to do something about it. Is this sad spectacle a price worth paying in exchange for a symbolic gesture of goodwill to Ukraine? That is the wrong question to ask. The right question to ask is this: if the EU continues to treat the rule of law as a bargaining chip and to make promises it won’t keep, for how much longer will our Union remain a club worth joining?
Continue reading >>15 December 2023
Opening the Discourse
The Pros and Cons of Pseudonymous Publishing for Science and the Public.
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Orbán’s Veto Play – The Subsidiarity Card
Viktor Orbán is known to use veto threats in the European Council to get his way. This time, he was keen to see that after months of tense exchanges with the Commission, Hungary gets access to EU funds that had been blocked in order to achieve compliance with the rule of law and fundamental rights conditionality. So, PM Orbán saw it fit to loudly contest Ukraine’s accession and the financial aid package of 50 billion Euros. This may be PM Orbán’s strongest veto play to date.
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Same Old, Same Old
Following the General Affairs Council on 12 December 2023, the Spanish presidency issued its conclusions on the evaluation of the Annual Rule of Law Dialogue (ARoLD). The overly positive assessment that transpires from the conclusion fails to convince, due to the continued reliance on confidentiality and the lack of any tangible standards. Moreover, the improvements suggested by the Presidency fall overwhelmingly short of addressing the issues that plague this instrument, confirming it as a weak exercise in posturing with no real stakes involved.
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Escaping Jurisdictional Blackholes
There is a lack of effective judicial protection in the field of EU Common Foreign and Security Policy. In a recent opinion, AG Ćapeta has suggested that the solution rests with asserting the possibility of establishing the non-contractual liability of the EU for breach of fundamental rights in CFSP cases, regardless of whether the measure imposes restrictions. However, the Council also has a positive duty stemming from the Charter to include a jurisdictional clause in all CFSP measures indicating the national court which has jurisdiction in those cases.
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14 December 2023
To Score Is to Decide
Can the act of assigning a score to someone constitute a decision? This, in essence, is the question the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) had to answer in Case C-634/21. And the Court’s answer is yes, following in the footsteps of the Advocate General’s opinion on the case. Rendered on 7 December, this ruling was eagerly awaited as it was the first time the Court had the opportunity to interpret the notorious Article 22 of the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) prohibiting decisions “based solely on automated processing".
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The Future of the Rule of Law in the EU
With systemic threats to and violations of the rule of law not subsiding, notwithstanding the expected end of backsliding in the case of Poland, the future of the rule of law in the EU is likely to be one of retrenchment accompanied by increased gaslighting to mask an increased gap between EU rhetoric and EU action. This means that the Commission’s decision to unlock € 10 bn of EU funding previously frozen on rule of law grounds to “sway Viktor Orbán on Ukraine” should not be seen as a once-off aberration but as prefiguration of a new abnormal normal.
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13 December 2023
The Long Overdue Fall of Al-Kateb
On the 8th of November, the High Court of Australia delivered a landmark ruling that the indefinite detention regime under the Migration Act is unconstitutional, overruling the 2004 decision of Al-Kateb. The decision, both in form and substance, sent shockwaves through Australia’s legal and political establishment. In adopting the relatively uncommon procedure of issuing orders immediately following the hearing (with reasons to follow), a gap was created where politicians rushed to come up with a legislative response in the absence of any clearly articulated constitutional rules. In an island country, where several elections in the last 20 years have been ostensibly won and lost over concerns of ‘illegal’ immigration, this decision has been political dynamite.
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What’s Missing from the EU AI Act
The AI Act negotiators may still have been recovering from the political deal that was struck during the night of December 8 to 9 when two days later Mistral AI, the French startup, open sourced its potent new large language model, Mixtral 8x7B. Though much smaller in size, it rivals and even surpasses GPT 3.5 on many benchmarks thanks to a cunning architecture combining eight different expert models. While a notable technical feat, this new release epitomizes the most pressing challenges in AI policy today, and starkly highlights the gaps left unaddressed by the AI Act: mandatory basic AI safety standards; the conundrum of open-source models; the environmental impact of AI; and the need to accompany the AI Act with far more substantial public investment in AI.
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Taking Revenge for Dissent
Hungary’s latest judicial reform in May 2023 came in response to EU decisions to suspend the country’s access to funds due to serious rule of law concerns. The reform aimed, among other things, to strengthen the independence of the Kúria, the Supreme Court of Hungary. Experience to date shows that while on the level of formal legal rules, some improvements towards the rule of law have been made, in actual daily practice, the opposite is happening: While steps have been taken to restore the independence of the Kúria, the Chief Justice is working on further eroding the independence of individual judges.
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12 December 2023
Why Poland Should Join the European Public Prosecutor
After the Polish parliamentary elections, the question of rebuilding the rule of law in Poland has been frequently raised in academic debate. The discourse is largely dominated by the status of the so-called neo-judges and the legal effects of rulings of the politically appropriated Constitutional Tribunal. We would like to highlight another problem that the new government will have to deal with – the functioning of the public prosecutor's office occupied by people associated with the Law and Justice party. There is a great risk that high-level prosecutors may effectively block or obstruct investigations into the irregularities committed under the PiS government. We believe that a partial solution to this problem might come from Poland's quick accession to the European Public Prosecutor’s Office planned by the democratic opposition.
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Trick and Treat?
Almost a year has passed since the European Union decided to block the payment of EUR 27 billion in union funds to Hungary under several instruments. Access to the largest part of the frozen funds - altogether EUR 13 billion - depends on whether Hungary complies with its undertakings to strengthen judicial independence. The government claims to have met all four of the so-called super milestones by adopting a judicial package in May 2023 and requests access to the blocked funds under Hungary’s Recovery and Resilience Fund (RRF) and ten different operative programmes. However, upon taking a closer look at the preconditions to the payments and the nature and implementation of the proposed reforms, it becomes clear that Hungary is still playing tricks to avoid compliance.
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11 December 2023
Third Time’s A Charm?
The second process to draft a new constitutional text in Chile ended on November 7. A referendum to be held on December 17 will decide upon the fate of the constitutional proposal that resulted from it. Polls indicate that the proposal will be rejected, even if the option in favor of the proposal has been gaining support lately. Irrespective of the outcome of the referendum, it might be fair to say that this second version of the constituent process has already failed. In particular, I argue that just like the first draft, the second proposal seeks to constitutionally entrench the goals of the political factions that held the majority within the drafting organ, instead of providing a constitutional framework that would allow for broad self-governance based on the democratic principle.
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08 December 2023
The Public Vilifiers
A Poem of Wrath to Give Comfort in Dark Times
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The Sound of RBG
The year 2023, which is slowly approaching its end, has marked a twofold jubilee of the late US Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg. It is both the 90th anniversary of her birth and the 30th anniversary of her Supreme Court appointment. Her immense impact on US law and culture has been honored in a variety of ways, from a special issue of the Harvard Law Review and a ship’s name to a LEGO figure. One dimension of her remembrance, however, often escapes notice, although it offers a unique understanding of RBG’s legacy. This dimension is classical music. Music history has on many occasions venerated living or recently deceased contemporaries – it is enough to mention Verdi’s Requiem and the tangled ways of Beethoven’s Eroica dedication. It is, however, an extremely rare form of tribute when extended to lawyers for the sake of their legal accomplishments as such. Let's take a look.
Continue reading >>07 December 2023
Protecting the Fairness of European Parliament Elections via Preliminary Ruling
Supreme or constitutional courts regularly step in to protect the democratic process by deciding election disputes. It is remarkable that the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) has so far barely been engaged concerning the European Parliament (EP) elections. Using Hungary as an example, I will argue in the following that the CJEU is institutionally well-positioned to help protect the integrity of the 2024 EP elections via preliminary ruling procedures. Hungarian democracy has been in decline, according to the EP, the Commission and various democracy indices. The problems include the lack of a level playing field, targeted action by authorities against opposition parties, overlaps between the activities of the government and the governing party, state funding of campaigning and party financing in general, lack of media pluralism, and the different means of voting for citizens living abroad (postal vote for some and not for others). I argue that the CJEU could and should be engaged to protect the fairness of the EP elections in Hungary.
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The Pilnacek case – A challenge also for the European rule of law
With the “Pilnacek” case, the debate on corruption in Austria – ongoing since the "Ibiza affair" (May 2019) but largely inconclusive so far – is heading for a new high point. The affair showcases massive political influence on the Austrian criminal justice system and proves that it is challenging to bring the problem of corruption under control. One of the main reasons is that Austria has not made the necessary adjustments to the European "acquis communautaire" since its (relatively late) accession to the EU and keeps ignoring fundamental principles of EU law. Since 2000, there have even been setbacks. The case of Christian Pilnacek illustrates the problem of corruption in Austria in an exemplary manner. Likewise, it underlines the continuing backlog of reforms in Austria and the country’s unwillingness to adjust to the European rule of law.
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06 December 2023
We Are Not Helpless
The current debate on how to restore the standards of a democratic state under the rule of law in Poland reminds me of the dilemma faced by King Rex, as described by Lon L. Fuller. Like the king constantly falling into a trap we equally seem to be trapped. We know what should be done and what compliance with the rule of law means, yet we try to convince each other that every conceivable way out is bad. So do we need to refrain from taking any action and look in frustration at the systematic deformation of mechanisms that have worked quite well in Poland for a quarter century and protected us from pathology and the abuse of law?
Continue reading >>Rule of Law Eroded
Spain is going through turbulent times, marked by a strong political polarization and an increasingly evident decline in the rule of law due to the partisan takeover of institutions. This situation has been exacerbated by President Sánchez's investiture agreements with pro-independence parties, particularly Junts, led by the fugitive Puigdemont, who spearheaded the Catalan secessionist insurrection in the autumn of 2017. The bill grants amnesty for crimes committed in connection with secessionist efforts, including, among others, misappropriation of public funds, prevarication, and attacks against authority. The amnesty, as it currently stands, violates both the Spanish Constitution and basic tenets of the rule of law.
Continue reading >>05 December 2023
BigTech’s Efforts to Derail the AI Act
Big Tech is trying to water down the AI Act, which is supposed to be finalized before the end of this year. This is yet another chapter in the private sector's influence on governments to turn AI regulation into a toothless self-regulatory framework. The narratives that lobbying power is trying to install follow a well-known pattern. This blog post goes into detail and explains what's at stake.
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The Belgian Climate Case
On November 30, the Brussels Court of Appeal rendered a landmark decision in the climate case brought by “Klimaatzaak” (“climate case” in Dutch) against Belgian public authorities (the federal and the three regional governments). In this decision, the court found the federal authority and the Brussels and Flemish regions’ climate action to be in violation of Articles 2 and 8 of the ECHR and of their duty of care, and imposed a minimal GHG reduction target to be reached by Belgian authorities for the future. In their blogpost, Alice Briegleb and Antoine De Spiegeleir provide a clear overview of the case, exploring its previous stages and insisting on the continuing failures of the Belgian climate governance and its complex federal structure. We focus on our part on how the decision makes it clear that the climate justice movement is now confronted with the tension between the legally required and the ethically desirable parameters of climate effort distribution.
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From Urgenda to Klimaatzaak
On November 30, the Brussels Court of Appeal handed down its ruling in VZW Klimaatzaak v. Kingdom of Belgium & Others, commonly known as “the Belgian climate case.” The ruling is clear: Belgian authorities failed to participate adequately in the global effort to curb global warming, and they must imperatively reduce their emissions. Subscribing fully to Matthias Petel and Norman Vander Putten’s sharp analysis of how this litigation saga embodies tensions between climate justice and the separation of powers, we wish to highlight three remarkable aspects of the case. After quickly summarizing the first instance judgment and last week’s ruling, we begin by touching on the elephant in the (court)room: the articulation of the available scientific evidence with the limits of courts’ power of review and injunction. Then, we say a word about the Brussels Court of Appeal’s thorough application of European human rights law. We finish by deploring, as did the Court, Belgian federalism’s inefficiencies.
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04 December 2023
Perils and Pitfalls of Israel´s New ´War on Terror´
Over the last weeks, we were forced to realize that the way our – i.e. German – public opinion (and politicians) react to the ruthless assault of Hamas on 7 October differs markedly from the intuitions of the broad public in the Islamic world (and large parts of the ´Global South´ in general). Whereas our media (and speeches of politicians) are full of references to Israel´s right to self-defence, the sentiments voiced on the streets in the Middle East (and publicly stated by politicians such as Turkish President Erdogan) go in the opposite direction, stress the legitimate cause of the Palestinians and term the Hamas as a movement of national liberation. Clearly there is a legitimate cause in the fight of Palestinians against endless occupation. But do ends really justify means, at all price, as the praise for Hamas seems to suggest? A closer look to the normative underpinnings of current international law confirms the intuition that this is more than doubtful, as a thorough analysis of the (intensely debated) provisions on the status of movements of national liberation in IHL tells us.
Continue reading >>01 December 2023
Why the AfD Takeover Could Begin Much Sooner Than Many Realize
First the election victory, then the grab for the highest office in parliament: the AfD could put democracy in Thuringia to a very serious test in the coming year. But the worst could be avoided – for now.
Continue reading >>A Borderline Case
On 28 November 2023, Finland decided to close all its land border crossing stations to Russia due to the latter's apparent instrumentalization of migrants. That a foreign power, which conducts war elsewhere in Europe, directly engages in unfriendly acts against the EU’s (as well as NATO’s) eastern flank highlights the issues of national security involved. The situation is part of a broader European dilemma but presents certain idiosyncracies. How is an EU Member State such as Finland, respectful of the rule of law, to respond to such unfriendly acts which intrumentalize the vulnerable position of asylum seekers whose rights must, in principle, be observed at all times? This brief post addresses some of the legal issues involved in the currently unfolding situation.
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30 November 2023
Einseitig besetzte Gerichte
In Polen ist die am 15. Oktober gewählte neue Parlamentsmehrheit nicht nur mit einem von der PiS ins Amt gebrachten Staatspräsidenten konfrontiert, der ihr das Leben schwer machen kann, sondern auch mit einem Verfassungsgericht, das inzwischen von lauter unter der Ägide der PiS gewählten Richtern besetzt ist. Die Schwierigkeiten rechtsstaatlicher Bewältigung der Rechtsstaatswidrigkeiten, die sich seit 2010 in der polnischen Justiz und speziell auch beim polnischen Verfassungsgerichtshof aufgetürmt haben, lenken den Blick auf ein zugrundeliegendes Kernproblem, das nicht nur in Polen zu besichtigen ist, und auch sonst nicht nur in Staaten, die von wirklich demokratischen und rechtsstaatlichen Verhältnissen noch oder wieder weit entfernt sind: Das Problem politisch einseitig besetzter Verfassungsgerichte.
Continue reading >>28 November 2023
‘Steadfast and Unreserved’
On 24 November 2023, the Barcelona City Council passed a resolution, suspending diplomatic ties with Israel, until a permanent ceasefire is established. While this may not reflect the stance of the Spanish government, it has nevertheless condemned ‘the indiscriminate killing of innocent civilians’. As more EU States (such as Belgium, France, and Ireland) have raised their concerns regarding Israel’s continuous military operations in Gaza, Germany has remained steadfast in its ‘unwavering’ and ‘unreserved’ support for Israel. To the extent that Israel has failed to comply with international humanitarian law (IHL), Germany’s position might amount to a breach of its obligation under common Article 1 (CA1) of the 1949 Geneva Conventions (GC) to ‘ensure respect’ for IHL. While this obligation is incumbent on all States parties to the GC, this post focuses on Germany due to its particularly affirmative position with respect to Israel’s conduct.
Continue reading >>Machado vs. the Goliath Chavista
On October 27, María Corina Machado, was declared the winner of the presidential primary elections organized by the National Commission, a civil society association. With more than 92% of the votes, she has become the new face of the Venezuelan opposition. Despite having popular support, her ability to run for the presidency in 2024 is in doubt. Since June 2023, the political ban she was once subject to in 2015 has been extended for fifteen years, which the Venezuelan Supreme Tribunal of Justice (STJ) confirmed on October 30 following an electoral administrative appeal by the pro-government parliamentarian Brito Rodríguez. This blog details why Machado’s disqualification violates Venezuela’s constitution and should be seen as Maduro’s latest attempt to obstruct the holding of free and fair elections in 2024.
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Dutch Rule of Law Alert
It is never a good sign when Viktor Orbán celebrates the election results of another country. Last Wednesday was one of those days. For the first time in the history of Dutch politics, a far-right party became by far the biggest party in the Dutch parliament. It is bad news in many respects, and even more, because the Dutch constitutional system knows a lack of formal rule of law safeguards. In contrast to countries such as Italy or Germany, the Dutch constitutional system is not prepared for a democratic move to the anti-liberal far right.
Continue reading >>Prize and Premiership
Since the beginning of November, Italy has been discussing a constitutional reform that aims to radically change the Italian governmental system. The bill provides that the Prime Minister (more correctly: the President of the Council of Ministers) is elected by universal suffrage in a popular vote concurrent with the Chamber of Deputies and Senate elections. This move is often referred to in journalism as ‘Premiership’ (Premierato). n this post, I would like to focus less on the characteristics of the alleged ‘Premiership’ and more on the attempt to incorporate detailed electoral rules into the constitution. First, a brief history of the ‘majority prize’ will help the reader to better understand the context in which this reform was born. This will be followed by a critique of the proposal to enshrine the ‘majority prize’ in the constitution. I argue that, as currently drafted, the reform bill risks leading to an unconstitutional constitutional amendment.
Continue reading >>26 November 2023
Change for the Sake of Change
On 19 November 2023, Argentinian citizens voted in a run-off election between Sergio Massa, the current Minister of Economy, and Javier Milei, the libertarian candidate, to elect the president of the Republic for the next four years. With a difference of 11%, Milei, an anarcho-libertarian and anti-caste populist, won over the populist alternative of the Peronist apparatus. The result of the elections means that 40 years after the restoration of democracy, the extreme right has come back into power in Argentina. In this blog, we offer an explanation of Milei's electoral win and map how Argentina's constitutional institutions might help reign in some of his more radical proposals.
Continue reading >>24 November 2023
When Law Fails Us
The new toughness of migration policy and the loss of the belief that what the law permits and forbids, ultimately still remains significant.
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23 November 2023
The Individual Application Mechanism is on the Verge of Collapse, and so is Turkish Constitutionalism
Turkey is plunged into yet another profound judicial crisis as the Turkish Constitutional Court (TCC) and the Turkish Court of Cassation (Yargıtay) lock horns over the fate of an imprisoned opposition politician. While two earlier posts published on Verfassungsblog have already meticulously dissected this unfolding judicial drama (here and here), we aim to invigorate the debate with a fresh vantage point. In this piece, we will narrow the focus to one key actor: the TCC. More particularly, we will delve into the implications this evolving judicial crisis holds for the future of the TCC's individual application mechanism.
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An Unholy Relic in the Greek Constitution? On the Peculiar Obsolescence of Article 3 para. 3
On a constant basis, church-state relations are a prominent topic in the Greek news. Currently, the new leader of the main opposition party repeatedly emphasizes that he strives to advance “church-state separation.” As far as the desiderata for constitutional reform are concerned, relevant discussions usually centre on Article 3 para. 1 of the Greek Constitution (cited as “Article 3,” but usually referring particularly to Article 3 para. 1), which defines the Orthodox Church as “the prevailing religion in Greece”. Often, yet to a lesser extent, debates focus on Article 16 para. 2, which lists “the development of [...] religious consciousness” as one of the goals of school education. Still rarer, the debates cite Article 105 dealing with the monastic communities of Mount Athos. Surprisingly, Article 3 para. 3 of the Greek Constitution is barely ever brought up in the debates. Yet, precisely this paragraph could – rather uncontroversially – be labelled as utterly peculiar and, above that, obsolete.
Continue reading >>22 November 2023
Deregulating Legal Gender in the Shadow of Social Ascription
On 23 August 2023, the German government published a bill on Gender Self-Determination (hereinafter also referred to as SBGG-E). The bill is currently under debate before the German parliament (Bundestag) and is subject to heated socio-political debate. Its primary objective consists of deregulating the conditions for altering and deleting the gender entry provided by the German Civil Status Act. Aside from a strong commitment to deregulating legal gender (Section 1 SBGG-E), the bill sets boundaries and conditions for gender recognition. While some appear self-explanatory, others are infused by what I will hereinafter refer to as the ‘logic of social ascription’.
Continue reading >>21 November 2023
Limited Success
On 11.11 Australia and Tuvalu concluded a treaty on establishing the ‘Falepili Union,’ which deals with three pressing matters (art.1): climate change adaptation, collective security, and a new human mobility pathway. Hailed as ‘groundbreaking’, and ‘the most significant Pacific agreement in history,’ the Treaty certainly constitutes a profound step forward in building climate-resilient international relations, especially with its contributions to international migration law and international law on statehood. However, it also falls short in several instances, especially in fully respecting Tuvaluan equality in relation to Australia.
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Why are illiberal monuments legally possible? Some insights from Bosnia and Herzegovina
After unveiling a monument to the genocide denier Peter Handke a few years ago, local authorities in Banja Luka – the largest city of Bosnia’s Serb-dominated Republika Srpska entity – are now building a massive monument to the soldiers of the Bosnian Serb Army (VRS) who died in the war of 1992–95. The memorial site in Banja Luka is not the first dedicated to the VRS. On the contrary, it follows the example of other towns and municipalities in the Serb-dominated areas. Together, they form an illiberal politics of remembrance developed by Bosnia, and especially Republika Srpska, since the end of the war in the 1990s. This memory politics is marked by the denial of war atrocities and the glorification of war criminals. The ongoing construction of the monument in Banja Luka shows that, almost thirty years after the conflict, there is a need to establish a new and comprehensive legal framework for memorialization in Bosnia. In essence, memorialization should be aligned with human rights and enable the development of a democratic culture. To achieve this twofold goal, constitutional and legislative reforms are needed.
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20 November 2023
Supreme Judgecraft
In R (on the application of AAA (Syria) and others) the UK Supreme Court held that the Secretary of State’s policy to remove protection seekers to Rwanda was unlawful. Rwanda is not, at present, a safe third country. There are, the Supreme Court found, “substantial grounds for believing that there is a real risk that asylum claims will not be determined properly, and that asylum seekers will in consequence be at risk of being returned directly or indirectly to their country of origin.” Should this occur “refugees will face a real risk of ill-treatment in circumstances where they should not have been returned at all.” We argue that the Supreme Court’s legal reasoning and evidential assessment are both impeccable, applying legal principles that are well-embedded in international and domestic law to very clear evidence. However, the UK government’s responses are deeply troubling, from the perspectives of refugee protection, international legality, and the rule of law in the UK.
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19 November 2023
Undermining the Energy Transition
Australia is confronted with three multi-billion dollar investment treaty claims from a mining company. The basis for two of the claims is a judgment from the Queensland Land Court, in which the court recommended that no mining lease and environmental authority should be granted to a subsidiary of the claimant for its coal mine. The investment treaty arbitration serves as another illustration of how the international investment protection system poses a threat to an urgent and just energy transition. In this blog post, I explain the background of the investment treaty claim, the decision of the Queensland Land Court, and argue that the Court’s decision is an important precedent for the connection between coal, climate change, and human rights.
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Magical Thinking and Obsessive Desires
Two days before the UK Supreme Court declared the government’s Rwanda policy unlawful, PM Rishi Sunak rid himself of his Home Secretary, Suella Braverman. The sacking, the ruling, and the aftermath demonstrate both a key division in the Conservative Party and illustrate the choice it faces on the kind of politics it will promote after the next election: socially liberal technocratic nationalism (the Sunak option) or illiberal ‘culture war’ nationalism (the Braverman faction). The Supreme Court’s judgment raises the stakes in this conflict because its grounds for ruling the Rwanda Plan unlawful appear to provide ammunition for the radical illiberal wing of the Conservative Party.
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17 November 2023
When Björn Höcke Consults His People
After the state elections next year, the Thuringian constitution probably can't be amended any more without the votes of the AfD. Which is why precautions must be made – as long as that is still possible.
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Defeat in the Supreme Court
On 15 November 2023, the UK Supreme Court (UKSC) unanimously declared the government’s policy of removing some asylum seekers to Rwanda to process their claims unlawful. Like the Court of Appeal, it found substantial grounds for believing that asylum seekers would face a real risk of ill-treatment because of insufficient guarantees against refoulement. This post explores the origin and significance of the UKSC judgment and the legal and policy implications of the UK government’s immediate response to it.
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16 November 2023
Is France Desacralizing its Constitution?
From 2002 to the present day, hundreds of constitutional bills have been proposed by delegates in Parliament, with forty of them being introduced within a year following the renewal of the Assemblée Nationale after the 2022 legislative elections. Each bill contains unique and far-reaching provisions. The proposals illustrate a shift within secondary constituent power, which no longer perceives the Constitution as a sacred text, the supreme standard of the French legal order, but as a wish list, and as an object of political communication subject to trivial media considerations.
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Paving the Way to Autocracy?
On November 3, 2023, the Italian Council of Ministers approved a Bill to amend the Constitution, encapsulating what Giorgia Meloni’s Cabinet advertises as a measure to enhance executive stability and streamline policy implementation for medium to long-term objectives. The real goal appears to be cementing the Prime Minister’s grip on power after general elections, as evidenced by the intention to enshrine the majority bonus in the Constitution. Yet, from a constitutional law perspective, the majority bonus raises a fundamental issue related to how the Italian Constitutional Court interprets the eternity clause in the Constitution.
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15 November 2023
Between Recalibration and Distortion
In its current form, the project to change the form of government that the Italian government headed by Ms Giorgia Meloni is preparing to present to the Senate seems difficult to accept. The project claims to address the issue of unstable and short-term cabinets in Italy (65 in 75 years, one every 12 months from 1948 through 1994 when a new electoral law was applied; still one every 21 months thereafter). Unfortunately, it is both poorly drafted and contains contradictions that make it not only impracticable but of dubious functionality with respect to the very objectives it proposes to achieve. However, as it has been decades since the problem the draft says it wants to tackle has been acknowledged, I shall assume its proponents' good intentions and suugest how the text could be improved. Below I briefly describe the project, trace its distant and recent origins, indicate what it is lacking and how it should be changed.
Continue reading >>Biden, Bletchley, and the emerging international law of AI
Everyone talks about AI at the moment. Biden issues an Executive Order while the EU hammers out its AI Act, and world and tech leaders meet in the UK to discuss AI. The significance of Biden’s Executive Order can therefore only be understood when taking a step back and considering the growing global AI regulatory landscape. In this blogpost, I argue that an international law of AI is slowly starting to emerge, pushing countries to adopt their own position on this technology in the international regulatory arena, before others do so for them. Biden’s Executive Order should hence be read with exactly this purpose in mind.
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Downhill All The Way
On November 8th, the 3rd Criminal Chamber of Turkey's Court of Cassation, the nation's apex court for civil and criminal matters, defied the Constitutional Court (the TCC) and explicitly accused it of engaging in “judicial activism.” The judicial feud between the two high courts stemmed from the individual application of Can Atalay, an opposition MP from the Workers Party of Turkey (TİP), challenging his ongoing imprisonment despite obtaining parliamentary immunity in the May 2023 elections. Indeed, the 3rd Chamber's wholly ungrounded defiance is a failure of the constitutional order, illustrating how the Constitution no longer serves its core function of authoritatively channeling, restraining, and organizing state power. However, the Atalay controversy is neither unprecedented nor a true turning point in Turkey's ailing democracy—it is just another symptom of a deepening dysfunction.
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14 November 2023
A Frozen Constitution in a Sunburnt Country
Australia’s Constitution remains frozen, with the loss of a referendum on 14 October 2023. Only eight out of forty-five national referendums to amend the Constitution have succeeded, with no successful change since 1977. The 2023 referendum would have recognised Indigenous Australians in the national Constitution and provided a means, described as a ‘Voice’, for them to make representations to Parliament and the Executive Government on matters relating to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. In this post, I will seek to give an overview of the reasons for the failure of the referendum, including the ‘No’ arguments, factors that contributed to the ‘No’ vote, and the demographics of the voting outcome.
Continue reading >>The Rule of Arbitrariness as the New Constitutional Order in Turkey
Nearly two weeks after the 100th-anniversary celebrations of the Republic, Turkey's constitutional order faced one of the most significant judicial crises in its history when the Court of Cassation, the highest court of ordinary jurisdiction, and the Turkish Constitutional Court (TCC) clashed over the fate of imprisoned opposition politician Can Atalay. How should we interpret this constitutional crisis? Is it the death of constitutionalism in Turkey? Is it an attempt to test the boundaries of legitimacy before establishing the rules of a new constitutional order?
Continue reading >>Offshoring Asylum the Italian Way
On 6 November 2023, the Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and the Prime Minister of Albania Edi Rama announced the signing of the Agreement for Strengthening of Collaboration in the Field of Migration. The agreement proposes a relocation of asylum seekers who are rescued at sea by Italian vessels to two centres that would be built in Albania and could host up to 3’000 people. This is part of a broader trend whereby European governments seek to move asylum procedures outside of their territory. At the same time, the agreement contains some innovations compared to previous proposals. Indeed, this move has been hailed as a “model and example for other collaboration agreements of this kind” by the Italian Prime Minister. This article contends that this is unlikely to be the case: the legality and feasibility of offshoring asylum procedures remain dubious at best.
Continue reading >>13 November 2023
Looking at Berlin, Ending up on Capitol Hill
On 3 November 2023, the Italian Council of Ministers approved a constitutional reform bill to introduce the direct election of the Prime Minister in Italy. The reform would grant the Prime Minister significantly broader powers than those currently outlined in the Constitution. The proposal is now set to be evaluated by the Italian Parliament, and possibly submitted to a popular referendum if it is not approved by two-thirds of the members of both chambers. While it claims to ensure the continuity of governments – a known weak point of the Italian political system - it undermines the very foundation of parliamentary representation: the party system. Breathing the spirit of plebiscitary populism, this misguided reform, while seemingly looking towards Berlin for inspiration, risks in a worst-case scenario creating an atmosphere reminiscent of Capitol Hill on a fateful day a few years ago.
Continue reading >>A Primer on the UK Online Safety Act
The Online Safety Act (OSA) has now become law, marking a significant milestone in platform regulation in the United Kingdom. The OSA introduces fresh obligations for technology firms to address illegal online content and activities, covering child sexual exploitation, fraud, and terrorism, adding the UK to the array of jurisdictions that have recently introduced new online safety and platform accountability regulations. However, the OSA is notably short on specifics. In this post, we dissect key aspects of the OSA structure and draw comparisons with similar legislation, including the EU Digital Services Act (DSA).
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A Second Term for “the World’s coolest Dictator”?
On October 26, Nayib Bukele, current President of the Republic of El Salvador, officially registered his candidacy for the presidency. This is in clear violation of El Salvador’s Constitution which prohibits the renewed, consecutive candidacy of a sitting president. In the "Western" media, Bukele has mostly made the news for establishing "mega-prisons" and conducting mass arrests under his watch. In this blogpost, I highlight the political moves that Bukele has made to legitimize his rule and methods, including his repeated extension of El Salvador’s state of emergency and his capture of the Constitutional Chamber. Together with his renewed candidacy, his rule has destroyed El Salvador’s adherence to its own constitutional framework.
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10 November 2023
Voting To Annex?
On December 3, Venezuelans will vote in a referendum on the annexation of Esequibo to the territory of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. This blog post argues that the referendum has implications for both domestic constitutional law and international law. Since the referendum cannot have any practical effect under international law, it also violates the voters’ constitutional right to participate freely in public affairs. By prioritizing solely the interests of Venezuela over the sovereignty of Guyana, the referendum might be contrary to the principles of peaceful dispute settlement and the prohibition of force, as stipulated in the United Nations Charter. It could also challenge the established legal doctrine of state consent and infringe upon the principle of prioritizing international obligations over national law.
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Europe and the Global Race to Regulate AI
The EU wants to set the global rule book for AI. This blog explains the complex “risk hierarchy” that pervades the proposed AI Act, currently in the final stages of trilogue negotiation. This contrasts with the US focus on “national security risks”. We point out shortcomings of the EU approach requiring comprehensive risk assessments (ex ante), at the level of technology development. Using economic analysis, we distinguish exogenous and endogenous sources of potential AI harm arising from input data. We are sceptical that legislators can anticipate the future of a general purpose technology, such as AI. We propose that from the perspective of encouraging ongoing innovation, (ex post) liability rules can provide the right incentives to improve data quality and AI safety.
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09 November 2023
We Don’t Need No Education?
Artificial Intelligence doesn't know what's 'true'. Especially, generative AI models like chatbots veer from the truth, i.e. “hallucinate”, quite regularly. Chatbots simply invent information at least 3 percent of the time and sometimes as high as 27 percent. Given the (future) use of such systems in nearly all domains, we might want such systems to follow more stringent rules of accuracy. And those truth-related rules are not the only rules for AI systems that warrant societal scrutiny. How those systems are trained will be crucial. In this blog post, we argue that a new perspective is key to tackle this challenge: “Hybrid Speech Governance”.
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How the War in Gaza May Upend Israel’s Constitutional Limbo
The war in Gaza serves, this blog post argues, as the final nail in the coffin of Netanyahu's judicial overhaul. The Israeli political climate, relentless opposition and the political fallout after Hamas' surprise attack on Israel and the current war thwarted the judicial overhaul. However, populism is far from overcome. Therefore, the current failed judicial overhaul remains a warning sign for the democracy-seeking public in Israel and should raise demand for constitutional entrenchment of the democratic values of the Israeli state. As the judicial overhaul of 2023 has shown us – democracy is not safe if it hangs by the thread of a simple majority in parliament.
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03 November 2023
Commitment Pressure
Robert Habeck's speech and "Muslims living here"
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Defusing an Atomic Bomb
The sigh of relief was audible throughout Europe. In Brussels and other European capitals, the victory of the opposition bloc in the Polish elections sparked hope that the imminent change in government would end the illiberal course of the past. While years of democratic backsliding have left lasting marks on Poland’s political and legal landscape, the newly elected government is clearly committed to leading Poland back onto the path of democracy and the rule of law. However, one pertinent institutional issue remains to be resolved: the still pending procedure against Poland under Art 7 TEU.
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The Right To Die Like The Trees: Standing
My name is dr. Dániel András Karsai. I am a human rights attorney. I am also terminally ill. In August 2022, I was diagnosed with ALS. ALS is a so-called motor neurone disease. ALS leads to an extremely humiliating life situation, increasingly depriving you of independence. For reasons unknown to medical science, this disease causes nerve cells that move the muscles to deteriorate, leading to muscle atrophy and ultimately complete paralysis. At the end of the disease, respiratory functions also cease, resulting in death by asphyxiation. The final stage of the disease is virtually a vegetative existence, without any possibility of conscious activity or communication. For me, this form of existence is devoid of all meaning and dignity. In this situation, I firmly believe in the arguable claim to demand the right to end my life with dignity instead of enduring meaningless suffering.
Continue reading >>Fighting Impunity Through Intermediaries
The 24th of February 2022 lastingly altered Europe’s security architecture. The European Union and its member states have continued to support Ukraine in a multitude of ways, including direct financial assistance, political support in relevant international fora, far-reaching sanctions against Russian citizens and businesses, and massive arms supplies. What has, however, remained ambiguous is within which (legal) framework the EU has provided different means of support towards Ukraine. In other words: what legal principle – that may also be derived from its treaty framework – determined and guided EU support towards Ukraine? This contribution argues that at least certain streams of EU assistance for Ukraine in countering the Russian Federation’s aggression – namely those aimed at ending impunity for international crimes – have been organized within a distinct rule of law context.
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31 October 2023
Regulating Political Advertising
The issue of financing political campaigns has been a topic of discussion for a while, especially against the background of the ongoing deliberations within the EU surrounding the adoption of the draft Political Advertisement Act (PAA). The recently concluded Polish parliamentary campaign and the assistance offered by State Owned Companies, along with the weak level of oversight on these actions, have highlighted certain shortcomings in the proposed framework that remain unaddressed in the current EU draft legislation. In particular, I argue that the PAA does not adequately regulate the methods and extent of financing for political campaigns such as microtargeting and mistakenly assumes the independence of regulatory bodies tasked with enforcing its requirements. An independent institutional system warranted by the European Commission to enforce the proposed rules is pivotal for PAA to achieve its goals.
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Hamas’ Atrocities, Israel’s Response, and the Primacy of International Law to Protect Civilians
In light of the atrocities committed by Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad fighters in Israel on October 7, 2023 and the days thereafter, and against the backdrop of Germany’s historical responsibility, the German government and German politicians have unanimously expressed solidarity with Israel and emphasized its right to self-defense. Following the October 17, 2023 call by Kai Ambos for a differentiated debate, we explain which international humanitarian law precautions are relevant and what German policy can contribute to contain the escalation of violence as well as the suffering of the civilian population in the immediate conflict and in the future.
Continue reading >>Strasburg Weighs In On Political Persecution In Turkey
In a pivotal judgment delivered by the Grand Chamber, the European Court of Human Rights held that the conviction of a former teacher Yüksel Yalcinkaya violated Articles 6,7 and 11 of the Convention. The applicant Yalcinkaya was a teacher who was dismissed with an emergency decree enacted during the state of emergency rule between 2016 and 2018 and was subsequently prosecuted and convicted for his use of the ByLock app and for his membership in a teachers’ union and an association which were also closed down with an emergency decree. In Erdogan’s ever more repressive Turkey, usage of said app or membership in organizations and unions may lead to arrest. Especially anything that appears remotely related to the oppositional Gulen movement carries the risk of persecution.
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30 October 2023
Justifying a Political Dynasty
The Indonesian Constitutional Court has handed down a highly controversial decision lowering the minimum age requirement for presidential candidacy. It raises further alarms about the Court's independence, as the petitioner sought to allow President Jokowi's son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, to run in the 2024 presidential elections. Worse, the current Chief Justice is married to the President's younger sister, and the Court's legal reasoning it not sound.
Continue reading >>Turning the Exception into the Rule
In January 2023, Italy’s new government adopted a reform that heavily curtailed immigrant rights to speed up return procedures. Between September and October, several judgments issued by the Catania Tribunal declared the reform in violation of EU law. The judgments led to backlash, with PM Meloni and other members of the government accusing them of being politically motivated. While such political attacks on judges must always be condemned, they are particularly unwarranted given that the Catania Tribunal’s judges were correct in finding the new Italian border procedures incompatible with EU law.
Continue reading >>26 October 2023
To Hell, on a White Horse
Slovakia voted on the final day of September 2023. The electoral rhetoric, results and subsequent coalition-building give grounds to expect illiberal constitutional changes. More attention is needed towards the Constitutional Court’s capacity to resist such illiberalization, as Slovakia may join Hungary in a revamped illiberal Visegrad alliance.
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25 October 2023
Trapped in Gaza
Thousands of Palestinians are amassed at the Rafah border crossing into Egypt – the only land border point from Gaza that is not controlled by Israel. Periodically opened by Egypt to allow at least some aid convoys to enter Gaza, it has been firmly closed to Palestinians seeking to leave Gaza since October 10. Both international refugee and human rights law that bind Egypt make clear that its closure of the Rafah border crossing to all Palestinians – including to those at grave and imminent risk – is an illegal act of refoulement. In this case, it has proved to be an illegal act with truly deadly consequences and must be condemned as such.
Continue reading >>The Mexican Standoff
In a historical march, tens of thousands of judicial staff, lawyers, and judges – including at least one justice of the Supreme Court – took to the streets of Mexico City on 22 October 2023. Chanting slogans such as ‘¡El Poder Judicial de la Federación no se toca!’ and ‘¡Somos los garantes de la Constitución!’ protesters rallied against the Mexican government’s plans to slash the federal judiciary’s (Poder Judicial de la Federación, PJF) funding. In this contribution, we analyse what this dispute is all about and explain why the government’s plans jeopardise the independence of the Mexican judiciary. In particular, we argue that the recent, seemingly innocent financial measures come at the cusp of an alarming authoritarian turn. Finally, we offer some tentative thoughts on what the endgame in this quickly escalating dispute might look like.
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24 October 2023
Politisches Microtargeting vs. Rechtsaufsicht
In der letzten Woche ist bekannt geworden, dass die EU-Kommission, konkret der amtliche Account der Kommissarin für Inneres, Microtargeting auf X (vormals Twitter) nutzte, um Schwung in ein festgefahrenes Gesetzgebungsvorhaben zu bringen. Es handelt sich um eine gezielte Beeinflussung der gesellschaftlichen Debatte rund um die sogenannte „Kinderschutzverordnung“, auch bekannt als „Chatkontrolle“ durch datenbasierte Zielgruppenansprache (zur Berichterstattung und Analyse). Diese Posts sollten Druck auf mitgliedsstaatliche Regierungen ausüben, um doch noch eine Mehrheit für das Vorhaben zu beschaffen. Dieser Vorgang ist auch abseits der inhaltlichen Debatte um die „Chatkontrolle“ bemerkenswert, schließlich zeigt er neben den systemischen Risiken von Plattformen und dem Bedürfnis nach effektiver Durchsetzung von Plattformregulierung auf, dass die Kommission sich in einem Spannungsverhältnis der Funktionen als Aufsichtsbehörde und als politische Akteurin befindet und somit das systeminhärente Risiko besteht, dass sie ihre Funktion als Aufsichtsbehörde zugunsten politischer Ziele vernachlässigt.
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Who Decides What Counts as Disinformation in the EU?
Who decides what counts as “disinformation” in the EU? Not public authorities, because disinformation is not directly sanctioned in the Digital Service Act (DSA) or other secondary legislation. Nor Very Large Online Platforms (VLOPs) and Very Large Online Search Engines (VLOSes), which avoid editorial decisions to maintain their legal status as intermediaries with limited liability. Instead, the delicate task of identifying disinformation is being undertaken by other private organisations whose place of administration and activity, purpose, funding and organizational structure appear problematic in terms of the legitimacy and even legality of the fight against disinformation. This blog post maps out the relevant (private) actors, namely the ad industry, fact checking organizations and so-called source-raters.
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23 October 2023
Who Speaks on Behalf of the European Union?
“It’s a cacophony. It’s ridiculous”. This is how an EU diplomat described the flow of EU statements following the outbreak of the war between Israel and Hamas. The divergent reactions reveal the existence of institutional tensions about the Union’s external representation, which undermine the coherence and credibility of the EU’s external action. The war between Israel and Hamas concerns issues of foreign and security policy. Whether one likes it or not, this is an area where the Commission has a more limited role – also with respect to external representation. A certain restraint or, at the very least, closer coordination with the Member States and the European External Action Service could have been expected.
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22 October 2023
When Discrimination is Not Enough
The Supreme Court, India’s apex constitutional court, recently delivered its disappointing decision in Supriyo Chakraborty v Union India (Supriyo), rejecting marriage equality in Indian law. The much-awaited decision was heard by a constitution bench (five judges) of the Supreme Court and dealt with far-reaching questions of both Indian constitutional law and family law. The decision is characteristic of the Indian Supreme Court’s ongoing phase of great deference to the executive and legislative branches but also marks a sharp and worrying break from the court’s otherwise progressive jurisprudence on issues of gender and sexuality.
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20 October 2023
The Basic Structure Doctrine, Article 370 and the Future of India’s Democracy
A constitution bench (five-judges) of the Supreme Court of India recently concluded the hearings related to the the abrogation of Article 370 of the Constitution and the bifurcation of the State of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) into two Union Territories. How the Supreme Court finally decides this instant case will have far-reaching constitutional implications. In particular, the basic structure challenge pressed upon by the Petitioners, is likely to determine the future of India’s democratic federal architecture and the structural balance of power between the Union and states.
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Moral Absolutism in the Wake of Terrorism
In the light of the terrorist attack perpetrated by Hamas against innocent civilians in Israel on October 7th, some contend that “The imperative to protect human dignity only applies absolutely if it applies universally, and it only applies universally if it applies absolutely.” In the face of evil, there is no room for relativism. Hamas’s deliberate attack against innocent civilians is absolutely wrong. Therefore, it should be universally condemned. I agree with the above conclusion. However, I wonder how a universal recognition of an absolute duty of respect for human dignity can help solving the existential conflict confronting Israelis and Palestinians. Ideally, a two-state solution proposed by the international community can be seen as a reasonable and fair compromise. Nevertheless, the reality on the ground is different. This blog post explores the downstream consequences - and hurdles - of moral absolutism in times of war, terror, and existential crisis.
Continue reading >>Restoring Poland’s Media Freedom
Over the last ten years, PiS has not only systematically dismantled Poland’s rule of law, but also strategically corroded the country’s media freedom. It has successfully politicized Poland’s media regulators, abused public service media for propaganda purposes, captured private media outlets and supported friendly private media, and created regulatory, legal and political obstacles for private media which criticized it. In this blogpost, I will detail three core steps that must be taken to restore media freedom in Poland in conformity with European standards. In particular, I argue for the restoration of the National Broadcasting Council (KRRiT), the constitutional media regulator, as an independent body; the dissolution of the „bonus” media regulator introduced by PiS, the National Media Council; and for reforming the status of Poland’s private media and the government’s approach to the media in general.
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19 October 2023
Post-populist Populism
Good news for democracy from Poland? It appears that in the recent general elections, the right-wing populist Law and Justice party (PiS), won most seats but not enough to allow it to form a coalition. Donald Tusk's Civic Coalition has a better chance of forming a coalition, which might put an end to PiS' eight years of rule. This, prima facie, seems like a victory of democracy over populism. While this is certainly true, in this post we wish to flag certain warning signs that this possible democratic rotation is not the end of the struggle for democracy but merely the beginning of this process. This is because even when populists are voted out of office, their legacy - at least partially - persists.
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18 October 2023
Using the Constitution for Partisan Benefits
Last month, the Indian parliament passed the 106th amendment to the Constitution. It inserted several provisions to the Indian Constitution, collectively providing for horizontal reservation of one-third of directly elected seats of the House of the People, the state legislative assemblies, and the Delhi legislative assembly for women. In this blog, I discuss the political motivations underlying the enactment of this amendment and argue that this amendment is an opportunistic attempt by the incumbent government to reap partisan benefits using the Constitution before the upcoming state and general elections. Such actions demystify the idea that constitutions are a place for high-order politics. The amendment shows that with enough numbers, constitutions could easily be reduced into a political tool for furthering dominant political interests.
Continue reading >>At a Snail’s Pace
By 1 April 2018, member states had to transpose an EU Directive on ‘the strengthening of certain aspects of the presumption of innocence and of the right to be present at the trial in criminal proceedings’. Bulgaria has not fully transposed it to this day, and consistently undermines it. Now, finally, the Commission has launched infringement proceecings. Preceding the announcement, the Commission rejected Rasosveta Vassileva's reasoned complaints on the same issue, as late as 2022. Her odyssey is a concerning tale on how EU institutions handle citizen alerts.
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A Step Forward in Fighting Online Antisemitism
Online antisemitism is on the rise. Especially since the recent terror attack by Hamas in Southern Israel, platforms like X are (mis)used to propel antisemitism. Against this backdrop, this blog post analyses the legal framework for combatting online antisemitism in the EU and the regulatory approaches taken so far. It addresses the new Digital Services Act (DSA), highlighting some of the provisions that might become particularly important in the fight against antisemitism. The DSA improves protection against online hate speech in general and antisemitism in particular by introducing procedural and transparency obligations. However, it does not provide any substantive standards against which the illegality of such manifestations can be assessed. In order to effectively reduce online antisemitism in Europe, we need to think further, as outlined in the following blog post.
Continue reading >>17 October 2023
Solidarity with Israel, but no Blank Check
The actions of Hamas have been called in a detailed declaration drafted by Israeli international lawyers, also signed by this author, for what they are: core crimes under international law, possibly even amounting to genocide directed against the Jewish population of Israel. This should be beyond dispute among international (criminal) lawyers. Nonetheless, especially in Germany we have to critically ask ourselves the follow-up question of how far our support for Israel’s military counterattack can go.
Continue reading >>Zwischen Symbolpolitik und Verschärfung
Vergangene Woche verständigte sich die Regierungskoalition auf ein Maßnahmenpaket zur Reform des Asylrechts, das medial vielfach unter dem Topos „schnellere Abschiebungen“ diskutiert wurde (siehe hier und hier). Die Änderungsvorschläge zeigen im Detail jedoch in sehr verschiedene Richtungen und enthalten sowohl Verschärfungen als auch punktuelle Erleichterungen. In Teilen sind sie rein symbolpolitischer Natur, enthalten aber auch spürbare Verschärfungen gegenüber Schutzsuchenden. Dabei simulieren die Vorschläge allerdings nur politische Handlungsfähigkeit und drohen gerade dadurch die Wahrnehmung politischer Lähmung zu verstärken.
Continue reading >>What is Permissible in the War against Hamas?
What is permissible for the Israeli government to do in response to the murderous attack by Hamas? The answer to this is difficult, not only because blood is boiling and hearts are broken, but also because there is a complex moral dilemma here. In this blog, we hope to offer some guidelines to clarify the issue. We do not claim to provide definitive answers. The required analysis is complex, and it is incumbent upon the Israeli government and the IDF to ensure that the various steps taken are morally justified.
Continue reading >>16 October 2023
Degrees of (In)Dependence
For years, there has been a debate about making the Polish Prosecutor's Office an authority that is arguably located between the classic uniformed services (the police), public administration (tax offices), and the judiciary. In Polish scholarly discourse, two positions prevail regarding the place of the prosecutor's office in the system of state organs - subordination to the executive, or quasi-independence based on an organic statute with the strong influence of parliament. In this blog, I will explain how PiS has exploited Poland's adoption of the former model, and evaluate the promise and perils of a proposal to cure the current defects by rendering Poland's prosecutor's office (more) independent.
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Market Power, Democracy and (Un)Fair Elections
In the last eight years Poland experienced an illiberal shift. Key elements of constitutional democracy were undermined. The story is well-known to public law scholars, particularly with respect to judicial reforms. However, off most people’s radar have been the changes which increased the role of state-controlled and state-owned firms (SOEs) in the Polish economy which have supported Poland’s illiberal tendencies. Pre-election period is illustrative in this respect, with the ruling majority benefitting from various kinds of support from SOEs which undermined a level playing field. The Polish experience arguably sheds light on constitutional democracies’ weaknesses in effectively addressing the links between political and market power which can further democratic backsliding. In this blogpost, I will highlight why the existing legal framework, in particular remedies available in law aimed at imposing limits on the use of market power, i.e. competition law, are insufficient to address this risk and why a broader debate in public law is necessary in this respect.
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13 October 2023
Human Dignity
The guiding principle of our editorial decisions in dealing with the massacre by the Hamas and its aftermath
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Food Culture and the Far-Right
Dis-moi ce que tu manges, je te dirai ce que tu es. Brillat-Savarin’s words describe how what we eat and how we prepare it forms part of our identity. The Bolognese tortellini, the Swabian Spätzle and the Polish Łazanki are very much different from one another. What they have in common, however, is that they do not represent merely a dish, but an essential part of regional heritages. Under the nationalist slogan of 'food sovereignty', the Italian government presents itself as the protector of Italian culinary identity with a ban on cultivated meat. From an EU law perspective, the ban is a largely ineffective ‘talk show law’. Nevertheless, it puts on the table the politics underlying food regulation and the room left for national differentiation within harmonised areas of the internal market.
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The Great Yes or the Great No
As we gear up for the most consequential elections in Poland since 1989, the situation on the ground after 8 years of the paranoid polarizing and no-holds-barred politics, forces all those concerned about the future, to ask where Poland is heading. On 14 October 2023, we must understand that POLEXIT is much more than a mere dispute over institutions, rule of law, judicial independence, etc. What is at stake now is incomparably greater. It is the defense of a certain way of life, values and belonging to a community of law and values, a civic Poland in Europe and Europe in civic Poland and finally of “Me and You” as part of Europe.
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Obstinate Choices
Denmark is currently going through a full-blown intelligence scandal. It includes charges of illegal activity lodged by the Danish Intelligence Oversight Board (TET) against the Danish foreign intelligence service (FE), as well as a range of criminal cases brought against the former head of FE, a former minister of defence, and a former intelligence officer on charges of leaking classified information. In this post, I argue that these scandals can best be understood through the lens of a series of obstinate choices made by the Danish government and its representatives. Seemingly, because key decision-makers lacked trust and got fed up with leaks, the situation was handled aggressively from the start, as a matter of principle. I explain the complex scandal but focus on specifics only in the case against former minister of defence, Claus Hjort Frederiksen, as his case is the most clear-cut and observable for outsiders.
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The Distorted Body
Ensuring the integrity of elections is a foundational concern for any democratic state. Yet, it faces a grave challenge in Poland, emanating from the Chamber of Extraordinary Control and Public Affairs of the Supreme Court. Created in 2018 following controversial changes to the national judicial system and tasked with reviewing the validity of parliamentary elections, the Chamber fails to meet the essential criteria of an independent court. Confirmed by rulings of the European Court of Human Rights and the Supreme Court itself, the Chamber’s flawed origin and staffing, dependent on political influence and in departure from established rules of law, undermines its capacity to authenticate the fairness and legitimacy of elections. This echoes beyond Poland’s borders as well, since the Chamber’s defective status fails to meet European standards of effective judicial protection, thus raising concerns in the context of European integration. This blog delves into the Chamber’s position, examines its role in validating electoral process and its impact on the democratic legitimacy of Poland’s Parliament.
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Reviving a Corpse
The political co-optation of the Constitutional Tribunal has eliminated its role in Poland’s checks and balances. The judges, although associated with the ruling party, are conflicted and some of them refuse to rule, the number of proceedings has fallen dramatically, and the Tribunal's authority has all but disappeared. It is not enough now to pick it up, shake it off, straighten it out, and put it back to where it was in 2015. Instead, if the opposition wins the election, it must rebuild an institution that is both an effective constitutional player, capable of checking the government and a trustworthy and reliable avenue for Polish citizens to assert their constitutional complaints.
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To Void or Not To Void
One of the most critical challenges in the process of restoring the rule of law in Poland after the period of ‘Law and Justice’ rule will be regulating the situation in the Constitutional Tribunal. After the unlawful election of three judges by the Sejm in November 2015 and the subsequent recognition of their judicial status by the new President of the Constitutional Tribunal, Julia Przyłębska, the Constitutional Tribunal lost its independence and authority. Instead of defending the Constitution and the rule of law, the Constitutional Tribunal often legitimizes controversial Government actions and openly questions the European standards. Rebuilding the Constitutional Tribunal's authority and restoring its proper functioning will undoubtedly be a challenging task. It must involve at least two actions: firstly, the removal of improperly elected individuals from adjudication and secondly, the regulation of the consequences of their judgments. In the following brief text, I will specifically address the latter issue, based on the report published by the Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights in June 2023.
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A Hidden Success
Following the EU General Court’s dismissal of the complaint of WS and other asylum seekers against Frontex in its ruling on September 6, 2023, scholarly commentary has largely expressed disappointment. However, a more optimistic way of reading the judgement is also possible. By declaring the lawsuit admissible, the court confirmed that factual misconduct by Frontex can be addressed with action for damages claims – and this in itself is a major step forward in the system of fundamental rights protection in the European Union.
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12 October 2023
Ruling by Bullying?
On September 8th, the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals of the United States partially upheld a decision that found several public officials had coerced social media companies into censoring speech protected by the First Amendment. Americans call this area of the law jawboning, in reference to the jawbone that is moved when we talk, which is the mechanism through which pressures of these sorts are exerted. It is an extremely complex area of law, in part because distinguishing when public officials cross that fuzzy legal line depends on assessing the nature actions that happen in private settings in light of vague and ambiguous criteria. In this piece, I explain why the occurrence of jawboning might be an inevitable feature of modern administrative governance, and outline both the unique challenge that underpins any attempt to legally regulate it as well as the urgency of doing so.
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Judicial Transitology
The rule of law crisis in Poland consists of several elements – undermining the independence of courts, politicization of disciplinary proceedings against judges, and lack of legal certainty. None of them, however, raises so many doubts and concerns as the status of judges appointed or promoted upon the request of the politically captured National Council of Judiciary (NCJ). In this blog post, we analyse the diverse composition of the group of judges appointed or promoted upon the motion of the NCJ from 2018. We also discuss the relevant jurisprudence of national and international courts and the current state of debate concerning this problem and possible solutions.
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The Election’s Aftermath
Reenergized by the former liberal prime minister and EUCO president Donald Tusk, Poland’s democratic forces are well positioned to deliver a stunning upset on Sunday. If this indeed materializes, we must resist the temptation to think of the critical post-election days and weeks as a regular democratic transfer of power. Instead, what will happen should be understood as an inherently perilous collapse of an authoritarian regime. Several legal and constitutional provisions are capable of being weaponized by the ruling PiS party to thwart the peaceful transfer of power.
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11 October 2023
The French Republic’s (In)Divisibility
On Thursday 28 September 2023, French President Emmanuel Macron called, in front of the Corsican Assembly, for Corsica to be given ‘autonomy within the Republic’. The French government and Corsican elected representatives have six months to produce a text which, if approved by the Corsican Assembly, will serve as the basis for an amendment to the French Constitution. Nonetheless, the political reactivation of an old constitutional principle might get in the way. In particular, conservative parliamentarians can be expected to invoke the principle of the indivisibility of the Republic in the constitutional amendment process. Despite the principle’s long-standing presence in republican constitutional history, we argue that it cannot serve as a constitutional argument against Corsican autonomy, both because the Constitution allows amendments despite contradictory principles and because it has always tolerated a certain degree of divisibility.
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Poland’s Sham ‘Migration’ Referendum
On June 15, 2023, Jarosław Kaczyński, leader of Poland's PiS party, announced a rare referendum, ostensibly to allow the public to weigh in on crucial elements of Polish immigration policy, alongside the general elections. Yet, in reality, the referendum had little to do with migration and the opposition parties largely ignored the referendum's questions to avoid its deployment as an electoral campaign tool. As such, whatever voters will decide on Election day, it will tell us little about the state of Polish migration politics.
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Europe’s Sick Success Child
Poland's rule of law crisis, spurred by the ruling coalition under Jarosław Kaczyński, has caused severe damage to its legal system and democratic foundations. The European Union has responded with infringement proceedings and withholding of funds, leading to some concessions from the Polish government. Yet, Poland's legal community and civil society have shown resilience, challenging these attacks in courts, advocating for democratic values, and maintaining a robust private media. As parliamentary elections loom, the question arises: can this resilience lead to a restoration of the rule of law?
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09 October 2023
Open letter from Israeli international law experts
The taking of hostages is a blatant violation of international law. We call for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages. Pending their release, they are all entitled to be treated with humanity and respect. This includes the receipt of proper medical care and supply of essential medication for those who need it, and the provision of information regarding the hostages and means of communication with them. We call upon the international community, including all states and relevant international organizations to pressure those holding the hostages to release them all immediately.
Continue reading >>06 October 2023
The Dignity of the Outvoted
Why Viktor Orbán grins, and what about
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05 October 2023
Slicing Away at Regulatory Statutes
In its June 2023 decision in Sackett v. EPA, the U.S. Supreme Court interpreted the Clean Water Act of 1972 to significantly cut back its water pollution protections and to hand an important victory to private property owners. Sackett is not simply important for its impact on environmental protection. Although it may be among the Court’s less visible recent rulings, it follows the Court’s trend of anti-administrativist rulings and may add importantly to the Court’s kit of anti-regulatory interpretive tools.
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Automated Decision-Making and the Challenge of Implementing Existing Laws
Who loves the latest shiny thing? Children maybe? Depends on the kid. Cats and dogs perhaps? Again, probably depends. What about funders, publishers, and researchers? Now that is an easier question to answer. Whether in talks provided by the tax-exempt ‘cult of TED’, or in open letters calling for a moratorium, the attention digital technologies receive today is extensive, especially those that are labelled ‘artificial intelligence’. This noise comes with calls for a new ad hoc human right against being subject to automated decision-making (ADM). While there is merit in adopting new laws dedicated to so-called AI, the procedural mechanisms that can implement existing law require strengthening. The perceived need for new substantive rules to govern new technology is questionable at best, and distracting at worst. Here we would like to emphasise the importance of implementing existing law more effectively in order to better regulate ADM. Improving procedural capacities across the legal frameworks on data protection, non-discrimination, and human rights is imperative in this regard.
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02 October 2023
The Constitution Does Not Sleep
The South Korean government is embarking on a process to amend the current Assembly Act with the aim of enforcing stricter regulations on assemblies and demonstrations. Among other things, demonstrations at night are to be generally prohibited. I argue that the legislator’s plans disregard the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court and fail to comply with standards of international law.
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Constitutional Pluralism and Article 370
Recently, the Indian Supreme Court finished hearing oral arguments on a batch of petitions challenging the constitutional validity of The Constitution (Application to Jammu and Kashmir) Order, 2019 which extended all provisions of the Indian Constitution to Jammu and Kashmir. In the midst of the arguments, the Court pondered upon the nature of the relationship between the Constitution of India and the Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir. While the Court is unlikely to hand down an authoritative ruling on this relationship, the exchanges between the judges and lawyers offer us a valuable avenue to explore. By analysing the Jammu and Kashmir Constituent Assembly Debates, this piece examines the nature of the relationship envisaged by the two constitutions. I argue that the constitutional principle that undergirded the previously existing constitutional relationship between India and Jammu and Kashmir is heterarchy.
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The Comeback of the Mixed Chamber
Three years ago, in the wake of the Weiss judgment of the German Federal Constitutional Court, we proposed the creation of a “Mixed Chamber” in the Court of Justice of the European Union, to rule in last instance on judicial disputes on points of Union competence. The rationale of a Chamber so composed is not obvious. After all, in a Union in which EU Law has primacy over national law, in which the autonomy of EU law is all-pervasive and where the Court of Justice is the ultimate interpreter of EU law, why should a Mixed Chamber be needed? We believe there are at least three good reasons that make a Mixed Chamber as salient as ever.
Continue reading >>01 October 2023
Europe’s Faustian Bargain
On Thursday, news broke that the German government had agreed to incorporating the previously rejected Crisis Regulation into the EU’s new asylum and migration pact. The decision was a radical change of course since Germany had previously consistently opposed its inclusion. Framed as allowing for more ‘flexibility’ in case of migratory surges, the Crisis Regulation’s adoption will, in effect, suspend the EU asylum system as we know it for the time being, given that recorded sea arrivals are currently nearing the 2015 levels. A crisis in need of regulation, if you will. In this blogpost, I highlight the dangerous fallacy that underpins our tolerance for the illegality that has come to characterize contemporary border control. In particular, our failure to oppose the constant expansion of the limits of the law that occurs in the name of crisis and political necessity rests on the mistaken assumption that we have nothing to lose in this race to the bottom.
Continue reading >>False Hope for Democracy in Bosnia & Herzegovina
Bosnia & Herzegovina (B&H) is notoriously hard to govern. Scarred from a bloody war in the 1990s after the collapse of Yugoslavia, the country’s constitutional order emerged in international peace talks in the United States. What later became famous as the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) might have stopped the war but, in our opinion, sowed the seeds for complex democratic problems today. As we will show in this text, the ECtHR’s judgments represent a false hope for democracy in B&H, because ethnopolitical parties in B&H will not agree on how to implement the ECtHR’s judgments and the Office of the High Representative will not take a more active role in this context. We therefore argue against an earlier contribution on this blog by Woelk (2023), who suggested that the solution for the implementation of the ECtHR’s judgments should come from within the country, as we will show, ethnopolitical actors do not have a real interest in implementing these judgments. To put it bluntly, change from within is, alas, pie in the sky. It is much more likely that nothing changes and the powers that are remain the powers that will be.
Continue reading >>29 September 2023
The German Center
The tyranny of the minority and what the juste milieu in Germany is telling itself about it
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Civil Disobedience on Trial in Switzerland
Since 2018, Swiss courts have become regular sites of criminal trials against climate activists who engage in various forms of non-violent protest to obtain effective climate action from their government and raise public awareness. Since the autumn of 2018, we have recorded approximately 30 non-violent forms of climate protest and civil disobedience across Switzerland, leading to at least 200 trials in Swiss criminal courts. In this contribution, we highlight three themes that have emerged in the trials of climate activists: First, the Federal Supreme Court has closed the door to the use of the necessity defense to justify civil disobedience in the name of the climate emergency. Second, at least some Swiss judges and courts are open to considering and applying the case law of the ECtHR. Third, the idea of civil disobedience remains deeply contested in the courts, as it is considered by the authorities to be antithetical to the Swiss model of democracy.
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28 September 2023
Act Three for Climate Litigation in Strasbourg
Yesterday, on 27 September 2023, a historic hearing took place before the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights. The Court heard the Duarte Agostinho case, brought by six Portuguese children and young people against a whopping 33 Member States of the Council of Europe. Having heard two other climate cases this past March (the KlimaSeniorinnen v. Switzerland and Carême v. France cases, respectively), this was the Court’s final hearing before it issues its first-ever findings on climate change. It was also the Court’s first youth climate case. For several reasons, yesterday’s hearing was a historic one: Duarte Agostinho is the Grand Chamber’s biggest-yet climate case, both in terms of the substantive rights invoked and the number of States involved.
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Recovery and Resilience Facility two years after – quo vadis EU money?
In 2020, at the height of the Covid crisis, the EU embarked on a new path. It extensively borrowed money at capital markets and handed it out to member states. After two years of implementation, it is now possible to make some preliminary conclusions about how that money is being spent. Reading the reports and listening to the hearings in the European Parliament, it becomes abundantly clear that most of it has very little to do with European policies. Rather, spending goes into mundane national budgetary expenditures that may be useful as such but have little genuine European value and little transformational potential. In a time with pressing common European needs, this is not how it should be.
Continue reading >>27 September 2023
Wartime Elections as Democratic Backsliding
The topic of the next elections to the Verkhovna Rada (Parliament) of Ukraine unexpectedly surfaced in public discourse towards the end of spring this year. Julia Kyrychenko and Olha Ivasiuk’s recent article on Verfassungsblog outlines major legal and practical obstacles to holding wartime elections in Ukraine. In their illuminating analysis, the authors make a strong case against wartime elections, a viewpoint largely shared by civil society. My argument is a bit different. I will argue that (1) wartime parliamentary elections are expressis verbis inconsistent with the Ukrainian Constitution, and (2) wartime elections would undermine the legitimacy of democratic institutions and potentially lead to democratic backsliding.
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25 September 2023
Failing the Test
In its recent concluding observations, the Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities identified significant shortcomings in Germany's implementation of the right to inclusive education (para. 53f.). This piece argues that these are rooted in Germany's history and the continued embrace of an outdated model of disability. Indeed, to the extent the latter remains the foundation for Germany's approach to inclusion, its current endeavours in terms of inclusive education are not only insufficient in light of its international obligations, but also in light of its own constitution.
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No Voting Under Fire
Can Ukraine hold elections while it is in the midst of a full-scale invasion by Russia? This question has recently received international attention, including comments from US Senator Lindsey Graham advocating for elections during the war. However, holding elections during the current state of war faces not only factual but also legal obstacles. Genuine democratic elections cannot be conducted under fire from Russian troops.
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24 September 2023
Parliamentary Decisions on its own Behalf and Spanish Constitutional Law
A phrase like "Parliament decisions on its own behalf" has not been codified in Spanish legal and political discourse. Nevertheless, it is acknowledged that there are certain issues where political parties within parliament possess distinct interests that may influence their legislative choices. To counter the potential hazards involved, various elements have demonstrated varying degrees of efficiency in ensuring that decision are being made for the common good, despite the influence of party-specific concerns.
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23 September 2023
The Political Process in Search of a Judge
It must be acknowledged: in Italy, a judgment such as that delivered by the German Federal Constitutional Court on 24 January 2023 on party financing is currently constitutional science fiction. The Italian constitutional judges have never theorised, unlike their German colleagues, the need for closer scrutiny in certain matters where a ‘conflict of interest’ of the legislature can be discerned. This also partly reflects a different understanding of their own role within the constitutional system.
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Be Careful What You Wish For
The European Court of Human Rights has issued some troubling statements on how it imagines content moderation. In May, the Court stated in Sanchez that “there can be little doubt that a minimum degree of subsequent moderation or automatic filtering would be desirable in order to identify clearly unlawful comments as quickly as possible”. Recently, it reiterated this position. This shows not only a surprising lack of knowledge on the controversial discussions surrounding the use of filter systems (in fact, there’s quite a lot of doubt), but also an uncritical and alarming approach towards AI based decision-making in complex human issues.
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22 September 2023
Civil Disobedience in the Climate Crisis
Blocked streets, occupied airports, and a Brandenburg Gate sprayed with paint: Civil disobedience is making a spectacular comeback.
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A Leap Towards Federalisation?
On September 13th, co-rapporteurs Guy Verhofstadt (Renew, BE), Sven Simon (EPP, DE), Gabriele Bischoff (S&D, DE), Daniel Freund (Greens/EFA, DE) and Helmut Scholz (The Left, DE) presented in the Committee on Constitutional Affairs of the European Parliament (AFCO) a wide and ambitious project of Treaty change. This short contribution will highlight and evaluate the most important proposals of AFCO's project and argue that, if adopted, the reform would further the Union’s federalisation, thus potentially changing its legal nature.
Continue reading >>21 September 2023
The Legal Art of Judging Art
In another round of the case "Metall auf Metall", the German Federal Court of Justice is asking the Court of Justice of the European Union how to define the concept of pastiche. The CJEU response will not only be crucial for the rules of artistic imitation, but also set the legal frame for the digital reference culture of millions, as expressed in Memes and GIFs every day. This Article takes the referral to the CJEU as an opportunity to recapitulate the proceedings with a sideways glance at the Supreme Court’s Warhol case. Its discussion of transformative use addresses the questions the CJEU will have to answer when defining “pastiche”. How should we deal with the art of imitation?
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Migrant Instrumentalisation: Facts and Fictions
The last two years have seen recurring efforts to introduce the concept of instrumentalisation of migration into EU asylum law on a permanent basis. This post will demonstrate why the ‘instrumentalisation of migration’ is an overly simplified and generalised term that does not capture the complexities of the situation on the ground. Its adoption into EU asylum law thus threatens both to undermine legal certainty and bear far-reaching consequences for the Rule of Law in the EU.
Continue reading >>20 September 2023
Poland’s Elections: Free, perhaps, but not Fair
Poland’s upcoming parliamentary elections will be the country’s most important vote since the historic elections of 1989. Indeed, the momentous character of the elections might be the only thing upon which the governing PiS (Law and Justice) party and the opposition might agree. If the elections in October were fair, PiS’ defeat might be plausible though by no means certain. Yet, the preceding sentence identifies a condition we already know will not occur. In this analysis, I map the multiple ways in which the system has been rigged in favour of the incumbents. While I will only describe the most striking aspects of this unfairness, they all form parts of a system and thus should not be looked at in isolation. Kaczyński is a shrewd politician. There’s a method to his (apparent) madness. For the opposition to win is thus a Herculean task. Herculeses do appear in politics – but not that often.
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Passing Electoral Laws
Laws governing electoral issues (hereinafter electoral laws) are vital to representation in a democracy and its existence. This short post outlines why and how electoral laws should be subject to higher approval requirements and heightened judicial review.
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19 September 2023
A First Nations Voice to Parliament
Last weekend saw tens of thousands of Australians rally in support of a referendum on an Indigenous Voice to Parliament. The Voice would be a representative body comprised of Indigenous Australians empowered to make representations to Parliament and the federal government on matters that relate to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. Its animating objective is to guarantee that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples can have a say in the development of law and policy that affects them. The Voice is not a silver bullet. But if the referendum fails, basic problems concerning the relationship of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and the State will remain unaddressed. Indigenous Australians will also continue to struggle to have their interests considered in the processes of governance.
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16 September 2023
Bistable Perception
Things that tilt and things that are stable
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13 September 2023
Game of Chicken
Yesterday, on September 12th, the Israeli Supreme Court, sitting en banc, heard eight petitions challenging a hotly contested constitutional amendment. The Court has rarely sat en banc in the past, and this is the first time that it sits in a composition of fifteen justices, attesting to the importance that the Court attributes to this decision. The amendment modifies Basic Law: the Judiciary, which protects judicial independence, lays out the process of judicial selection for all the state courts and grants the Supreme Court the authority to supervise state action when the Court convenes in its capacity as a High Court of Justice. In this blog, I will explain each side’s arguments and the strategic considerations behind the Attorney General’s unprecedented move to push the Court to explicitly invalidate a constitutional amendment. I will show how both sides ultimately found themselves dragged into a game of chicken from which they could not back down.
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12 September 2023
Justice-on-Demand at the Indonesian Constitutional Court?
Indonesia will have the world’s biggest one-day election in 2024. More than 200 million voters will go to the ballots to choose the next president and legislative members on 14 February, opening a fresh chapter for the nation’s leadership after a decade of President Joko Widodo’s rule. In recent weeks, the Constitutional Court has been flooded with back-to-back filings for judicial review of Indonesia’s General Election Law. Against the backdrop of Indonesia’s declining levels of trust in public institution, the Court’s rulings might not only change the rules of Indonesia’s electoral game but also threaten to further impair its own independence and integrity.
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Sex Workers in Strassburg
A few years ago, France banned buying sex. In M.A. and Others v. France the European Court on Human Rights (ECtHR) now held that a motion of sex workers against that ban is admissible. The Court did not rule on the merits at this stage – this will follow in a subsequent judgement. Nevertheless, this admissibility decision marks a milestone as, for the first time, the Court will examine whether a sex purchase ban violates the rights of sex workers as guaranteed in the European Convention on Human Rights. The ruling appears eagerly anticipated due to its legal precedent within Member States that have passed similar legislation.
Continue reading >>The Price of Transatlantic Friendship
While the citizens of most EU Member States enjoy visa-free travel to the US, citizens of Bulgaria, Romania and Cyprus do not. Following the Commission’s repeated refusal to activate the reciprocity mechanism in EU visa law to remedy this inequality in access to visa-free travel, the European Parliament asked the CJEU whether the Commission was under an obligation to do so. The Court answered in the negative, holding instead that the Commission had wide discretion in this regard. Its reasoning centers the sensitive political nature that visa retaliation vis-á-vis the US implies, while failing to instill a sense of urgency in working towards equal treatment of EU citizens. This threatens to perpetuate a situation in which the advantages of supranational integration in the context of the Schengen acquis are permanently withheld from nationals of Romania, Bulgaria and Cyprus.
Continue reading >>11 September 2023
A Government of Laws, not of Men
The Israeli Supreme Court will hear this week (on September 12, 2023) petitions to invalidate an amendment to one of Israel’s Basic-Laws. The amendment, enacted in late July, denies the court the power to review the “reasonableness” of any governmental decision. This amendment is the first part of larger judicial overhaul plan, initiated by the Israeli government. Based on the court’s existing jurisprudence, I expect that the Supreme Court will declare the amendment unconstitutional, as it violates the core principle of the rule of law. In this post I offer a brief overview of the relevant background, before addressing the merits of the current case.
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09 September 2023
Shielding Frontex
In a landmark case, the EU General Court ruled this week on liability claims against Frontex for human rights violations - and rejected the damage claims. The case was the first of its kind concerning human rights responsibility of Frontex and had all the ingredients to prompt the General Court to finally clarify a number of pervasive and urgent questions concerning Frontex responsibility for complicity in unlawful human rights conduct. Instead, by conflating the wrongful conduct under scrutiny, the Court prevents a critical examination of Frontex’s conduct altogether. The significance of the case thus lies in the adopted approach by the Court, which, in effect, contributes to the systematic shielding of Frontex from any responsibility for contributions to human rights harms.
Continue reading >>08 September 2023
Not Being Elected
Parliamentary Intelligence Service Control and the AfD
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The False Hope of Israel’s Protestors
The Israel Supreme has become a major mobilizing source for the weekly mass protests against the reform that have been taking place in the last six months in many Israeli towns. Tens of thousands of liberals and conservatives rally around this institution, if not around anything else, confident that the Court is capable of preventing the government from irreversibly breaching the democratic walls. Unfortunately, this confidence is both unfounded and likely to sabotage the anti-reform movement. Given its past rulings and when keeping in mind the conservative nature of the institution of the Israeli judiciary, it is safe to say that the Israel Supreme Court will not be able to salvage the country from a democratic backsliding driven by a determined executive.
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An Interdisciplinary Toolbox for Researching the AI-Act
The proposed AI-act (AIA) will fundamentally transform the production, distribution, and use of AI-systems across the EU. Legal research has an important role to play in both clarifying and evaluating the AIA. To this end, legal researchers may employ a legal-doctrinal method, and focus on the AIA’s provisions and recitals to describe or evaluate its obligations. However, legal-doctrinal research is not a panacea that can fully operationalize or evaluate the AIA on its own. Rather, with the support of interdisciplinary research, we can better understand the AIA’s vague provisions, test its real-life application, and create practical design requirements for the developers of AI-systems. This blogpost gives a short glimpse into the methodological toolbox for researching the AI-act.
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06 September 2023
Europe’s Digital Constitution
In the United States, European reforms of the digital economy are often met with criticism. Repeatedely, eminent American voices called for an end to Europe’s “techno-nationalism.” However, this common argument focusing on digital protectionism is plausible, yet overly simplistic. Instead, this blog post argues that European digital regulations reflect a host of values that are consistent with the broader European economic and political project. The EU’s digital agenda reflects its manifest commitment to fundamental rights, democracy, fairness, and redistribution, as well as its respect for the rule of law. These normative commitments, and the laws implementing those commitments, can be viewed in aggregate as Europe’s digital constitution.
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05 September 2023
Reinventing a Broken Wheel
On 16 July, the European Commission and the Tunisian government signed a new strategic partnership on migration, sparking outrage by European parliamentarians, researchers and civil society actors given Tunisia’s autocratic turn since 2021 and the recent flaring up of racial and xenophobic violence. The deal is emblematic of the blind spots of trans-Mediterranean migration cooperation over the past decades: First, a growing reliance on informality and symbolic politics at the expense of accountability; and second, a persistently Euro-centrist perspective that overlooks the dynamics South of the Mediterranean, with dire policy consequences.
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04 September 2023
Decolonising Criminal Law?
On August 11, the last day of the ongoing session of Parliament, the Indian Government tabled a notice that it wished to introduce three new bills on the Floor of the House for consideration. These were proposed statutes to replace the holy trinity of Indian criminal law: The Indian Penal Code of 1860, the Criminal Procedure Code of 1973, and the Indian Evidence Act of 1872, were to be replaced by the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, the Bharatiya Nagrik Suraksha Sanhita and the Bharatiya Sakshya Adhiniyam respectively. Even though the reform was marketed as an attempt to break from the colonial origins of criminal law, it actually represents a resurgence of the colonial-style authoritarian approach, rather than an effort to build upon the relatively modest progress made half a century ago in advancing individual freedom and civil rights.
Continue reading >>01 September 2023
Aiwanger and us
Ironic Nazi schoolboys in rural Bavaria in the late 80s
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Direct Democracy and Indirect Electoral Campaign
In a last-minute attempt to grow voter presence at the booths on the 15th of October, Poland’s ruling party announced it would be combining the upcoming parliamentary elections with a referendum vote on not one, but four issues. This provides the governing powers with an additional electoral campaign just for them – misnamed as the referendum – to draw public attention to the questions asked. After all, they were drafted by those seeking reelection and focus on matters most used in their political agenda.
Continue reading >>Opening Pandora’s Box?
Bosnia and Herzegovina is widely known as a “complex State” that has struggled to progress towards EU accession due to internal divisions. More than 25 years after the war ended, the country seems to remain stuck in transition. Recently, secession claims from Republika Srpska (RS) have become more concrete, a crisis has been triggered around the Constitutional Court. Amid these dynamic developments, a judgment by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) could cause tensions, if not even the opening of Pandora’s box: After a series of previous judgments of a similar kind, on 29 August, 2023, the ECtHR published its judgment in the case of Kovačević v. Bosnia and Herzegovina. The judgment is a fundamental and systemic critique of the power-sharing arrangements and clearly determines the direction any constitutional amendment or reform needs to take: The only possible way is to reduce the institutional relevance of ethnicity and of the privileged status of ‘constituent peoples’.
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31 August 2023
How to Form the Czech Constitutional Court?
Politically, summers in the Czech Republic are often quiet. This year is different. A newly elected president, Petr Pavel, is selecting almost all of the fifteen members of the Czech Constitutional Court ("CCC") during the next two years. Unexpectedly, Pavel's selection process has sparked a great deal of controversy and discussion about how a president should choose constitutional judges. What happened? And what are the main lessons to be learned from the current situation in the Czech Republic?
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28 August 2023
The New Russian School
The beginning of the new school year in many countries of the former Soviet Union, including in Russia, is celebrated on September 1st and is known as “Knowledge Day”. This year, September 1st will be unique as the new educational amendments enter into force in Russia and Russia-controlled territories. These amendments introduce controversial changes to the educational process, which raise serious concerns about children’s rights and freedoms. These changes include new unified textbooks on history, the legalisation of children’s forced labour, and the continuation of “Conversations about the important” lessons with an enhanced militaristic element.
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25 August 2023
No Protection
Death by fire, death by water, and who's a criminal and who is not.
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24 August 2023
On the State of Academia in India
The Economics Department at India’s Ashoka University received an unexpected visit from the Federal Intelligence Bureau. The reason for this visit was a paper titled ‘Democratic Backsliding in the World’s Largest Democracy’ by Sabyasachi Das, an economist. In his research, Das meticulously examined 11 contested seats during India’s 2019 general elections and uncovered imbalanced outcomes that favored the ruling party, BJP. Das noted that ‘the results point to strategic and targeted electoral discrimination against Muslims, in the form of deletion of names from voter lists and suppression of their votes during election, in part facilitated by weak monitoring by election observers.’ The subsequent visit by the Federal Intelligence Bureau is just one among several incidents that highlight the precarious state of academic freedom in India.
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23 August 2023
How a Boat Trip to Estonia Challenged the Foundations of the Finnish Sentencing System
In August 2015, a Finnish citizen embarked on a tour from Finland to Estonia and back on a pleasure boat. The private boat trip quickly evolved into a matter of great significance. His journey not only challenged the foundations of the Finnish sentencing system but also shed new light on the requirements of proportionality that EU law may impose on national sentencing systems more broadly. The boatman was fined for not carrying his passport. He contested the penal order, and the case was heard by the district court before being escalated to the Supreme Court of Finland. The Supreme Court sought a preliminary ruling from the European Court of Justice (ECJ), which delivered a verdict that struck at the very core of the Finnish sentencing system.
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22 August 2023
Not With a Bang But a Whimper
The European Union’s smallest Member State saw a significant decree delivered on primacy last month. Yet, even domestically, this bomb exploded in the middle of a desert; little to no noise came of it nationally or at the EU level. On the face of it, this is undoubtedly a major legal development – the first of its kind since Malta’s EU accession in 2004. The flawed interpretation offered by the Court says much about the fundamental importance of constitutional reform and is not, as such, a sign of institutional anti-EU sentiment… yet. However, as the main (and practically only) media report on the case concluded, what happens next is anyone’s guess. Constitutional reform in Malta must be put squarely back on the table before it’s too late.
Continue reading >>Schutzsuchende als Schleuser?
In Frankreich wurden am vergangenen Mittwoch zwei sudanesische Männer verhaftet, nachdem sie einige Tage zuvor ein Bootsunglück im Ärmelkanal knapp überlebt hatten. Für einen im Gegenzug reduzierten Preis sollen sie aktiv an der Überfahrt mitgewirkt haben. Strafbar als Schleuserei? Die Vorgaben aus dem Zusatzprotokoll gegen die Schleusung von Migranten auf dem Land-, See- und Luftweg zum Übereinkommen der Vereinten Nationen gegen die grenzüberschreitende organisierte Kriminalität und in gewissem Maße auch dem Pönalisierungsverbot der Genfer Flüchtlingskonvention setzen solchen Praktiken der Kriminalisierung von Flucht enge Grenzen.
Continue reading >>21 August 2023
Trivialising Privacy through Tribunals in India
On 11th August 2023, India’s Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023 (‘DPDP Act’) has received Presidential assent. The Act’s passing is critical in light of increasing concerns about data security and surveillance in India, including allegations that the government has illegally been using spyware against activists. Moreover, the government and its agencies are major data fiduciaries, having access to various identification and biometric data that have in the past been breached on a large scale. Given this, it is vital that the DPDP Act is able to function effectively and independently against the government in cases of non-compliance. However, a novel provision bestowing appellate jurisdiction on a Tribunal that lacks both the necessary expertise and independence is likely to hinder this goal.
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A Plea for Proportionality
In recent months the burning of the Koran in Sweden has caused headlines and severe anger in many parts of the Muslim world as well as bewilderment across the EU as to why Sweden continues to permit the practice. The Government is currently looking into how the law can be changed to include a ban on the burning of the Koran in the Public Order Act. In this blog post, I explain why it might be wise to do so and how this might be done.
Continue reading >>Team Europe’s Deal
On 16 July 2023, the European Commissioner for Neighbourhood and Enlargement and Tunisia’s Secretary of State of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Migration and Tunisians Abroad signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU) on a ‘strategic and global partnership’ between the European Union (EU) and Tunisia. The signing followed a meeting in Tunisia between Tunisian President Kais Saied and ‘Team Europe’ (European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, and Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte). The deal is part of the growing trend to externalise migration control. Against this background, this blog post first clarifies what was agreed before explaining why the agreement is problematic both in terms of substance and form.
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18 August 2023
In Schwarzburg
Castle hills and valley villages, Nazis and Social Democrats, ruins and idylls, and all this in deep, deep Thuringia
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Has Right-Wing Populism Reached Argentina?
Last Sunday, August 13, Argentina held elections to determine the candidates who will run in next October's national presidential elections. In a surprising turn of events, the far-right candidate Javier Milei, an outsider that started in politics around 2019, surged ahead in the preliminary elections, sending shockwaves through Argentina's political landscape which has traditionally favoured left-wing populism. In this blogpost, I argue that disillusionment with political establishment, extremely high inflation and crime are core reasons driving Milei’s surprise success at the ballot box.
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One Act to Rule Them All
Soon Brussels' newest big thing - the Artificial Intelligence Act - will enter the Trilogues. In order to better understand what’s at stake, who are the main actors and their motivations, and how to make one’s mind about all the conflicting claims we need to dive into the legal, economic and political aspects of the AI Act. The aim of this piece is to contextualize major milestones in the negotiations, showcase some of its critical features and flaws, and present challenges it may in the near future pose to people affected by “smart” models and systems.
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16 August 2023
The Strasbourg Court Goes Astray
On 1 June 2023, the Grand Chamber of the ECtHR concluded a saga that even experts of the Strasbourg Court might have overlooked. In the Grosam case, the alleged shortcomings in the disciplinary procedure involving a Czech enforcement officer (bailiff) have been addressed. The Grosam chamber judgment was certainly not a routine case. The chamber judgment went to the core of the role of the ECtHR and, if it would have been allowed to stand, it could have seriously undermined the legitimacy of the whole system of the Strasbourg protection.
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14 August 2023
How to Respond to the Far Right
Across the European continent, far-right parties are soaring in opinion polls. As the far right continues establishing its presence on the mainstream political stage, the urgency to address its rise and normalisation cannot be overstated. But which strategies are effective when and why?
Continue reading >>An Attack on Indian Democracy
Last week, the Indian government introduced a bill in Parliament providing for, inter alia, the mechanism for appointing Election Commissioners in India. The bill proposes the creation of a three-member Selection Committee composed of the Prime Minister, a Union Minister nominated by the Prime Minister, and the Leader of the Opposition to make recommendations to the President in this regard. The proposed Executive-dominated Selection Committee raises several questions about the conduct of free and fair elections in India. In the paragraphs to follow, I first discuss a recent Supreme Court decision that preceded the introduction of this bill and how this bill, as a response to the Court decision, is instructive to constitutional drafters. I then discuss the possible approaches the Supreme Court of India could adopt when the new legislation is challenged to push back against the Executive’s undemocratic maneuvers.
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How Cohesion Became the EU’s Vehicle for Economic Policy
In Brussels, something remarkable has happened in the last four years. Cohesion policy—which had heretofore been a policy backwater, aimed at addressing regional disparities—has emerged as the EU’s primary vehicle for reshaping economic and related fiscal policies in the Member States. As a result, any economic or fiscal policy measure that can be plausibly described as a structural reform (primarily an area of Member State competence, subject to Union coordination) can now be reframed as a measure of EU cohesion policy (a shared competence) that can be supported by EU funds to incentivize compliance. How did this happen?
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08 August 2023
(In)tolerance to Civil Disobedience in the UK
Disruptive environmental protest has become a hugely controversial issue in the UK, both politically and legally. It is likely to be a wedge issue in the upcoming General Election. Both major political parties are talking tough on the issue, and the government has instituted draconian new laws. The courts, for their part, are permitting ever more 'Mega Persons Unknown injunctions' and imposing increasingly longer prison terms for peaceful – but disruptive – protests. Part of this is an international trend, caused by the indisputable evidence of global warming and the increasingly activist environmental movement. But from a UK practitioner’s perspective, it is deeply worrying that there are now a large number of peaceful protesters in the prison system, or facing huge bills for legal costs, or both.
Continue reading >>03 August 2023
Out of the Woods?
Large-scale deforestation not only accelerates climate change and biodiversity loss, it is also a serious threat to human rights. While the EU has pursued strategies to combat illegal logging since the early 2000s, it has mostly turned a blind eye to the adverse human rights effects of deforestation. The new EU Regulation on Deforestation (EUDR) acknowledges that human rights and the protection of forests are inextricably linked, but is this really a “major step for ‘deforestation-free’ trade”? This post provides a brief introduction to the EUDR, its most salient features, and critically, its weak points.
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“Blood On Your Hands”
Metaphors are not just rhetorical devices. They are also a significant part of legal reality. A look across the Atlantic shows that the effects they can have even entail risks for the constitutional democracy. This blog posts looks at the case of Zooey Zephyr, member of the House of Representatives in Tennessee, who was stripped of her speaking rights for calling out Republicans for having 'blood on their hands'. At present, however, legal interpretation does not allow an accurate grasp of such metaphors. Therefore, a rethinking is necessary.
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01 August 2023
Environmental Protest and Civil Disobedience in Australia
In Germany, disruptive protest demanding climate change mitigation policies has provoked popular and constitutional discussion. Commentators have questioned whether acts of illegality committed as civil disobedience should be treated distinctly from ‘ordinary’ criminality and punished more leniently. In other parts of the world, however, legislative activity has singled out the illegality involved in civil disobedience to the opposite end. Legislatures have introduced laws that radically increase penalties for existing offences involved in disruptive protest and blockades, conferred new powers on police, and created new offences for previously legal forms of protest. In this post I explore an Australian legislative trend of the last decade that specifically targets environmental civil disobedience by imposing additional criminal penalties upon its exercise. The Australian case study is a cautionary tale of what can follow a failure to recognise democratic value in civil disobedience and treat it with constitutional nuance.
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28 July 2023
Cluster Munition and International Law
In recent weeks, there has been intense discussion about the delivery of cluster munitions by the United States of America to Ukraine and the subsequent use of these munitions. The use of such ammunition can be an effective military tool, which is why Ukraine has specifically sought the supply of such ammunition from its allies in order to make its defence against Russia’s war of aggression more effective. This blog post sheds light on the international law dimension of the discussion and illustrates the consequences of the delivery of cluster munitions for allied states of Ukraine, which are parties to the Oslo Convention on Cluster Munitions.
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27 July 2023
Perils from Within and Without
The Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) is described as one of the few success stories of the 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA). In contrast to the state-level legislature, the Court’s decision-making process in principle cannot be vetoed. Voting rules do not condition the presence of all three ethnic groups. This has made it difficult for Republika Srpska’s (RS) political leadership to block, boycott or undermine the work of the Court compared to other state-level institutions. However, recent months saw the RS identifying and seizing a rare moment of vulnerability with potentially severe consequences. If RS does not elect new judges in the meantime, not even a Court’s small chamber will be able to operate.
Continue reading >>26 July 2023
Im Rücktritt geeint
Die Europäische Kommission hat offiziell einen koordinierten EU-Rücktritt vom Energiecharta-Vertrag (ECT) empfohlen. Das umkämpfte Abkommen, das von Unternehmen der fossilen Energiewirtschaft regelmäßig dazu genutzt wird, staatliche Klimaschutzmaßnahmen anzufechten, kommt damit unter wachsenden Druck. Der Vorschlag der Kommission bietet der Europäischen Union und ihren Mitgliedsstaaten eine einmalige Gelegenheit, mit einer Stimme zu sprechen und eines der prinzipiellen Hindernisse für die Verwirklichung ihrer Klimaziele zu beseitigen. Darüber hinaus würde der Kommissionsvorschlag es der EU auch ermöglichen, sich mit den fortbestehenden Risiken von EU-internen Schiedsverfahren zu befassen, die sich aufgrund der so genannten Fortbestandsklausel über den Rücktritt hinaus erstrecken könnten.
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The Folly of the Israeli Government in Restricting Reasonableness
On Monday, July 24, the Israeli legislature passed a constitutional amendment that would constrain the courts’ ability to use the reasonableness doctrine. The reasonableness doctrine is a common law doctrine developed by the Israeli courts to review executive decisions. Without the reasonableness doctrine, Israel is more conflicted than ever, and vulnerable to the spread of the scourge of corruption. The government shot itself in the foot both domestically and internationally.
Continue reading >>25 July 2023
A Scandal on AI in Administration, Again
After the infamous Dutch benefits scandal, the Netherlands are yet again the scene of wrongful application of an algorithm by the government. This time, the main actor is the Dienst Uitvoering Onderwijs (DUO), the Dutch agency responsible for the allocation and payment of student loans to those enrolled in Dutch higher education. Specifically, DUO used an algorithm in their enforcement task, namely to verify whether the student loans have been rightfully allocated. In 2012, DUO commenced the use of this ‘in-house’ algorithm, which the Minister of Education – under whose responsibility DUO falls – halted on 23 June. The developments in the Netherlands epitomize the promises and pitfalls of further integrating automated decision-making (ADM) into public administration. On the one hand, ADM – sometimes labelled ‘artificial intelligence’ – is cheap and promises efficiency gains. On the other hand, ADM systems may be error-prone when facing the complex realities of societal life and legal ambiguity.
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24 July 2023
An Unreasonable Amendment
Amidst massive protests taking place in Jerusalem and throughout the country, on July 24th the Knesset (Israeli parliament) passed Amendment Number 3 to Basic Law: The Judiciary, curtailing the power of Israel’s Supreme Court. The amendment determines that no court, including the Supreme Court seating as the High Court of Justice, may engage with and/or pass judgment on the reasonableness of any “decision” of the government, the prime minister, or any minister; nor may a court give an order on the said matter. The coalition government’s choice to go ahead with the legislation notwithstanding the internal and external pressures may now only deepen the multi-layered crisis the country has been in since January.
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21 July 2023
Rechtsgut Datenschutz?
Während materielle Schadensersatzansprüche für Datenschutzverletzungen in der Praxis eine untergeordnete Rolle zu spielen scheinen und verhältnismäßig einfach festzustellen und zu beziffern sind, bereitet die in Art. 82 DSGVO vorgesehene Ersatzfähigkeit immaterieller Schäden den Gerichten Kopfzerbrechen. Eine richtungsweise Entscheidung zu immateriellen Schadensersatzansprüchen für DSGVO-Verletzungen fällte der EuGH Anfang Mai 2023 in der Rechtssache C‑300/21. Es ist das erste Urteil aus einer langen Reihe an Vorabentscheidungsersuchen zur Auslegung des Art. 82 DSGVO. Nach wie vor interpretationsbedürftig bleibt jedoch, wie ein immaterieller Schaden nun konkret festzustellen und zu bemessen ist. Nach einer kurzen Zusammenfassung der Kernaussagen des EuGH befasst sich dieser Beitrag daher mit diesem praxisrelevanten Problem und möchte – insbesondere unter Berücksichtigung etablierter Instrumentarien der deutschen und österreichischen Rechtspraxis – Lösungswege für die mitgliedstaatlichen Gerichte aufzeigen.
Continue reading >>20 July 2023
A Hidden Battlefield
The platform work directive proposal presents important implications for the implementation of social security schemes (e.g. those relating to unemployment or incapacity). In particular, it required digital labour platforms to declare and inform social protection authorities of the work performed through the platform and to share with them relevant data, among other aspects. It is important that these implications are maintained in a final instrument, as suggested by the Parliament in its position for trilogue negotiations.
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Advancing Reproductive Rights
Spain has reached a significant milestone in the area of abortion legislation with a new landmark ruling by the Spanish Constitutional Court. Following a long-awaited renewal in January 2023, the court now consists of a progressive majority. Thirteen years after the complaint was filed by 60 congressmen of the conservative party, the ruling finally upholds the constitutionality of Organic Law (LO 2/2010) on Sexual and Reproductive Health and Voluntary Termination of Pregnancy. Departing from the previous indications model, the law allows women to have publicly funded abortions on demand in the first 14 weeks of pregnancy and up to 22 weeks (and in some instances without time limit) in cases of embryopathy and risk to the health or life of the woman.
Continue reading >>19 July 2023
More than Formal Recognition?
The Commission’s proposal for a Platform Work Directive contains a number of provisions recognising collective labour rights for platform workers, mostly revolving around information and consultation rights for workers’ representatives. This suggests that, at least in principle, extending workplace representation and industrial relation practices to the platform economy is part of the Commission’s policy agenda. However, this blogpost argues that even if certain collective labour rights are formally recognised, the proposed directive does not offer adequate basis for their effective exercise. Trade union organising, collective bargaining and workplace democracy do not find sufficient support in the directive, thus limiting their development within the platform economy.
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Securitizing the Economy
In June 2023, the European Commission presented the European Union’s first Economic Security Strategy. Its publication is in itself a Zeitenwende in the EU’s foreign and economic policy, despite undeniable shortcomings, in particular the lack of a clear definition which opens the door for overly protectionist measures under the guise of security concerns. To succeed, however, it is critical to view economic security as a public good which can benefit the EU, its Member States, and its citizens.
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How the Platform Work Directive Protects Workers’ Data
The Commission's proposal of the new platform labour directive came with a core promise to platform workers in the EU: to recognize the impact algorithmic management has on their working conditions. In doing so, the directive seeks to clarify and strengthen data rights of workers, regardless of whether they are classified as employees or not. This blog post argues that the main achievement of the proposed Directive is to clarify and reframe existing norms about automated decision-making in a way that shifts attention from data to working conditions. While the specific proposed provisions do not go far beyond norms already established in the General Data Protection Regulation, they are reframed in a way that clarifies that digital labour platforms have the responsibility to ensure fairness, transparency and accountability when making decisions that rely on algorithms.
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18 July 2023
A Timid Proposal
With the Council position of 12 June on the proposal for a EU Directive on improving working conditions in platform work, a presumption of employment status for digital platform work is now becoming the subject of trilogue negotiations. A lot could be said about the proposal, the process, and the innovation that would come with an EU Directive on platform work as such. This comment focuses on one central part of the proposal: the presumption of employment. The Commission’s and Council’s proposals suggest a well meant, but timid instrument. Given the already limited scope of te proposals in their definition of “digital labour platforms”, only the Parliament’s position that does not condition the presumption to any additional criteria is able to convince.
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Judges and Organized Crime
Scandalous arrests of judges taking millions in bribes continue to make headlines. For purging the judiciary from corruption, vetting the integrity of judges through internationally supported commissions has become one of the most promising tools. In July 2023, the ECtHR has upheld the dismissal of yet another prominent judge – who had served, both, at the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court of Albania (Thanza v. Albania). While it is obvious that a judge should be dismissed for engaging in organised crime, this case may be the first in the world to raise another, rather unusual question: Can a judge be dismissed simply for having contact with organised crime, even if he has never committed any offence?
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Changing Tides in European Election Law
On 15 June, the Bundestag approved a minimum percentage threshold for elections to the European Parliament (EP). Shortly before the summer break, the Bundesrat (Federal Council) also agreed to the clause. German lawmakers already failed twice in this endeavour before the Federal Constitutional Court (Bundesverfassungsgericht, short BVerfG). This time, the German legislator can refer to a binding EU legal act backing its reform efforts. This means the electoral threshold must now be treated (also by the constitutional court) as determined by EU law – with all consequences. However, even a 2% hurdle is not 100% safe from the BVerfG.
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The Definition of ‘Digital Labour Platform’ in the Proposed Platform Work Directive
On 9 December 2021, the European Commission announced its proposal for a Directive on improving working conditions in platform work—the ‘Platform Work Directive.’ The Directive’s main goals are to reduce false self-employment among persons performing platform work, to regulate algorithmic management on digital labour platforms, and to provide legal certainty for platforms. This blog post focuses on an element of the proposed Directive that has gone relatively unremarked in the scholarly and policy debates so far: the definition of ‘digital labour platform.’
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Tilting at Windmills?
The proposals for an EU Directive on platform work have been subject to much debate, and will continue to do so during the now announced trilogue negotiations in Brussels. What often remains blurry in this debate are the subjects of the legislation: Who is working on platforms? Are we talking about leisurely side arrangements, freelance entrepreneurs, or wrongly employed full-time earners? Empirically, we find a very broad spectrum of digital labour platforms, from online crowdworking platforms to the organisation of offline work such as care, repair or cleaning. This blog post examines the realities of platform labour and kicks off the new symposium 'Final Call for Digital Workers Rights in the EU'.
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14 July 2023
The EFTA Court vs Liechtenstein’s Constitutional Court
On July 4 2023, the Court of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) issued its advisory opinion in RS v Steuerverwaltung des Fürstentums Liechtenstein. Liechtenstein’s Constitutional Court had already found in 2020 that a difference in tax rate on income for resident and non-resident employees was incompatible with the free movement of workers. Nonetheless, the Administrative Court of Liechtenstein found it necessary to refer the exact same issue to the EFTA Court, upon which the EFTA Court came to a similar conclusion as the Constitutional Court. The reason thereto? The Constitutional Court had suspended the annulment of the national law for reasons of legal certainty. The question consequently arose of how the national court should further proceed. Should it immediately give full effect to the law of the European Economic Area (EEA) by following the EFTA Court and disapplying the national legislation, or should it give priority to the findings of its own Constitutional Court and nonetheless apply the national legislation, even if that legislation breaches EEA law? How should the national court deal with this conflict of allegiance?
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13 July 2023
Waffenungleichheit im Verfassungsprozess
„Gegenstandslos“ – so lautet das Verdikt des Zweiten Senats des Bundesverfassungsgerichts über den Antrag des Deutschen Bundestags auf Ablehnung von Bundesverfassungsrichter Peter Müller im Verfahren über eine Wahlprüfungsbeschwerde der CDU/CSU-Bundestagsfraktion gegen den Umgang des Bundestags mit Wahlfehlern im Land Berlin bei den Wahlen zum 20. Deutschen Bundestag. Damit verstärkt der Zweite Senat eine ohnehin im geltenden Prozessrecht angelegte Unwucht, die sich aus der unterschiedlichen Rechtsstellung von Verfahrensbeteiligten einerseits und lediglich Anhörungsberechtigten andererseits ergibt.
Continue reading >>12 July 2023
Contesting the Ultimate Leverage to Enforce EU Law
By now it has become clear that Poland is not willing to discharge the definitive judicial penalties of over EUR 600 million which the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has ordered it to pay for failing to observe coercive interim measures. When the Commission announced it would proceed to set off the outstanding amounts against money due to Poland from the EU budget, the Polish government vowed to fight the recovery ‘with all legal means’. Recently, Poland has put its money where its mouth is. It has brought four cases before the General Court to challenge the recovery. These actions have thus far evaded closer scrutiny in the legal blogosphere. However, they contain a significant challenge to the EU’s powers to enforce judicial penalties against Member States, namely as regards recovery by offsetting. As the cases raise issues which may have repercussions beyond these proceedings, this post casts a closer look at Poland’s applications and analyses their potential broader significance.
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Did Israel Lose its Sanity?
Israel is in the midst of an acute struggle over its constitutional identity. We are witnessing a government adamant about revolutionizing Israel’s constitution (“Basic Laws”), which may typically be amended by a simple majority of the legislature and is thus prey to the whims of an extreme government. The most recent move on the government’s agenda, passing a constitutional amendment that would severely restrict the reasonableness doctrine, would bring Israel closer to the brink of constitutional chaos. In this blog, I explain the theoretical arguments in favor and against the proposal and lay out the implications, should this proposal go through, given the government’s true, concerning motivations that are already evident on the grounds.
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11 July 2023
Challenging the ‘Post-Soviet’ Label and Colonial Mindsets
The international discourse long depended on the term ‘post-Soviet’ to refer to the 15 sovereign states that emerged and re-emerged from the Soviet Union following its dissolution in 1991. The list includes European and Asian countries with contrasting backgrounds. Rooted in the context of the Cold War, the term fails to capture the crucial ongoing metamorphosis and challenges of these states for the past thirty years. For Lithuania and the Baltic region at least, the NATO Summit in Vilnius in July 2023 is a chance to emphasize the strong European identity and to challenge the deep colonial mindsets, which overlooks Eastern European perspectives in favor of those built in Moscow since the beginning of the 20th century.
Continue reading >>Weaponizing Russia’s Memory Law
Russia is increasingly using its “memory law” to put pressure on potential critics of the Russian attack on Ukraine. While it is being used to crack down on anti-war dissenters, it also provides a (false) pretext of a legitimate societal cause for its application. In this way, the laws are used to create a mood of paranoia and fear among the population, and a feeling as if the country were in a besieged fortress.
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10 July 2023
Why Europe Must Never Forget about the Polish Constitutional Court
In 2023, we should have been celebrating the 41st anniversary of the establishment of Polish Constitutional Court. “Should” is used advisedly here because as is well known Poland no longer has a constitutional court. Undoubtedly, the technical question of how to rebuild the Court is important, yet we should also understand why its rebuild must be the first order of the day after the present dark days of total capture. I argue, in this respect, that the EU would do well to remember the central role constitutional courts have played in the particular form of constitutionalism that emerged in the aftermath of Europe’s experience with totalitarianism, and the laudable way in which the Polish Constitutional Court took up this task.
Continue reading >>Restoring the Rule of Law By Breaching It
The judicial reform recently passed by the Hungarian Parliament ostensibly seeks to restore the independence of the judiciary and the rule of law in Hungary. Crucially, it is also a vital step for the government to gain access to the 27 billion in frozen EU funds. While some might think that the EU’s strategy has been successful, a closer look shows that while the reform has the potential of improving judicial independence, the procedure leading to its adoption shows that there is no real commitment to restore the rule of law. In particular, throughout the law-making process the government consistently flouted the principle of legality, including the requirement of transparent, accountable, democratic and pluralistic law-making.
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Das Ende des Daten-Eldorados
Das Zeitalter des „Daten-Eldorados“ dürfte vorbei sein. Nach dem epochalen Urteil des Europäischen Gerichtshofs im Fall Meta wird sich das Geschäftsmodell der Big-Data-Unternehmen grundlegend ändern müssen – zum Schutz ihrer Nutzer vor Missbrauch ihrer persönlichen Daten und der Öffentlichkeit vor Missbrauch der marktbeherrschenden Stellungen dieser Unternehmen.
Continue reading >>09 July 2023
Harvard’s Diversity Chicken Comes Home to Roost
The US Supreme Court's decision in Students for Fair Admission is a potential blessing. Diversity was always a problematic justification for race-based admissions programs. Diversity's origins are anti-Semitic. More likely, however, the decision will be a curse. The United States Supreme Court has made the pathway for disadvantaged minorities more difficult.
Continue reading >>08 July 2023
Intertemporal Freedom in the Historic Climate Protection Ruling of the German Federal Constitutional Court
The climate protection ruling of the German Federal Constitutional Court in Karlsruhe of 2021 is a historic decision. It is on a par with the Court's major landmark decisions such as Lüth, Elfes, or Brokdorf. It updates the fundamental value of equal freedom: Freedom includes future freedom and, as a right to intertemporal freedom, can demand a proportional distribution of freedom opportunities over time.
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The Dangers of Conflation
On May 17th 2023 Advocate General de la Tour handed down the Opinion in case C-402/22. It addresses the meaning of “particularly serious crime” found in Article 14 (4) (b) of the 2011 Qualification Directive, which sets out the grounds for revocation or refusal to grant refugee status under EU law. This provision refers to “refugees delinquents” and introduces security concerns of states as the ground for depriving persons of their refugee status. In practice, it opens the question of how to treat refugees that committed certain crime(s) after they obtained refugee status. In this blog I detail the AG’s answer to that question and raise one overriding concern regarding Article 14 QD.
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07 July 2023
Having a Break
If the Federal Constitutional Court wants to reflect on constitutional abuse, that's a good thing!
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From Symbolic Constitutionalism to Real Constitutionalism
In 2010, Kenyans adopted a new constitution that was meant to limit the power of the presidency and entrench the culture of constitutionalism. However, the past 13 years have shown that ‘the forces of authoritarianism appear to have regrouped and are staging a comeback’. These attempts have been met with resistance from Kenyan citizens, who have shown that they are willing to defend their constitution. One example of this resistance is the BBI case, in which the High Court struck down a constitutional amendment bill that would have given the president more power. This week, the High Court issued another spectacular ruling in which presidential power is further curtailed.
Continue reading >>Mourning the Dead While Securitizing the Sea
On 16 June, just two days after the catastrophic Pylos shipwreck in the Mediterranean with probably hundreds of deaths, the EU Commission organised the 4th meeting on a European framework for search and rescue in the Mediterranean. The framework is supposed to address „the specific challenges stemming from the ongoing migratory movements to the EU by sea, including those deriving from the increased number and types of actors involved in SAR operations“. While the alleged aim of the framework is to improve cooperation between Member States and other actors, under the guise of ‘improving cooperation with other actors’, the milestones (‘deliverables’) identified in the draft roadmap for the adoption of the framework risk to further impede civil search and rescue operations. Civil society organisations active in Search and Rescue operations may face extensive administrative burdens in registering ships and in the execution of search and rescue operations.
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Competition law as a powerful tool for effective enforcement of the GDPR
It looks like a good week for data protection. On Tuesday, the Commission presented a new proposal for a Regulation on additional procedural rules for the GDPR, and a few hours later, the ECJ published its decision C-252/21 on Meta Platforms v Bundeskartellamt (Federal Cartel Office). While the Commission's proposal to improve enforcement in cross-border cases should probably be taken with a pinch of salt, the ECJ ruled on some things with remarkable clarity. The first reactions to the ruling were quite surprising; few had expected the ECJ to take such a clear stance against Meta's targeted advertising business model. It does however represent a consistent interpretation of the GDPR in the tradition and understanding of power-limiting data protection.
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06 July 2023
Reform the European Union for Enlargement!
External shocks such as the financial and migration crises, the Coronavirus pandemic, as well as internal and external security threats from terrorism as well as Russia's war against Ukraine emphasise that the EU, which has developed to be more heterogeneous, has become increasingly fragile. In line with a reduced willingness and ability of Member States to integrate further, the EU is becoming incapable of action and therefore is in danger of losing the trust of its citizens. Against this background, it is important not to gloss over the problems and to develop constructive solutions. This blogpost offers several possible solutions.
Continue reading >>05 July 2023
Constraining Executive Discretion in the ‘Public Interest’
The use of highly-discretionary executive powers to make immigration decisions has given rise to debate in Australia and internationally. In Australia, the problem is particularly acute because a number of provisions in the Migration Act 1958 (Cth) (the Migration Act) allow the Minister for Immigration (the Minister) to intervene in visa decisions on ‘public interest’ grounds. These intervention powers are controversial as they are personal to the Minister, non-reviewable and non-compellable. As a result, they have been subject to criticism by both civil society and academics. In addition to these intervention provisions, other sections in the Migration Act include a broad and subjective ‘national interest’ criterion for the grant or refusal of certain visa decisions. These two sets of powers were recently adjudicated in a series of High Court cases in Australia.
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04 July 2023
Bolsonaro Faces the Rule of Law
On 30 June 2023, the Brazilian Electoral Superior Court ruled that former President Jair Bolsonaro is disqualified from running for any electoral position for the next eight years. Although there are fifteen other electoral actions brought against Bolsonaro by other political parties or by public electoral prosecutors, most of which refer to accusations of attempting to compromise the integrity of the 2022 elections, this was the first case to reach Brazil’s highest electoral court. Despite there being a precedent, the ruling is not a legal innovation, but the mere application of existing laws.
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03 July 2023
The Supreme Court v. the Administrative State
On Friday, June 30, the Supreme Court ended its session with a serious blow to the progressive agenda after its decisions striking down race-conscious college admissions and narrowing protections for LGBTQ consumers the day before. In its final case, Biden v. Nebraska, the Court further thwarted the Biden campaign, which is counting on the help of young voters to get reelected for a second term, as it struck down the Biden administration’s plan to wipe out more than $400 billion in student debt. The decision in Biden v. Nebraska joins a series of recent Supreme Court decisions aimed at curbing the executive branch’s power to regulate certain issues and to limit the so-called administrative state. In this battle against the administrative state, the major question doctrine, according to which it cannot be assumed that the administration has been authorized to regulate a “major question” with far-reaching economic and political consequences without “clear congressional authorization,” has become one of the central tools.
Continue reading >>The Kakhovka Dam and Ecocide
The destruction of the Kakhovka dam and consequent damage to housing and flooding of tens of thousands of hectares of land, is reportedly causing severe harm to humans and nature. This blogpost argues, first, that the destruction of the Kakhovka Dam potentially violated prohibitions under multiple fields of international law, but that challenges will nonetheless arise in establishing criminal responsibility for those violations due to the distinct elements of the relevant criminal provisions and the heightened burden of proof on the prosecution in such cases. Because various normative systems are applicable to the facts, ranging from international humanitarian law, international criminal law, and international environmental law, a means of reconciling conflicts of norms will be required. This will be best served by an approach of complementary interpretation.
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A Taxonomy of Standing
On June 21, the General Court handed down its order in T-628/22 René Repasi v the European Commission. Repasi had challenged the validity of the Commission Delegated Regulation 2022/1214, a complementary taxonomy regulation on nuclear energy and natural gas. The General Court dismissed the action due to lack of standing. To surmount the notoriously strict standing requirements before the CJEU, Repasi relied on his position as a Member of Parliament (MEP) and argued that a claim of a wrong choice of the legal basis that leads to deviation from the ordinary legislative procedure (OLP) gives an MEP standing before the EU courts. The difficulties that MEPs encounter while fulfilling their legislative responsibilities make Repasi’s argument appealing. However, creating a new semi-privileged standing category through the Union courts could also present its own set of difficulties.
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A Constitution without Constitutionalism
“Digital constitutionalism” has attracted a good deal of scholarly attention in recent years, much of it enthusiastic, some more sceptical. Just what constitutionalism means, and how this meaning can be transposed into a realm of private ― albeit increasingly regulated ― interactions rather than traditional public law, is part of the debate between the enthusiasts and the sceptics. All agree, however, that it is a normatively charged idea, a shorthand reference to certain values which include ― whether or not they are limited to ― respect for certain human rights. In this post, I argue that while we can indeed think of internet regulation in constitutional terms, we must first understand what I shall call the constitution of cyberspace. A descriptive effort must precede any normative projects directed at imposing values allegedly inherent in the notion of constitutionalism onto cyberspace. And further, understanding the constitution of cyberspace should at least make us wary of digital constitutionalism’s normative ambitions.
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02 July 2023
Poland’s Extended Disciplinary System
The judgement of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) on June 5, 2023 (C-204/21) has added a new chapter to the rule of law crisis in Poland. The outcome was largely expected given the well-established jurisdiction of the ECJ on matters of the rule of law. However, a close reading of the judgment demonstrates that it recognizes the more insidious ways in which Poland has undermined judicial independence. Specifically, I argue that the ECJ's ruling paves the way for a legal response to the suppression of judicial independence through public intimidation and stigmatization of judges.
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30 June 2023
To Be Kept Away From Power
The Sonneberg election and its fallout
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Politicians don’t dance? AI doesn’t either!
“Why don’t politicians ever dance? – Because they have too many steps to backtrack on!” Chat-GPT answered this when we asked the program to tell a political joke. While this example is somewhat worrying since the underlying assumption might perpetuate existing stereotypes about politics and politicians, the joke also highlights that AI has become witty and incredibly good at behaving in a way we perceive as human. Thus, we take the recent advancements of generative AI as a motivation to analyze its potential effects on political campaigns and democratic elections.
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28 June 2023
Saifan and the Weaponization of Trade Secrets
The Knesset’s Constitution, Law and Justice Committee has been convening to discuss the regulation of spyware in response to the on-going fall-out over the Israeli police’s use of the spyware Pegasus (“Saifan” in its local iteration) to surveil Israeli citizens, including political activists. Public debate has chiefly focused on the question of legal authority surrounding police surveillance but has generally failed to recognize the underlying cooptative dynamics of governmental technology procurement. In this post, we detail the contested legal grounds on which the Israeli police and Ministry of Justice rely for spyware authorization as well as an analysis of the government procurement of surveillance technology, with particular emphasis on the weaponization of trade secrets in the service of strategic concealment of governmental operations. We argue that the combination of outdated laws with nontransparent operations make public accountability and oversight intensely difficult.
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26 June 2023
Yevgeny Prigozhin and Russia’s Expanding Prerogative State
Over the weekend, the world’s attention was gripped as a well-equipped Russian private military company led by Evgeny Prigozhin seized control of a key Russian city and military hub, and marched on Moscow. Prigozhin’s actions reveal a deeper truth about Putin’s Russia: the absence of formalised, legal mechanisms for peacefully resolving high-level, intra-elite disputes. As the war in Ukraine drags on, what Ernst Fraenkel called the ‘prerogative state’ is expanding. This lawless realm of unchecked public power has no rules or institutions that can settle disputes among the Russian elite; these can only be resolved by Putin himself.
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25 June 2023
Human Rights Violations to Deflect Refugees
The Council of the European Union (EU) recently reached a negotiating position (‘mandate’) on two significant elements of the ‘reform’ of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). The vision hailed as a ‘historic’ agreement by national governments is a direct threat to the right to asylum. The Council not only maintains all structural flaws of the CEAS intact but proposes a quagmire of asylum procedures marred by unworkable, unnecessarily complex rules, that are in clear violation of key human rights standards.
Continue reading >>24 June 2023
How to Rebuild Poland’s Rule of Law
Ahead of the next parliamentary elections, a core question is whether and if so how we can restore Poland’s rule of law. While the current effort is understandably focused on resurrecting the Constitutional Court and rebuilding an independent judiciary and prosecution, a purely institutional approach won’t be enough. Instead, it is imperative to mobilize and build lasting defiance on the ground.
Continue reading >>23 June 2023
Can the Hungarian Council Presidency be Postponed – Legally?
By now, it is commonly agreed that Hungary is no longer a democracy. I will offer in this blogpost some legal underpinnings to the argument that occupying the Council presidency must rotate only among those states that are in compliance with Article 2 TEU values including the rule of law, those that are fully fledged representative democracies in line with Article 10 TEU, that have been in line with Article 49 TEU at the time of accession and never regressed.
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Addressing Legal Myths about the Proposed EU Nature Restoration Law
In June 2022, the EU Commission adopted a Proposal for a Nature Restoration law which aims to restore the degraded levels of biodiversity within the European Union. The proposed instrument has been misinterpreted, in part by an active agroindustry lobby, seeking to prevent the adoption of the restoration law. These scientific and economic myths have been contested. Yet, legal myths, oversimplifications or concerns often remain unaddressed.
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19 June 2023
On the Pylos Shipwreck
Only 104 out of the 750 passengers who travelled on the fishing boat, which capsized on June 14 and sank in the Ionian Sea, were rescued. The bodies of 80 have been recovered so far and the remaining passengers, an estimated total of as many as 500 people, including large numbers of women and children, remain missing. The boat had departed from Libya the previous Friday and was heading towards Italy. The tragic shipwreck, which immediately became yet another icon of the never-ending catastrophe of asylum seeking in the Mediterranean, occurred on the high seas, 87 kilometres from the Greek Coast. As long as the overarching policy aim is to deter racialized migrants from entering the EU, tragedies like the one in Pylos are bound to continue.
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17 June 2023
Erdogan’s Wish List Come True?
On 1 June 2023, the new Swedish anti-terrorism legislation entered into force whose primary novelty is the criminalization of membership in terrorist groups. While it thereby aligns Swedish counter-terrorism law with the EU 2017 Counter-terrorism Directive, the move has been controversial for several reasons. In particular, the legislation is widely seen as an attempt to win Erdogan’s support for Sweden’s still pending NATO application. This, in turn, has raised concerns that the new law is exceeding what is required by the Directive.
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16 June 2023
The Thuringia Project
What happens when an autoritarian-populist party gets state power in their hands in the Federal Republic of Germany?
Continue reading >>The GDPR’s Journalistic Exemption and its Side Effects
On 25 May 2023, we mark the fifth anniversary of the General Data Protection Regulation’s (GDPR) full application in the European Union (EU). While the Regulation is primarily known for its impact on business, it also fostered significant changes to data processing by media outlets, which are often overlooked in discussions about data protection. This blog post analyzes what is commonly called the ”journalistic exemption” under Article 85 of the GDPR that requires Member States to regulate the extent to which GDPR applies to journalists and others writing in the public interest. Further, this contribution reflects on how exactly that journalistic exemption is implemented across the Member States, and considers the problematic consequences of the GDPR’s uneven application to the media sector, including instrumentalization of GDPR in the strategic litigation (SLAPPs) against journalists.
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The Brave New World of Areios Pagos
These are exciting times for Greek constitutionalists. In its capacity as electoral judge, the first section of the Greek Supreme Civil and Criminal Court (Areios Pagos) recently banned the participation of the neo-Nazi Hellenes National Party in the elections of 21 May. In order to accept the constitutionality of the legislative ban on Hellenes National Party, Areios Pagos had to provide not only a new interpretation of Greek constitutional provisions, but also a whole new vision of democracy, of the Greek and the European Constitution and of Greek constitutional politics. The brave new world of Areios Pagos is part of a new constitutionalist approach that is likely to affect the application of constitutional provisions in future cases, as the more recent decision concerning the elections of 25 June shows.
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15 June 2023
Walking A Democratic Tightrope
That was fast. On 8 June, only 11 days after the Polish so-called ‘Lex Tusk’ was signed into force, the Commission launched an infringement procedure against Poland. For the first time, the Commission is relying on the principle of democracy in Art. 10 TEU as an autonomous plea, dropping another bombshell shortly after the first direct invocation of Art. 2 TEU in infringement proceedings against Hungary earlier this year. This contribution discusses both the perks and potential perils of the direct enforcement of the principle of democracy in Art. 10 TEU. On the one hand, a shift from what is arguably better called ‘militant rule of law’ towards more literally EU militant democracy is a positive development, as it better captures the nature and range of the principles which are de facto under threat in several EU Member States. On the other hand, the present infringement action illustrates the principled challenge of militant democracy to preserve the possibility of democratic regime change, all whilst not lapsing into a form of institutional conservatism.
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Fast-Tracking Law Enforcement at the Expense of Fundamental Rights
Five years in the making, the EU’s e-evidence Regulation was finally adopted by the European Parliament on June 13. The Regulation will allow law enforcement authorities to directly compel online service providers operating in the EU to preserve or produce e-evidence in the context of criminal proceedings. This is achieved through applying the principle of mutual recognition to cooperation with online service providers, thereby skipping judicial control in the Member State where the service provider is established. Whilst these innovations have been lauded for facilitating access to data in cross-border cases, this blogpost will detail how the Regulation’s emphasis on speed and efficiency comes at the expense of safeguarding suspects’ fundamental rights.
Continue reading >>SLAPPs, Daphne’s Law, and the Future of Journalism
Media freedom has many dimensions. Whereas the EMFA deals directly with media oversight bodies and the likes, the proposed anti-SLAPP (strategic lawsuits against public participation) directive weighs into a more niche but crucially important topic: the silencing of journalists through bogus litigation. Such bogus litigation - or SLAPPS - does not intend to „win” cases but to slowly but steadily dry out journalists financially, emotionally, and socially. Currently, the Council of the European Union and the European Union Parliament are working on their proposals of the directive. It is crucial that the Commission’s proposal will not be watered down.
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Interaction Without Affection?
The EU's legislative activity in the area of media and platform regulation is currently unfolding at an unprecedented pace. The thematically broad EMFA builds in many places on recently adopted legal acts whose interpretation is still unclear. This leads to parallelisms and overlaps as well as unclear and convoluted references, which can only be briefly outlined here and should be clarified in the trilogue negotiations.
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14 June 2023
Taking Separation of Powers Seriously
In Turkey's recent election, 15 ministers from the Justice and Development Party, chaired by President Erdoğan, were nominated as parliamentary candidates and elected as MPs on 14 May. Since none of the presidential candidates won an overall majority, two leading candidates, Erdoğan and Kılıçdaroğlu competed in a runoff vote on 28 May, in which Erdoğan secured the victory. Thus, the new ministers were neither appointed nor took office until after the runoff vote. Throughout this process, the former ministers, including the 15 elected as MPs, preserved their executive posts and titles. Should the 15 Erdoğan government ministers have resigned to run for parliamentary candidacy? And is there a constitutional incompatibility between ministerial and MP titles? The law is not always clear on these questions. This lack of clarity, we argue, can have serious consequences for the balance of power in a newly established governmental system.
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EMFA and its Uphill Battle for Media Freedom and Democracy in the EU
The European Media Freedom Act, primarily designed to safeguard the EU media market, can also serve as an important tool in preserving the rule of law in member states such as Hungary and Poland, that have experienced an alarming assault on media freedom and pluralism in the past decade. This contribution critically evaluates the potential of the proposed European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) for addressing the ongoing issues in media freedom in Poland and Hungary.
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“A Bit of Fun. A Bit of Truth.”
The extent of (private) media regulation depends on the willingness to trade private for public power. This blogpost takes the Commission's EMFA proposal as an opportunity to question the assumptions about media, markets, and politics behind it. It finds that the Commission’s approach treats private like public media: First, it functionalizes the fundamental rights of private individuals and companies in terms of their public benefit; second, it imagines the conditions of qualitative journalistic work as those of civil servants.
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13 June 2023
Bulgaria’s Mafia State and the Failure of the CVM
Recent events in Bulgaria have brought the true extent of its rule of law decay to the fore. The wars between the highest-ranking prosecutors in the country, public testimonies by participants in crime syndicates implicating senior magistrates and politicians, and the brutal murders of potential witnesses against organized crime demonstrate that the line between organized crime, the judiciary, and the political apparatus is increasingly difficult to draw. In this post, I argue that the current escalation of Bulgaria’s rule of law crisis lays bare the European Commission’s continued mismanagement of the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism (CVM).
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Enforcing Democracy
On the 8th of June, the Commission announced the opening of an infringement procedure against Poland in relation to the so-called ‘Lex Tusk’ or ‘anti-Tusk’ law. The principle of democracy is the first alleged violation specified by the Commission, based on Articles 2 and 10 TEU. Although proposed back in 2020 by observers of the Rule of Law crisis (see here and here), using this combination of articles to protect democracy is an unprecedented step by the institution. In a way, this follows the successful actions brought against Poland based on Articles 2 and 19 TEU (with ‘successful’ referring to the Court upholding the Commission’s complaints). It also recalls similarities with the Commission’s decision to invoke Article 2 TEU as a stand-alone provision in the infringement proceedings against Hungary’s ‘anti-LGBTQ’ law. The Commission is now testing out the legal waters to see if Article 10 TEU can be the trigger for ‘democracy’ in the same way Article 19 TEU is the trigger for ‘rule of law’.
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Without Enforcement, the EMFA is Dead Letter
Besides important substantive provisions, the EMFA proposal contains various mechanisms concerning the role of national regulatory authorities, the newly established European Board for Media Services (Board) and the Commission. However, this blogpost argues that the proposed tools fail to effectively improve the already available enforcement mechanisms in EU law. We offer three recommendations to improve enforcement of media law and policy in the EU, while remaining within the boundaries of the competences as established by the EU Treaties.
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Why the Words “But” and “However” Determine the EMFA’s Legal Basis
Enacting a regulation, which is directly applicable throughout the EU, with such a focus would undoubtedly entail a far-reaching interference with the cultural sovereignty of the Member States, documented inter alia in Art. 167(4) TFEU and the Amsterdam Protocol concerning public service broadcasting. This requires a careful concretisation of existing obstacles to the internal market, their actual overcoming by the proposed rules and a consideration of cultural interests and traditions of the Member States. In its current shape, the EMFA, irrespective of its noble goal, does not meet these requirements. Therefore, most of the EMFA’s substantive rules do not solidly rest on a legal basis, making the proposal partly incompatible with Union law.
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12 June 2023
In Search of (Ir)Responsibility
It is no secret that the eastern Mediterranean route linking Turkey with Greece is currently shifting. Due to the harsh conditions for asylum-seekers in Greece, Greek pushbacks, and border closures by the Balkan states, asylum-seekers have started to cross the eastern Mediterranean to reach Italy instead. This sea route is much longer, and therefore, more dangerous. In the Crotone shipwreck, at least 94 asylum-seekers died right in front of Italian shores. Recent investigative reports indicate that Italian maritime authorities and Frontex could have prevented these deaths. Building on these reports, this blogpost argues that Italian authorities and Frontex violated their legal search and rescue (SAR) obligations: Both authorities failed to adequately evaluate the case and initiate the urgently required rescue measures.
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Freedom Governed by Brussels
With its EMFA proposal, the Commission is pursuing objectives that are beyond doubt: the safeguarding of plural, independent media in the Union. But no matter how noble an objective may be, it is still not a legal basis. Furthermore, European media supervision shouldonly be linked to the Commission if its oversight Board can provide independent supervision. Finally, the regulatory approach as such has to be questioned: Shall media freedom be secured through media supervision?
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The Key to Ensure Media Pluralism in the EU? A Unified Framework
Media freedom is one of the necessary conditions for democracies to function. Yet media freedom is currently not guaranteed in all European Union countries. The European Media Freedom Act proposed by the European Commission in 2022 aims to protect and foster media pluralism across the EU block and, while some changes would need to be made to strengthen the proposal’s efficacy, monitoring on the ground shows that a common European framework is indeed needed. While there are already several harmonisation measures that revolve around media – such as the Audiovisual Media Services Directive (AVMSD) – this is the first text that clearly and specifically addresses the media market in and of itself, which marks a paradigm shift in EU media regulation.
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11 June 2023
Doing Justice to Poland’s Muzzle Law
On 5 June 2023, the Court of Justice issued its fourth infringement judgment in relation to yet another Polish piece of legislation – informally known as the muzzle law – which aimed to dissuade or punish Polish judges for applying and upholding EU rule of law requirements. As anyone with any basic understanding of EU law could have predicted, the law rushed into force by Poland’s ruling coalition in December 2019 did not survive judicial scrutiny in Luxembourg. As long as the Commission fails to demand full compliance with CJEU case law and decisively address the issue of judicial usurpers, however, just chipping away at the arbitrary disciplinary changes Polish authorities have made will always fail to solve Poland’s fundamental and systemic issues.
Continue reading >>09 June 2023
How to Write a Blog Post
The most important thing: a clear and sharp thesis.
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Regulating the Sustainability Transition
The European Parliament’s adoption of its position on the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) last week marks a breakthrough for transnational corporate regulation. At a moment when the EU Green Deal was facing open opposition from within the European People’s Party Group (EPP), rapporteur Lara Wolters (S&P) withstood lobbying efforts until the final minute and secured a majority for her report. With a strong mandate for the Parliament in the upcoming Trilogue, the EU has come a big step closer to passing the most ambitious due diligence legislation worldwide.
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08 June 2023
YouTube Updates its Policy on Election Misinformation
Last Friday, YouTube announced that it ‘will stop removing content that advances false claims that widespread fraud, errors, or glitches occurred in the 2020 and other past US Presidential elections’. This development has upsides and downsides, a few of which are worth sketching out, and all of which further accentuate why the US constitutional framework regarding online platform regulation requires updating. The nature of this update requires transcending a governance approach of overreliance on expecting good faith self-regulation by companies providing these intermediaries.
Continue reading >>07 June 2023
An Inconvenient Constraint
On 1 July 2024, Hungary is set to take over the Presidency of the Council of Ministers. The European Parliament and the Meijers Committee issued reports questioning whether Hungary should be blocked from doing that. These proposals raise questions of political feasibility, however, especially as one may doubt if a Hungarian Council Presidency can do much practical damage to the EU. In addition, they also raise questions of legal feasibility. A logical prerequisite for preventing Hungary from holding the Presidency as long as it breaches the rule of law is that doing so is consistent with the EU’s own rule of law. I doubt it is.
Continue reading >>06 June 2023
An American in the Antique Store
Last week, Adrian Vermeule gave a lecture at a conference at Berlin’s Catholic Academy which brought together a diverse set of participants. Titled “Non Nova, Sed Nove: The Common Good in Constitutional Law”, the catholic convert gave a glimpse of his common good constitutionalism with a focus on the European tradition of civil law, developed by the Romans, preserved by the See of Rome and brought to fruition by legal scholars from Baldus to Jhering. His lecture, framed by comments from Corine Pelluchon and Joseph H.H. Weiler, wasn't really tying the threads closer. Vermeule reminds of an American tourist rummaging in the antique stores of Europe for things that will make an impression at home. Meanwhile, the locals are raising their eyebrows at his choices.
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05 June 2023
Spotlight Interpretation and its Devastating Effects
After 1989 Poland struggled to build up a free state based on the rule of law. More recently, illiberal constitutionalism has been damaging these hard-won gains. This blogpost will argue that the systematic dismantling of Poland’s rule of law, without officially amending the Constitution, was possible due to a peculiar interpretative technique called spotlight interpretation. Its essence lies in the opportunistic interpretation of systemically important constitutional provisions to achieve the short-term political goals of the ruling majority, and it has arguably been central to the destruction of judicial independence in Poland’s constitutional order.
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Strasbourg’s Coming Out
On June 1st, in Maymulakhin and Markiv v. Ukraine, the ECtHR determined for the first time in clear terms that the general absence of legal recognition for same-sex couples is discriminatory and violates Article 14 of the European Convention of Human Rights. This marks a significant addition to the Court’s case-law concerning the rights of same-sex couples with implications for future litigation on this subject.
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03 June 2023
Institutional Corsets and the Question of Timing
There has been a lot of noise around whether Hungary should, and legally could, be blocked from taking over the Council presidency in the second half of 2024, considering the state of the rule of law in the country. On 1 June, the European Parliament adopted a resolution, questioning Hungary’s ability to “credibly fulfill” the tasks of a Council presidency and asking the Council to “find a proper solution as soon as possible”, else Parliament could take “appropriate measures”. Such concerns are legitimate, but another question seems to be sidelined in the debate: How much practical damage can the upcoming Council presidency under Hungary actually do in the EU?
Continue reading >>02 June 2023
Signs and Symbols
I have to return to the matter of sec. 86a of the German Criminal Code.
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Democratizing Switzerland
About 25% of Switzerland’s permanent population do not possess the red passport necessary to vote due to one of the most restrictive citizenship law’s in the Western world. The Democracy Initiative is trying to change this. While unlikely to succeed, they are nonetheless starting an important conversation about how to fix Switzerland’s semi-democracy.
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Boiling the Frog
In the wake of Turkey's recent presidential elections, previous blogposts objected to characterizing authoritarian regimes such as Turkey, Hungary and India as ‘competitive’ solely by virtue of regular elections, which are formally free but fundamentally unfair. However, this blogpost argues that the prior ones missed the main problem in Turkey: The playing field in Turkey is not only “massively tilted in favor of Erdogan” now; it has always been tilted in favor of the majority – long before Erdoğan. This blogpost discusses the slow death of Turkish electoral competitiveness. First, I describe the politico-legal context that enabled Erdogan’s rise. Second, I contrast the developments in Turkey regarding election competitiveness to European legal standards and strikingly late political demands.
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01 June 2023
The Leopard Paradox?
In early May, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni hosted a roundtable to discuss institutional reforms designed to improve “the stability of governments and legislatures, and respect for citizens’ votes at the ballot box.” A central campaign promise of hers, the reforms are meant to address Italians’ exacerbating distrust of political institutions, rooted in the fact that Italy’s administrations are among the most short-lived in Europe. This adds to its comparatively low levels of ‘clarity of responsibility’. Three options emerged from the discussion. I will briefly discuss the potential and challenges of each option.
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An Honest Broker?
A characteristic of the functioning of the EU is that the Presidency of the Council of Ministers rotates between Member States every six months according to a previously agreed order. The EU Presidency is responsible for driving forward the Council’s work on EU legislation. In the second half of 2024, Hungary will take over the Presidency, followed by Poland in the first half of 2025. Given their rule of law record, it is highly questionable whether they will act in the Council’s general interest. In order to avoid damage, there are three avenues available to the Council and the Member States.
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31 May 2023
The Law to Take Out Tusk
On 29 May, President Duda has peremptorily signed this law into force which sets up a new body: a commission to track Russian influence on Polish public officials and other public figures which may have resulted in the undermining of Polish security. This monster of a law has so many defects, pathological features and outright conflicts with the rule of law, even at its very basis, that it is hard to know where to start.
Continue reading >>29 May 2023
A Win for LGBT Rights in Namibia
In the recent case of Digashu and Seiler-Lilles the Namibian Supreme Court held that denying the recognition of same-sex spouses under the Immigration Control Act 1993 was not only a violation of the right to dignity under the Namibian Constitution, but also amounted to unfair discrimination. While limited in scope, the judgement is a win for the rights of LGBTQIA+ persons in a jurisdiction where they remain mostly unrecognized. It is also notable for its use of comparativism as a deliberative resource.
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Ecuador’s Mutual Death Clause
On May 17, Ecuadorian President, Guillermo Lasso, dissolved the National Assembly by activating a unique constitutional clause known as ‘mutual death’ [muerte cruzada]. Under this provision, added to Ecuador’s Constitution in 2008 but never before used, the President can dissolve the Legislative, call general elections, and rule by decree until a new Legislative and President are elected. This post details the significance of these recent events and the decision of the Constitutional Court to render the clause non-reviewable.
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27 May 2023
A Return of Mainstream Politics?
The Greek election results of Sunday 21 May 2023 had a seismic effect, with many commentators juxtaposing them to the elections of 2015, when Syriza’s dramatic victory marked the overhaul of the pre-crisis political system. This time, the circle of crisis politics is said to be complete. Syriza’s devastating defeat with a margin just above 20% supposedly marks the end of a polarized era and the desire to return to ‘mainstream politics’. These elections made clear that there is currently no articulated, alternative vision of social ordering that could inspire and successfully challenge the current constellation of social forces.
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26 May 2023
And Then the Cops Arrive
Al-Nakba, freedom of assembly, and the imposition of enduring the other
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Finding a Constitutional Equilibrium
The beginnings of Georgian constitutionalism go back substantially to the first years of Georgia's first democratic republic (1918-1921). On 26 May 1918, Georgia declared itself independent from Russia, establishing a democratic republic and its first constitution in 1921. Arguably, it had recognized, collected and mixed the best possible practice of constitutional doctrines of the time. Although the current 1995 constitution bases its legitimacy on the first constitution, it was only through the constitutional reform of 2017-2018 that it was modernized to return to the achievements of the first Constitution of 1921.
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25 May 2023
Strong on Hate Speech, Too Strict on Political Debate
Online hate speech is a topic that has gained importance in recent years. The Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) made an important ruling in this context on 15 May 2023 in Sanchez v. France. From a democratic theory and individual rights’ perspective, I would endorse the first decision because it tackles the so-called “silencing” and “desensitization effect” of hate speech. The second decision, however, runs the risk of adversely affecting free political debate, especially when individual politicians are called upon to delete comments by third parties.
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Media Pluralism in KRRiT-ical Condition
In April 2023, the Polish National Broadcasting Council, the so-called KRRiT, imposed a high fine on an indipendent media outlet. It was not the first fine of this kind to independent media organisations. The growing number of KRRiT decisions targeting independent media in Poland is the result of the political nature of the procedure for appointing members of the KRRiT and the broad, unclear legal basis for imposing fines. Since 2005, the decisive voice in the composition of the KRRiT was that of the ruling political majority. This blogpost analyzes and criticizes the vague legal framework for KRRiT and the institution's apparent political capture in recent years.
Continue reading >>24 May 2023
Marriage Equality at the Doors of the Indian Supreme Court
A five-judge bench of the Supreme Court of India recently heard over 20 petitions seeking marriage equality. The significance of a positive declaration cannot be overstated. It would make India only the second country in Asia to recognize LGBTQ+ marriages. As India becomes the world’s most populous country this year, a favorable decision would also mean that an estimated 17.7% of the world’s population would come under a marriage equality regime which is more than the cumulative population of the 34 countries that currently recognize such marriages (17% of the global population).
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Data After Life
Contract law in Europe currently has little grasp on the balancing of interests of social media users, their heirs, platforms, and society at large, which means that platforms play a key role in determining how digital legacies are handled. A human rights perspective can offer starting points for reforms that do more justice to the protection of digital identities of social media users.
Continue reading >>Greece’s Ambivalent Turn to Militant Democracy
On 2 May 2023, the Greek Court of Cassation (Areios Pagos) ruled on the certification of the candidate lists of the political parties that could lawfully participate in the Greek parliamentary elections of 21 May. It refused to certify the participation of the Hellenes National Party, the successor of the neo-Nazi Golden Dawn party. The refusal to certify the party breaks away from previous case law on political party certification and indicates a tentative, yet incomplete embrace of militant democracy by a jurisdiction that has traditionally been hostile towards its philosophy.
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Disney v. DeSantis Creates Strange Bedfellows
On April 26, 2023, Disney escalated its public feud with Ron DeSantis, Florida’s current Governor and a 2024 presidential hopeful, by suing him in federal court. The complaint turns on a series of legislative actions DeSantis took in response to Disney's criticism of the so-called “Don’t Say Gay” bill he championed. The context in which the case has arisen allows the corporation to frame itself a brave defender of LGBTQAI+ rights. In reality though, Disney is no liberal darling and its constitutional complaint opens the door to buttress and expand a conservative reading of several constitutional provisions.
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Monetising Harmful Content on Social Media
The possibility to profit from the dissemination of harmful content triggering views, engagement, and ultimately monetisation does not only concern the contractual relationship between social media and influencers, but also affects how other users enjoy digital spaces. The monetisation of harmful content by influencers should be a trigger, first, to expand the role of consumer law as a form of content regulation fostering transparency and, second, to propose a new regulatory approach to mitigate the imbalance of powers between influencers and users in social media spaces.
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23 May 2023
Rethinking the Regulation of Financial Influencers
The growth of social media has led to an unprecedented rise in financial influencers, so-called finfluencers, who share investment ideas and opinions with a global audience, even if they are not qualified or licensed to provide financial advice. This can be particularly dangerous for retail investors with low levels of financial literacy. The regulation of financial influencers is a complex and multifaceted issue that demands a comprehensive approach; the current regulatory framework may not be adequate.
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Florida and the New Assault on LGBT Rights
On May 17, Governor Ron DeSantis signed into law a raft of bills that will dramatically change the legal landscape for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people. While this marks the latest escalation of Florida's crusade against LGBT people, it is not an isolated case. As state legislative sessions across the United States draw to a close, the scope and severity of legislation regulating the lives of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people has been unprecedented. This post maps the scope and severity of the current anti-LGBT panic across the US, contextualizes its rise, and evaluates the potential for legal protection under the current state of the law.
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A Flawed Vote, Not a Horse Race
The elections in Turkey/Türkiye showed the dilemma for the political opposition in competitive authoritarian regimes: They have to create momentum for change. They must believe it is possible to win elections. If they don't believe this, their voters won't. It is difficult to avoid this dilemma, but there is something journalists, experts and officials from other countries can do: Always stress the unfairness of the conditions in which the elections are being held. Do not get a carried away by the excitement of the race. Focus on the fact that the race is not being run on level ground.
Continue reading >>A New European Enforcer?
As a key piece of the European Commission’s digital agenda, the Digital Services Act (DSA) is drawing a lot of attention from civil society, industry, and regulators. One particularly interesting development in that regard is the Commission’s current transformation from being the institution leading the DSA’s negotiations to the one enforcing it. This article explores the challenges faced by the Commission in this transformation.
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Pay to Play
The rise of subscription-based business models in social media is part of a broader trend that can be observed in many industries. Against this background, it is necessary to adapt European consumer law to the new risks of the subscription economy.However, it is not enough to give consumers rights on paper. Nor is it sufficient to inform consumers about their rights in the small print. Effective consumer protection in digital markets requires a user interface design that enables consumers to exercise their rights with a simple click.
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22 May 2023
The Shape of Personalisation to Come
While targeted advertising is still a money-making machine for social media platforms, its motor has begun to sputter. However, with artificial intelligence, the potential is even greater for companies to discover and exploit biases and vulnerabilities in consumers that they themselves may not be aware of. The point of this dive into economic engineering of personalised environments on digital platforms is to highlight the intentional creation of algorithmically curated choice sets for consumers. How can the law ensure their fairness?
Continue reading >>A Non-Binary Approach to Platform-to-Business Transactions
Social media is a disruptive technology that has challenged fundamental distinctions in contract law, as social media contracts don't adequately reflect complex relationships between platforms, businesses, and consumers, among others. Contract law has the potential for greater sensitivity to contract classifications because different types of contractual relations invoke different values and trade-offs. Courts can better posit them in the spectrum between business and consumer contracts, while securing business users‘ unique interests
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19 May 2023
The Contractual Rights and Obligations of Prosumers on Social Media Platforms
How can contract law contribute to a fair balance between the rights of prosumers and social media platforms? This contribution assesses the values that contract law should reflect, proposing the recognition of use value alongside the exchange value of products on the market. It then considers which mechanisms in contract law could be employed to do justice to both values.
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Including the Arms Sector in the EU Corporate Due Diligence Directive
The imminent passage of the EU Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) into law could drastically change the regulatory makeup of the civilian firearms industry in Europe. As the EU Parliament, Commission and Council prepare to enter the so-called ‘trilogues’ to adopt a final text, an open question is whether they will include the arms industry within the scope of the Directive. If so, the resulting provisions could include corporate due diligence obligations for downstream elements of the value chain, thus reinforcing monitoring and accountability. This post highlights the accountability deficit in the current European firearms export regime and shows how the CSDDD could help redress this situation while preventing trafficking and diversion.
Continue reading >>Digesting the (Not So) Free Lunches of Social Media
It has become common wisdom that “there is no such thing as free lunch.” Social media shows us daily how true this observation remains until today. The ‘conventional’ business model of these platforms focuses on data exploitation, and, increasingly, ‘freemium’ models. While it is obviously worthwhile to explore objectionable business practices in e-commerce and on social media, as 'freemium' models gain traction, this contribution suggests that the discourse on ‘dark patterns’ is somewhat sketchy and incomplete – and in need of more specificity.
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18 May 2023
From Contract Law to Online Speech Governance
For years, contract law has been a hidden protagonist in the in the discourse on platform governance. he sound of this silence is especially salient against the backdrop of recent European case law that uses the contractual toolbox to infuse social media terms of service with fundamental rights, in particular the freedom of expression. In this way, contract law has produced – somewhat counterintuitively – one of the most telling responses to the key constitutional issue of social media: how to reconcile freedom of expression as a public value with the private nature of social media platforms.
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The Magic Bullet That Isn’t!
Article 17 of the European Union's Copyright Directive fails to effectively safeguard copyright exceptions, which can gravely undermine users’ freedom of expression in the digital public sphere. Against this backdrop, the enactment of Article 14 of the Digital Services Act offered fresh hope. Could it be the eagerly awaited ‘magic bullet’ that ensures effective protection of user rights to rely copyright exceptions to parody and quotation on social media platforms? The possibility of such an outcome is doubtful.
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17 May 2023
Political Pluralism and the Camel’s Back
On 27 April, the High Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Christian Schmidt has unblocked the appointment of the government of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by overriding the veto of the largest Bosniak party, SDA. The party, currently in opposition, had blocked the appointment of the government. Schmidt's move could be a welcome breakthrough – the country has been ridden by abuses of ethnic vetoes ever since the Dayton Agreement. However, this specific imposition may have detrimental consequences for the future of political pluralism in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and any parties which want to outgrow the existing ethnic division.
Continue reading >>Personalized Law and Social Media
Personalization — a paradigm that has been widely and successfully embraced in other areas of human activity, and primarily on social media — may be ready for the law. Social media as a data source to support personalized law is only suitable for a few areas if life. In those areas, however, personalized standards bear enormous potential.
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National Dialogues as Constitutional Moments
In April 2022, Egypt's President Al-Sisi announced a surprising call for a “political dialogue on national priorities during the current phase.” The announcement formed part of a broader package of reforms that the Egyptian government seemingly initiated, following years of sustained criticism over its human rights record. After a year-long wait, the National Dialogue launched on May 3, 2023. This post will explain why despite some promising features, it is unlikely to effectuate meaningful change, due to certain design flaws and the decision by its Board to preclude the possibility of constitutional change.
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The Invisible Contract
Many users do not realize that by creating a social media account, they are entering into a legally binding agreement with the platform. It might thus be time to radically rethink the principle of contractual informality online. Social media contracts may regain their importance, and users might become more aware of the contractual implications of clicking on the ‘I Agree’ button.
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Social Media Contracts – The Quest for Fairness and the Need for Reform
The social media landscape is changing. The ‚public forum‘ is now filled with citizens selling products, promoting services, charging for subscriptions, and sometimes seeking attention in ways which may not be socially desirable. We ask: How can a space that is becoming increasingly commercialised, monetised, and is a source of income for many nevertheless be fair?
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16 May 2023
Please Be Kind and Polite. Or Else…
Britain loves to project an image of polite calmness; of a stiff upper lip; of tea, crumpets, and lashings of ginger beer. The Paddington the Bear Twitter account epitomised this sentiment on the morning of the Coronation, reminding people to ‘be kind and polite today.’ Yet in England's green and pleasant land, as loyal British subjects scoffed their scones, quaffed their Pimm’s and raised a glass to their new Monarch, it was not soft-power but good ol’ fashioned state violence that ensured the historical Coronation went off without a hitch.
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Lithium and Constitutional Change
On 20 April 2023, Chile’s President Gabriel Boric addressed the nation to announce the highly anticipated National Lithium Strategy. Boric announced the creation of a National Lithium Company (which must be enacted by Congress) and the establishment of public-private joint ventures, with a prominent role for the government. His speech began by referencing the nationalization of copper in the late 1960s and its completion in 1971 under President Salvador Allende. The new lithium strategy has to be understood as something more than merely an economic proposal. It is part of a larger and elusive effort to reconfigure the State.
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Strawberry Fields Forever
Reading the brilliant blog post of my colleague Teresa Navarro, one may get the impression that the situation in Doñana is principally the epitome of an ongoing electoral process. However, the threats to the ecological integrity of that unique natural space emanate from the very origins that justified its protection. The current crisis is but the culmination of the constant and serious threats, caused by the proposed bill to legalize new irrigation and aggravated by incompetence and lack of responsibility of the state, regional and local authorities ignoring the requirements of EU law.
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The Dilemma of Technocracy
A few months before general elections that might result in Slovakia joining Hungary's and Poland's illiberal takeover in Central Europe, its technocratic government is in crisis. This post shows how the weaknesses of Slovakia’s constitutional design have fueled the present malaise, and details the lessons we should draw from it for ordering the relationship between the head of state, parliament and the executive in other parliamentary systems with a directly elected president.
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The National Case for Reforming the EU Treaties
Four arguments of either explicit or implicit importance in encouraging states to engage in Treaty reform in this ‘reform period’ are of decisive importance again now. Many of these arguments have already found their way into political discourse (for example into the cautious opening of the German government to Treaty reform) while others have not. The key to making the national case for Treaty reform may therefore lie in demonstrating to the Member States that these factors make opening-up the Treaties in their national interest.
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13 May 2023
The Local Case Against Climate Deception
Over the last five years, cities, counties, and states across the country have sued fossil fuel companies alleging that the companies violated state law in marketing their products as safe. Collectively, these cases are known as climate liability cases or climate deception cases. On April 24, the U.S. Supreme Court declined to hear a petition on whether the climate liability cases should be heard in state or federal court. As a result, 11 cases will be remanded to state court to move towards motions to dismiss, discovery, and trial. The Supreme Court’s decision also helps plaintiffs in more than a dozen other cases argue that their cases against fossil fuel companies should be heard in state court, rather than federal court, and it may help spur more state court filings. This is a big win for the city, county, and state plaintiffs, after they engaged in a five-year fight to keep the cases in state court.
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A Problem of Our Own Making
In 2023, Packers Sanitation paid a fine of $1.5 million for employing over 100 children in work environments involving dangerous machinery and chemicals across eight US states. A New York Times investigation also uncovered the prevalence of migrant children working in numerous industries across the US, including Ford, General Motors, J. Crew, Walmart, Ben and Jerry's, Whole Foods, and Target. Child labor has been identified in small and large companies nationwide, bringing the issue to national and international attention. Why has there been an increase in child labor across the US? In many ways, this is the wrong question. Child labor has been a persistent problem in the US for decades.
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12 May 2023
No Bad Surprises
Just because they're after you don't mean you gotta be paranoid.
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Can the Mexican Supreme Court Save Constitutional Democracy?
The last week of the legislative term in Mexico was just another showcase of the clear government's disdain for democratic institutions and the rule of law. At the end of April, MORENA, the party in government, used its legislative majorities to hastily pass a series of laws in violation of different procedural rules, including quorum rules. The episode described above isn’t uncommon in Mexico’s legislative politics. The quality of the political-constitutional discourse is in great need of improvement to prevent such episodes from happening. It seems that the Supreme Court is the only institution that could contribute (and has been trying to contribute) to repair it. However, in the current political environment, Supreme Court interventions in political processes are becoming increasingly dangerous to the extent that its survival is at stake.
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Trading Rights for Responsibility
The newly published compromise text of the Asylum Procedures Regulation (APR) suggests to render border procedures mandatory in some cases, while also permitting first-entry states to derogate from them once their “adequate capacity” is reached. This adaptable approach to the use of border procedures seeks to resolve a long-standing disagreement between central EU countries and first-entry states. While the former consider the obligatory use of border procedures necessary to prevent onwards or ‘secondary’ movement of asylum-seekers, southern EU states argue that their mandatory use would place a further strain on their resources and overburden their capacities for processing asylum claims. This blogpost first explains the problems with border procedures, reviews their role in increasing responsibility of first-entry states, and explains why the new compromise Draft is unlikely to resolve the disagreement between first-entry states and other Members States.
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Squaring the triangle of fundamental rights concerns
Ex ante, the July 2022 ruling by the Court of Justice of the EU on Passenger Name Records had a very specific scope — the use of passenger name records by government agencies. Upon closer inspection, however, it has important implications for the governance of algorithms more generally. That is true especially for the proposed AI Act, which is currently working its way through the EU institutions. It highlights, ultimately, how national, or in this case European, legal orders may limit the scope for international regulatory harmonization and cooperation.
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Automated predictive threat detection after Ligue des Droits Humains
The Ligue des droits humains ruling regarding automated predictive threat detection has implications for the European Travel Information and Authorisation System (ETIAS) Regulation and the EU Commission’s proposal for a Regulation on combating online child sexual abuse material (CSAM). Both legal instruments entail the use of potentially self-learning algorithms, and are spiritual successors to the PNR Directive (the subject of Ligue des droits humains).
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11 May 2023
EU Privacy and Public-Private Collaboration
Core state functions, such as law enforcement, are increasingly delegated to private actors. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the development and use of security technologies. This public-private collaboration harbours detrimental consequences for fundamental rights and the rule of law; in particular, for the principle of legality. The policy outcomes which result from this collaboration are not democratically accountable, and allow human rights to be superseded by private, profit-driven interests.
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Challenging Bias and Discrimination in Automated Border Decisions
In Ligue des droits humains, the Court of Justice of the European Union explicitly addresses the fact that the use of AI and self-learning risk models may deprive data subjects of their right to effective judicial protection as enshrined in the Charter. The importance of this judgment cannot be understated for non-EU citizens and at the European borders more generally.
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10 May 2023
Betrayal
Various EU bodies have started to appreciate the threat the anti-constitutional challenge poses to fundamental rights and the entire EU. The Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA), the body primarily tasked with watching over fundamental rights, chose a different path and committed to collaboration and to legitimizing an illiberal regime. As earlier contributors to FRA reports on Hungary, we felt the responsibility to call attention to this unfortunate development: The FRA recently committed to rely on reporting from two governmental-controlled institutions, the National University of Public Service and the Hungarian ombudsperson.
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Effective Human Rights Due Diligence Ten Years After Rana Plaza?
Ten years after the deadly Rana Plaza disaster with 1135 dead and more than 2000 injured workers, a complaint has been made for the first time on the basis of the German Act on Corporate Due Diligence Obligations in Supply Chains (Lieferkettensorgfaltspflichtengesetz, LkSG) to the Federal Office for Economic Affairs and Export Control (Bundesamt für Wirtschaft und Ausfuhrkontrolle, BAFA). The complaint argues that IKEA and Amazon failed to exercise due diligence under the LkSG by refusing to sign the Accord on Fire and Building Safety in Bangladesh (Bangladesh Accord) and its successor, the International Accord for Health and Safety in the Textile and Garment Industry (International Accord). In this post, we explore the relationship between the Accord and human rights due diligence and argue that joining the Accord is essential for fulfilling the due diligence obligations under the LkSG. We argue that Amazon seems to have violated the LkSG prima facie while IKEA’s claim would have to be assessed in-depth by BAFA.
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Foreseeability and the Rule of Law in Data Protection after the PNR judgment
The rule of law cannot be reconciled with the existence of secret laws, unclear laws and laws which cannot be obeyed. However, this may be difficult to realise in practice, where full transparency is at odds with the legislative goals; where a certain degree of flexibility of rules is necessary to address changing circumstances, in which these rules function; and where a disconnect occurs between the visions of the lawmaker and reality created by modern technologies that are utilized to pursue them. The CJEU's ruling in Lige des droits humains on Passenger Name Record Directive underscores the difficulty of foreseeability of algorithmic measures and the rule of law.
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The European Legal Architecture on Security
As the European legal architecture on internal security is being built around large-scale databases, AI tools and other new technologies, the relationship between the public and private sectors has become increasingly complex. We examine one aspect of the Court of Justice of the European Union’s recent judgment in Ligue des droits humains, namely the data protection rules applicable to cooperation between the public and private entities in personal data sharing. The judgment enhances the ‘personal data autonomy’ of individuals and requires public authorities to justify to a high standard any obligations it seeks to place on the private sector to share personal data related, directly or indirectly, to travel by air.
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Taiwan’s Participatory Plans for Platform Governance
Platform regulation is not limited to Europe or the United States. Although much debate currently focuses on the latest news from Brussels, California, or Washington, other important regulatory ideas emerge elsewhere. One particularly consequential idea can be found in Taiwan. Simply put, Taiwan wants to, tacitly, democratize platform governance. Concretely, Taiwan wanted to establish a dedicated body that would potentially facilitate far-reaching civil society participation and enable ongoing citizen involvement in platform governance. This article explains what discourses about platform governance can learn from Taiwan and how vivid democratic discourse shapes platform governance beyond traditional regulatory models.
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09 May 2023
50 Years of Kesavananda Bharti
India is celebrating the 50th anniversary of the landmark Kesavananda Bharti decision this year, which concretized the ‘basic structure doctrine’. Created by the judiciary in response to an overzealous executive branch, it stipulates that the legislature cannot damage or destroy the basic features of the Constitution that are fundamental to its identity. This blogpost explains the circumstances of the doctrine's inception, its substance and controversies as well as its continued importance for Indian democracy.
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Caution: Safeguards may appear more robust than they are
At a time when the European security architecture is evolving, and when national lawmakers must pay greater attention to an evolving set of common standards and safeguards to prevent disproportionate government access to data, it is essential to shed critical light on their implementation in actual practice. As different as the EU PNR Directive and the German legal framework are, they both include provisions that seek to prevent disproportionate government access and to ensure effective and independent review of data collection and subsequent data processing.
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Of Red Fruits and Social Conflict
These days of electoral campaign in Spain, as usual, water is among the current issues. Recently, a controversial proposal by the conservative parties of the Andalusian Parliament aims to re-grant the status of agricultural land to certain land in the vicinity of the Doñana National Park (Huelva, Spain). Doñana suffers a long social conflict triggered by several decisions adopted to protect this singular place. As we will see, this is a clear example of the political use of the tension generated by environmental protection and socio-economic interests, especially in times of elections.
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Chile or the Impossibility of a Constitution
The second act of Chile’s constituent process is ready to begin. Elections for the 50 members of the Constituent Council, in charge of drafting the text of a new constitution, took place this Sunday, May 7. The results, a clear victory for the far-right Republicanos, may come as a surprise to many. Is it?
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Passengers Name Records and Security
The EU Passenger Name Records Directive is based on the logic of preventive security. Th CJEU ruling, Ligue des droits humains, offers an opportunity for national judges to question more radically the idea of generalised preventive security that seeks to anticipate human behaviour through the creation of risk profiles and statistical correlations (instead of causality).
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08 May 2023
World War 2 Memories in Lithuania and Ukraine
On May 8, 2023, Lithuania and Ukraine, along with other European countries, meet the annual anniversaries of the end of World War 2 in Europe in 1945. Meanwhile, Russia holds a national holiday tomorrow on May 9 to commemorate the Soviet victory over Nazi Germany, which is the most important holiday in Russia and became a cult practice for uniting Russians after 2000. The anniversary finds Ukraine in the midst of fighting off present-day Russian aggression. Lithuania finds itself worrying about its defense, dealing with memory incidents and among the biggest supporters of Ukraine. Russia, however, finds itself more isolated than ever and scaling back the celebration: According to Moscow because of expected ‘drone strikes’, but more likely due to ‘fear of popular protests.’ This blog entry takes stock of legal measures by two nations to countervail Russia’s decades-long mnemo-political aggressiveness.
Continue reading >>Machine learning and profiling in the PNR system
Automated processing of personal data, which is what Passenger Name Record data are, can lead to forms of profiling; certain individuals or groups of people are more likely to be excluded based on the transfer of their data than others. In its Passenger Name Record judgment, the CJEU extensively discusses discrimination risks, and it set a number of conditions to prevent them. Unfortunately, not all of its considerations are perfectly clear and some of the solutions the CJEU proposes are not entirely satisfactory.
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Automated predictive threat detection after Ligue des Droits Humains
On 21 June 2022, the Court of Justice of the European Union released its judgment regarding the compatibility of the EU Directive on Passenger Name Record Data with the rights to privacy and personal data protection. Ligue des droits humains has already qualified as a landmark decision, where the Court had the opportunity, among other aspects, to provide comprehensive guidelines on how large-scale predictive policing should take place. The ruling could be used as an inspiration for the legal assessment of various new security law instruments which require automated predictive threat detection instruments.
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Accountability in Brazil
The end of Jair Bolsonaro’s presidency is far from marking a return to normality in Brazil. After the riots of 8 January, which aimed to create the conditions for a coup in Brazil, authorities and institutions had to deal with several turbulences and the issue of Bolsonaro's responsibilization has been a permanent concern. To evaluate the efficacy of these responses, it is important to discuss how these institutions have been dealing with Jair Bolsonaro’s legacy. Moreover, it is equally important to understand the challenges President Lula is facing, which are partly due to the difficulty to reach political compromises. The recent police raids that seized documents and devices in Bolsonaro’s house, and arrested some of his direct aids, adds complexity to the situation, as we will attempt to explain.
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The Future of the European Security Architecture: A Debate Series
This debate series is dedicated to Ligue des Droits Humains – a case in which the Court of Justice of the European Union decided on the fate of one of the main drivers of this development: the Directive on on the use of passenger name record (PNR) data for the prevention, detection, investigation and prosecution of terrorist offences and serious crime. The PNR Directive, being one of the first major EU-wide examples of predictive policing, is not just interesting in itself. It exemplifies the emergence and gradual consolidation of a new security architecture in Europe.
Continue reading >>05 May 2023
Vivat Rex
The new king is not a modern man. What if that is actually good news?
Continue reading >>The UK vs the ECtHR
In recent months, the UK government has tabled two Bills - the Bill of Rights Bill and the Illegal Migration Bill - before Parliament which would have the consequence - and almost certainly have the intention - of setting the UK on a collision course with the Council of Europe, and especially the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). This post details how these Bills serve to undermine the UK’s obligations under the ECHR and explains their significance within the larger debate surrounding the UK’s possible withdrawal from the Convention. It places this debate in the context of the rarely-convened Council of Europe summit of heads of state and government in Reykjavik in May 2023, whose ambitious agenda is to protect the ‘common heritage’ of respect for human rights, democracy and the rule of law in the face of Russia’s aggression in Ukraine and other existential threats.
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03 May 2023
On the Path of Destruction
Sudan has yet gain slipped into a civil war, costing hundreds of lives and forcing tens of thousands of people to flee the country. Fighting the war are two generals - Abdel Fattah Burhan of the Sudan's Armed Forces and Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo of the Rapid Support Forces. This piece explains the background of this extraordinarily complex conflict and discusses its potential implications for the region and beyond. Bringing both military leaders to a negotiating table must now be the highest priority.
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28 April 2023
Lawlessness Law
Years of inhuman treatment, and now, for the first time, a judgment
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27 April 2023
Judicial Backlash Against the Rights of Nature in Ecuador
In 2008, Ecuador surprised the world by recognizing nature’s own rights in its constitution. The surprise was even bigger when Ecuador unlike other countries began to actually apply and enforce the Rights of Nature, particularly through constitutional jurisprudence since 2019. We show that the strong constitutional precedents, while casting much appreciated light on some legal uncertainties about the novel set of rights, are also met with defiance. Backlashing tendencies are not restricted to the private sector and the government, but are articulated within the judiciary itself
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The Ukrainian Grain Imports Saga
Poland and Hungary, later joined by Bulgaria, Slovakia and Romania, decided to unilaterally halt the imports of grain and other food products from Ukraine to protect their domestic farmers. The European Commission quickly announced that “trade policy is of EU exclusive competence and, therefore, unilateral actions are not acceptable”. At the same, however, the Commission’s spokesperson also considered that it was “too early” to comment on the legal implications of the Member States’ actions. Instead, the Commission adopted a pragmatic approach. It quickly announced a new support package for EU farmers affected by the increased supply of Ukrainian agricultural products and proposed additional measures to ensure the transit of Ukrainian grain exports to destinations outside of the Union. Significantly, it also added that this package “is subject to Member States lifting their unilateral measures”. This creates a very cynical situation, in the sense that an infringement of EU law may be instrumental to reach a better deal.
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26 April 2023
A Conservative Constitutional Council Watching over a Conservative Constitution
On 14 April 2023, the French Constitutional Council handed down its decisions on the constitutionality of the controversial pension reform and on the referendum that was supposed to stop it. In substance, the decisions were met with little surprise. What is noteworthy about them, however, is something else: Both decisions are excellent indicators of the profoundly conservative nature of the French Constitution and of the judges watching over its observance.
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Environmental Intelligence and the Need to Collect it
Current studies by biologists attest that Earth’s overall biodiversity is “crashing”. The most recent IPCC findings are no less dire. Multilateral deals aimed at preserving the environment are coming and going without having anything close to adequate results on the ground. States worldwide are currently missing not just a quickly receding opportunity to change things for the better, but also the rapidly growing and truly unprecedented threat which broad-scale anthropogenic ecological decline represents. But we are pragmatically and ethically obliged not to give up on the prospect of renovating and revitalizing the state so that it might become, over time, a more beneficial and truly survival-interested form of itself. One part of the inner power structure of almost all countries globally which recommends itself for a new role in this context is the national intelligence agency.
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Flexible Responsibility or the End of Asylum Law as We Know It?
On March 21 2023, the Council released a revised draft proposal for an Asylum and Migration Management Regulation (AMMR). It reintroduces the concept of ‘flexible responsibility’ — or ‘adaptable responsibility’ — into the EU’s migration management. Already included in the controversial Instrumentalisation Regulation of 14 December 2021, flexible responsibility is the idea that Member States should be allowed to derogate from normally applicable asylum standards when faced with sudden migratory pressures. While the Instrumentalisation Regulation was rejected in December 2022, this post will detail how the new AMMR draft threatens to reintroduce the idea of flexible/adaptable derogations — including, potentially, those originally foreseen in the Instrumentalisation Regulation — into the EU’s asylum framework and why we should reject it.
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If the EU Picks Baby Genes
Which genes should children not inherit? This is a fundamental question. It arises acutely in medically assisted reproduction, such as in-vitro fertilization (IVF) or artificial insemination. One must frequently choose between different donors, sperm, eggs or embryos. The EU wishes to draw this line. However, Its proposed Substances of Human Origin Regulation (‘SoHO’) treads into delicate ethical and political territory, without properly addressing, or even mentioning, crucial ethical questions. This leads the EU to silently take three controversial positions: the proposal excludes most ethical considerations; it draws the line vaguely and below existing ethical standards; and it makes genetic selection mandatory in genetically assisted reproduction.
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25 April 2023
Education as Indoctrination: Mnemonic Constitutionalism and History Teaching in Russia
In January 2023, Russia adopted new amendments to the Law "On Education in the Russian Federation" which will become effective by September 1st, 2023. The amendments establish mandatory, federal curricula for the following school subjects: "Russian language", "Literary reading", "The world around", "Russian language", "Literature", "History", "Social science", "Geography" and "Basics of life safety". The content of the curricula was developed and pre-approved by the Ministry of Education in November 2022, and aims to establish a single, uniform standard of teaching for these subjects. The amendments are emblematic of Russia’s increasingly aggressive pursuit of mnemonic constitutionalism. This article will detail how its legislative governance of memory in the context of history teaching violates the right to education enshrined in international human rights law.
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Investing Immobilized Russian Assets, Monetarizing the Common Foreign and Security Policy
Again, the Commission and EU Member States are talking about new sanctions against Russia. The focus, according to Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, should be on tackling sanctions circumvention and loopholes. In a scoop, however, it was also uncovered that the Commission has drawn up a non-paper “on the generation of resources to support Ukraine from immobilized Russian assets”. The idea behind this non-paper is to invest the immobilized assets of the Russian Central Bank in EU Member States’ bonds and bills and use the proceeds to support the reconstruction of Ukraine. The plan, as the non-paper indicates, is fraught with a number of legal and technical issues. These do not only relate to the question of whether or not such an investment of immobilized assets is compatible with international law and EU law, but also to the question of who should undertake and oversee these investments.
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21 April 2023
The Cost of Taking Time
A liberal Minister of Justice, a social-democratic Home Secretary, and the anxious view to Weimar
Continue reading >>20 April 2023
Intersectionality in Climate Litigation
The ECtHR held a hearing in the case KlimaSeniorinnen v Switzerland. It is one of the first gender-based climate cases worldwide. The case offers novel perspectives on a range of issues. Crucially, it highlights new potential avenues for standing in human rights cases and pinpoints how age, health, gender, and climate change intersect.
Continue reading >>Context Is Open to Interpretation, Too
Taiwan is no longer ‘The Orphan of Asia’ as depicted in a 1983 mandarin Chinese pop song that gave expression to the Taiwanese’ feelings of betrayal and abandonment, after the US ‘recognize[d] the Government of the People’s Republic of China [PRC] as the sole legal Government of China’ in 1979 and withdrew its troops from the island. Today Taiwan is one of the most discussed geopolitical hotspots. In this contribution, I aim to take the discussion of Taiwan’s legal status forward in response to Wu and Lin’s outright rejection of the Resolution’s bearing on the Taiwan question, by drawing attention to the complexity of the context in which the Resolution was adopted.
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19 April 2023
Achmea Goes to Washington
Recently, a US District Court trashed a Dutch company's arbitral award against Spain. Why? Because investor-state arbitration within the EU violates European law. Yet, many tribunals keep issuing arbitral awards - especially under the infamous Energy Charta Treaty. Challenging those awards in domestic courts outside the EU, like here in Washington D.C., might work as corrective to the continuing illegal assumption of jurisdiction and blatant disregard for the EU Treaties by arbitral tribunals.
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Closure and Continuity
Trade, sovereignty, rights and freedoms, courts, and constitutional change are lenses through which we can examine how two politically, culturally, and linguistically inextricably linked common law countries have defined their diverging relationship with the EU. 50 years on the divergence is complete. The UK is now a third country, charting a future outside the EU, while Ireland remains one of 27 Member States reporting high levels of trust and support for the EU. Hence 50 years on we have both the desire for closure (for the UK) and continuity (for Ireland). In fact, we argue that closure and continuity are necessary for the relations between both states and their relationship with the EU now and in the next half century.
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18 April 2023
New Digital Gates for Fortress Europe?
On March 29th, the Permanent Representatives Committee approved the EU Council's negotiating mandate for a Regulatory proposal to digitalize the Visa procedure. Proponents argue that this move will improve security and reduce administrative costs for both EU Member States and interested travellers. However, I argue that the Draft Regulation raises many concerns about the effective protection of the fundamental rights of Schengen visa applicants. If adopted, it threatens to perpetuate the subordination of fundamental rights to security and efficiency concerns that characterizes the increasing digitalization and datafication of EU migration management operations.
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Whispers of Change (Vol. II)
Mexico’s prolonged refusal to eliminate mandatory preventive detention from its legal system has slowly but steadily contributed to the rising tension between the Mexican Supreme Court, the Mexican State, and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. Following both Courts’ recent decisions on the case of García Rodríguez y Alpízar Ortíz v. México (both have recently decided cases concerning virtually the same set of facts with notoriously varying outcomes), the discussion heats as it now relates to one of the most relevant inquiries of modern constitutional study: judicial review of constitutional provisions and amendments.
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14 April 2023
Up Close and Personal
The Private and the Public in the Doepfner Affair
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Taiwan and the Myth of UN General Assembly Resolution 2758
At the United Nations (UN) press briefing by the Office of the Spokesperson for the Secretary-General on 27 March 2023, critical and long-overdue questions resurfaced. With the Secretary General portrayed as a champion for democratic values, why has the UN shut the door on Taiwan, the most democratic country in Asia? Why are citizens of Taiwan not even allowed to enter the premises of the United Nations? Questions as such touch upon the scope and application of UN General Assembly Resolution 2758, and the implications of China’s persistent strategy to inflate and distort it.
Continue reading >>(No) News from East Africa
Whilst the Uganda Anti-Homosexuality Bill is unconstitutional and should not be recognized by the national courts, the initiation of such a bill already catalyses tremendous consequences for the community. Further, considering the historical context of this Bill and realising the political expediency that drives the promotion bills like this this will certainly not be the end of developments in Uganda (and beyond). This is why it is critical that human rights defenders across the continent anticipate these setbacks and plan for contingencies.
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13 April 2023
A Glimpse into More Equitable International Governance
On March 29, the United Nations General Assembly passed a landmark resolution asking the International Court of Justice for an advisory opinion on state obligations relating to climate change and the consequences of breaching them under several sources of international law, including the UN Charter, human rights treaties, and international customary law. The import of both the request and the opinion, however, is not just about Earth’s climate system and the extent of state obligations for protecting it; it is also about the potential for more equitable, just, and effective international governance.
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12 April 2023
Colombia, a Besieged Democracy with (New) Oligarchic Tendencies?
On 20 March, Colombia’s newly formed government suspended the cease fire it had only recently concluded with the Clan de Golfo, one of the country’s most powerful, remaining armed non-state actor (ANSA). The announcement followed repeated attacks against civilians in the country’s North-West ascribed to the group. Not even ten days later, the largest remaining guerrilla group, the ELN (also engaged in the government’s Total Peace initiative), killed nine soldiers in an attack in the frontier region with Venezuela. This blogpost details what distinguishes these post-FARC and post-AUC Armed Non State Actors from their predecessors and how their emergence threatens to ensure that Colombia remains a besieged democracy, despite all the progress it has made.
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Democracy, Sovereignty and Europe
Fifty years after Ireland and UK joined the EEC together in January 1973, the two states find themselves on radically different European trajectories. Both are common law countries with shared traditions of parliamentary governance and strong cultural links to the wider Anglosphere. However, in Ireland there is broad elite and popular support for maintaining alignment with the requirements of EU and ECHR law – while, in the UK, such European influences trigger a sharp allergic reaction. What explains this dramatic divergence? The answer perhaps lies partially in the differing ‘constitutional imaginaries’ of Ireland and the UK, and how EU and ECHR alignment is understood to impact on the exercise of popular sovereignty in both states.
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11 April 2023
Integration as Disintegration
50 years after accession of Ireland and the UK to the EEC and seven years after the disastrous Brexit referendum, Ireland still sits pretty in the EU, but the UK and its Constitution have been called into possibly fatal doubt, especially as regards their integrative capacity, or continuing ability to bind distinct political classes and the nations of the Union to one another. Writing in early 2023, amidst the ruins of a Brexit reality, if not the end of the Brexit delusion, this short commentary foresees – possibly foolishly – a radical future of independent nations within a loose ‘Confederation of the Isles’, wherein Ireland might share some (symbolic) competences with Scotland, England and Wales, enabling a peaceful a prosperous coexistence within the North-western European archipelago.
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07 April 2023
Short Detention, Long Shadow
Several videos show the arrest of Clara Ponsatí last Tuesday in the streets of Barcelona, a Member of the European Parliament (MEP). Separatist politicians have forcefully condemned the arrest as an ‘attack on democracy’, ‘political violence’, ‘repression’ and ‘abuse of power’, while also asserting an egregious violation of an MEP’s immunity. This piece argues that the arrest warrant issued by the Tribunal Supremo on 28 March 2023 does not hold up against established constitutional principles.
Continue reading >>Squaring the Circle
The Italian Data Protection Authority banned ChatGPT for violating EU data protection law. As training and operating large language models like ChatGPT requires massive amounts of (personal) data, AI's future in Europe, to an extent, hinges upon the GDPR.
Continue reading >>06 April 2023
Corporate Duty of Vigilance and Environment
On February 23, 2023, French bank BNP Paribas was sued before the civil tribunal in Paris for having allegedly breached its environmental duty of vigilance. In particular, deficiencies in the vigilance plan related to the allocation fundraising activities are criticized. This climate litigation, involving a French bank for the first time, could increase the liability of financial protagonists in the fight against climate change if it succeeded. Nevertheless, one may doubt that the case against BNP Paribas will prove to be successful, as previous ones – which had been introduced under the 2017 law of vigilance (LdV) – are all either pending or unsuccessful.
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Constitutional Change in the UK – People or Party?
The UK’s membership of, and later exit from, the EU has had a dramatic effect on the UK constitution. It also provided a catalyst for further change. These demonstrate the relative ease with which the UK constitution can be modified, reinforcing the UK’s characterisation as a predominantly political, flexible constitution. This post will argue that these transformations illustrate something more fundamental that applies to all constitutions – be they predominantly codified or uncodified, with or without the ability of the courts to strike down unconstitutional legislation.
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05 April 2023
In Jerusalem my Heart wanted to Scream out: “I am Polin, too” …
I went to Israel at a moment’s notice to share the lessons and cautionary tales of anti-constitutional capture in Poland and to explain the mechanics behind systemic and legalistic dismantling of the liberal foundations of the legal order. However, during my stay in Israel, I realized that as much the Israelis wanted to learn from me, they might as well teach Poles crucial lessons, not less these of civic engagement and mobilization.
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Turkey’s Envisioned Exit from Authoritarianism
Turkey has been ruled by the AKP under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s leadership for more than 20 years. Throughout this time, Erdoğan got almost total control over state administration and judiciary, and enchained the media and big capital owners to himself. The Nation Alliance vows to change the political regime from executive presidentialism to parliamentary democracy in case it should defeat Erdoğan on May 14. In that regard, Turkey will turn over a new leaf in its Republican history, if, for the first time, a regime change would take place through a civilian transition.
Continue reading >>Humanizing Warfare as a Project of Power Politics and Colonial Exclusion
The myth of the Geneva Conventions as a liberal, inclusive project has been thoroughly deconstructed. Two recent books, Boyd van Dijk's "Preparing for War. The Making of the Geneva Conventions" and Hugo Slim's "Solferino 21. Warfare, Civilians and Humanitarians in the Twenty-First Century" delve into the history of the humanitarian project and shed light on its imperial and postcolonial contexts. A review essay.
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Imposing Brexit onto Northern Ireland’s Post-Conflict Governance Order
The Westphalian state provides for an all-but ubiquitous building block of governance. It stacks neatly into dominant accounts of multi-level governance, with all states being presented as nominal equals on the plain of international law. Where reasons of scale or the needs of diverse societies require, sub-state levels of governance can be introduced into the equation. Multiple states, moreover, can pool aspects of their law and decision making where they see the advantages of so doing, resulting in regional supra-national bodies such as the EU.
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04 April 2023
In Law as in Life?
On New Year’s Day in 2002, my late uncle, visiting us in Kerry at the time, walked to the local shop and came back with a pristine €5 note for everyone in the house. Spend it, keep it, do whatever you like with it; but this, he said, is history. Ireland adopting the euro as its currency marked one of the most significant divergent choices in the history of British and Irish membership of the European Union. The dense and complicated ties between the two states were otherwise reflected in so many ways across their EU membership profiles, from their coterminous application paths to shared exemptions from certain legal obligations.
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Frozen
After years of inaction, the European Commission and Council jointly acted to freeze EU funds totaling more than €28.7 billion for Hungary and more than €110 billion for Poland at the end of 2022, citing rule-of-law violations. Surprisingly, the decisions were taken not just (or even primarily) using the new Conditionality Regulation designed for that purpose. Instead, they used a variety of other legal tools to which rule-of-law conditionality was attached. It remains somewhat mysterious, however, precisely which funds and what proportion of those funds have been suspended, and how those suspensions have been legally justified. This post, a shorter version of a SIEPS paper that will be published soon, describes what we know about the complex set of funding suspensions intended to make EU Member States pay for their rule-of-law violations.
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Rahul Gandhi’s Disqualification and the Future of Political Opposition in India
With the general elections scheduled for early next year and several crucial state elections lined up for later this year, the ruling party’s onslaught on their opposition continues in India. The Bharatiya Janata Party (“BJP”) government has left no channel of state power unused in its crusade against opposition parties. The disqualification of Rahul Gandhi – one of the most prominent leaders of the opposition from the India National Congress (“INC”) – is another episode of the degeneration of democracy in India.
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03 April 2023
A Fond Embrace?
As with any relationship, significant anniversaries offer us an opportunity to take stock. Looking backwards allows us not only to appreciate how far we have come, but also, perhaps, to reflect on the direction in which we might be heading. To date, upwards of 2,200 judgments of the Irish courts have considered EU or Community law in some form. Against this context, this short contribution reflects on the reception of EU law in the Irish courts since 1973.
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31 March 2023
The Battle Over the Populist Constitutional Coup in Israel
On the night of March 26, 2023, the battle over the constitutional overhaul planned by Israel’s Netanyahu government reached an apex moment. Much uncertainty lies ahead. What is clear is that a combination of massive protests, pressure by significant groups in Israeli society such as the tech industry and elite military reservists, and American pressure forced Netanyahu to suspend the legislative process. Whether this development will lead to the burial or the reemergence of the constitutional coup is yet to be seen. The road ahead is complicated, as rejection of the coalition’s plan, while seemingly a victory for the democracy movement, may also serve to feed the populist argument about elites.
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30 March 2023
Number Crunching EU Law and the Irish Legal Order
In this short piece, I will outline a few of the extremes of the Irish relationship with Europe that I have personally studied or encountered and its impact in my view. Many years ago, I wrote a dissertation on the relationship between EU law and the Irish legal order, on the unravelling dynamic since accession, focussing upon the preliminary reference data. I felt it was a deserving topic precisely because there was so little interest as to the relationship between EU law and Ireland. Ireland was uniformly always excluded from major US and EU political science studies that have been iconic in shaping views on EU integration.
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29 March 2023
How EU Membership Transformed Ireland’s Socio-Legal Norms: The Case of Abortion
In 1973, Ireland joined what would become the European Union (EU) in the first ever enlargement of the project of European integration. To say that 50 years of EU membership have been transformative for Ireland is an understatement. By all benchmarks considered, Ireland is a radically different country today than it was when it joined the EU. Abortion provides the best example of this.
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28 March 2023
The Council’s Conditionality Decision as a Violation of Academic Freedom?
On 15 December 2022, the Council’s suspended various EU budgetary commitments towards Hungary, the first application of the so-called Rule of Law Conditionality Regulation. The measure also froze access to Erasmus+ and Horizon Europe funds for 21 Hungarian universities that remain under the management of public interest trusts, thereby effectively denying access to these funds to a large pool of scholars and students. The decision raises important questions regarding the scope of protection afforded to final beneficiaries of EU funds. We suggest that a deeper engagement with the rights and interests of final beneficiaries in the context of the Conditionality Regulation necessitates a reconceptualisation of the EU’s understanding of and responsibility for academic freedom.
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Navigating Uncharted Waters?
This contribution will briefly assess Ireland’s participation in the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) after ‘Brexit’. It will first review the way in which the ‘opt-in/opt-out’ arrangements still apply to Ireland, before considering how Ireland’s position might have evolved after Brexit. In this respect, it will feature some recent cases of the CJEU. Although Ireland considers the UK to be a safe third country for refugees, it is likely that their respective asylum policies will diverge even further, owing to their now very different positions with respect to EU law and especially the CEAS.
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27 March 2023
Limitations of the Transnational ne bis in idem Principle in EU Law
No-one shall be tried or punished twice for the same offence. This principle is part of the fundamental law protection in the EU, but can be limited under certain conditions. In Case C-365/21, decided on 23 March 2023, the ECJ has confirmed the validity of an important limitation of the transnational ne bis in idem guarantee. Another case which arose in the context of the Diesel scandal involving German automobile producer Volkswagen and is still pending before the European Court of Justice gives the Court a new opportunity to set new standards regarding limitations of the ne bis in idem principle in cases involving different Member States and to strengthen this principle which is of great importance for the completion of a genuine area of freedom, security and justice.
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Constitutional? Perhaps. Democratic? Not so much
The adoption of the Law on Retirement without a majority in the National Assembly has caused a huge uproar in France. The use by the executive of an article or two of the Constitution, as well as the combination thereof, is deemed constitutional until a competent organ says otherwise. And the only one who could, the Constitutional Council, will probably not say otherwise. But even if something is constitutional, that does not make it democratic. A look into the justifications given by the head of State and the head of Government stirs reflection on the relationship between the constitutional and democratic character of the proceedings.
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The Quality of Sovereignty
It can generally be agreed that the purpose of sovereignty is to enable a government to protect the best interests of its citizens. To what extent did UK membership of the EU preclude this? In the context of the EU, the discussion on sovereignty tends to focus on quantity – the greater the scope of action of the EU and its institutions, the lower the sovereignty of the member states. From this perspective, sovereignty is a zero-sum affair – less means less. However, sovereignty can also be assessed from a qualitative perspective, with a focus on its quality, or character, rather than its scope.
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23 March 2023
Political Advertising and Disinformation
Over a year ago, the European Commission presented its Proposal for a Regulation on the transparency and targeting of political advertising (COM(2021) 731 final). Recently, the Council presented its General Approach, followed by the position of the European Parliament (EP). While stakeholders are waiting for the trilogue negotiations to shape the final text of the legislation, critical voices are raising concerns. Concerns are that under the future regulation online platforms might have to de-amplify such independent content
Continue reading >>A New York Moment for the Oceans to join the Paris Moment for the Climate?
The recently concluded Agreement on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity of Areas Beyond National Jurisdiction has been described as the 'New York Moment' for the oceans, to join the 'Paris Moment' for the climate. The Paris Agreement was considered to be such a moment, in part, because it constituted a significant paradigm shift in international environmental law, institutionally as well as substantively. The current draft of the BBNJ arguably contains a paradigm shift of comparable significance for the law of the sea in at least three respects.
Continue reading >>Peaceful and Neutral Games
In a statement issued on March 17, 2023, the German Olympic Sports Confederation (DOSB) advocated to uphold the current exclusion of Russian and Belarusian athletes and officials from international competitions. In light of the upcoming Olympic Games in Paris 2024 this topic is currently of great concern to the international sports world. From a human rights perspective, I agree with the core of the DOSB position: the exclusion serves the aims of protecting the rights of Ukrainian athletes and of preventing sporting events from being instrumentalised for war propaganda. These are legitimate reasons for the unequal treatment of Russian athletes.
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An Interactive Relationship
In reflections on fifty years of membership, the employment of women is often identified as a tangible example of how membership changed Ireland. Concretely, in the years immediately following accession, the state was required to enact legislation on equal pay and equal treatment for women and men in employment. This narrative tends to place emphasis on EU law as a cause of law reform in Ireland. 50 years on, both Irish and EU equality law have expanded significantly.
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22 March 2023
Constitutional Identity, Ireland and the EU
Costello v. Government of Ireland and others is one of the most significant recent Irish Supreme Court rulings concerning EU law. The case involved a member of parliament seeking to restrain the Irish government from ratifying the 2014 EU-Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) on grounds of alleged unconstitutionality. Costello’s most long-lasting impact is likely to be its introduction of the concept of constitutional identity into Irish constitutional jurisprudence.
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Big Brother is Watching the Olympic Games – and Everything Else in Public Spaces
The French National Assembly is currently debating the law on the 2024 Olympic and Paralympic Games. Despite its name, the law has more to do with security than with sports. In particular, Article 7 of the law creates a legal basis for algorithmic video surveillance, that is, video surveillance that relies on artificial intelligence to treat the images and audio of video surveillance cameras in order to identify human beings, objects, or specific situations. In other words, video surveillance cameras in France’s public spaces would now able to identify you and detect if your behaviour is suspicious.
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21 March 2023
Bemerkenswerte Haftbefehle aus Den Haag
Die Haftbefehle des Internationalen Strafgerichtshofs in Den Haag vom Ende letzter Woche haben schnell die Runde gemacht und sind weltweit als Eilmeldung verbreitet worden. Auch in der deutschen Presselandschaft sind die Haftbefehle gegen den russischen Staatspräsidenten sowie seine Kinderrechtsbeauftragte bewertet worden. Einige bemerkenswerte Aspekte der Entscheidung, die bislang keine Aufmerksamkeit erfahren haben, sollen hier beleuchtet werden.
Continue reading >>The Janus Face of Fetal Citizenship: A Tool of Inclusion or a Threat to Abortion Rights?
Should citizenship status be conferred upon an unborn child? In a 2022 landmark decision, Pranav Srinivasan v. Union of India, the Madras High Court answered this question in the affirmative. Srinivasan had not been born yet when his parents, with his mother being in the third trimester of her pregnancy, gave up their Indian for Singaporean citizenship. Now an adult and ostensibly to avoid the mandatory conscription for Singaporean citizens, Srinivasan sought to avail himself of a statutory right to reclaim his Indian citizenship, pursuant to section 8(2) of the Citizenship Act 1955. While the Court's ruling in Srinivasan's favour should be applauded for its inclusionary ethos, it threatens to undermine India's progressive abortion jurisprudence. A provision of the 1956 Hindu Succession Act might provide a solution to this conflict.
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Post-Brexit Sovereignty
In thinking about sovereignty within the United Kingdom, it is helpful to separate out two ways in which sovereignty has historically been identified in both the United Kingdom and elsewhere. Sovereignty is, first, a power over others, most notably absolute and final authority over a territory. If this allows those holding it to achieve considerable things, it also generates apprehension as it allows them to do many things to others. Sovereignty is, secondly, a constitutive power.
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20 March 2023
Integration and Disintegration
In our analysis below, we examine the convergent and divergent paths of Ireland and the UK on the theme of integration and disintegration in three stages. The first considers the constitutional context and framework within which each of the two countries chose to embark on the path of European integration by acceding to the EEC in the early 1970s. The second examines several key policy choices made by the two states along a continuum between integration and disintegration, as part of a more differentiated, post-Maastricht EU. The final stage examines the implications of Brexit for the UK and Ireland following Britain’s departure from the EU.
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50 Years On
In 1973 and on the third attempt, Ireland and the United Kingdom (UK) with Denmark acceded to the European Communities, while Norway opted not to join following a referendum. For Ireland and the UK, the half-century since has brought about remarkable social, economic, demographic, political, and legal changes in both states leading to the UK leaving the EU in 2020 and Ireland remaining a Member State. Given the shared anniversary and divergent responses to EU membership in the context of strong (if complex) ties between the two states and a shared common law tradition, a reflection on the 50th anniversary of their accession to what is now the European Union (EU) is timely.
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17 March 2023
Useful Idiots
What are you complaining about, they will say. It was you who started it.
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Separating Substance from Procedure: How to Address the Israeli Constitutional Crisis
Many proposals to resolve the current Israeli constitutional crisis have been recently advanced. Yet, most of them are arguably unlikely to bring about a compromise. This is so not because their content cannot be accepted by the parties involved, but because they do not address the substantive concerns of the parties. Israel's constitutional crisis results from the fact that the parties to the conflict shape their proposals concerning the decision-making process in a way that is conducive to their short-term substantive interests. Any proposed solution must therefore separate substantive questions from procedural and institutional ones.
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16 March 2023
The Begum Case: Why Ministerial Discretion Precludes Human Rights Issues
In recent years, cancellation of British citizenship has become a high-profile issue. This is not least because of the case of Shamima Begum, who left the UK as a 15-year-old British schoolgirl for Syria in 2015. Upon being found in a camp in Syria four years ago, the Home Secretary removed her British citizenship soon thereafter, leaving her de facto stateless. After protracted litigation surrounding a number of preliminary issues, three weeks ago, Begum lost her appeal against the decision in front of the Special Immigration Appeals Commission’s (SIAC). The Commission’s refusal to allow her appeal is remarkable for the nearly unlimited degree of discretion it appears to grant the Home Secretary in cancellation cases, even where human rights are at stake.
Continue reading >>15 March 2023
Too Much for Others, too Little for Us
The draft of the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) published last September appears to constitute, in part, an attempt to respond to the systematic erosion of media freedom in Hungary since 2010. The European Commission seems to be aware of how unsuccessful it has been in addressing the problem. Thus, even though the rule of law proceedings against Hungary found a serious violation of media freedom, the conditionality procedure and the Charter of Fundamental Rights eligibility criteria inquiry failed to address the issue. Against this backdrop, this blogpost will analyse the draft EMFA’s capacity to respond to the unique challenges posed by the Hungarian media freedom landscape.
Continue reading >>14 March 2023
The Proposed Constitutional Putsch in Israel
February and March 2023 have seen hundreds of thousands of demonstrators protesting against new proposed constitutional amendments designed to transform the constitutional foundations of the State of Israel. This is an exceptional phenomenon. Israel has seen mass demonstrations in the past, but it has never seen mass demonstrations on what may seem like issues which should concern, at best, lawyers or law professors. But looked at more attentively, this reaction is not surprising: beneath the legalistic debate on the constitutional amendments lurk deeper issues: should Israel be more western or more Jewish? What is the status of Jewishness in the Jewish State? What should the status of Palestinians in a Jewish State be? Is Israel primarily a western state, or is it a nationalist theocracy? A lot is, therefore, at stake for every Israeli citizen!
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Inter* Personen im menschenrechtlichen Warteraum
Bei Fällen aus dem LGBTIQ*-Themenkreis vor dem Europäischen Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte (EGMR) lässt sich ein gewisses Muster erkennen: In dem jeweils ersten Beschwerdefall (sei es das Adoptionsrecht für homosexuelle Personen, sei es die Frage der Anerkennung der Geschlechtsidentität von trans* Personen), erkennt der EGMR zunächst keine Verletzung eines Konventionsrechts an. Häufig erklärt er aber auch, dass diese Einschätzung sich ändern kann. So könnte es auch bei der Frage des Personenstatus von inter* Personen kommen.
Continue reading >>Drive to Survive
On 9 March 2022, the Council of the EU included Nikita Mazepin, the Russian Formula 1 driver competing in the 2021 season, on the list of sanctioned people. Almost one year later, on 1 March 2023, this measure was suspended by the Order of the President of the General Court as an interim measure in the appellation proceedings against the Council decision initiated by Mazepin. In this blog post, I argue that the President of the General Court made a mistake in the factual assessment of the position of Nikita and took a too lenient approach to his request.
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13 March 2023
The New Populism is Responsible for the Massacres in the Mediterranean
The tragedy of the 73 people left to drown, without help, a few meters away from the beach near Cutro and the Italian government's pathetic attempts at justification for their inaction forcefully raise again the ‘migrants question’.
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Der einsamkeitsbedingte Alterssuizid im Lichte des Grundgesetzes
Der Beitrag diskutiert das Urteil des BVerfG zum ehemaligen § 217 StGB im Hinblick auf die Frage, welche Positionierung zur Erforderlichkeit von Autonomieschutz beim einsamkeitsbedingten Alterssuizid ihm zu entnehmen ist. Dazu wird insbesondere geprüft, welche Abwägungen dem Urteilstext zufolge im Spiel sind. Zunächst wird herausgearbeitet, dass das Gericht eine wesentliche Veränderung des im Diskurs zuvor dominanten Abwägungsnarrativs vorgenommen hat. Anschließend wird das dem Urteil zu entnehmende Konzept des Autonomieschutzes untersucht und geprüft, ob die Abwägung überzeugend begründet wurde.
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10 March 2023
The Imaged
A Basic-Law Monument and Some Buckets of Ink-Black Paint
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What is the Point of the UK’s Illegal Migration Bill?
The introduction of the Illegal Migration Bill to the UK Parliament appears to be the latest outburst of the Conservative government’s increasing hysteria with respect to the small boat crossings of the Channel in which Brexit-released fantasies of post-imperial sovereign power are acted out in the form of half-baked legislative proposals. The politically inconvenient fact that most of the 15% of asylum seekers who reach UK territory in this way are found to have legitimate asylum or protection claims seems to be a particular source of rage with a leaked Conservative Party email to party members under Suella Braverman’s name blaming “an activist blob of leftwing lawyers, civil servants and the Labour Party” for boat crossings, which at least suggests she knows her audience. This is “Build the Wall” for an island nation and, like Trump’s project, its primary value is as a fantasy object than a practical project.
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Shamima Begum’s Banishment is a Threat to Us All
Two weeks ago, the British Special Immigration Appeals Commission (SIAC) rejected Shamima Begum’s appeal against the Home Secretary’s decision to deprive her of citizenship, dealing the latest blow in her on-going battle to regain her status. SIAC’s choice to uphold the Home Secretary’s deprivation decision is not just blatantly unjust, unfairly punishing a victim of child trafficking, but also indicates a dangerous decline in the UK’s commitment to the rule of law.
Continue reading >>Warming Up
In January 2023, Chile and Colombia submitted their joint request for an advisory opinion on the climate emergency and human rights, thereby paving the way for the first groundbreaking decision on the issue of climate change by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR) and the first advisory opinion in this regard by a regional human rights monitoring body. The Court will have the unique opportunity to cover a broad variety of areas and questions that align under the umbrella term of climate change and human rights and therefore to deal with the issue in an integral manner.
Continue reading >>The Constitution under the Rubble
On 6 February 2023, the century-old Republic of Turkey witnessed the most horrific environmental catastrophe in its history. Despite the evident responsibility of the central government and local administrations in the exacerbation of the social disaster, a particular state institution and an affluent Sufi cult apparently sought to capitalise on the destitution of young earthquake victims. Such was the context of the two criminal complaints filed by the lawyer-led NGO “Children and Women First Association” (Önce Çocuklar ve Kadınlar Derneği). Theocratic practices in a constitutionally secular country like Turkey do not merely erode the rule of law, but also violate the rights of children as defined under the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.
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A New Volume and an Old Error
It looked as if this useful series of red books had been dropped off or discontinued. However, in 2022, the Court published a voluminous book on the “General Right of Personality” (Article 2(1) Basic Law). The collection is interesting because it gives an impression of the many facets that the Court has found over time in Art. 2(1) Basic Law. But beyond that, the collection is also interesting as correction of an initial error of the Court, which, however, was never recognized as an error by the Court itself.
Continue reading >>07 March 2023
The Italian “No Jab, No Job” Law Passes Constitutional Muster
The Italian legal system has known some unprecedented measures during the pandemic, including the lockdown regime, “green pass” system etc. Such measures have been probed by ordinary and administrative judges and by the Italian Constitutional Court (ICC). Notwithstanding some limited corrections, these measures stood up to scrutiny overall. This is also true for COVID-19 vaccine mandates. Now, with three judgments, the ICC dismissed all the challenges against it.
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Freeing Political Expression
The South Korean parliament is in the midst of an intensive debate on electoral reform. Yet, a crucial element of necessary electoral law reform is missing in these debate: Last year, the Constitutional Court declared a controversial paragraph from the Electoral Act as unconstitutional and unjustly restricting freedom of expression. Failing to revise the targeted paragraph corresponding to the Constitutional Court’s decision in the upcoming legislature periods - by the latest of July 31, 2023 - would inevitably lead to a legal vacuum. In this blog post, I shed some light on the Constitutional Court’s 2022 decision and explain why the ruling could have a major impact on how election campaigns are conducted in South Korea.
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06 March 2023
Feminist Foreign Trade Policy is a Demand of the EU Treaties
there is a strong basis for feminist trade policy in EU primary law. Arguably, any external action of the EU ought to be in compliance with basic considerations of feminist foreign policy. The key question is not if EU external action should comply with feminist foreign policy, but rather, how.
Continue reading >>05 March 2023
Mexican Democracy (and the Supreme Court) at a Crossroads
Mexican democracy has come a long way since the creation of the electoral watchdog three decades ago. The Instituto Nacional Electoral (INE) had a crucial role in securing the transition to democracy after the Partido de la Revolución Institucional (PRI) 70-year hegemonic rule. As such, it has since become a pillar of the country’s democracy. Yet, on February 22nd, the Mexican Federal Congress passed a set of amendments to electoral law overhauling the electoral agency. Together with a set of amendments passed last December, these changes to electoral law undermine the agency’s independence by, among other things, slashing the size of the agency's civil service by 85%. This puts into serious question the capacity of the agency to guarantee the organization of free and fair elections in the general election next year.
Continue reading >>04 March 2023
A New Chapter in the European Rule of Law Saga?
‘[B]y adopting the legislation cited in the first paragraph, Hungary has infringed Article 2 TEU‘. At first glance, this plea seems almost unspectacular. Yet, when one takes a closer look, this very plea demonstrates the European Commission’s attempt to write nothing less than a new chapter in the saga of the European rule of law crisis. The Commission’s action concerns the controversial Hungarian law of the Fidesz government, which restricts information about transsexuality and homosexuality. This blog post aims to provide an overview over the recent development and the academic debate regarding the justiciability of Art. 2 TEU in this context. I argue that although the mobilisation of Art. 2 TEU as a stand-alone provision might open new doors to tackle the democratic backsliding in some Member States, this approach has to be handled with great care.
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03 March 2023
An Existential Threat
"In Hungary, it is about the survival of democracy. In Israel, it is about the survival of Israel."
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Constitutionalising Insularity
A few days ago, the Islands Commission General Assembly of the Conference on Peripheral Maritime Regions, a French-based think tank lobbying the EU, gathered to discuss “A Pact for EU Islands” to be advocated in the upcoming Spanish Presidency of the Council of the EU, starting in the second half of 2023. So far, with the exception of a resolution passed by the European Parliament on 7 June 2022 and heralded by a 2021 study, in the past five years, insularity has been largely ignored in the European Union's political discourse.
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02 March 2023
Barring Legal Gender Reassignment in Bulgaria
The Bulgarian Supreme Court of Cassation (SCC) has recently rejected the possibility for legal gender reassignment of transgender people. The SCC followed the approach of the Constitutional Court in framing its reasoning alongside the lines of the traditional social values. In doing so, the interpretative decision arguably undermined its own goal of unifying the future case-law by avoiding the discussion on the right to equal treatment of transgender persons and their protection from discrimination on the ground of their sexuality.
Continue reading >>On the Road to Censorship
Freedom of expression is in peril in India. To be fair, the Indian Supreme Court has never been a devout protector of freedom of expression. When presented with the option, it has often leaned towards permitting limitations, so long as the restrictions are properly framed under the language of Article 19(2) of the constitution. Yet, faced with the current illiberal onslaught, there is a possibility that even the few gains that have been made in this area of the court’s jurisprudence will be lost. Situated in this context, this article discusses the recent ban issued by the Indian government on a BBC documentary on India’s prime minister, the jurisprudence of the Indian supreme court on the interception of online material, and the legal measures introduced to regulate freedom of expression on the internet.
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01 March 2023
Georgia’s Bill on Foreign Agents and the Limits of the EU’s Soft Power
On February 20, 2023, the Parliament of Georgia registered the bill "On the transparency of foreign influence" that introduces the category of an "agent of foreign influence" – any private legal entity which gets more than 20% of its entire budget from a "foreign force". These facially innocent "monitoring" functions harbour a potentially totalitarian instrument of control. In Georgia, which underwent Stalinist purges of the 1930s, where family members (anonymously) denounced each other to the NKVD (secret police) and innocent people were rounded and summarily executed on charges of being a "foreign agent", this rings a much louder alarm bell, than elsewhere.
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28 February 2023
“Like Handing My Whole Life Over”
On 16 February 2023, the German Federal Administrative Court (BVerwG) ruled that the practice of regularly analysing data carriers, including mobile phones, by the Federal Office for Migration and Refugees (BAMF) when registering asylum applicants is illegal (BVerwG 1 C 19.21). The judgement arrives after the Gesellschaft für Freiheitsrechte’s (GFF) efforts to reveal this practice’s details and take legal action against its use in the asylum procedure. In this post, we briefly overview this practice and analyse this judgement and its implications. We argue that although this judgement represents an important victory for asylum seekers’ and refugees’ data protection and privacy, some controversial aspects of this practice still require clarification.
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Elections Held in Response to Demand
After the disastrous earthquakes of 6 February, the presidential and parliamentary elections scheduled for 18 June were treated like the elephant in the room. Although being evidently unconstitutional, given the government’s influence, the Supreme Board of Election could enforce a postponement of the elections. However, relatively free elections are what remain of Turkish democracy and what are keeping it alive.
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Towards European Rights of Nature
On 24 February, Marie-Christine Fuchs on this blog discussed the 2022 Spanish Mar Menor Act – the first rights of nature case in Europe – in light of Latin American precedents and the criticism the Act is facing from right-wing populists in Spain. Whether the Act remains the first law in Europe granting rights to a non-human natural entity will now be decided by the Spanish Constitutional Court. In her analysis of the socio-legal foundations of the Mar Menor Act, Fuchs argues that it had a “more fragile argumentative basis” than precedents in Latin America. In contrast, this article argues that the Spanish legislator succeeded in placing the Mar Menor Act on its own argumentative footing, thus opening the door for a genuinely Western liberal conception and implementation of rights of nature in Europe.
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27 February 2023
Action Recommended
The DSA will have a say in what measures social media platforms will have to implement with regard to the recommendation engines they deploy to curate people’s feeds and timelines. It is a departure from the previous narrow view of content moderation, and pays closer attention to risks stemming from the amplification of harmful content and the underlying design choices. But it is too early to celebrate.
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24 February 2023
That’s Just How It’s Built
Raindrops on the Window Pane of the European House
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Rights of Nature Reach Europe
On September 30, 2022, the Spanish Senate approved the "Mar Menor Act" (Law 19/2022) which granted legal personality to the Mar Menor lagoon and its basin. Being the first legal text in Europe to recognize a natural entity as a subject of rights, it is one more piece in the mosaic of a global movement towards ecological justice, which tries to find strong legal answers in times of global ecological crisis. In fact, the Spanish landmark decision follows the precedents of countries such as Colombia, Ecuador, New Zealand, India and the United States. In this context, it is worth asking whether the legal and socio-cultural bases of the concept of the rights of nature, as developed in the aforementioned cases, especially in those stemming from Latin America, are also sustainable in Europe and for the Mar Menor case.
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A Unique Identification Number for Every European Citizen
On 3 June 2021, the European Commission issued a proposal for a European Digital Identity Regulation, which seems to not have raised much discussion among legal scholars, even though digital identity raises several fundamental rights implications. The introduction of a unique and persistent identifier may be understandable from a practical point of view, but cannot be accepted due to its risks and the fact that it potentially infringes the German prohibition on general unique identifiers.
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On the Side of International Law
This Wednesday, the United Nations General Assembly resumed its Emergency Special Session on Ukraine, amidst a turbulent week that witnessed US President Biden’s surprise trip to Kyiv, Russian withdrawal from the New START Treaty, and Chinese top diplomat Wang Yi’s visit to Moscow, amongst other things. On Thursday, the Assembly adopted resolution ES-11/6 (draft here) with 141 votes in favor, seven against, 32 abstentions and 13 countries not voting. If the Russian aggression last year was a watershed moment for the United Nations, then the organ to watch these days is the General Assembly, and not the Security Council.
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What can(’t) international criminal justice deliver for Ukraine?
One year ago, Russia began its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, committing an act of aggression in violation of the UN Charter. Many more incidents of international crimes followed, adding to an already large number of unaddressed crimes going back to 2014. While investigations are underway, the failures to pursue accountability for international crimes committed by Russia in the past still need to be addressed in this context.
Continue reading >>23 February 2023
ChatGPT in Colombian Courts
Colombian judges have transcribed ChatGPT’s outputs to motivate their rulings without examining whether the content produced by the chatbot was accurate. Ensuring digital literacy of the judiciary is critical in times of generative artificial intelligence.
Continue reading >>Departing from Hostile Refugee Landscapes
In December 2022, the Swedish Migration Agency estimated that the Taliban’s conquest of Afghanistan has made the lives of Afghan women and girls so difficult that it counts as persecution based on gender. Against this background, the Migration Agency announced that all women and girls from Afghanistan are eligible to refugee status and a three-year residence permit in Sweden. These policies represent a major departure from the wide range of restrictive amendments that Denmark and Sweden, over the past decades, have introduced to their asylum laws with the aim of becoming less attractive target countries for asylum seekers.
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New Wine in Old Bottles
On February 14, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights released its judgment on the Raphael Halet case. In a context of both increasing attacks against financial transparency, and failure of states to properly implement the EU directive on the protection of whistleblowers, the judgment by the Grand Chamber was a much awaited one. This case gave the Strasbourg Court an opportunity to reaffirm the importance of whistleblower protection as a human right, and amend the threshold for protection. Yet, the Strasbourg Court still falls short from providing whistleblowers a safe way of expressing concerns publicly.
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22 February 2023
Democratic Backsliding and the Supreme Court in Mexico
Democratic backsliding begins at the ballot box, and the turning point in Mexico was the election of 2018, which the charismatic leader Andrés Manuel López Obrador and his party won by a landslide. López Obrador’s government has pushed through a comprehensive electoral reform which will negatively affect the right to vote and the legitimacy of the general election of 2024. The Supreme Court will have to decide whether the reform stands or not.
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Weltumspannende Vernichtungsfantasien
In seinem jüngst veröffentlichten Gutachten zum documenta fifteen-Skandal schreibt Christoph Möllers, dass er Kunstformen, „die sich antisemitischer oder rassistischer Stereotype bedienen“, nebeneinander behandeln könne, „weil die Unterschiede zwischen Rassismus und Antisemitismus jedenfalls nicht auf den Umstand ihrer verfassungsrechtlichen Missbilligung hinüberwirken, die für beide gilt und für beide an gleicher Stelle verankert ist“. Das mag der Mehrheitsmeinung unter Verfassungsrechtler:innen entsprechen. Aus der Perspektive der Antisemitismusforschung verdeckt eine solche same standards-These jedoch gerade das, was den modernen Antisemitismus ausmacht. Deshalb sollten wir erwägen, bei seiner rechtlichen Bekämpfung dogmatisch neue Wege zu gehen.
Continue reading >>21 February 2023
Israel’s New Citizenship Deprivation-Deportation Pipeline
Buried in the news on the Israeli Knesset’s judicial reform plans are two bills that substantially increase the government’s power to deprive citizenship and subsequently deport Palestinian citizens convicted of terrorism offences and their family members. One already passed into law last Wednesday, while the one targeting their family members is still making its way through committees. In this blog post we survey and evaluate the rationales used to justify these newly assumed powers and set out why their current design is so insidious.
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Ignorance and Evil
On 2 February 2023, the Hungarian Constitutional Court published its long-awaited decision on legal gender recognition. For the first time, the Constitutional Court reviewed the provisions introduced into the Act on Registry Procedure in late May 2020 requiring the registration of the sex at birth (instead of sex) and banning any modification to that registry entry. With its decision, the Constitutional Court chose to remain concordant with the perceived political expectations, blatantly served the interest of the government majority, and echoed their fixation of biologically determined sex.
Continue reading >>17 February 2023
Passports and Weapons
Can states be allowed to solve problems with certain citizens by denaturalisation?
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Incremental but Significant
On 6 February 2023, the Hong Kong Court of Final Appeal ruled in favor of two transgender applicants seeking to change the gender marker on their identification cards. The Court held that the Hong Kong government’s policy unconstitutionally infringed upon their right to privacy. This is doctrinally and strategically consistent with the Court’s LGBTQ jurisprudence, which proceeds incrementally and is highly attuned to the (ever-shrinking) political space in which Hong Kong courts operate.
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Shutting Down the Internet to Shut Down Criticism
In the aftermath of the devastating earthquakes which hit southwestern Turkey, internet connectivity had enabled civil society to provide additional on- and off-site assistance. However, the use of social media is not seen as innocent by Turkish authorities. Immediately after the earthquakes, authorities started to use legal instruments to silence the use of social media platforms even at the expense of utilizing its benefits during catastrophic times.
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16 February 2023
Small Country, Big Hurdles
Liechtenstein is far away from a comprehensive decriminalisation of abortion. The termination of pregnancy is still regulated by the Criminal Code and the person who performs the abortion will be prosecuted. Only the pregnant person acts legally when terminating an unplanned or unwanted pregnancy. But it took until 2015 for pregnant persons to be granted a (limited) right to self-determination, and there is still a lack of sufficient legal, medical and social support. In a difficult and psychologically stressful situation, pregnant persons must seek treatment abroad – not because they want to, but because they have to.
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Watchdog Watching Too Closely
In December 2017, readers of the largest and maybe also the most esteemed Finnish newspaper, Helsingin Sanomat, were surprised to find an article which, among others, showed excerpts of classified, red-labelled documents. Very little was publicly known about the workings of that special center, part of the military intelligence, situated in a faraway resort. More than five years later, on January 27th, 2023, the Helsinki District Court found both of the journalists guilty of criminal disclosure charges. Put simply, the court’s decision is that media may report abuses of power. However, an interest to attract readers only is not enough to justify the disclosure.
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A Dormant Struggle Reaches Critical Mass
Developments in Europe and beyond mark a changing landscape of (constitutional) space law – an unsustainable upsurge in the numbers of satellites and resulting light and debris pollution, the entry into the market of new actors with conflicting interests, and the fragmentation of domestic systems’ approach to space law mean that the current quasi-constitutional system is under the immense risk of being entirely disregarded. For the sake of the future, there are good reasons to keep a constitutional basis to space endeavours. We have to discuss ways of doing so now. Europe appears willing, and I would argue should, lead the way.
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15 February 2023
Ignoring Human Life in Belgium
Two kilometers from Manneken-Pis in beautiful Brussels is the seat of the Belgian Constitutional Court, which has recently condoned the torture of an innocent citizen putting the very right to life on the line in a blunt attack against the overwhelming political consensus, as well as popular and academic support to save Olivier Vandecasteele’s life. Today, all eyes are on the court, as it will get a chance to correct the injustice of its own making.
Continue reading >>14 February 2023
Allister and Peeples
The ruling in Allister and Peeples of 8 February 2023 serves as a potent reminder that the UK has yet to fully say goodbye to Brexit. The matter being scrutinised was the Northern Ireland Protocol and questions surrounding its constitutionality within the famously uncodified UK constitution. Critically, the UK Supreme Court appears to have poured cold water on the idea that certain Acts of the UK Parliament have a constitutional character (the constitutional statutes doctrine). It is my suggestion, however, that the doctrine has not entirely been consigned to history.
Continue reading >>13 February 2023
The Patriots’ Repossession
If we are to rebuild and strengthen Brazilian democracy, the ‘de-Bolsonarization’ of Brasília’s bureaucratic establishment and of security forces throughout the country is an essential step. This might seem like a distant utopia, yet it remains very much needed. After all, dismantling the ‘patriotic’ camps does not mean dismantling their coordination, their shared beliefs and values – a worldview in which they are not only good citizens doing good deeds, but owners with the right to recoup their rightfully owned property through force, omnipotents in their destruction.
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A New Battlefront for Scottish Nationalists in the United Kingdom
By blocking the Gender Recognition Reform (Scotland) Bill, the UK Government is showing that it is now ready to police the boundaries of devolved competence more robustly, especially when it believes legislation is being used deliberately to veer into reserved matters. It is perhaps also now asserting a more homogeneous approach to fundamental human rights values, an assertion which is the hallmark of other federal systems. The current debate also exposes that the radical devolution of so many powers to sub-state institutions over the past two decades without serious thought being given for the potential impact of this process upon the maintenance of coherent state policy was perhaps ill-advised and requires correction.
Continue reading >>The Economic Fallout from Curtailing Judicial Independence
The attempt to emasculate Israel's Supreme Court has drawn widespread criticism and protest, both at home and abroad. An intriguing aspect of the situation has been the opposition expressed by business interests and economic experts, who are often and perhaps wrongly believed to attach an overwhelmingly high value to efficiency, commonly achieved in an institutional environment characterized by the absence of competing centers of political power. Perhaps the most visible manifestation of the concerns and fears emanating from this source has been the open letter to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu signed by fifty-six prominent international economists, including eleven Nobel laureates, stating that judicial reform along the lines contemplated would set Israel on a course akin to that of Hungary and Poland.
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The platform-media relationship in the European Media Freedom Act
The European Media Freedom Act proposal takes aim at very large online platforms’ gatekeeping power over access to media content and aims to reshape the relationship between media and platforms. By providing media organisations a special position on platforms, however, the EMFA risks changing the media’s role and relationships with other actors in ways that run counter to its overall objective to secure media freedom.
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10 February 2023
The Opining State
Artistic freedom, anti-Semitism, and intellectual dispute
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Statement by Canadian Law Professors and Jurists on the Proposed Legal Reforms in Israel
The undersigned are Canadian law professors and jurists. We write […]
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08 February 2023
Für eine Zeitenwende im Abtreibungsrecht
Am Ende des Symposiums wird sichtbar: Abtreibungen zu kriminalisieren bildet im Vergleich zu den ausgewählten Ländern nicht die Regel (I.). Das bedeutet allerdings nicht, dass eine Entkriminalisierung jegliche faktischen Zugangshürden aus dem Weg räumt. Der Blick ins Ausland lohnt sich deshalb auch unabhängig von der Frage der Entkriminalisierung, um potentielle Fallstricke für die Versorgungslage zu analysieren (II.). Die Entkriminalisierung des Schwangerschaftsabbruchs bereitet jedoch, so legt der Rechtsvergleich nahe, den Weg, um strukturelle Hindernisse abbauen zu können. Eine bedeutende Rolle können dabei aktivistische Bewegungen spielen (III.).
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A Turning Point in Abortion Law
This blog post concludes the symposium “Comparative Legal Perspectives on Abortion”. The symposium traced the regulation of abortion and accompanying activist movements in Argentina, Uruguay, Canada, Iceland, Northern Macedonia, Tunisia, South Africa, India, and South Korea. Now we want to turn our gaze from the outside back to the inside: What is to be gained for the German debate on abortion law?
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Solidarity on Solidarity Levies and a Choice of Energy Mix
The Council of the European Union has adopted a series of increasingly controversial measures to deal with the energy crisis. These measures - based on the little used Art 122(1) TFEU- are in part linked to the Commission’s REPower EU plan, which aims to end Europe’s reliance on energy imports from Russia and accelerate Europe’s clean energy transition away from fossil fuels towards renewable energy. With each successive measure the powers of the Commission have expanded to intervene on the supply as well as the demand side of Europe’s electricity and gas markets.
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07 February 2023
From Population Control to Reproductive Justice
On 11 April 2019, South Korea’s Constitutional Court ruled that the ban on abortion was unconstitutional. As a result, South Korea’s legislature had to revise its 66-year-old anti-abortion law by 31 December 2020. This historic decision was made possible in response to the advocacy of a number of feminist groups, doctors’ organizations, disability rights groups, youth activists, and religious groups in South Korea. Although the overall goal of reproductive justice movements was to change the law that threatened women’s health and lives through the criminalization of abortion, one of the main steps of the movements toward that goal was to challenge the previous framework of pro-choice versus pro-life.
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06 February 2023
Still a right?
Although abortion in Tunisia has been legal for 50 years and offered for free in government facilities, the revolution of 2011 and the following democratization process have paradoxically put into question the access to this service. The Islamists’ victory and the conservative turn of local society in the 2000s have led to a step backwards in the domain of women’s rights including sexual and reproductive rights. Together with Turkey, Tunisia is the only Islamic-majority country that authorizes abortion for social reasons.
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04 February 2023
“Marg bar Khamenei”
The Oversight Board has evaluated the use of a protest slogan used by Iranian dissidents, calling for "marg bar Khamenei", which literally translates as "death to Khamenei", yet is often used to mean "down with Khamenei". Meta removed it for violating its community standards against violence and incitement. At EU level, Art. 14(4) DSA provides for an unprecedented obligation, which requires social media platforms to act in a proportionate manner in applying and enforcing their terms and conditions, with due regard to the rights and legitimate interests of all parties involved. Examining the Oversight Board's reasoning, we explore how Art. 14(4) DSA would be operationalized in this case.
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03 February 2023
Protecting the Constitution
Legal academic grass-roots enlightenment in Israel
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Separatisten vor dem EuGH
Mit dem Urteil vom 31.01.2023 hat der EuGH der bisherigen Geschichte zur Auslieferung der führenden Politiker:innen der katalanischen Autonomiebewegung nach Spanien ein weiteres Kapitel hinzugefügt. Gleichzeitig entwickelt der Gerichtshof seine Rechtsprechung zu den Ausnahmen des gegenseitigen Vertrauens bei Gefahren für ein faires Verfahren fort, die dem Betroffenen nach der Vollstreckung eines Europäischen Haftbefehls im Ausstellungsstaat drohen – mit noch offenen Folgen für den Auslieferung der katalanischen Politiker:innen.
Continue reading >>Abortion in Canada: Always Legal, Not Always Accessible
In Canada, abortion is not a criminal offence. There are no legal restrictions on abortion, including no restrictions with respect to gestational age or on the reasons for which a pregnant person may choose to have an abortion. As lawful medical procedures, abortions fall under provincial jurisdiction over health and there is some regulatory variability between provinces. Information about abortion access is similarly affected by provincial jurisdiction over education. Prior to decriminalization, advocacy on abortion access was national in scope, but since 1988, most activism has been focused on access and funding and has been provincial or even local.
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Pressure to Party?
Much has changed – and been written – since the ‘Alternative für Deutschland’ (AfD) was founded ten years ago by some rather neoliberal economists and former conservative party members. Today, hardly anyone talks about its early Eurosceptic profile, as it was soon replaced by nativist, authoritarian positions, making the party a typical member of the (populist) radical right party family. This shift to the far right was accompanied by a massive change in the party’s executive committee and membership base in 2015. Today, none of the first party spokespersons is a member of the party anymore.
Continue reading >>The Chilean Constituent Process: Take 2
After months of difficult negotiations, political parties in Chile agreed on the conditions for a new constituent process. This second attempt at drafting a new constitution for Chile looks radically different than the first process. While in the first process an elected Convention had the task to draft the new constitutional text, the draft that results from this second process will be produced by the interaction of three different organs: Council, Commission and Committee. Members of two of them, Commission and Committee, are not elected and have a rather “technical” character. Has legal expertise thus replaced political will in the second process?
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02 February 2023
A Global Milestone
In 2019, Iceland passed a new law on the termination of pregnancy. Passed with a solid majority and the support of a cross-political coalition, the new law provides pregnant people with the right to decide on a termination, without having to get prior permission from medical personnel, as had previously been the case. The law was a huge step forward to ensure the protection of sexual and reproductive rights in Iceland, but there still remains room for improvement, for example with regard to the rights of trans people and the access of uninsured people to the service. The success of the legislation was also remarkable for the cross-political support it enjoyed, largely based on women’s solidarity as 18 of 22 women in parliament, from nearly all parties, supported the law.
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Why Declaring the Iranian Revolutionary Guards a Terrorist Group is a Trickier Business Than One May Think
The EU did not follow the European Parliament’s call to designate Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a terrorist group on the EU’s recent sanctions list. The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell, justified this decision with the lack of a court decision finding that the IRGC is indeed a terrorist group. Is an EU court decision a pre-condition for sanctioning terrorist groups? Not necessarily. Nevertheless, Borrell does have a point.
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Qatargate: A Missed Opportunity to Reform the Union
When the news broke about the arrest of EU Parliament’s Vice-President Eva Kaili in flagrant offence for corruption and money laundering, many observers instantly qualified Qatargate as the largest and the most damaging scandal affecting the European integration process since its inception. Since then, this prediction proves truer day by day, revelation after revelation. Yet, despite unprecedented media coverage and a shocked public, this scandal has not yet generated within the EU and national political class a good enough response to mitigate its damaging effects. EU leaders can hardly afford to miss this unique opportunity to prepare a convincing answer to the question many citizens will soon be asking: Why vote in the next EU Parliament’s election in 2024?
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01 February 2023
Anti-Terror Legislation and Property Rights in Egypt
In January 2023, the Egyptian cabinet introduced a new bill for parliamentary discussion proposing the establishment of a new body to manage seized funds and assets confiscated by the state, including the seized assets of individuals and organizations legally designated as terrorists. In the midst of a severe economic crisis, the bill allows the transfer of confiscated funds and assets from the public treasury to a new entity that would have the mandate to take any form of disposition regarding these assets. The Egyptian sheds the light on the problematic “preventive” nature of counter-terrorism regulations, which vanishes criminal law safeguards and rule of law standards.
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A Decade of Implementation
Uruguay gained international praise in 2012 when it passed one of the most liberal abortion laws on the continent. While the law undoubtedly represents a step in the right direction, ten years have passed, and the law and its implementation could not live up to the expectations. The Uruguayan abortion law over-medicalizes, paternalizes, and imposes a series of very burdensome requirements on people wishing to access abortion services, in violation of human rights law.
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The rise of Article 122 TFEU
The last decade, and especially the past year, saw a marked increase in the EU’s reliance on Article 122 TFEU. This legal basis was used to adopt a series of measures aimed to address the health and energy crises following the COVID pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. At least two of those measures are now subject to direct challenges before the General Court and the Court of Justice. From a constitutional perspective, however, it is unfortunate that these two cases will probably not invite the Courts to address the more fundamental constitutional questions raised by the Council’s recent recourse to Article 122 TFEU.
Continue reading >>Israel: Cry, the Beloved Country
Israel, like many other democracies today, is a deeply polarized society. The operating principle of public discourse is typically: “Art thou for us or for our adversaries” (Joshua 5:13). It is thus telling that, in the recent eruption in response to Netanyahu’s new government plan to reform the judicial system, one sees groups whom one would have never expected on the anti-government side of the current protests.
Continue reading >>31 January 2023
The Long Road to Reproductive Justice
In North Macedonia, abortion law changes when the government does. The practices of the past years vividly demonstrate that abortion is not only a private matter but also a political issue. Depending on whether right or left-wing parties are in power, the law on abortion fluctuates between difficult-to-access and more liberal procedures.
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Adapt or Die?
The year 2022 will be remembered as one of ‘terrible violence and seismic change in Europe’, in the words of the High Level Reflection Group established by the Council of Europe to consider the organisation’s future. The Council of Europe has issued a public call for ideas, inviting input from international organisations, national human rights institutions, civil society organisations, academics, human rights defenders and others. The deadline for submissions is imminent – 20 February – and the need for radical thinking has never been greater.
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Battling the hydra in EU anti-discrimination law
Can a company refuse to conclude or renew a contract with a self-employed person because he is gay? And may contractual freedom prevail over the prohibition of discrimination in such a situation? A short answer stemming from the recent ECJ judgment in J.K. v. TP would be a resounding no. Yet, a further analysis is in order because the judgment also brings a significant shift in the ECJ’s anti-discrimination case law.
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30 January 2023
The Force of Social Mobilization
On December 30th, 2020, the Argentinean Congress legalized abortion up to the 14th week. Its legalization in Argentina took place after the rising of the so-called green tide in 2018, which transformed the longstanding movement for abortion rights in the country into a mass phenomenon, and the abortion issue, which used to be a taboo, into a main topic of public discussion. The new law has been challenged through judicial actions without success so far, and it has changed the conditions for the implementation of lawful abortions throughout the country.
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The Indian Supreme Court Collegium Picking its Battle
In an unprecedented move, the collegium of the Supreme Court of India on the 17th and 18th of January, 2023, passed resolutions calling out the executive’s delay in the judicial appointments of five advocates by publicly countering the government’s objections against their appointment. In this piece, I discuss how the Supreme Court collegium has confronted the discriminatory treatment of persons who openly identify as a part of the LGBTQIA+ community in the process of judicial appointments by standing up to the executive’s bullying. The piece also looks into how the collegium has confronted the union government’s attempt to suppress dissent among advocates and why these resolutions are highly consequential.
Continue reading >>No New Rights in Fedotova
In Fedotova and others v Russia issued on 17 January 2023, the ECtHR held that Russia had breached its positive obligation to secure the applicants’ right to respect for their private and family life under Article 8 of the Convention by failing to provide any form of legal recognition and protection for same sex couples. The ground-breaking aspect of the judgment is the clear rejection by the Court of the justifications advanced by the Contracting State.
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A Promising Future?
The Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act 92 of 1996 (Choice Act) provides the legislative framework that regulates access to abortion in South Africa. It is noted for its liberal stance on abortion and for this reason South Africa ‘serves as a global role model of reform in the area of abortion laws’. Despite its celebrated reproductive rights affirming approach, there are several on-ground issues that undermine the aims of the Act and the reproductive rights and health of those seeking abortion care. In this blog, I position the Choice Act within its historical and contemporary context which provides the necessary backdrop to demonstrate why the Act offers a ground-breaking approach to legislative regulation of abortion care. Thereafter, I explore some of the barriers to access and consider some key state efforts to overcome these issues, thus demonstrating a commitment to ensuring access to abortion care as part of the continuum of sexual and reproductive health care.
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26 January 2023
Constitutional but Criminal
In the last two years, India has witnessed significant changes in the legal regulation of abortion. In 2021, Parliament comprehensively amended the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act, 1971 (“MTP” Act) to ensure “access of women to safe and legal abortion without compromising on the safety and quality of care,” along with securing “dignity, autonomy, confidentiality and justice for women who need to terminate pregnancy.” Additionally, in September 2022, the Supreme Court of India delivered a path-breaking judgment on abortion, locating access to safe abortion within the fundamental rights to dignity, autonomy, privacy, and health. Despite these changes, the law and practice of abortion continue to deny pregnant persons access to safe and comprehensive abortion care.
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25 January 2023
Searching for a Government
On 21 January 2023, Slovak voters had the opportunity to use their constitutional right to vote in a referendum on a constitutional amendment on early elections. The referendum was, however, invalid, because a valid referendum in Slovakia requires a turnout of at least half of all eligible voters. The referendum took place less than six weeks after the no-confidence vote to the Slovak executive by the Slovak parliament. This development prompted steps towards amending the Constitution so that early elections become constitutionally permissible.
Continue reading >>War over Israel’s Judicial Independence
The new Israeli government wasted no time in initiating an all-out attack on the independence of the judiciary. It is promoting in full speed two parallel proposals to reform the judiciary in the hope that at least one of them, or a hybrid of both will be codified. The government claims that its proposed judicial reform will promote a more democratic and representative judiciary. Yet, a careful analysis of its proposed reform suggests that the government intends to fully politicize the judiciary. It will change the process of appointment to the Judicial Selection Committee, placing control in the hands of the government. Simultaneously, it will neutralize the ability of the opposition in the Knesset and the professional elites (the Justices and the Bar Association) to protect judicial independence from governmental takeover.
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Is Criminality a Russian Virtue Worth Cultivating?
On 13 December 2022, the Russian State Duma unanimously approved, in the first reading, the bill on the imposition of Russian criminal law and criminal procedure upon the Donetsk, Kherson, Luhansk and Zaporizhzhia provinces of Ukraine. The Bill flagrantly infringes the Russian Constitution, criminal legislation and international law, essentially transforming the occupied territories of Ukraine into a lawless area. Yet again, the Bill underscores the imperial nature of the Russian war of aggression.
Continue reading >>24 January 2023
The many troubles of the Fedotova judgment
On 17 January 2023, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights ruled in Fedotova v Russia that the absence of any legal recognition and protection for same-sex couples amounts to a violation of Art. 8 of the Convention. For 30 Member States of the Council of Europe (CoE), this judgment changes nothing since their legal orders already allow same-sex couples to enter into marriage or into other forms of legally recognised relationships. For the remaining countries, however, the Fedotova judgment amounts to an external judicial pressure to change their legal landscape in a politically very sensitive area of LGBT+ rights. Fedotova is probably the most political judgment of all times.
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The Council of Europe Creates a Black Box for AI Policy
The Council of Europe Committee on AI has made a startling decision to carry forward future work on the development of an international convention on AI behind closed doors, despite the Council’s call for the Democratic Governance of Artificial Intelligence in a 2020 resolution. It is a surprising move from an international organization that has been at the forefront of efforts to promote greater transparency and accountability for the technology that is transforming the world.
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#DefendingTheDefenders – Episode 7: UN Special Rapporteur Margaret Satterthwaite
On the 24th of January, the Day of the Endangered Lawyer, we conclude our podcast with a conversation with Margaret Satterthwaite. She is a professor of Clinical Law at New York University and was appointed as United Nations Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers in October 2022. We talk about global trends in challenges to the independence of lawyers, and we talk about structural problems that need to be addressed to defend the defenders around the globe.
Continue reading >>The Sultan’s Last Dance
Long-time ruler Recep Tayyip Erdoğan recently declared that he would run for president for the last time in the upcoming elections in 2023, indicating the end of his political career that stretched over four decades. This may sound like a strategic move to mobilize voters but it is actually not possible for him to run again according to the current constitution. The possibility for a renewed or "last" run for office does not lie in the hands of Erdoğan alone.
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Judges, Political Mandates and Judicial Independence in Germany
In Germany, 2022 has been a turbulent year regarding former (extreme) right-wing Members of Parliament (MP) returning to their original office as civil servants and judges. Two cases created special great media attention: Jens Maier and Birgit Malsack-Winkemann, demanded (and partly succeeded) to return to serve as judges again. These cases bring the (often problematic) relationship between judges and politics into sharper focus. Therefore, we would like to provide access to the German debate on to an English reading audience as food for possible comparative insights.
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Understanding and Regulating ChatGPT, and Other Large Generative AI Models
Large generative AI models are shaking up the research community and society at large, rapidly changing the way we communicate, illustrate, and create. What has rarely been noticed, however, is that the EU, since the spring of 2022, has quietly been preparing far-reaching rules to explicitly regulate these models. We make three concrete proposals.
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#DefendingTheDefenders – Episode 6: The European Union
In the sixth episode of our rule of law podcast #DefendingTheDefenders with Deutscher Anwaltverein, we talk about the European Union and the state of the professional freedom of attorneys there. We want to hear from attorneys professional organisations as well as from regulators, and have spoken to both sides.
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19 January 2023
Internet collapse made in Europe
Nothing has changed since the last time there was a debate regarding the relationship between telecommunication providers and online content providers. Nevertheless, the European Commission is willing to take a massive gamble and entertain the possibility of regulation to oblige online services to pay their "fair share" towards increased bandwidth consumption. This regulatory shift could risk an Internet collapse in Europe.
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Farewell to “Personenwahl”
The traffic light coalition’s (Ampelkoalition) draft for electoral reform opens a new chapter in the history of personalized proportional representation in Germany. The story began in London on February 16, 1946 (see Knowles). Representatives of the British occupation administration in Germany and the British government agreed at that time on a new local electoral law for their occupation zone. As part of this new system, one part of the local deputies was to be elected by relative majority in constituencies, the other based on party electoral lists according to the proportional representation of the parties.
Continue reading >>The Populist Constitutional Revolution in Israel
Israel’s Minister of Justice has published memorandums outlining the (first) major steps in the constitutional overhaul planned by Netanyahu’s new government – an overhaul at the epicenter of the rise of constitutional populism in Israel. The paradoxes of Israeli constitutional law make it vulnerable to such a populist attack, which occurs within a specific ethno-national context involving ongoing military occupation.
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17 January 2023
A Possible Regime Change in Israel
Israel is rapidly undergoing a regime change/constitutional revolution - Hungary style - as reflected by various draft bills placed on the Knesset’s agenda during the past days, accompanied by a grand plan of reform presented by the Minister of Justice on January 4th. The new Israeli government only took office a few weeks ago, but these plans, evidently, were prepared carefully over several years. If successful, Israel may fully lose its democracy.
Continue reading >>7 Years Later: Poland as a Legal Black Hole
The EU is faced with a Member State where all of its top courts are now unlawfully composed; where every single judicial appointment procedure since 2018 is inherently defective due to the involvement of an unconstitutional body; and where core EU and ECHR requirements relating to effective judicial protection and the fundamental right to an independent court established by law have been held “unconstitutional” in 2021 and 2022 by the body masquerading as Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal.
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16 January 2023
Judicial Impartiality in Indonesia Under Attack
The independence of judicial power in Indonesia is in a precarious situation. Lately, the parliament haphazardly dismissed Constitutional Judge Aswanto, a parliament-proposed Constitutional Judge. This situation was exacerbated through the inauguration of the parliament-proposed substitute, Constitutional Judge Guntur Hamzah, by President Widodo who could have refused to authorize this illegal act. Instead, President Widodo took part in the destruction of the Constitutional Court, putting judicial independence in Indonesia in jeopardy, particularly facing the upcoming 2024 election.
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Tougher Integrity Rules for the European Parliament
The current scandal at the European Parliament might trigger an overdue discussion: Foreign officials should be either prohibited to lobby on legislation or be subject to rigorous disclosure rules.
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12 January 2023
Subsidy Fraud, Relevant Markets and Presidential Elections
Former prime minister and now a member of the Czech parliament Andrej Babiš scored a victory only a few days before the upcoming Czech presidential elections. On 9 January 2023, the Municipal Court in Prague finally issued a verdict in a criminal case involving him and his colleague Ms Nagyová on charges of grant fraud and damaging the financial interests of the European Union. The court concluded that the acts of Mr Babiš and Ms Nagyová, as framed by the prosecution, did not constitute a felony. Hence, to the surprise of many, including Mr Babiš’ attorney, the court acquitted both defendants. The importance of the case can hardly be understated.
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10 January 2023
The Dutch Asylum Policy for Russian Draft Evaders
In a one page letter of 13 December, the Dutch state secretary for immigration Eric van der Burg explained to Dutch parliament how asylum claims made by Russian draft evaders will be dealt with. The new Dutch policy makes a distinction between Russian conscripts and Russians reservists who attempt to evade the mobilisation which the Russian president announced last September. Conscripts will continue to enjoy a form of temporary protection in the Netherlands. Asylum claims of Russians who evade mobilisation will, however, be decided on an individual basis. Importantly – and controversially – the state secretary suggests that claims of the latter category may now be denied because the Russian mobilisation has been completed.
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Qatargate: The tip of the iceberg?
It is strange that the European Union, which is so insistent that Member States and third countries should comply with the rule of law, does not yet have a binding global framework for implementing the principles of transparency and good administration. Unfortunately, thirteen years after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, legislative transparency is far from being ensured and Article 298 TFEU on good administration has only been triggered this year for the first time.
Continue reading >>09 January 2023
Political Terror in the Shade of Bolsonarism
The attacks of Bolsonarist supporters on democracy and the rule of law in Brazil have reached an extent that has never been witnessed in Brazil since the promulgation of the Constitution of 1988. On 8 January 2023, emulating the events of 6 January 2020 in the USA, a mob of 3,000 Bolsonaro supporters invaded and destroyed the buildings of the National Congress, the Federal Supreme Court, and the Presidency of the Republic in Brazil, which are all located in the famous quarter known as the “Three Branches Square”. In a way, the invasion of the US Capitol has been more tragic, given that human lives have been lost. But there is a sense in which the assault in Brazil was more devastating from a symbolic point of view.
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07 January 2023
A House in Disorder
In this post, I’ll explain what has been going on as the House of Representatives has cast an unprecedented number of ballots for Speaker of the House. There are quaint legal reasons why all of this is happening. But then I want to ponder what this says about the ability of the Republican Party to govern the United States because this early-days shutdown of the House follows a pattern in which, for nearly 40 years, the Republicans have wanted to both dominate the federal government and shut it down.
Continue reading >>06 January 2023
A Ukraine Special Tribunal with Legitimacy Problems?
The call for a Special Tribunal for the Russian war of aggression in Ukraine ('UkrTrib') is also getting louder in the German political discourse. The proposal goes back to an initiative by the British international lawyer and writer Philippe Sands, who was quickly joined by a number of prominent politicians and international (criminal) lawyers), but this is misleading for several reasons, not least because the IMT was a consequence of the defeat of Nazi Germany and the following regime change, which in the case of Russia is unforeseeable.
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Hostile Constitutional Interpretation
What to do with the façade institution that was once known as the Polish Constitutional Court in a way that would respect the Constitution? A recent and important proposal has argued that the judges who were legally elected by the current Parliament though they have supported the politicization of justice should enjoy the same right to retire as their legal predecessors. We have serious doubts as to the long-term desirability of such a solution. We need a theory that explains why also these lawfully elected judges should be let go as a result of their blatantly unconstitutional adjudication, and why the entire unconstitutional body should be extinguished, rather than simply be tinkered with here and there.
Continue reading >>#DefendingTheDefenders – Episode 5: Colombia
The fifth episode of #DefendingTheDefenders, the rule of law podcast by Deutscher Anwaltverein and Verfassungsblog, focuses on Colombia, where the situation for attorneys and human rights defenders is particularly dangerous.
Continue reading >>05 January 2023
Interfering with Free Speech and the Fate of Turkey
On 21 April 1998, the then mayor of İstanbul, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was sentenced to one year (subsequently reduced to ten months) in prison and a hefty fine by the State Security Court of Diyarbakır for “incitement to hatred and hostility on grounds of religious discrimination”. His criminal act was that of reading two provocative verses from the poem “Divine Army” by Cevat Örnek (“the minarets are bayonets, the domes are helmets / mosques are our barracks, the faithful our soldiers”) during a rally of the Islamist Welfare Party (of “Strasbourg fame”) in 1997. Twenty-five years after the aforementioned rally, Turkey experienced a free speech case involving another conservative-leaning political figure on the rise: on 14 December 2022, İstanbul’s mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu was sentenced by İstanbul’s 7th Criminal Court of First Instance to a term of imprisonment of two years, seven months and fifteen days for criminal defamation.
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An Institutional Crisis that Dissolved Like a Sugar Cube
In mid-December, Spain faced a constitutional logjam when judges blocked a government bill to change how the judiciary’s governing council, the General Council of the Judiciary (CGPJ), operates. But when the situation seemed to be heading towards a serious institutional crisis, on 27 December, the CGPJ unanimously elected its two corresponding jurists. The crisis has dissolved without a trace, like a sugar cube in tea. But it has left a very bitter aftertaste.
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Preserving Procedural Fairness in The AI Era
AI systems have been used and challenged by individuals affected by their output. In the absence of a regulatory framework, national courts in Europe have been called upon to address claimants’ demands for fairness and legal protection. While they have been activists in preserving individuals’ procedural rights by setting requirements for AI systems, the courts' role is, however, doomed to change when the AI Act enters into force.
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03 January 2023
The Transfer of Ownership in the ‘Patagonia Case’
September 15th 2022 was a big day for the climate movement. The owner of Patagonia – a large multinational corporation producing wearables – transferred 98% of his shares (worth 3 billion dollars) to the newly established Holdfast Collective, a foundation aimed at fighting climate change. Are we at the dawn of a new type of capitalism, where profit is made to work for nature rather than against it?
Continue reading >>Annexation is in the Details
The influx of news coming out of Israel these days renders it difficult to grasp the full scale and meaning of the constitutional and legal changes Israel is facing. In this blogpost, I wish to focus on one aspect of the upcoming changes, namely those that regard Israel’s control of the Occupied Territories. On December 28, 2022, Israel’s incoming Minister of Finance, Bezalel Smotrich, published an op-ed in the WSJ in which he argued, among other things, that the changes regarding the division of responsibilities concerning the Occupied Territories among Israeli bodies do not “entail changing the political or legal status of the area”. However, an examination of the changes included in the Coalition’s Basic Principles, published on December 12, 2022, and the coalitionary agreement between Netanyahu’s Likud Party and the Religious Zionist party, portrays a very different picture.
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30 December 2022
The Theoretical Limits on the Override Power
In 2019, anticipating that Israel might one day adopt an express override mechanism that would enable the Israeli legislature (the Knesset) to override the Basic Laws (Israel’s Constitution), I developed a novel theoretical framework to limit the override power. With the new hard-right government, my theory might be tested in practice. I therefore want to make this theory available in English for international audiences.
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Under Black Skies
Since the Indian state unilaterally abrogated the autonomous status of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) in August 2019, human rights defenders (HRDs) have been confronted with an unprecedented closing of civic spaces, forcing them to restrict or stop their engagement. While HRDs have been subjected to state repression for more than 30 years since the onset of the 1989 insurgency in J&K, the developments in 2019 mark a turning point, both in strategy and methods employed by the Indian state.
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#DefendingTheDefenders – Episode 4: Turkey
In the fourth episode of #DefendingTheDefenders we talk about the situation of lawyers in Turkey with Veysel Ok. He is an attorney in Istanbul and the Co-Director of the Media and Law Studies Association, a non-profit which monitors and defends freedom of expression cases against journalists.
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29 December 2022
“Tuhindi Article” (“The Articles Were Yours”)
Through what was described with war-time imageries of a “constitutional surgical strike” and a “constitutional siege”, in August 2019 a radical change was made to what innocuously appeared earlier in the Constitution of India as Article 370. This blog post will attempt to problematise the use of the Indian constitutional framework in the engagement with Jammu and Kashmir. It will also hint towards an alternative role where the use of the Constitutional framework can, despite its limitations, make space for questions of self-determination, and contested sovereignties.
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28 December 2022
Suppressing Political Dissent
The administrative preventive detention law Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act, 1978 (PSA) is one of the most stringent laws to uphold in what is referred to as the “security of the state and the public order.” For decades, thousands of Kashmiris have been incarcerated under this law for expressing political views contrary to official state narratives. Creating a state of exception where people are not ordinary criminals but extraordinary criminals who pose a threat to the national integrity of the Indian state, the PSA has stripped countless individuals of their basic rights.
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24 December 2022
A fragmented response to media freedom at risk in the Union
The Polish and Hungarian governments have famously parted ways over responses to the Russo-Ukraine war. However, internally, both continue to rely on similar structural changes in the media environment that help them target voters and undermine elections fairness. The EU’s response to the media freedom and pluralism crisis in Hungary and Poland has been more restrained and also qualitatively different from its answer to the judicial independence crisis or threats to academic freedoms and minority rights.
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22 December 2022
“We Know Where You Live”
"We know where you live" is one of the most dreaded and threatening statements a Kashmiri can hear from the state armed forces. It can mean a number of things to an ordinary Kashmiri, including “we have information on you” and “we are watching you”. It can also be perceived as an immediate threat to the life and safety of the person given the absolute impunity enjoyed by the state armed forces.
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The Soviet Famine and Criminalising “Denialism”
The precedent set by international human rights law and the case law of European constitutional courts allows the exceptional criminalisation of Holocaust denial. But the same “exceptional” treatment does not apply to other events which may or may not consist of a “genocide, crime against humanity or a war crime”. Thus, EU Member States struggle to strike a balance between their obligations deriving from international human rights law and those deriving from EU law.
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Much Ado About Nothing
On 15 December, the European Commission adopted a European Declaration on Digital Rights and Principles for the Digital Decade. It builds upon primary EU law instruments, and the question inevitably arises of what additional value and effect the Declaration may have.
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How the European Political Community Could Support the Accession of Ukraine to the EU
Very few people expected President Zelensky and his government to even think about EU membership amidst the avalanching invasion of the Russian army. In parallel with the accelerating speed of Ukraine’s accession, the EU was searching for new forms of political cooperation to strengthen its resilience and ensure mutual solidarity in times of intimidating security and economic crises in Europe. The European Political Community contains several important advantages to be considered by Ukraine against the backdrop of its accession process to the EU.
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21 December 2022
Judicial Reform in Times of War
Russia launched its big war against Ukraine at a time when Ukraine has started implementing a comprehensive and genuine judicial reform. Ukraine has not only managed to resist the attack but also kept implementing the reforms and strengthening democratic institutions. This article describes the Ukrainian experience of the functioning of the judiciary and reforming judicial governance institutions during martial law times.
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Судова реформа в умовах війни
Росія розпочала свою велику війну проти України в той час, коли Україна розпочала впровадження комплексної та справжньої судової реформи. Україна не тільки змогла протистояти нападу, але й продовжила реалізацію реформ та зміцнення демократичних інститутів. У цій статті описано український досвід функціонування судової влади та реформування інститутів суддівського врядування в умовах воєнного стану. Ключові уроки та успішні рішення можуть стати маяком для всього регіону.
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On the Nexus between Separation of Powers and Judicial Power
This exercise in comparative constitutional law shows how, paradoxically, positioning a country on either side of the spectrum of separation of powers structures may lead to similar curtailment of the judiciary’s power, though courts in the two opposing regimes may use very different, and even opposing, judicial doctrines to reach similar non-interventionalist results. Moreover, though scholars typically study these common law judicial doctrines independently of one another, they are all a manifestation of how strong or weak the separation of powers in a given country is. Ultimately, the judicial branch may supplement, but not supplant, the democratically elected political branches, irrespective of the separation of powers in the country in question
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Санкційна дилема ЄС: як бути з союзником Росії – Білоруссю
Драматичні події, що відбуваються в Україні, та зростання загроз безпеці самого ЄС призвели до міні-революції в санкційній політиці ЄС. Тепер набір санкцій ЄС включає деякі нові заходи, такі як заборона трансляції, які раніше були на розсуд національних органів влади. Ці зміни поставили ЄС перед дилемою щодо його політики санкцій щодо Білорусі.
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The EU sanctions dilemma of how to deal with the Russian ally Belarus
The dramatic events taking place in Ukraine and growing security threats to the EU itself led to a mini-revolution in the EU sanctions policy. Now the EU sanctions toolbox includes some novel measures, such as broadcast bans, which were previously under the discretion of national authorities. These changes put the EU in a dilemma with respect to its sanctions policy towards Belarus.
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20 December 2022
The Road to Repression
On 2 December 2022, the UN Special Rapporteur Freedom of Association sent a remarkable Tweet. “Australia – ”, the Special Rapporteur tweeted, “I am alarmed at #NSW court’s prison term against #ClimateProtester Deanna Coco and refusal to grant bail until a March 2023 appeal hearing. Peaceful protesters should never be criminalised or imprisoned.” The Special Rapporteur was referring to the arrest of Deanna ‘Violet’ Coco to 15 months in prison with a non-parole period of eight months for blocking one of five lanes of traffic on Sydney Harbour Bridge during a climate change protest for 28 minutes.
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A Nail in the Coffin of Hong Kong’s Rule of Law
Media tycoon and pro-democracy activist Jimmy Lai has been the continued target of prosecution by the Hong Kong government. In a recent judgment, he has been convicted of fraud and handed a prison sentence of almost six years. As a result, another worrying development in a National Security Law (NSL) case against Lai, in which he is accused of inter alia conspiring to ‘collude with a foreign country or external elements’, has received significantly less attention. This concerns a 13 December ruling by the High Court of Hong Kong to adjourn the NSL trial until September 2023, in order for the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress (NPCSC) to give an interpretation on whether foreign barristers are allowed to represent clients in NSL cases. In this blog post, I will use the NSL case against Jimmy Lai to examine some of the consequences of the NSL for the rule of law and the rights of defendants in Hong Kong.
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Судовий контроль та санкції ЄС проти фізичних осіб
21 лютого, напередодні вторгнення Росії в Україну, ЄС запровадив санкції проти п’яти осіб, пов’язаних з «так званими виборами» у Криму. Два дні потому, після перекидання Росією військ на Донбас, ЄС ухвалив далекосяжний пакет санкцій, який, серед іншого, розширив список підсанкційних осіб, включивши до нього 351 депутата російської Думи та 27 інших осіб. У цій публікації розглядається законодавство ЄС щодо санкцій проти фізичних осіб та його застосування у відповідь на війну в Україні.
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Judicial scrutiny and EU Sanctions against individuals
On February 21, the eve of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the EU adopted sanctions against five individuals linked to the “so-called elections” in Crimea. Two days later, following Russia’s deployment of troops to the Donbas region of Ukraine, the EU adopted a far-reaching sanctions package that, inter alia, expanded the list of sanctioned individuals to include all 351 members of the Russian Duma and 27 others. This post considers EU law on sanctions against individuals and how it has been applied in response to the war in Ukraine.
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The Politics of Internet Shutdowns
Frequent internet shutdowns in the Indian region of Kashmir provide a valuable case study for how technology governance can become a tool of political control. The Indian government leads the world in these techniques, instituting 75 shutdowns over the course of 2022 alone. In this blog post, I argue that internet shutdowns have become a standard method for federal and state officials in India to silence those who dissent from the governing BJP agenda. The government’s repressive policies will further erode India’s democratic system unless legislators push back and create a more transparent and accountable system for technology governance in India.
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Санкції ЄС-Україна: чи настав час поглибити співпрацю?
Європейський Союз намагається вирішити питання війни Росії з Україною різними шляхами. Всього декілька прикладів: ЄС виділяє додаткові кошти на підтримку України, країни-члени надсилають зброю та військове спорядження, Брюссель очолює міжнародну кампанію з притягнення до відповідальності російських воєнних злочинців, і останнє, але не менш важливе – ЄС запровадив найбільший в історії пакет санкцій, щоб зашкодити Росії вести агресивну війну.
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EU-Ukraine sanctions: Is it time for deeper convergence?
The European Union has been addressing the war in Ukraine against Russia in various ways. To name only a few, the EU has allocated additional funds to support Ukraine, Member States are sending weapons and arms equipment, Brussels is leading the international campaign to hold Russian war criminals accountable and, last but not least, the EU has imposed the largest sanctions package in its history to harm Russia’s ability to wage aggressive war.
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The Right to be Forgotten in 2022
On 8 December 2022, the Court of Justice of the European Union delivered its latest landmark judgment on the ‘right to be forgotten’. Despite the largely incremental character, the continuing legal manifestation of the right to erasure/be forgotten/de-referencing raises more fundamental questions on the governance of the datafication of society in the EU.
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The Post-Truth about Corruption in the European Union
Even if the European Parliament has in recent years managed to get a majority to scold member states Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Bulgaria and Malta on corruption it has a far more difficult time in controlling its own members. The current Qatar gate so far involves just a few MPs alongside EP vice-president PASOK Eva Kaili. However, Qatar paid luxury trips for several MEPs, although a few refused, and some more MPs had offered public endorsement to Qatar already. The European Parliament is the absolute sovereign of its own integrity. If it wants to cut opportunities by offering full transparency on meetings, access, expenses and travel, it can- good proposals have been laying around for years.
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19 December 2022
Чи вбʼє війна Росії верховенство права в Україні та Європі?
Життєздатність верховенства права в Україні, Європі, а також у Росії чи будь-де у світі, може витримати навіть насильницький натиск там, де люди готові боротися за інститути та практику верховенства права, іноді з великим ризиком для себе. Якщо всі волелюбні країни будуть підтримувати одна одну повним і глибоким співробітництвом для просування миру, демократії, прав людини та верховенства права на всіх рівнях, як це робить ЄС з Україною протягом десятиліть, верховенство права, демократія та права людини будуть постійно зміцнюватися і давати людям все більше можливостей процвітати в умовах миру, безпеки та людської гідності.
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Will Russia’s War Kill the Rule of Law in Ukraine and Europe?
The vibrancy of the rule of law in Ukraine, Europe, and for that matter in Russia or anywhere in the world, can survive even violent onslaught, wherever people are willing to fight for rule of law institutions and practices, sometimes at great risk to themselves. If all freedom loving countries support one another with full and deep cooperation to promote peace, democracy, human rights, and the rule of law at all levels, as the EU has done with Ukraine for decades, the rule of law, democracy and human rights will continuously strengthen and increasingly enable people to thrive in conditions of peace, security and human dignity.
Continue reading >>Constitutional Erosion in Kashmir
The erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir (J&K) enjoyed a special position in the political and constitutional landscape of the post-colonial Indian State. While the de-operationalisation (popularly referred to as ‘abrogation’) of Article 370 on 5 August 2019, and other associated moves by the Indian State, might be seen as the final nail in the coffin of the constitutional erosion in J&K, the central claim of this blog post is that the constitutional autonomy of the erstwhile State has rather seen a gradual erosion ever since the Constituent Assembly of the State was dissolved on 26 January 1957—the day the Constitution of J&K came into force.
Continue reading >>17 December 2022
Constitutional Patriotism for the Marginalized
Constitutions depict social realities, tell stories, reflect on people and culture. They are the embodiment of a state reality, matured by a national history, admonishing and guiding politics and the broader public. The Indian Constitution tells a unique story: Of combined liberalism and pluralism, of a reality of marginalization in society and of constant search for identity. Recent developments in majority-Muslim Kashmir have made these narratives more visible than ever and point to a new lens of analysis.
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Kashmir in Turmoil
Kashmir is not only the object of disputes over territory between India and Pakistan as well as India and China. It also witnesses violent conflicts between the Indian security forces (which include the army and paramilitary forces) and an armed Kashmiri insurgency that seeks autonomy from the Indian nation-state. The latter conflict has escalated anew since 5 August 2019 when the BJP-led Indian government abrogated the special status that the Muslim-majority state Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) had previously enjoyed and significantly curtailed the civil liberties of people living in the region. This blog post contextualises the events of August 2019 and thereafter. At the same time, it provides an introduction and some background information to the posts assembled in this symposium titled Casting Light on Kashmir.
Continue reading >>The Slippery Slope of a Snooping Strasbourg
Last week, the ECtHR ruled in Spasov, for the first time, that there was a 'denial of justice' and thus a violation of Article 6(1) ECHR due to a manifest error of law by a national court regarding the interpretation and application of EU law. A Romanian court had convicted Mr Spasov, the owner and captain of a Bulgarian-flagged vessel, of illegal fishing inside Romania’s exclusive economic zone. Spasov is an important principled judgment that further intertwines the EU and ECHR legal systems.
Continue reading >>Back to the Future
After over nine months of preparatory meetings, the Turkish opposition coalition consisting of six political parties have announced their constitutional amendment proposal. While it has been plausibly argued in this blog that constitutional restoration in the case of Turkey can be conducted without necessarily amending the Constitution, the main cause unifying the opposition coalition at the moment is a comprehensive proposal for constitutional amendment that allegedly aims for transitioning towards a ‘strengthened’ parliamentary system. In this blogpost, I will evaluate several key provisions of the opposition’s proposal and explain its likely path towards adoption in the aftermath of the upcoming general elections.
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15 December 2022
To Speak, or not to Speak
Several national football federations and their teams had planned to wear a rainbow armband (also called the “One-Love” armband) when entering the 2022 World Cup in Qatar, which symbolizes solidarity with the LGBTQ+ community. Promptly, this simple gesture in favor of respect of human rights and diversity was forbidden by FIFA. The days following the ban, players and teams expressed their unease about FIFA’s strict position and about the uncertainty of the potential sanctions. FIFA’s practice towards freedom of expression lacks consistency, which further highlights the protection gap that exists between the lex sportiva, the rules and regulations governing sports, and human rights law in respect of freedom of expression. How could the differences be reconciled?
Continue reading >>The Qatar Scandal and Third Country Lobbying
The EU was given the worst kind of early Christmas present: a corruption scandal that has rocked the Union to its core giving ammunition to anti-EU populist actors and drawing attention and schadenfreude from outside the EU. The facts of the case remain under investigation, but the case has already been approached from many angles.Qatar has been given the role of an international villain in this story, and the EU has used the opportunities to frame the case as malign third country efforts to corrupt the EU. While there is no denying the corrupting role of a third country, the EU’s framing enables it to pose as a victim, which, as I argue in this blogpost, is intellectually dishonest and harmful.
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Articulating Legitimacy through Policy Recommendations
On 6 December, Meta's Oversight Board issued a policy advisory opinion on 'cross-check', a content moderation system used by the company to avoid the erroneous removal of content shared by highly influential users on its platforms. Despite the opinion’s directness in calling Meta out for the disproportionate attention paid to corporate interests to the detriment of its human rights commitments, the OB’s decision presents an underlying duplicity, as it criticises policy and design choices replicated in the OB’s own architecture. This curtails the institution's capacity to enhance accountability and legitimacy.
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14 December 2022
Zuverlässig rechtsextrem
In der Diskussion um die Konsequenzen aus der Reichsbürger*innenverschwörung werden die Stimmen derjenigen lauter, die für eine Verschärfung des Waffenrechts eintreten. Politiker*innen der FDP, darunter Bundesjustizminister Marco Buschmann, sind dem unter Hinweis darauf entgegengetreten, dass die derzeitige Rechtslage ausreiche, um Waffenverbote gegenüber Rechtsextremen durchzusetzen. Wie dringend der Handlungsbedarf ist, offenbart aber eine Entscheidung des Verwaltungsgerichtshofs in Baden-Württemberg aus dem Juli 2022.
Continue reading >>13 December 2022
Good Job, Move On
In early December, six political parties from the Turkish opposition have announced a joint and comprehensive constitutional reform proposal. If enacted, the proposal would amend a total of 84 articles of the Turkish Constitution, almost half of the nation’s governing charter. While this proposal deserves praise as a unique example of consensus building in Turkish political and constitutional history, the opposition should now focus on winning the upcoming elections instead of getting bogged down in the details of the proposal.
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12 December 2022
Moving On in Strasbourg
Russia’s justified expulsion from the Council of Europe after the beginning of the full-scale military invasion in Ukraine continues to pose problems for the European Court of Human Rights and the European Convention machinery in general. Even though Russia remained bound by the Convention until 16 September 2022, a number of decisions in Moscow, but also in Strasbourg, made matters complicated. Especially processing the outstanding 17,000 cases and enforcing those judgments now require innovative solutions.
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An early Christmas Gift from Karlsruhe?
The 6 December Karlsruhe ruling on the constitutional complaints against the ‘Act Ratifying the EU Own Resources Decision’ will be received by many as a Saint Nicholas present. This time, the Federal Constitutional Court avoided the head-on collision with the EU it caused with its PSPP judgment two and a half years ago. Instead, it opted for a seemingly constructive assessment of the EU’s pandemic recovery instrument. In particular, it found that the ORD did not manifestly exceed the competences conferred on the EU – i.e., it was not ultra vires – and did not affect the constitutional identity of the Basic Law. While the ruling is not as constraining as some might have feared, it does not give card blanche for a more permanent EU fiscal capacity.
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#DefendingTheDefenders – Episode 3: Afghanistan
When the Taliban took over power in Afghanistan in the summer of 2021, it was a disaster for women. Immediately, they were stripped of their rights, in particular their political rights. In the third episode of #DefendingTheDefenders, a podcast by Deutscher Anwaltverein and Verfassungsblog, we talk to Shabnam Salehi about the human rights situation in Afghanistan and the rights of women in particular and to Matthias Lehnert about the German and European Migration Law system.
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Einbürgerung und Ausbürgerung
Die von der Bundesinnenministerin vorangetriebene Staatsangehörigkeitsrechtsreform zur Erleichterung der Einbürgerung wirft altbekannte Fragen der Zuordnung von Personen zu Staaten und die damit verbundenen Zugehörigkeitsvorstellungen zu einem Staatsvolk auf. Allerdings liegt auch bei dem aktuellen Reformvorhaben die Aufmerksamkeit nur auf dem Erwerb der Staatsangehörigkeit. Dieser Fokus lässt die andere Seite der Medaille unberücksichtigt: Um die Möglichkeit von Mehrstaatigkeit konsequent für das gesamte Staatsangehörigkeitsrecht umzusetzen, muss die Diskussion zusätzlich für das Ausbürgerungsrecht geführt werden.
Continue reading >>No Rainbow without Rain?
On 6 December 2022, Latvian National Electronic Mass Media Council (NEPLP) revoked the broadcasting licence of the independent Russian TV channel ‘TV Rain’. The measures taken against TV Rain in Latvia raise intricate legal questions from an EU law point of view: Is the crackdown on the anti-war Russian TV channel compatible with EU-wide rules on audiovisual media? Can the Latvian government lawfully request YouTube to make TV rain’s channel inaccessible in Latvia? This blogpost argues that EU law is powerless when confronted with possibly unjustified national restrictions against media outlets and their growing spillover into the Internet sphere.
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08 December 2022
The Hungary Files
The battle over the rule of law in Hungary is coming to a head. Two separate but related dossiers landed on the EU Council’s agenda on Tuesday, 6 December: firstly, whether to suspend 7.5 billion Euros in funds under the EU’s cohesion policy under the new rule of law conditionality mechanism; and secondly, whether to approve the Hungarian national recovery and resilience plan. Both files are currently stuck in a political limbo as the member states cannot agree on a common course of action, complicated by the fact that Orbán is holding his veto over Brussel’s head on an aid package for Ukraine and a global corporate tax, both of which require unanimity in the Council. Now the question is: Who will move first, Orbán or the other member states?
Continue reading >>07 December 2022
‘Inherently Repugnant’?
Indonesia has recently gained the international spotlight for criminalising sex outside marriage in its new Criminal Code. Criminalisation of sex outside marriage and cohabitation constitutes a setback for the right to privacy, which covers consensual sexual activity between adults in private. Nevertheless, the bigger picture is much more nuanced.
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06 December 2022
Make It Consistent
In New Zealand, as in many jurisdictions, the law specifies certain minimum age limits for acts such as getting married (16 years), enlisting in the armed forces (17 years), purchasing alcohol (18 years), entering contracts (18 years) and so on. One particular age limit, that relating to voting (18 years), has recently come under scrutiny as a result of the advocacy efforts of Make It 16, a group campaigning for the extension of the franchise to 16 and 17 year olds in New Zealand. As part of its campaign, Make It 16 commenced litigation, which eventually culminated in the New Zealand Supreme Court declaring in Make It 16 v Attorney-General that the legislated minimum voting age was inconsistent with the right to be free from discrimination, and that the inconsistency had not been justified.
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Upgrading German Citizenship
As part of their broader agenda to “modernize” its immigration laws, Germany’s government has proposed to ease immigrants’ access to citizenship. The opposition – especially the CDU – as well as the liberal government coalition partner FDP are not happy with this. Among other things, they are concerned that the new law would seriously diminish the value of German citizenship and insist that immigrants should successfully integrate before they become German nationals. I argue in the following that these concerns, and further claims, are unfounded.
Continue reading >>Throwing the Delegation Doctrine to the Winds
In November 2022, the Indian Ministry of Electronics & Information Technology published the draft Digital Personal Data Protection Bill, 2022 (‘the 2022 Bill’). In this article, I analyse the 2022 Bill from a constitutional law perspective. I argue that the 2022 Bill’s provisions as to subordinate legislation fly in the face of the Indian Supreme Court’s delegation doctrine inasmuch as these provisions set no coherently determinable legislative policy, thereby allowing the Executive to exercise plenary legislative power through delegated legislation. This, I further argue, is a breach of the principle of separation of powers as it exists in Indian constitutional jurisprudence.
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From Past Injustices to Today’s Unlawful Consequences / Eurocentric legal systems with a global social claim to validity?
In this split contribution to the blog debate on "Restitution, Colonialism and the Courts", Natalia Loyola Daiqui argues that the claim to eliminate the unlawful consequences of state action (Folgenbeseitigungsanspruch) can serve as a legal basis for restitution claims. Responding to this claim, Sebastian-Manès Sprute raises the question in how far relying on German administrative law would revive the asymmetrical colonial power relationship. restitution and repatriation claims of formerly colonized communities are subject to German administrative law.
Continue reading >>The Commission’s missed opportunity to reclaim competition law for the Rechtsstaat
On 30 November 2022, the European Commission took two important decisions to protect the EU budget against possible breaches of the rule of law in Hungary. First, the Commission concluded that the conditions for applying the Conditionality mechanism in Hungary remain and Hungary needs to take further and more credible action to eliminate the remaining risks for the EU budget. Second, the Commission has assessed Hungary’s Recovery and Resilience Plan and froze the disbursement of the RRF until the full and effective implementation of 27 ”super milestones” has taken place. Unfortunately, with these measures, missed opportunity to reclaim the importance of competition law in the Rechtsstaat.
Continue reading >>05 December 2022
Provenance Research and Claims to Bangwa Collections
On the basis of a case concerning the Bangwa collection in the Municipal Museum of Brunswick, this contribution proposes that a human rights law approach and cooperative provenance research are key in dealing with collections from colonial context. Fifty years after the UN General Assembly urged for the return of colonial cultural takings to victims of expropriation and twenty years after the Declaration on the Value and Importance of Universal Museums – by which museums justified their continued possession of such artefacts – return ceremonies that gained much attention attest that times have changed.
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Putting an End to Minority Voter Disenfranchising in Hungary
On 11 November, the European Court of Human Rights published its decision in a case initiated eight years ago, which found that the Hungarian parliamentary electoral system's regulations on the representation of national minorities in parliament violates the right to free elections (Article 3 of the 1st Protocol to the ECHR, Bakirdzi and E.C. v. Hungary). The plaintiffs claimed that the Electoral Act of 2011 was unlawful on three points: the secrecy of the vote, the real election and the preferential quota for minority representation. In its judgment, the Court found in favour of the applicants on all three points and ordered the Hungarian State to pay damages, putting an end to a decade-long violation of voting right. The following analysis is not primarily intended to provide a detailed description of the judgment itself, but to review the unlawful situation and the necessary actions resulting from the judgment.
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03 December 2022
A Constitution’s Hollow Promise
On 26 November 2022, the Taiwanese people had their authentic constitutional voice heard for the first time in history by casting votes in a referendum on a constitutional amendment that would lower the age of voting from 20 to 18, and that of candidacy from 23 to 18 except as otherwise provided by the Constitution or legislation. Given that Taiwan’s current Constitution was adopted by a Constituent National Assembly in China in 1946 when Japan still held sovereignty over Taiwan de jure and all the previous constitutional amendments were adopted without receiving direct approval from the Taiwanese people, the holding of referendum itself is historic. Yet, this latest round of constitutional reform on Taiwan’s road towards an ever more democratic politics ends up as a damp squib.
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Law and the Challenge of Rehumanization
The report “We want them back”, published earlier this year, found at least 5958 human remains from colonials contexts in the collections of museums and scientific institutions in the geographical area of Berlin. The report, commissioned by the Berlin Senate, is the first systematic survey of the provenance of human remains from colonial contexts in Berlin’s institutions. Why – given the history – are these human remains still here? Where is the systematic effort to repatriate them and return them to their families and communities of origin?
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Possessions, Spoils of War, Belongings
Addressing colonial injustices by claiming restitution of artefacts and other belongings before German courts is undeniably a legal challenge for all stakeholders. As a shield against (potential) legal claims, museums, state authorities and some legal scholars have argued that there is no legal obligation for restitution of such belongings. Based on the stipulation that “colonial law has to be applied, even if it is no longer compatible with today’s views on law and justice”, this line of argument assumes that the acquisition of the possessions of colonized people by Europeans and subsequent transactions were generally considered lawful in the nineteenth century. In this contribution, we question this assumption.
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The Autonomy of Sport and the Degeneration of an Ideal
The Football World Cup in Qatar is but the tip of the iceberg of the mounting problems for UEFA/FIFA. Scandals. Corruption. Cozying up to the autocrats and feeling right at home in their company. Arrogance bordering on ignorance coming from the very top of the governing bodies. The list of serious ailments that beset the system of football governance goes on. As a result, one might argue that not much of substance can be added to the topic. Yet, as will be argued here, there is still a constitutional and discursive potential to push forward the discourse on the broken system of football governance. There is important space for constitutionalists to fill by offering a voice of critical reflection, insights and by pointing out signposts for the future.
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01 December 2022
The Good, the Bad and the Ugly
The Commission needs to get its message out to Hungarians loud and clear that it is trying to fight corruption in Hungary so that EU money can be used to benefit the Hungarian people and not just Orbán’s circle of cronies. Hungarians would definitely appreciate that if they knew it. But the Commission’s press release today has been drowned out by Orbán’s use of state funds to flood the zone with his message that the Commission doesn’t care about the Hungarian people and is responsible for all of the economic pain they feel.
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30 November 2022
The Pitfalls of Enhanced Cooperation
There has been a public debate among academics and politicians on whether Hungary should be required to join the European Public Prosecutor’s Office as a condition to receive EU funds according to the different milestones. Joining the EPPO would send a clear message that Hungary takes ending public corruption seriously and a more general sign that it wishes to be a part of the European family. However, this proposal will not be legally possible to implement, thus illustrating the key problem with enhanced cooperation as a form of European integration.
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29 November 2022
Conflating the Powers of the Commissarial and the Sovereign Dictator in Tunisia
On July 25, 2022, a year after Tunisian President Kais Saied declared a state of emergency and with only 28 percent of eligible voters participating, Tunisia ratified its new Constitution. Saied’s use of wide emergency powers to help sideline parliamentary opposition and support the constitution-making process, contradicts the underlying rational that emergency powers are needed in democratic states to defend the existing constitutional order against urgent and exceptional threats to the state. To preclude the potential misuse of emergency powers a state’s constitution should be designed to prevent the entity exercising emergency powers from simultaneously claiming that they represent the ‘broad popular will’ of the people.
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Judges as Guardians of Promises
On 16 November, the Minister for Equality accused the Spanish judiciary of being macho-ist: “macho-ism can compromise both the impartiality and the integrity of judicial systems; macho-ism may make judges apply the law erroneously and wrongly”, said the Minister. After much criticism, Podemos, in support of the Minister, rounded up her argument: “Spanish judges are fascists”. These comments are part of an intense battle that is being fought between the government (Psoe/Podemos) and the Spanish Popular Party regarding the renewal of the Spanish General Council for the Judiciary, the judges’ governing body.
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War, Schengen, and the Rule of Law
On 22 November 2022, the European Commission (EC) published its final report on Romania under the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism (CVM) and proposed the mechanism be terminated. While this is an early Christmas present to the ruling elite of Romania, it certainly isn’t one for the rule of law – neither in Romania nor the EU. It’s been nearly 16 years since the CVM was established at the accession of Romania and Bulgaria to the EU in January 2007. Setting and monitoring benchmarks, its aim is to support both countries in overcoming shortcomings relating to the rule of law, especially the independence of the judiciary and fight against corruption. While Bulgaria was considered to have successfully fulfilled all benchmarks by 2019 and the mechanism was lifted, the case is different for Romania.
Continue reading >>28 November 2022
In Hungary, the Law Changes Every Day but It Doesn’t Get Better
The EU Commission has agreed with us that the laws that we have analyzed in our series of four blogposts did not in fact constitute an effective anti-corruption plan. And the Commission has attached a €13.3 billion price tag to non-compliance. Now the Hungarian government is scrambling to unlock this cash by introducing two additional laws that attempt to address the Commission’s concerns. But these new laws repeat the errors of the prior laws. They create the appearance of an independent corruption-fighting system while digging in political allies at all of the chokepoints and tying up whistleblowers and anti-corruption fighters in red tape. The new laws do not make things better and they may even make things worse.
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Inequality of Harms, Inequality of Arms
On November 8th 2022 Channa Samkalden, lawyer for Esther Kiobel and three other widows of executed Nigerian community leaders, announced that her clients would be ending their lawsuit against Shell. Uncertainty about the outcome, combined with the fact that the case had already been (unsuccessfully) going on for over 20 years in multiple fora, had made the four widows decide to withdraw the appeal, “not without disappointment and frustration”. In this blog, I discuss this case's remarkable procedural history and why it, set against the particular facts of the case, illustrates the fundamental procedural unfairness between large corporations and victims trying to hold them to account.
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Juristocracy Strikes Back
Once again, Brazil’s highest electoral court finds itself taking the spotlights in the international media for its incredibly fierce – and, admittedly, also controversial – involvement in the country’s elections. As an institution deeply committed to the defence of democracy and its electoral processes, it has gone to previously unimagined lengths to secure that political competition stays within high standards of freedom and fairness, even in face of the most effortful attempts of subverting the electoral game. The Court’s latest headline is no different.
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The High Stakes Israeli Debate over the Override
Following the 2022 elections to Israel’s legislature (Knesset), a hardcore right wing coalition is in the process of forming. Each of the potential partners in this coalition fantasizes about introducing an override clause into the Israeli constitutional system for different political motivations. However, the result would be the same. It would allow the Knesset to disproportionally infringe upon constitutional rights.
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#DefendingTheDefenders – Episode 2: Belarus
In the second episode of Defending the Defenders, we talk to Dmitri Laevski about the rule of law and human rights in Belarus. Dmitri is a criminal attorney turned human rights lawyer in the wake of the 2020 presidential elections. He takes us through the recent history of the rule of law in Belarus, from realising that the concept he learned about in university didn't really exist in practice to the organisation of the legal professions in the last decade to the rule of law crackdown in 2020 and ever since.
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Protecting Media Content on Social Media Platforms
On 16 September 2022 the European Commission released a proposal for a Regulation establishing a common framework for media services in the internal market, also known as the European Media Freedom Act. The proposal includes safeguards against political interference in editorial decisions, and includes a series of provisions targeting online services and establishing additional obligations and regulatory powers in this field.
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24 November 2022
Scottish Independence on Hold
The UK Supreme Court has ruled that the Scottish Government does not have the power to call a new referendum on independence, blocking the SNP administration's apparent plans for a non-binding referendum in October next year. The ruling confirms the inability of Scotland's politics to resolve constitutional issues as it currently established. Politics will follow, but there is no clearer route to resolving the constitutional issues at play now than before the ruling.
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Wenn die KI “A” sagt und die Ärztin “B”
Die KI schlägt vor, der Mensch ‚entscheidet‘ und verantwortlich ist am Ende niemand? Die Annahme jedenfalls, dass, wenn die KI „A“ sagt, der KI-Nutzer als menschlicher Letztentschei-der im Einzelfall auch einmal für „B“ votiert, ist tendenziell unrealistisch und die KI entscheidet dann faktisch eben doch ‚autonom‘, ohne dass allerdings dahinter ein autonomes Subjekt stehen würde.
Continue reading >>23 November 2022
Not Just an Enhanced Opinion Poll
The UK Supreme Court judgment provides a robust protection of reserved matters under the Scotland Act, despite its shortcomings. This will likely end the legal manoeuvring of the Scottish government towards a second referendum. Instead, the political process is back in the driving seat (as it needs to be) and it now appears more likely than ever that the SNP will contest the next general election on an entirely Scottish independence-based platform. The future of the Union and the UK Parliament remains legally and politically precarious.
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Trojan Horses and Constitutional Identity
In Costello v Ireland the Irish Supreme Court upheld a constitutional challenge by a Green Party MP to the Government’s proposed ratification of the CETA. By a majority of 4:3, the Court held that ratification would breach Irish juridical sovereignty. Beyond CETA, the greater significance of Costello may lie in its endorsement of constitutional identity as a doctrinal device that controls Ireland’s domestic legal engagement with its international law obligations. The new status accorded to constitutional identity, however, may provide future Irish courts with the doctrinal tools to recalibrate the relationship between the Irish and EU legal orders.
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21 November 2022
Nein, Elon Musk, so geht Plattformdemokratie nicht
Nach einer Online-Abstimmung hat Elon Musk den Account von Donald Trump freigeschaltet: “The people have spoken. / Trump will be reinstated. / Vox Populi, Vox Dei”, schreibt er. Grundlage für die Entscheidung ware eine Online-Abstimmung mit 15 Millionen Teilnehmer*innen, die 51,8% zu 48,2% für eine Entsperrung ausgegangen ist. Doch so geht digitale Demokratie nicht, so geht Plattformregulierung nicht.
Continue reading >>The Reform That Isn’t
As states are set to vote on the reform of the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT) at a Conference in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia, on 22 November, concerns regarding the treaty's impact on states' climate policies remain significant. In our assessment, the proposed reform fails to provide the treaty’s contracting parties with the necessary regulatory freedom to implement their climate commitments. Scheduled for the week after COP27, the vote comes at a crucial time, as scientists agree that this is the decisive decade to limit global warming to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels. Meanwhile, several EU Member States, including Germany, France, Spain, Poland, the Netherlands, and Slovenia have announced unilateral withdrawals from the treaty, stating that the proposed reform fails to meet their expectations.
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The Terrible Plight of Internally Displaced Persons in Central Africa
In a never-ending humanitarian crisis, Central Africa is host to the largest community of internally displaced persons (IDPs). In early November, thousands of new IDPs, including a high number of children, found shelter in overcrowded and unsanitary camps in Goma and Lubero, in the North Kivu provinces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) fleeing violence in the area, caused by the intensifying fighting between the Congolese armed forces and non-state armed group M23. It is for this reason of permanent insecurity in the area that I argue that the adoption of a specific binding legal instrument could ease the management of the IDPs in the region. The adoption of such an instrument would find one of its foundations in the concept of “solidarity”.
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The Tangible and Imminent Threat to Israel’s Judicial Independence
A fierce debate is raging these days about the democratic implications of the Israeli 2022 elections to the twenty-fifth Knesset (legislature). Yet, those who read the platform of the Religious Zionist Party—as expressed in the program "Law and Justice-Reform of the Judicial System," signed by the members of the Knesset, Bezalel Smotrich and Simcha Rothman—cannot ignore the real and imminent danger to Israel’s judicial independence. The top item on their agenda, published during their election campaign, is changing the judicial appointment process.
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Trusting Hungary with Billions of Euros
It’s crunch time for the Conditionality Regulation at the European Commission. In its College meeting on 22 November, the Commission is scheduled to discuss whether Hungary has actually made the 17 changes it proposed in order to avoid cuts to its Cohesion Funds. What the Commission chooses to do will depend on whether it believes that Hungary’s anti-corruption program will in fact allow Hungary to be entrusted with billions of Euros without having a sizeable fraction of those Euros pocketed by cronies. We believe that Hungary’s reforms are designed to be ineffective and will not even begin to halt the massive corruption that is the hallmark of Hungary’s kleptocracy.
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17 November 2022
Picking Primacy over Procedural Autonomy
On 8 November, the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice of the European Union (‘the Court’) decided that national courts are required to ascertain of their own motion whether detention of an illegally staying foreign national or asylum seeker is lawful. This judgment is an example of the ever-growing impact of EU law on national procedural rules, especially in the migration law area. The judgment is also noteworthy because of the difference in approach between, on the one hand, the Court and, on the other hand, the Dutch referring courts and AG Richard de la Tour.
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Nature Restoration and Fundamental Rights
This year’s most heated topic of constitutional contestation in Finland is likely to be the Commission’s recent proposal for nature restoration. While nature restoration has an innocent sound, the matter actually involves a broad spectrum of constitutional issues. In this debate, political undesirability has turned into claims about the EU’s lacking competence in regulating forests and a general failure to respect the principle of subsidiarity. Last Friday the Finnish Parliament’s Constitutional Law Committee approved an interesting statement of principle, which is likely to affect the country’s stance on EU (fiscal) integration far beyond the question of nature restoration.
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Extradition and the Regrettable Influence of Politics upon Law
Amongst the ECtHR jurisprudence giving rise to political disgruntlement in the United Kingdom have been judgments on extradition and deportation. Attempts to remove individuals from the UK through one of these avenues have occasionally been frustrated on human rights grounds. In the context of the UK government’s ill-disguised hostility to human rights the Grand Chamber on 3 November issued Sanchez-Sanchez v. UK (App.no. 22854/20). The case considered the application of article 3 of the ECHR prohibiting torture and inhuman and degrading treatment and punishment where an accused drug trafficker was sought by way of extradition by the United States where he faced the possibility of an irreducible life sentence of imprisonment.
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15 November 2022
Seven Months in the Freezing Forest
On 10 November 2022, Latvia extended the emergency situation at its border with Belarus for a further three months – now until February 2023. Introduced in August 2021 in response to the perceived ‘hybrid attack’ organised by Minsk, the state of emergency has since been renewed five times, effectively becoming a permanent condition. In practical terms that means that Latvia will continue carrying out systematic pushbacks – despite the very low number of border crossing attempts and allegations of gross violations of human rights.
Continue reading >>Teaching Law in Times of Overlapping Crises
For decades, we – legal scholars and teachers – have helped weaken the law by presenting it as ‘lagging behind’, as a feeble and inept tool of government, transferring thus much of its normative power into the hands of the most powerful market actors. We can, and have to, change this.
Continue reading >>The post-Brexit Breakdown of the Rule of Law in the UK
The sad reality is that Brexit has contributed to an emerging breakdown of the Rule of Law in the United Kingdom. The famous slogan: ‘Take Back Control’ left open what a post-Brexit society should become. As a result, of course, what Brexit meant had to be worked out after the referendum, and here is where the tensions with the Rule of Law began in earnest, because ‘taking back control’ became, in effect, the only principle and anything that stood in the way of achieving that result was to be sacrificed, including the Rule of Law.
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14 November 2022
Are Hungary’s EU Funds Being Cut (or Not)?
The news about whether Hungary will receive EU funds (or not) these days is confusing. One day, we hear that the European Commission is proposing to lower the boom on Hungary by cutting a large chunk of its Cohesion Funds under the general EU budget. The next day, we hear that the Commission is nearing an agreement to approve Hungary’s Recovery Plan in order to greenlight the release of funds. Is the Commission using or surrendering its financial leverage to require that the Hungarian government honor the rule of law? Will the Hungarian government negotiate its way out of funding cuts by really loosening its autocratic grip on power, or would any reform be illusory?
Continue reading >>Petrified Constitutions
The crisis of US democracy is also a constitutional crisis. Many provisions of the most time-honoured of all constitutions now appear to be outdated and in urgent need of reform. However, no substantial reform of the US constitution is to be expected. The US constitution makes its change dependent on excessively high hurdles. The historical US model, which shaped constitutional development in Europe like no other, should be a warning to the European Union in particular. Dangers of petrification can also be clearly seen in the EU constitutional order.
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#DefendingTheDefenders – Episode 1: Poland
We Need to Talk About the Rule of Law is back for a second season that focuses on the impact of rule of law erosions on attorneys. In the first episode, we talk to MIKOŁAJ PIETRZAK. He is an attorney and the Dean of the Warsaw Bar Association, which is the oldest professional legal association in Poland and the administrative association of attorneys in Warsaw.
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The Penultimate Chapter in the Case of Julian Assange
After almost four years under unchanged detention conditions in the high-security prison Belmarsh, Julian Assange is facing yet another challenge. The upcoming decision of the High Court of England and Wales might ultimately determine whether Julian Assange can be extradited to the United States where he would face up to 175 years in prison if convicted on all 18 charges. If the High Court concludes that the first-instance proceedings should not be reopened, legal recourse in the United Kingdom would be exhausted. Many voices are therefore pinning their hopes on the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR).
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10 November 2022
Twitter Complaint Hotline Operator
Elon Musk, Twitter’s conspicuous new owner, famously spoke out against Trump's deplatforming, raising concerns that he could undo it upon gaining control of the social media platform. Mr. Musk was quick to dispel these fears. He first reassured advertisers that he has no plans to relax content moderation standards. In addition, he announced that the reactivation of banned accounts is s Anyone feeling a sense of déjà vu?
Continue reading >>09 November 2022
Meloni’s Illiberal Anti-Rave Law
Only ten days after it was sworn in and a week after it received the confidence vote from the Parliament, the new Italian government led by Giorgia Meloni presented its first decree-law containing numerous provisions on a variety of issues: health, justice, and security. The decree-law was the first legislative act presented by the new radical right-wing government. Members of the opposition argued that the decree, in particular the anti-rave norm, is a danger to the freedom of assembly of the Italian citizens and that is a law that Putin could have written.
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Compensation for non-material damages under the GDPR
On 6 October 2022, Advocate General Campos Sánchez-Bordona delivered his Opinion in case C‑300/21. At stake is the interpretation of Article 82 of the General Data Protection Regulation, which provides compensation for non-material damages. The Opinion opts for a strict interpretation of this provision, but a broader reading is possible, and even desirable, in light of the GDPR’s objectives and the many barriers impeding effective enforcement of data protection rights.
Continue reading >>Will the DSA work?
The DSA has many components but, in its essence, it is a digital due process regulation bundled with risk-management tools. But will these tools work? My main concern about the DSA resides also in its strength – it relies on societal structures that the law can only foresee and incentivize but cannot build; only people can. These structures, such as local organisations analysing threats, consumer groups helping content creators, and communities of researchers, are the only ones to give life to the DSA’s tools.
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08 November 2022
Why the DSA could save us from the rise of authoritarian regimes
The rise of extremist right-wing governments, as observed recently in Italy, is closely linked to the business models of large digital platforms such as Facebook and YouTube. Their algorithms polarise debates and stir up emotions because that enables them to keep people on their screens for longer and show them advertising. The European Union’s Digital Services Act is the framework to address this dangerous development.
Continue reading >>The DSA fails to reign in the most harmful digital platform businesses – but it is still useful
While the DSA has just been crafted carefully enough to avoid major damage to digital rights in the EU, it has focussed so much on who must delete what kind of content within which time frame, that it missed the bigger picture: no content moderation policy in the world will protect us from harmful online content as long as we do not address the dominant, yet incredibly damaging surveillance business model of most large tech firms.
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07 November 2022
With or Without Hungary
By December 2022, the Council must vote on the Commission's proposal to withdraw EU budgetary funds from Hungary under the Rule of Law Conditionality Regulation. Without a legal basis for its exclusion, Hungary will cast its vote on that proposal. Obviously, the participation of a Member State in a vote that decides on the consequences of its own rule of law violations seems paradoxical. There should be a general Treaty rule that prevents a Member State from voting in the Council when their own alleged misconduct is at stake.
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If You Build It, They Will Come
Content moderation is not only an Internet governance problem; it is also, unavoidably, a form of de facto adjudication. When observed in detail, the “procedure before substance” approach of the DSA leaves many questions unanswered. The final text of the Regulation contains compromises and blind spots.
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06 November 2022
Brazilian Presidential Elections Results
On the 30th of October 2022, Brazilian citizens typed the electronic ballots to choose the president for the next four years' term in the runoff between Jair Bolsonaro and Luís Inácio Lula da Silva. The very close results mirrored the radical polarization that has been haunting the country for at least the last ten years. Lula received 50.9% of the valid votes, whereas Bolsonaro was chosen by 49.1% of the electors. At the time of this writing, Bolsonaro has not conceded.
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05 November 2022
Regressive, Sexist, and Unconstitutional
On 31 October 2022, a two judge bench of the Indian Supreme Court delivered a crucial order, reiterating its ban on the so called “two finger test”. The continued usage of the test, the Court stated in State of Jharkhand v. Shailendra Kumar Rai, is professional misconduct. To enforce the ban of this practice against survivors of sexual violence the bench issued a slew of directions. In this post, I discuss the impact of this order on the constitutional rights of survivors of sexual violence. While the Court’s judgment is a progressive one, it might not have the desired effect, namely the complete ban on the conduct of the ‘two finger test’.
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Regulating influence, timidly
The DSA considers advertising and recommender systems as deserving of regulatory attention, and not immutable facets of an online world. But even as the regulation furthers current standards in disclosures around online advertising, it insulates advertising business models and consolidates platform efforts to sidestep the operative question that characterizes online advertising: how and why advertisements reach who they reach, in less abstract terms.
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Uniform Interpretation and Primacy of Union Law in the Dialogue of the Courts
The issue of uniform interpretation and primacy of Union law raises a fundamental question concerning the allocation and distribution of judicial power in the European Union. From the point of view of Union law practice, however, the discussion, which is now beginning with renewed vigor, seems strangely out of touch with the times. Without offering any solutions or "last words" in this debate, some remarks on the current EU treaty law and its interpretation are in order.
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Now What
The question of the DSA's enforcement has already been getting considerable attention, with one of the main concerns being that the resources put forth by the European Commission are too humble when compared to the DSA’s far-reaching goals. More concerningly, the DSA leaves loopholes and grey areas in respect to native advertising and the influencer economy.
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03 November 2022
Remedying Overremoval
The DSA provides a whole set of notice and action mechanisms to address online harms. The codified mechanisms, together with detailed procedures, are foreseen for content that is illegal but also for content incompatible with platforms’ terms and conditions. But the DSA has also another goal, to ensure that the new rules respect fundamental human rights. While definitely a good step towards more effective protection of users’ rights, the true effect of the provided remedies will depend on their practical implementation. Some elements of the new regime may be a bold experiment the result of which is not fully predictable.
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Contextualisation over Replication
The EU is notorious for using regulatory solutions like the DSA to dominate and pre-empt global digital standards. Often, the major conversations on the international impacts of EU laws have oscillated between capture and actually providing normative leadership on thorny aspects of digital regulation. African countries should develop their own content regulation rules by paying more attention to their contexts and consider aspects of the DSA only where they will improve such local rules.
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02 November 2022
The DSA as a paradigm shift for online intermediaries’ due diligence
The DSA adopts a meta-regulatory approach. While the shift to a meta-regulatory model should be welcomed for enabling reflexive and adaptive regulation, we must also be weary of its risk of collapsing in the absence of well-resourced and independent institutions. Indeed, this risk affects the extent to which the exportation of the DSA outside Europe would be in the public interest.
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Foreign Agents, Diplomatic Skirmishes and the Law on Diplomatic and Consular Relations
In September 2022, the Madrid-based NGO ‘Safeguard Defenders’ published a report entitled ‘110 Overseas – Chinese Transnational Policing Gone Wild’, in which it documented the existence of at least 54 extraterritorial and undeclared Chinese police stations in more than 30 countries, many of them European Union Member States, such as Germany, Ireland, or the Netherlands. These police facilities, operated under the guise of ‘service centres’ supposedly providing diplomatic and consular services such as extending driving licences for Chinese nationals, have hence been located in cities such as Dublin, Rotterdam, Amsterdam, and Frankfurt.
Continue reading >>Between preservation and clarification
When assessing the liability rules in the DSA it is evident that the its emphasis has been on preservation of the E-Commerce Directive's rules. However, that does not mean that nothing at all has changed. In fact, a closer look reveals that in some respects a notable evolution has taken place.
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01 November 2022
An Intersectional Lens on Online Gender Based Violence and the Digital Services Act
The EU’s Digital Services Act introduces novel mandatory due diligence obligations for online platforms to address potential societal risks posed by the provision of their services - including the risk of online gender based violence. If effectively implemented, these provisions have the potential to set important standards for tackling some of the most pervasive harms of the digital ecosystem. However, these efforts will require the adoption of an intersectional methodology, otherwise they will simply fail to provide the necessary mechanisms for those most acutely impacted by these rights violations.
Continue reading >>The Swedish Change of Government
With the current turbulences of British politics, Sweden may come across as a quiet Nordic country where not much is happening. Surprisingly little has been written about the Swedish elections from a legal perspective. On September 11, 2022, Swedes voted for a center-rightwing coalition with support from the far right. The purpose of this blog post is to discuss whether the Swedish election is as dangerous as it has been portrayed or if it (simultaneously) represents a mainstreaming of Swedish laws with some of the EU legal framework and is perhaps likely to activate Swedish courts to refer to EU courts more often.
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Fundamental rights impact assessments in the DSA
The attention to fundamental rights in the new wave of EU digital regulation, confirmed in the Digital Services Act, is a significant step towards a more articulated and appropriate framework for protecting people in a context characterised by pervasive technologies that are often developed without adequate consideration of their impact on society. However, existing practices in human rights impact assessment show some limitations in being extended to the digital context.
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31 October 2022
A Chamber of Certain Liability
The establishment of the Chamber of Professional Liability is the latest installment in the saga, in which the Polish Law & Justice government tries to ‘reform’ the Supreme Court. It shows, in a nutshell, all the major issues of the rule of law crisis in Poland: conflict with the European Commission and loss of EU funds; apparent concessions and leaving old issues intact; split in the Polish legal community between lawful and unlawful judges. All the elements of drama are here and it all begins with the Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court.
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Hungary’s Shambolic Anticorruption Proposals
The Article Useless and Maybe Unconstitutional: Hungary’s Proposed Judicial Review of the Prosecutorial Decisions by Kim Lane Scheppele, Petra Bárd and Gábor Mészáros gives a detailed account of the proposed legislation on amending the Hungarian Criminal Procedure Code. The conclusions of the article are correct and most of the criticism is accurate. Yet the article misses some real weaknesses of the Hungarian government’s proposal. This article aims to point out these weaknesses from the viewpoint of a practicing Hungarian criminal lawyer.
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Platform oversight
The Digital Services Act requires EU member states to name a “Digital Services Coordinator” (DSC) to coordinate national regulators involved in platform oversight. But the DSCs are more than just “coordinators,” as they have to fulfill specific oversight tasks themselves. That is why member states should resist the temptation to build a small-scale coordinator and instead build a strong DSC with skills in data analysis, community management and flexible case-based work.
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A Regulator Caught Between Conflicting Policy Objectives
The Digital Services Act has landed on an increased centralization of its enforcement powers in the hands of the European Commission. The rationale behind this centralized enforcement is understandable, particularly in light of the experience with GDPR enforcement. At the same time, it raises crucial questions about the future recurrence of such centralizaion in the Commission's hands, and the separation of powers more broadly.
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The DSA has been published – now the difficult bit begins
The Digital Services Act (DSA) has finally been published in the Official Journal of the European Union on 27 October 2022. This publication marks the end of a years-long drafting and negotiation process, and opens a new chapter: that of its enforcement, practicable access to justice, and potential to set global precedents.
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28 October 2022
Trunks, Grass, Creepers
Why the AfD must not get its foundation funded
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Fakeness in Political Popularity
Politics in a democratic society have long been a glorified popularity contest, which we can all hope the most capable person wins. Hence, politicians have an incentive to artificially boost their online popularity through fakeness – fake comments, fake followers, fake likes. On a fundamental level, a false sense of popularity may affect our election outcomes – so what are the legal limits of fakeness?
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Unexploited Monitoring Opportunities
Over the last year and a half, the European Border Coast Guard Agency has been under an unprecedented scrutiny. The Frontex saga started in 2020 when investigative journalists published ground-breaking findings, revealing how the Agency was breaching the law being complicit with human rights violations committed by Greek authorities. National Parliaments could play a bigger role in monitoring Frontex, serving as a complementary avenue for democratic oversight, in addition to the European Parliament.
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27 October 2022
Mehr Parlament in der Außenpolitik und mehr Außenpolitik im Parlament
Das Bundesverfassungsgericht hat gestern der (Nicht-)Informationspraxis der Bundesregierung gegenüber dem Bundestag in außen- und sicherheitspolitischen Angelegenheiten der Europäischen Union eine klare Absage erteilt. Diese hatte die Bundesregierung bislang grundsätzlich nicht als Anwendungsfall des parlamentarischen Informations-, Dokumententeilhabe- und Mitwirkungsrechts nach Art. 23 Abs. 2 und Abs. 3 GG anerkannt – eine Rechtsauffassung, die einer konstitutionell überholten, letztlich vordemokratischen Idee einer exekutiven Alleinherrschaft über die äußeren, insbesondere militärischen Angelegenheiten verhaftet ist. Das nun ergangene Urteil erfordert von der Bundesregierung eine Kehrtwende, rückt aber auch die Verfassungsentwicklung auf dem Gebiet der parlamentarischen Mitwirkung an der auswärtigen Gewalt generell in den Blick.
Continue reading >>26 October 2022
Fighting for a Cause
On 18 October 2022, the European Court of Human Rights handed down its judgement in the case of Mørck Jensen v. Denmark, upholding the applicant’s conviction under Danish law of breaching the prohibition on entry into and stay in a conflict zone in order to participate in armed hostilities on the side of one party to an ongoing armed conflict. In its judgment, the Court consciously opted to take an objective or neutral stance towards the question of whether there may exist ‘right’ reasons to travel to a hot conflict zone in order to actively participate in armed activities.
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Normative Power Through Protest
On September 16, 2022, Mahsa Amini died in state custody. Since then “a barrier of fear has been broken” in Iran: in the streets of Tehran and other cities in the world, people demonstrate against state-religious heteronomy. How does international law relate to what is happening in Iran and what role could it have? In our view, the assessment of a breach of international law can be both an important contribution for the course of the ongoing protests as well as for the effectiveness of international law itself.
Continue reading >>A Defining Moment for the UN Business and Human Rights Treaty Process
The ongoing process to negotiate a UN treaty on business and human rights has its 8th annual session this week in Geneva. Though embraced by many NGOs, this initiative has so far failed to secure widespread support amongst states with wide divergences remaining regarding the proposed instrument’s objectives and design, as well as its relationship to the UN 2011 Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, an earlier soft law instrument championed by governments, businesses and international actors. Yet there may be light on the horizon.
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Useless and Maybe Unconstitutional
In part III of our analysis of the anti-corruption framework, we will look at another aspect of the Hungarian “reforms”: a new procedure that seems to allow the general public to challenge in court the decisions of Hungarian public prosecutors to drop corruption cases. The new procedure is nearly impossible to use and adds little value to existing controls on the public prosecutor. In addition, the Hungarian Constitutional Court may declare it unconstitutional in any event.
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22 October 2022
Britain’s Political Meltdown and its Constitutional Dimension
Britain’s political meltdown is also a constitutional meltdown – a sign of the increasing redundancy of a remarkably resilient and successful constitutional model that has seen the UK avoid the constant process of revolution and renewal that plagued other European states, at least in the 20th century. The current state of the UK’s constitutional system is unsustainable and increasingly unable to support the primary purpose of government – to actually deliver policy.
Continue reading >>21 October 2022
The Conservative Party
Liz, Boris, and a Tortoise named Archie
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Why a United States Supreme Court Case About Pig Farming Matters So Much
The United States Supreme Court is currently considering a case that could have major implications for animal welfare, public health, the environment, and the balance between state and federal power. The case is called National Pork Producers Council v. Ross, and the Court heard oral arguments on October 11, 2022. The case concerns whether a state has the right to ban the sale of products made in ways that harm animals and public health.
Continue reading >>Playing Hide-and-seek with UK’s Parliamentary Supremacy
The ambiguous status of ‘retained EU law’ – this new category of domestic law consisting of the EU law applicable in the United Kingdom until 31 December 2020 – led the UK government to draft the Retained EU Law (Revocation and Reform) Bill, known also as the Brexit Freedoms Bill (‘the Bill’), with the promise to align retained EU law with ‘the UK’s priorities for unlocking growth’. It is the most recent effort of the government to achieve what it has not achieved so far: to scrap the supremacy of EU law once and for all or, to put it differently, to restore the supremacy of the UK Parliament. However, rather than restoring, the government’s legislative proposal threatens the fundamental principle of the UK’s constitution.
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Christian Schmidt’s Stabilitocracy
The High Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina Christian Schmidt has imposed amendments to the Constitution of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Election Law of Bosnia and Herzegovina. By this decision, Schmidt questioned the role of the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina – should Bosnia and Herzegovina be a democratic state or a state of ‘ethnic stabilitocracy’? Schmidt showed us that ‘ethnic stabilitocracy’ is the current aim of the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Continue reading >>Towards a data-subject-friendly interpretation of Article 82 GDPR
Under the GDPR, Article 82 is the only instrument to claim compensation resulting from data protection infringements. So far, it has not been interpreted by the CJEU. To date, nine preliminary references on the interpretation of Article 82 have been made by national courts. On 6 October 2022, Advocate General Sánchez-Bordona delivered his Opinion in one of them. Since it will be the first CJEU judgment on this subject, it will have a profound impact on the further development of EU data protection law, in particular, its private enforcement.
Continue reading >>20 October 2022
Silenced, Chilled, and Jailed
As Turkey is in the process of getting ready for the general and presidential elections of June 2023, a recent legal reform has created much concern regarding freedom of expression and increased threat of online censorship in the country. Citizens have called the amendment a ‘censorship law’, while some prominent civil society organizations have voiced their concern about the law creating avenues for a dystopian crackdown when the elections are just around the corner.
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19 October 2022
Sex, God, and Blasphemy
Blasphemy used to be a grave offence once. Now, it is on the decline, making room for freedom of expression. Yet, two judgments of last week show that blasphemy has managed to re-enter the stage through the back door. In this blogpost, I argue that although both cases ended well, i.e. were decided in favour of freedom of expression of artists and activists, both courts erred in their assessment of the role of religion and religious sentiment in European secular democracies.
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18 October 2022
Digital Autonomy in Contractual Relationships
It is rare for two Advocates General of the European Court of Justice to differ on the interpretation of a fundamental legal act of the European Union. This is what recently occurred with regard to the General Data Protection Regulation.
Continue reading >>A Chernobyl Case for our Times
On 10 October 2022, René Repasi, a member of the European Parliament, brought a case against the European Commission before the EU General Court. The key question of the case is procedural: Does an individual MEP have standing to claim before the Court that an EU act has been based on the wrong legal basis, if the choice of legal basis affects an MEP’s participatory rights. If Mr. Repasi succeeds, his case could significantly strengthen the Court’s role in protecting the rights of the minority in the European Parliament. It could introduce a new type of player to EU institutional legal battles – the MEP – and establish a sort of Organstreitverfahren for individual MEPs.
Continue reading >>Is Taiwan a State?
Taiwan just celebrated its national day on 10 October 2022. In her speech, President Tsai Ing-wen traced the Republic of China’s resettling in Taiwan in 1949, to its democratization in the 1980s and 1990s, the latter of which transformed it into the Republic of China (Taiwan). Tsai also cautioned the People’s Republic of Chinas (the PRC) “attempts to erase the sovereignty of the Republic of China (Taiwan) have threatened the status quo of peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait and the region.” In contrast, in its “White Paper on Taiwan Question and the Unification of China in a New Era,” the PRC reiterated its longstanding position that Taiwan is an inalienable part of China, and cited United Nations (UN) Resolution 2758 to advance its so-called “One China Principle” internationally.
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Repasi vs Plaumann
On 10 October 2022 MEP René Repasi lodged an action for annulment against the complementary taxonomy delegated regulation 2022/1214. The same regulation is also challenged by Austria, a privileged applicant under Article 263 TFEU. This post focuses on the issue which MEP Repasi himself has noted is the most innovative of his action, namely the question whether an individual MEP has special legal standing to challenge an act (of the Commission) that affects how that MEP fulfils his parliamentary function.
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17 October 2022
Three misconceptions about the EU rule of law crisis
There are three major academic and political misconceptions concerning the EU rule of law crisis. The first mistake is already in the denomination, as the name ‘rule of law crisis’ is actually misleading, the second is to believe that ‘the EU does not have the necessary legal tools’, and the third is to conceive it as a ‘crisis only in the Member States affected’. These misconceptions make the crisis look narrower and less threatening than what it actually is, while also offering excuses for inaction.
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14 October 2022
There Shall Be No Censorship
From Congo via Kassel and Hamburg to Indonesia
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A Second Scottish Independence Referendum in the UK Supreme Court
On October 11 and 12 an important case was argued in the UK Supreme Court over whether the Scottish Parliament has the competence to enact an independence referendum Bill. The Lord Advocate, Dorothy Bain KC, the principle Law Officer for the Scottish Government, brought a reference to the Supreme Court under the Scotland Act 1998 Schedule 6 paragraph 34. Even though the prospects for the case are unencouraging, an independence referendum is only one limb of the Scottish Government’s planned strategy for independence.
Continue reading >>The Mar Menor Lagoon Enjoys Legal Standing: and now, what?
On 30th September, the Spanish Parliament has completed the ‘Mar Menor Act’, granting legal personality to the lagoon of the Mar Menor and its basin. It is the first legal text in Europe which gives rights and legal standing to a natural body. Notably, the process was initiated by a public campaign triggering the legislative procedure. As legal scholars, we fear that this move, although it constitutes a strong expression of ecological awareness, will not solve the lagoon’s serious environmental deterioration.
Continue reading >>13 October 2022
Waiting for Godot
The words of the President of the European Commission during her keynote speech at Princeton University on 22 September have caused quite a stir. Responding to a question about the (then) upcoming elections and the prospect of a right-wing government comprising members related to Putin, Ursula von der Leyen (VDL) surprised everyone with a reference to the well-known situations in Hungary and Poland. Now that the formation of a new Italian government is well underway, this contribution reconsiders the fears fueled by VDL’s statements in light of the past and current context to draw some more general conclusions on the institution’s duty to respect and promote the EU’s founding values.
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‘You are not alone’
For those who read last week’s news in constitutional justice, it would have been easy to miss the Fifth Congress of the World Conference on Constitutional Justice (WCCJ) on the theme ‘Constitutional Justice and Peace’ that was organized in Indonesia five years after the previous edition held in Lithuania. While featured on the Venice Commission’s website, the Congress was no prominent news in constitutionalist platforms, despite bringing together judges from 94 countries, many of whom are prominent academics in their respective jurisdictions, or even internationally. As this congress shows, constitutional courts can engage with academics, and are well positioned to do so, given they often contain judges with academic careers and experience. Such engagement might empower both institutions to respond to global autocratization more effectively.
Continue reading >>The Cardinal vs. the Theater
On 11 October 2022, the Czech Constitutional Court published its eagerly-awaited judgment resolving the conflict between religious belief and freedom of artistic expression. The case was initiated by a constitutional complaint of the head of the Czech Roman Catholic Church, Archbishop of Prague, Cardinal Dominik Duka. The complainants alleged that a theater‘s allegorical plays which mocked the catholic church and their belief were blasphemous and violated their constitutional rights, in particular a freedom of religion.
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12 October 2022
Corrupting the Anti-Corruption Program
In this blogpost, we’ll analyze the Anti-Corruption Task Force, sometimes translated as the Anti-Corruption Working Group. This is another institutional innovation that the Hungarian government proposes to establish in order to transform a kleptocracy into an accountable government. Like the Integrity Authority, the Anti-Corruption Task Force also looks like it might be a good idea on first glance but its significance dissolves on closer analysis. The Task Force is structured like hens trying to organize a safety plan when the local foxes have packed the meeting and dominate the discussion.
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Evolution and Mutation in the EU’s DNA
In order to get rid of “classical” border controls between Member States, the EU Commission is trying to incentivise Schengen States to substitute them with so called “alternative measures”, for example the enforced use of police powers and monitoring and surveillance technologies. These technologies and their impacts confront us with the question what it means to move “freely” within an area of freedom, security and justice without internal frontiers.
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Letting Human Rights Wait in Syrian Camps
Recently, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights handed down its decision about the repatriation of Daesh-involved family members of French citizens. The judgment has been widely commented on in the French and international press. The overall impression that emerged was that of a victory for the applicants and a clear denunciation of French policy regarding the general non-repatriation of French children and their mothers encamped in north-eastern Syria. Reality is, however, very different. In fact, the Court’s decision is very measured. In many respects, it does (too) little and comes (too) late.
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11 October 2022
“Woman. Life. Freedom” and the Fate of Iran’s Constitutional Order
Streets of Tehran and other cities from Kurdistan to Zahedan are the scenes of unprecedented protests in the history of the Islamic Republic of Iran for its fourth consecutive week. The protests initially erupted when Mahsa (Zhina) Amini, a 22-year-old woman who was arrested by Morality Police in Tehran for what the government alleged to be improper hijab, shortly died in police custody. Her death was the latest and most tragic story of countless women whose bodies are policed and are subject to the state’s ideological homogenization on a daily basis.
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IOC adds Human Rights Punch to the Lex Olympica
On 9 September 2022, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) published its long-awaited “Strategic Framework on Human Rights”. The new Framework presents an overarching approach as well as concrete action plans for the IOC to address their human rights risks. This blogpost highlights both the potential of the Framework to change the way the IOC operates and the Olympics are organised and the many unknowns remaining regarding its actual transformative impact and concrete implementation in practice.
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From Marginalization to Reproductive Justice
On 29th September 2022, a three-judge bench of the Indian Supreme Court passed its final order in a petition concerning the right to abortion for unmarried women. In a major progress for reproductive justice in India, the court decided in favour of unmarried women and recognized their equal right to access abortion. If followed, this judgment can potentially expand the wider access to sexual and reproductive health services for a range of groups. This marks a clear divide from previous approaches of the Supreme Court towards sexual and reproductive health.
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Cutting the Gordian Knot in Bosnia and Herzegovina
Just after the polling stations on October 2, 2022, in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) had closed, High Representative Christian Schmidt dropped a bombshell when he imposed changes to the Election Law of BiH as well as 21 amendments to the Constitution of the Federation of BiH. It was the second decision of the High Representative regarding this year’s elections in BiH. Their recent impact to change the BiH Election Law on the evening of the elections as well as constitutional amendments raises the question of the sustainability of this complex post-conflict arrangement in BiH. Was the quick fix by the High Representative necessary, useful and justified?
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How to Prevent Blockage of Judicial Appointments
Deadlock is a familiar phenomenon when it comes to the election of constitutional court or other apex court members. Currently, several appointments for the Spanish Constitutional Tribunal, inter alia, are blocked by a deadlocked General Council of the Judiciary. In many jurisdictions, rules are in place which aim to prevent at least some of these adversities. There is, however, a problem with these solutions.
Continue reading >>06 October 2022
How NOT to Be an Independent Agency
The Hungarian government is trying to convince EU institutions that it is taking adequate steps to ensure proper spending of EU funds going forward. At the center of this effort is a new ‘Integrity Authority’. The law establishing this authority, Bill T/1260, just passed the Hungarian Parliament on 3 October 2022. We have carefully read the laws enacted so far that establish a new anti-corruption framework and can confidently say that neither the Commission nor the Council should accept what the Hungarian government is offering because the proposed changes do not begin to alter business as usual in Hungary. In this blogpost, we will analyze the ‘Integrity Authority’ which forms the centerpiece of the government’s program, showing that it is not independent from the government nor are its powers real.
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05 October 2022
Sham and Smokescreen
Since 27 April 2022, Hungary has been under the Rule of Law conditionality mechanism, introduced by the Conditionality Regulation. After various debates and considerations, and in the light of the blackmailing potential of the Hungarian prime minister, the Regulation, in a weaker form than initially proposed, works as a preventive tool for ensuring the protection of the EU budget and sound financial management of EU resources. The Hungarian government has a record of misleading (and betraying) the European Union, and apparently, it is not different now.
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Filtering fundamental rights
On platforms, the protection of fundamental rights is increasingly provided by algorithms. With the Digital Services Act (DSA) at the door, algorithms used for copyright protection were probably only the first step in regard to automated decision-making. Indeed, the DSA, conceived by the Union legislator as the new constitution of the Internet, presupposes the use of algorithmic filtering. Human pre-examination has become impossible due to the sheer amount of user-generated content. Filters are an effective moderation tool that is cost-effective compared to human review. But being fast is easier than being right: the usual method of applying European fundamental rights hangs heavily on the proportionality test, which at least at the current technological level escapes automation: fundamental rights cannot be filtered.
Continue reading >>03 October 2022
Rising Before Sinking
On 22 September 2022, just one day before global climate protests took place in around 450 locations, the UN Human Rights Committee (Committee) has published its landmark decision in the case Daniel Billy et al. v. Australia. In casu, the Committee found that Australia failed to adequately protect members of an indigenous community present in four small, low-lying islands in the Torres Strait region from adverse impacts of climate change, which resulted in the violation of the complainants’ rights to enjoy their culture (Art. 27 ICPPR) and to be free from arbitrary interferences with their private life, family and home (Art. 17 ICCPR). The Committee thereby issued the first decision at the international level to tackle substantive human rights questions in the context of climate change that relate to the current situation of small islands and their indigenous inhabitants.
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The Wind Doesn’t Fall – it Drops
Excessiveness can be actually measured in many ways, but it is always time sensitive, and path dependent. As the Global financial crisis in 2008 has clearly demonstrated, excessive profits by banks in the first decade of the century were by far offset with the immense losses coming after, and the Governments were urged to grant subsidies and grants to the very same companies they overtaxed just some years before. The conclusion in this respect is that any judgment of excessiveness depends on the timespan considered. Both the Italian and the European legislator seem to have forgotten this aspect.
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01 October 2022
Harder, Better, Faster, Stronger
Human rights courts can rarely avoid confrontation with backlashing states. This is particularly true for the two oldest and most prominent regional human rights courts, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR). Yet, by close observation, we can witness that for both courts, backlash has triggered important institutional developments which will guide the work of human rights bodies in an increasingly polarized 21st century.
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30 September 2022
No Longer Extreme
A distinction that distinguishes nothing much any more
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The ECtHR’s Coping Strategy
The European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) is operating in an increasingly challenging political and legal environment. Even if member states have stopped short of far-reaching reforms, they have signaled their collective desire for a more restrained Court, starting with the 2012 Brighton Declaration. Governments in established democracies, like the United Kingdom, have refused to implement or dragged-out implementation of ECtHR judgments. In some countries, government officials or major politicians have suggested exiting the Court’s jurisdiction altogether. Finally, several member states have rolled back domestic rights protections for politically unpopular groups, such as criminal defendants, suspected terrorists, asylum seekers, and non-traditional families.
Continue reading >>29 September 2022
The Overreaching Court
In the United States, it does not appear to be the case that the apex judiciary faces truly significant attacks on its autonomy, whatever the expressed unhappiness of an increasing number of critics. At least some would argue that the problem is precisely the opposite, that the Supreme Court has a smug sense of its own autonomy and is willing to use it with reckless indifference to the consequences for the American polity overall.
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What’s Next, Bro?
On September 25th, nearly 51 million Italians were called to the polls to elect the 19th Parliament of the Republic since 1948. All domestic and international media focused their attention on the two main novelties of this election: a landslide victory by a post-fascist, nationalistic, anti-European right-wing party and the paradox of the first female Prime Minister advocating a hyper-conservative view of women in society. Politically, these are no doubt major news. At the same time, Mrs. Meloni and her government-to-be is an unwritten piece of paper.
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The Visa Ban, Nikolai and his Russian Sister
The absence of an EU-level decision to bar perceived Russians ‘tourists’ from visiting the EU, however, did not prevent several Member States from adopting such measures at the national level, departing from EU law provisions currently in force. Contrary to the ‘tourist -only’ narrative, however, the new rules severely affect Russian family members of EU citizens and residents – an issue that, so far, has escaped public attention.
Continue reading >>Lessons from the United Kingdom’s “Enemies of the People” case
It is difficult to deny evidence of a potential backlash against the judiciary in the UK. Both Miller decisions sent shockwaves through the United Kingdom. This is despite both decisions having the effect of protecting the powers of Parliament rather than the courts, and both having a marginal, if any, impact on the ability of the UK government to achieve its desired Brexit outcome. It is hard to forget the ‘Enemies of the People’ headline following the first Miller decision.
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Attack or Reform – Mária Kolíková’s legacy
Judicial reforms are always a sensitive topic. Judicial independence is a fundamental principle of liberal democracy and the rule of law. It is often treated like a golden calf, and this worship falls into a ritual. Therefore any interference with the judiciary by the executive or legislative power always raises attention. However, what distinguishes reform from an attack? Part II of this article on the Slovak judicial reform compare latest interventions in the judiciary to other reforms in Visegrad countries.
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28 September 2022
Globalization on the Right
When Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro visited Hungary in Februar 2022, he was not only strenghtening political ties to his ideological “brother” Victor Orban, who had already attended Bolsonaro’s inauguration in 2018. Bolsonaro’s visit also put a spotlight on the transregional circulation of illiberal legal ideas. Over the past decade, conservative, religious and right-wing movements, activists and governments have built transnational networks in which they exchange legal ideas, forge common litigation strategies, and organize mutual intellectual and financial support. This posts addresses the role of Brazil and Bolsonarism in these networks, and it points to some consequences for the wider research agenda of comparative constitutional law.
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Consensus and the Crown
The late Queen was loved by many of those who felt no allegiance to her, and respected by many who did not love her. By contrast, prior to his accession, the new King had struggled to be respected, let alone loved. Will his Canadian subjects maintain their allegiance to him? The question, however inevitable, is largely idle in light of the political difficulties that any attempt to secure constitutional change in Canada has encountered for 30 years. The monarchy will remain, by default if not by desire, just as King Charles III rather than his more popular son succeeded regardless of his subjects’ feelings on the matter.
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The Resistance-Deference Paradox
The Turkish Constitutional Court demonstrates the resistance-deference paradox as a pattern in its judicial behavior under autocratic pressure. The docket management strategies including prioritization and late responsiveness are also employed in politically sensitive cases. The deferring stances of the Court legitimize autocratization when core issues of the regime are at stake. In these cases, the Court develops an autocratic partnership that makes itself an unreliable actor without any commitment to judicial ethos. The resistant stances of the Court trigger the political backlash and clashes with the judiciary, leading to further contestation of political autocratization.
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Mária Kolíková is leaving
A few weeks ago in Slovakia, after the last step of the reforms of the judiciary structure and the separation of powers was achieved, the coalition crisis broke out in full scope. Furthermore, after a two months long ultimatum, the liberals left the coalition. This step also meant the resignation of the Justice Minister, who was responsible for the judicial reform over the last two years. Now is the right time to summarize how Justice Minister Mária Kolíková succeeded in her efforts to reform the judiciary. This is part I of a two part article on the Slovak reform of the judiciary.
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The Shadow of the Past, the Challenges of the Future
The outcome of Italy's election has caused worried reactions and general alarm both across Italy and internationally. It is the first time since the dark days of fascism that a right-wing party has won the general election and will likely head the government. It is undoubtedly a turning point in Italian politics and history, a radical shift in the political spectrum. Is Italy’s constitutional system resilient enough to deal with the post-fascist legacy of Brothers of Italy? Is Italian democracy in danger? Three days after the elections we have to be cautious with any such predictions, but I think some preliminary answers are possible already at this early stage.
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27 September 2022
No Institutional Upheaval in Sight in Italy
Will the new right-wing government in Italy under Giorgia Meloni attack the constitutional institutions? The program of the coalition and the numbers in Parliament both make that seem rather unlikely.
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Defending the Judiciary
The strategies of judicial resistance employed by the Polish judiciary after 2015 are diverse and complementary. They respond to changing and intensifying the pressure of political power on the judiciary. They are a consequence of the judgments of the CJEU and the ECHR concerning the administration of justice in Poland.
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Of Punks and Nerds
The 1970s and 80s brought about two new social archetypes – the punk and the nerd. While the anti-establishment punk wants to trash the (economic, political, social) system, wants to provoke and get attention for the sake of it, the nerd behaves rather inconspicuously but effectively. He might be socially awkward and overlooked at first, but skilled and smart as he is, he knows the rules of the game and the mechanisms to get ahead with his plans. When looking at different authoritarian leaders in the world today, these two archetypes come to mind. In this blogpost, I want to use these two archetype of authoritarian leaders to analyse their behaviour and sketch the contours of an analytical framework to compare and distinguish between them.
Continue reading >>Defective Judicial Appointments in Hungary
In recent years, a series of irregularities have been revealed in relation to judicial appointments in Hungary which have compromised judicial independence and raised serious rule of law concerns. These problems have been highlighted by various domestic and international stakeholders, and issues in the judiciary have become a core chapter in negotiations between Hungary and the EU within the framework of several rule of law mechanisms. The latest round of debates revolves around judicial appointments made by Chief Justice Varga to the Supreme Court which again raise the problem of institutional manipulation of the rules safeguarding the independence of the judiciary.
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Bolsonaro and Transitional Justice
Even 30 years after the 1988 Constitution, the most democratic one in Brazilian history, the legacies of the military dictatorship still linger on - a fact that has been made amply evident by Bolsonaro's policies and discourse concerning transitional justice. Based on this, the present text aims to show how transitional justice has been deficient in Brazil and then discuss how Bolsonaro’s government has made the situation even worse by dismantling the policies that were developed under former governments.
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Mobilized to Commit War Crimes?
In that earlier post, I argued that states have a legal obligation to recognize the refugee status of Russian troops who flee to avoid participating in what is a war of aggression. That argument applies equally to this new scenario. Those who refuse to fight and who leave Russia to avoid doing so should be recognized as refugees. However, there is now an additional way to ground that claim.
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Eroding Indonesian Local Democracy
Under the administration of President Joko Widodo (Jokowi), Indonesia undergoes a period of democratic decay and constitutional demise. In a recent example, there will be at least 170 interim regional heads leading their regions without any constitutional democratic legitimacy until the next General Elections in 2024, if the current malpractice by the Ministry of Home Affairs remains unchanged. Like the climate crisis, democratic backsliding is not some future grim prospect, but has already arrived and is well-underway.
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Coping Strategies of the Hungarian Constitutional Court since 2010
The very first step of Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party after its 2010 electoral victory towards an ‘illiberal’ constitutional regime was to substantially limit the once very broad review powers of the Constitutional Court. The Fidesz government also started to pack the formerly activist Court with loyalist. By 2013 was appointed by Fidesz. Before 2013, the Court used some cautious strategies to keep a certain autonomy in the midst of threats to lose its independent status altogether by becoming part of the Supreme Court.
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26 September 2022
Why EU Countries Should Open Their Borders to Russian Draft-Evaders
In a significant escalation of his war in Ukraine, Russia’s President Putin announced a partial mobilisation on the 21st of September. Attempting to avoid the draft, thousands of Russian men are reported to be fleeing the country. Are EU countries obliged to grant asylum to Russians who are (pre-emptively) evading Putin’s draft?
Continue reading >>The Brazilian Federal Supreme Court’s Reaction to Bolsonaro
It is a relatively uncontroversial opinion that the Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro has undermined the rule of law and its constitutional institutions. This contribution concentrates on the Brazilian apex courts to show how a mix of resilience in day-to-day work and a few confrontational positions played an important role in safeguarding the autonomy and independence of the judicial branch in Brazil during Jair Bolsonaro’s term.
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The Court, the Text, and the Struggle for Constitutional Fidelity in Brazil
The Brazilian Supreme Court is currently a polarizing institution. Multiple institutional features empower it to control the constitutionality of federal, state, and municipal norms both in the course of concrete and abstract review cases. The Court stands in the complicated position of being criticized for both its actions and its inaction, while it is called to adjudicate demands by actors from all points of the political spectrum, and as it has recently come to face unprecedent authoritarian attacks. And here is the crux of Brazilian current constitutional situation: the anti-institutional speech that has been put forward by Bolsonaro and his supporters has in some cases, on its face, not been against the Constitution per se. It is presented as if it were against institutions.
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The Legality of Evil
Lex iniusta non est lex – an unjust law is not a law. This centuries-old legal maxim lies at the heart of Balázs Majtényi's recent Verfassungsblog entry. Majtényi relies on it to challenge the Hungarian legal system. This essay is, however, not concerned with the accuracy of this description, but the utility of Radbruch’s formula when faced with legal systems we deem evil. Here, my answer differs radically from Majtényi’s.
Continue reading >>Coping Strategies: Domestic and International Courts in Times of Backlash
Domestic and regional human rights courts around the world are under pressure. Populist, illiberal, or autocratic forms of governance have led to a global attack on constitutional democracy, and its guardians, courts. As a result, courts find themselves in a dilemma: should they intervene much more fiercely to uphold the rule of law or protect their institutional powers, but risk to be further attacked as enemies of the government and the majorities? Or should they practice judicial and prudential restraint to safeguard their institutional autonomy in the long term, but risk to be failing and regarded as foes by minority groups, civil society, and progressive movements who are on the receiving end of populist, illiberal or autocratic practices?
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23 September 2022
The Ukrainian Wonder
Ukraine will win this war. As a democracy.
Continue reading >>The Republic Debate in Australia
With the death of long reigning monarch Queen Elizabeth II, and the ascension of King Charles III, a conversation has been reignited as to whether it is time for Australia to move to a republic. In Australia, this conversation is complicated by the failure of the republic referendum in 1999. The divisions over the model of selecting the Head of State that marred that vote remain unresolved, and there is a distinct lack of any urgency within the broader Australian public.
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Pandora’s Box and Nostalgia
Especially over the last three years, people have been demonstrating on the streets of Brazilian cities, expressing their support of Jair Bolsonaro and even demanding the return of military rule. „I authorize“ (military intervention) is a now common cry among Bolsonaro’s sympathizers, often read on banners. Some of the demonstrators are more explicit and openly demand „Military intervention with Bolsonaro“. Why is this happening? Why are these citizens willing to give up their citizen rights not only in favour of a military dictatorship, but of a leader who apparently is capable of seducing, yes, hypnotising them in a way that no General-President during the military dictatorship could ever do?
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22 September 2022
The Challenge of Religious Populism to Constitutional Secularism in Brazil
Brazil is currently experiencing a tense electoral campaign, in which several candidates, most notably former president Lula da Silva (Workers‘ Party), are trying to prevent the reelection of far-right populist Jair Bolsonaro. In the segmentation of the electorate, one group has deserved special attention from all campaigns, the incumbent and its rivals: the so-called “evangelicals”. The evangelical electorate is more conservative, and thus has more affinities with Bolsonaro than with left-wing politicians. The politically organized evangelical community has made the Federal Supreme Court one of its main opponents.
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Whispers of Change
Until recently, a debate on Mexico’s Supreme Court's power to scrutinize the constitutionality of constitutional provisions seemed largely distant. But for the first time in its history, the Supreme Court discussed a draft opinion of one of its members calling for the inapplicability of Article 19 of the Mexican Constitution, which provides the so-called mandatory preventive imprisonment as an automatic measure when investigating specific felonies. With the future of Mexican constitutionalism pending from this decision, the stakes are as high as they have ever been.
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The Armed Forces and the Constitution in Brazil
The Armed Forces are back in power in Brazil. This time, differently from 1937 and 1964, it happened through elections. As one of the main supporting groups behind Jair Bolsonaro’s electoral victory in 2018, the military’s role in his government continued to grow. I argue that, firstly, the text addressing the military functions in the Constitution of 1988 repeats the same mistakes made by past Brazilian constitutions; and secondly, that the South American countries’ constitutional framework points out attractive alternative constitutional design options on the topic.
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21 September 2022
Constitutionalism under Bolsonaro
On the eve of a fateful election that will determine whether the last four years have been a bad dream and a footnote in Brazil’s political history, or not, the legacy of Bolsonaro’s regime for constitutional law and constitutionalism is widely and expertly discussed. Despite all his rhetorical machismo, Bolsonaro has not governed as a classical autocrat: he was democratically elected and his subsequent administration always found itself between the rock of a fragmented, yet viscerally opportunistic legislature, and the hard place of a judiciary that - while not always unsympathetic to his program - has been primarily interested in safeguarding its autonomy and its (self-)assumed role as the last word on virtually everything.
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Right-Wing Populists and the Global Climate Agenda
The rise of right-wing populist leaders, governments and political parties around the world has impacted environmental policy in general and the climate agenda particularly. In this brief commentary, we aim to contribute to an emerging literature that studies the relation between far-right populist rhetoric and actions on climate change policy. The idea is to analyse whether Jair Bolsonaro brings new tactics to the playbook of autocratic leaders, and if so which types. While political dynamics in Hungary, Poland and the USA have all been studied to establish the links between populist politics and climate inaction, there is still room to broaden the view to countries of the Global South.
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Mobilisation
Putin’s speech did not explicitly mention concrete plans to annex Ukrainian occupied territories, but Putin did announce a quick “recognition” of the fake “referenda” on joining Russia in Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson and Zaporizhzhia oblasts, scheduled in just a few days. In terms of international law, planned annexations will change nothing. States are under international legal obligation not to recognise any territorial changes declared by Russia. Any territorial concessions imposed on Ukraine under nuclear blackmail would also be legally null and void. Putin’s desperate attempt to change the game is unlikely to influence the resilience of Ukraine and its allies.
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20 September 2022
How Courts Became a Battlefront Against Disinformation
This October, Brazilians will elect their next President amidst a wave of disinformation aimed at discrediting the electoral process, and the electronic voting system in particular. One of the main engines of disinformation has been President Jair Bolsonaro himself. The problems created by the President’s constant spreading of disinformation – now targeting the core of Brazil’s representative democracy – go beyond the (in itself very serious) question of whether he could or could not pull off an outright refusal to leave office, in spite of an electoral defeat. Bolsonaro’s unsubstantiated charges of fraud can contribute to and encourage confusion and violence during and after the elections.
Continue reading >>Bolsonarism at the Ballot Box
If things go badly, the upcoming elections in Brazil may be the last ones for some time to come. Incumbent president Jair Bolsonaro threatens to use the Trump playbook to dispute a possible election loss, counting on the violent support of his highly mobilized followers and parts of the Brazilian military nostalgic for the military dictatorship. His contender, former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, who initially refused to wear a bullet proof vest, has now taken wear one on his rallies. During his tenure, Bolsonaro has drawn on populist anti-establishment sentiments and authoritarian legacies to develop his own, peculiar brand of illiberal rule known as Bolsonarism. Our symposium discusses Bolsonarism at the ballot box from the perspective of comparative constitutional law.
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19 September 2022
How to Deal With Evil Law in Hungary and Elsewhere
The Hungarian authoritarian regime that arose in the populist wave of societal processes accompanying the 2008-2009 economic and financial crisis has created a legal system in Hungary which is flawed and compromised in numerous ways. But is it valid? Can the law this regime put into force be accepted as law at all? It appears that, with a few exceptions, the debates on restoring constitutionalism have not addressed this issue in depth. This article intends to demonstrate that the Hungarian legal system does indeed lack validity. To argue my point, I am using a simple formula that is easy to articulate and has symbolic meaning for practice in dark times.
Continue reading >>16 September 2022
Wholly Autonomously
Is the German Judiciary as Independent as it Should be?
Continue reading >>15 September 2022
Missing Freedom Act
The European Commission is due to present its Media Freedom Act (MFA) this week. The MFA is not welcomed by several states, for different reasons. Some fear that their current system of media freedom and pluralism will be compromised. Others worry that their captured media scene will be exposed and investigated. Both types of opponents can relax because the Media Freedom Act draft is as impactful as a light breeze. It only scratches the surface, and important safeguards are missing.
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14 September 2022
Giving Offence is no Offence
The death of Queen Elizabeth II last week, and thus the accession to the throne of King Charles III is an opportunity for reflection. However, what some have found here in the UK is that expressing republican sentiment in public has been met with a policing intervention – arrest or warning. This post considers the legality of expressing such views, and thus of the police response too, as well as some wider issues about the policing of protest, dissent and free speech.
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13 September 2022
Klimaschutz geht durch den Magen
Am 25. September 2022 stimmt die Schweiz über die eidgenössische Volksinitiative „Keine Massentierhaltung in der Schweiz (Massentierhaltungsinitiative)“ ab. Die Initiative fordert das Ende der industriellen Tierproduktion bzw. die Abkehr von der Massentierhaltung und den Aufbruch hin zu einer zukunftsfähigen, tierfreundlich(er)en und ressourcenschonenden Landwirtschaft. Obschon die Initiative primär ein tierschutzpolitisches Anliegen verfolgt, ist sie insbesondere für die Klimapolitik von grösster Bedeutung.
Continue reading >>Evolution vs Revolution
We are all aware of the polarization afflicting modern democratic societies. It has intensified to the point that each camp perceives the “other” as a threat to its values and way of life. I argue that the current conflicts democratic societies face are often rooted in constitutional clauses that preserve problematic past laws predating the adoption of the constitution. The preservation of these laws has sentenced countries to a long battle to reconcile between their democratic and liberal values and the ghosts of a more anachronistic past.
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12 September 2022
A Seismic Shift
On 1 September 2022, the Eastern Cape High Court handed down its eagerly anticipated judgment in the case of Sustaining the Wild Coast NPC and Others v Minister of Mineral Resources and Energy and Others (the Shell case). The judgment had the effect of setting aside an exploration right that would have enabled Shell to conduct seismic surveys off South Africa’s coastline, in its search for oil and gas reserves. The judgment has been hailed by social and environmental justice activists alike. Although the case was decided more narrowly on administrative law principles, I argue that the judgment holds greater significance in that it highlights the importance of civil society activism and the crucial role of the judiciary in upholding constitutionally protected social and environmental rights.
Continue reading >>Pandering to peoples’ emotions is no solution
Poland’s next parliamentary elections will be held in autumn 2023. Polish academics are currently discussing how to repair the country's judiciary if the PiS government gets voted out of office. In this blogpost, Marcin Matczak offers a personal account of the on-going debate and advocates for a pragmatic rather than an emotional response.
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10 September 2022
Frontex and ‘Algorithmic Discretion’ (Part II)
Part I of this contribution explains how the regulatory design of the European Travel Information and Authorisation System (ETIAS) raises issues in relation to the rule of law principle of legality. Essentially, the ETIAS screening rules algorithm illustrates how automation can lead to what I suggest is a new form of arbitrariness. Part II reflects on how these legality issues affect other rule of law principles, including the principle of effective judicial protection. In turn, it raises three accountability issues and calls into question the assumption that the safeguard of manual processing in case of a ‘hit’ is a panacea for all rule of law challenges stemming from this semi-automated decision-making.
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Frontex and ‘Algorithmic Discretion’ (Part I)
This contribution, presented in two parts, offers a predictive glimpse into future rule of law challenges due to the European Border and Coast Guard Agency’s (Frontex) primary responsibility for the automated processing and screening rules of the soon-to-be-operational European Travel Information and Authorisation System (ETIAS) at the EU’s external borders. . In Part I on legality, I argue that the ETIAS screening rules algorithm illustrates how automation can lead to what I suggest is a new form of arbitrariness – which I refer to as ‘algorithmic discretion’. This can be defined as a situation where the exercise of power and discretion and their limitations are not sufficiently specified at the legislative level but are delegated to an algorithm instead.
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09 September 2022
Frontex and Data Protection
Frontex has become notorious for its multiple fundamental rights violations, including pushbacks. The problem of fundamental rights infringements associated with the Agency has been lasting for years, leading ultimately to the resignation of the Executive Director. What I argue in this post is, first, that the fundamental right to the protection of personal data by Frontex has not yet received sufficient attention by scholars and EU institutions. Second, data protection within the Agency needs to be strengthened to prevent any future new scandals.
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No Longer Feeling the Energy
On 25 August 2022, the government of Poland surprised all when it sent a previously approved (but unannounced) bill on the termination of the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT) to the State’s lower chamber. The ECT is the biggest multilateral investment treaty in the world and the only one to exclusively regulate cooperation in the energy sector.
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The Secretiveness over the OLAF Report on Frontex Investigations
The gravity of the decision not to disclose the OLAF Report should not be underestimated. The decision of not initiating proceedings on its basis should not either. Excluding the public scrutiny over such serious violations of human rights and breaches of EU law committed by those who are entrusted with applying it, weakens our democracy and fails to respect the very same values it was founded on. In a Union based on the rule of law, the accountability of civil servants should be ensured through efficient mechanisms.
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08 September 2022
Financial Scrutiny of Frontex as a Political Accountability Tool
An investigation by the European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF) on allegations of misconduct within Frontex ended with a report classified as confidential, which was therefore only accessible to the agency’s Management Board. Shortly after submission of the report, Frontex’ Executive Director (ED), Fabrice Leggeri, resigned, opening up a new cycle in the governance of the agency. Following up on this, the European Parliament (EP) decided to postpone the discharge of Frontex’ budget on the ground of lacking information with regard to the subject of the OLAF report. In this contribution, I argue that the EP’s refusal to approve the discharge of the budget of Frontex, even though having little impact on the financial stability of the agency, is a tool to enable the political accountability of Frontex.
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Pakistan’s Call for Climate Reparations
Torrential monsoon rains have triggered Pakistan’s worst floods this century. So far, at least 1,300 people have been killed and a third of the country is under flood waters. Entire villages have been washed away and an estimated three million children are in need of humanitarian assistance. Against this backdrop, Pakistan’s minister for climate change has called for rich nations to pay reparations to developing States suffering climate loss and damage. In this blog post, I will put the claims for climate reparations in an international law context.
Continue reading >>Chile’s constitutional endeavour goes on
The Chilean people overwhelmingly rejected the draft constitution in the referendum held on September 4. How did it come to that? And what will happen now? A few first impressions on a result that seemed impossible a few months ago.
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Gorbachev’s Legacy in Lithuania
The last President of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev, who oversaw its largely peaceful collapse, passed away last week at the age of 91. Despite the praise from Western leaders, Lithuanian's public view is mostly unaffected by "Gorbamania". Gorbachev's reputation in Lithuania was irreparably damaged by the crackdown of January 13, 1991. After failing to seize control of important institutions in Vilnius, Soviet forces killed 14 individuals and injured hundreds more in a bloody massacre.
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European Oversight on Frontex
The scandals about the complicity of Frontex in human rights violations in autumn 2020 exposed weaknesses in the accountability system. In this blog, I will elaborate on this by presenting the rules governing democratic accountability, followed by an analysis of the lessons learned during the parliamentary inquiry on Frontex’ human rights-related performances, in the light of their obligations. I will conclude with ideas on how to strengthen democratic accountability, and how to expand it to the much-needed public accountability of Frontex.
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The “Year of Historical Memory” and Mnemonic Constitutionalism in Belarus
On 1st of September 2022, the academic year in all Belarusian schools started with an atypical lesson, on “historic memory” – led in Minsk by none other than the country’s “President” himself, Aliaksandr Łukašenka. There is a constitutional dimension to historical memory in Belarus, which is better grasped through the looking glass of mnemonic constitutionalism.
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07 September 2022
Frontex and Migrants’ Access to Justice
While possibly marking a step in the right direction towards more political accountability, the controversial resignation of Frontex’s former Executive Director, Fabrice Leggeri, leaves open the question about the effective judicial protection for migrants interacting with the agency. A number of judicial actions are brought before the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), as the only competent tribunal with jurisdiction on Frontex. By critically reviewing these judicial actions from the perspective of migrants’ access to justice, this post aims to flag the limits of the existing system of EU judicial remedies in light of Frontex wrongdoings. Beyond access to a court, access to justice vis-à-vis EU migration agencies must integrate elements of good governance, such as transparency and accountability.
Continue reading >>What Monitoring for Fundamental Rights at EU Borders?
The legal and structural problem of fundamental rights protection and its monitoring at the EU’s external borders in the context of border police operations is high on the EU political and legislative agenda at the moment. In this blog I argue that a truly independent system for monitoring human rights compliance at EU borders must be established which is the responsibility of state bodies, building on existing entities such as Ombudspersons, National Human Rights Institutions, National Preventive Mechanisms. The border monitoring activities must be coordinated across Member States and the competent monitoring bodies must have access to their sister bodies in relevant third countries.
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Here We Stand
On Sunday, 28 August 2022, four major associations of European judges announced that they would challenge the Council’s Decision of 17 June that releases funds to Poland to help it recover from the COVID-19 pandemic. The four associations are seeking to prevent the release of recovery funds to Poland until it has complied with the Court’s judgments in full. Whether their action has any chance of success will depend on how the Court applies the long-standing Plaumann criteria.
Continue reading >>06 September 2022
What’s in a Name?
The available non-judicial forms of accountability are insufficient to ensure the accountability of the agency. Neither their combination nor the respective parts can constitute effective non-judicial remedy in the meaning of Article 13 of the European Convention for Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, while their pre-emptive functionality is not deemed adequate to prevent violations. Therefore, the need for legal accountability in the form of judicial remedies becomes all the more essential.
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A New European Political Community: The British Perspective
The upcoming State of the Union address scheduled for 14 September and the succession of Liz Truss as UK Prime Minister looks set to be a potential turning point in EU relations. But will the EU grasp it? Could a new intergovernmental political forum – acting alongside EU enlargement – ease the tension of EU treaty change? Such a forum might bridge the potential role prospective EU member states in Eastern Europe could play before formally joining and the necessity of forging a constructive post-Brexit relationship with the UK. It could resolve political and constitutional concerns.
Continue reading >>Hybrid EU External Border Management
The recent resignation of the Executive Director of Frontex disguises in fact the many structural problems and flaws resulting from the hybrid exercise of significant executive powers within a shallow legal framework. This blogpost argues that this leads to a lack of clarity, adequate controls and safeguards which in turn creates fertile ground for abuse of power and unaccountability.
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Facing Up: Impact-Motivated Research Endangers not only Truth, but also Justice
All (but one) responses to my reflections on the ethics of activism as scholars in this blog symposium have been thoughtful, engaged, and charitable. For them, I am very grateful. If my rule-consequentialist worries have any truth to them, we should worry more rather than less about having the relevant motivation I castigate. When the moral stakes are higher (such as in vast areas of the Global South), one has to be even more careful about not making moral mistakes. The debate is not about whether one should be moral (by definition, we should be). It is about what is the most effective means in which the constitutional studies academy can contribute to a more just world.
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05 September 2022
Frontex and the Rule of Law Crisis at EU External Borders
The resignation of the Executive Director of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (hereinafter: Frontex or Agency) at the end of April 2022 re-opened Pandora’s box with regard to the adequacy of the accountability mechanisms on the Agency. The turmoil was caused by several allegations of breaches of the law, which seems to be confirmed by the OLAF report, leaked at the end of July 2022. The aim of this blogpost is, first, to discuss the emergence of a rule of law crisis in border management and, second, to lay a finger on issues regarding both internal and external oversight mechanisms over Frontex, with special attention for the composition of the Management Board, the very first oversight body within the Agency.
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An ‘Impossible Trinity’?
In international macroeconomics, the term ‘Impossible Trinity’ refers to three elements, which are impossible to coexist. In this Verfassungsblog series, we examine whether the EU’s external border policy, Frontex and the rule of law constitute such an ‘Impossible Trinity’, or whether they can be reconciled with appropriate accountability mechanisms.
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03 September 2022
Czechia’s First Climate Judgment
Czechia’s first climate change lawsuit ended with a small sensation. On the hot summer day of 15th June, the Municipal Court in Prague ruled that four Czech Ministries violated the plaintiffs‘ right to a favourable environment. The violation consists in the omission to set any concrete mitigation measures that would lead to reduction of greenhouse gas emissions by 55% by the year 2030 compared to the year 1990. As the Urgenda Climate Case and other landmark judgments have paved the way for climate action around the world, this first noteworthy ruling of the region blazed the trail specifically for other courts in Central and Eastern Europe.
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02 September 2022
Child Protection, Sexuality and Feindstrafrecht
Across EU Member States, we are witnessing the growing use of criminal law for punishing behaviors related to the sexualization of minors, which do not directly imply the abuse of actual minors. This use of criminal law presents many reasons for perplexity.
Continue reading >>31 August 2022
Win or Lose, Chile’s Draft Constitution Heralds a New Era of Climate Constitutionalism
On September 4, Chileans will vote on whether to adopt a new constitution. It is a deeply contested election. Polls show that the yes vote is trailing by roughly 10% points, but with over 15% of voters still undecided, as of last week. The debate over the new text has centered on questions of the balance of powers, the autonomy of indigenous people, and the participation of the private sector in the provision of social security, health, and education. But one of the most innovative features of the text is not getting enough attention domestically – its deep engagement with environmentalism, and with climate change in particular.
Continue reading >>A Parliament Shaped by the ‘Worst Election Law Ever’
The campaign for the next Italian general election, scheduled for […]
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Why Academic Ivory Towerism Can’t Be The Answer
At a time in which a worrying number of risks conspire to threaten the end of democracy and humanity – from climate change to uncontrolled new technologies –, to confine the remit of the legal scholar to the narrow boundaries of academic purity appears ahistorical at best, irresponsible at worst.
Continue reading >>What Makes Responsible Government Responsible?
How important is it for a Parliament to know which Ministers are appointed to administer which departments? This odd question has been at the centre of a furore in Australia in recent weeks. It has focussed attention on the legal and political requirements for ‘responsible government’, to use the characterisation of the relationship between Crown, Ministers and Parliament that is in common use in parliamentary systems in the British tradition, including those in Australia. It raises some intriguing questions for the construction of the executive chapter of the Australian Constitution, which are all the more important in times of global concern about democratic decline.
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30 August 2022
Nudging After the Replication Crisis
Not so long ago, nudging seemed to many to be the governance tool of the future. Behavioral interventions, like reminders or information about other people’s behavior, come at low cost, help their addressees make better choices, and do not hamper their addresses’ autonomy. Meanwhile, however, the replication crisis has shaken the behavioral sciences, famous studies have been retracted due to data fraud, and, more generally, the very effectiveness of nudging has been put into question.
Continue reading >>28 August 2022
Secrecy, Democracy, and the Greek Wiretapping Case
The Androulakis case not only challenged and altered the Greek political agenda, but also provoked substantial concerns about the protection of the right to secrecy of communications and in a wider sense the quality of rule of law in Greece.
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26 August 2022
Sharing the Cost of the Crisis
In late July, the two political parties supporting the Spanish Government (the socialist party and the leftist Podemos) presented a proposal for approving a law on the windfall profits of banks and large energy companies in Parliament. This is supposed to tax companies earning extra profits from the recent price increase in energy and the financial sector which was slightly affected by the increase in inflation but will have a considerable profit from the rise of interest rates. The bill could serve as an example for other European countries.
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What’s wrong with good “scholactivism”?
There is a fine line between suspicion based on the nature of the motivation (seeking direct material change), and the substance of the motivation (commitment to a particular normative position). Once the “scholactivist” label gets thrown around, it may be hard to maintain that distinction. And it is to normative positions which advocate new ideas or change – including those that are reflective or well-considered – to which the label is most likely to attach.
Continue reading >>24 August 2022
Scholactivism and Academic Self-Awareness
In the past decade, the U.K. has seen the overwhelming influence of the populist right. It manifests most famously in the Brexit process, but also in continuous calls for a reversal of liberal constitutionalism. Notably this process is bolstered by a group of scholars, many of whom were in my own faculty at Oxford, who serve as legitimation of government policy and spur its development. Importantly, though clearly highly effective ‘scholactivists’, these scholars would never describe themselves as such. We need to follow the money, we need to follow its route to power and to understand the role the academy plays in legitimating and building these ideological (and often religious) positions.
Continue reading >>Scholactivism and the Global South
Tarunabh Khaitan’s article “On scholactivism in constitutional studies: Skeptical thoughts” has prompted us to make a number of observations. It is a welcome intervention insofar as it may perhaps provide an impetus for a much needed debate within constitutional studies, which on the one hand seeks to lay bare certain kinds of privilege that undergirds the positionality of scholars arguing against Scholactivism, and on the other hand also makes the case for empirically grounded and interdisciplinary engagement in constitutional studies. Yet, to those of us located in, writing from and about the Global South—which includes both the geographical South as well as pockets of it in the Global North (including racialised and Indigenous populations)—this contention raises several concerns.
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NGOs in distress
During the summer of 2020, two ships operated by the non-governmental organization Sea Watch reached Italian shores after rescuing migrants in distress at sea. Upon arrival, both ships were detained at two Sicilian ports. Sea Watch brought two legal actions for the annulment of the detention measures. On 1 August 2022, the CJEU delivered its judgement on the case.
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‘Activism’ Is Not the Problem
My claim and critique of Khaitan’s position is that constitutional law scholars must produce actual answers to questions of legality, constitutionality or feasibility. Scholars may differ in whether or not they start their inquiry with a ‘material outcome’ as their hypothesis but the quality of work by both ‘activist’ and ‘non-activist’ scholars is to be assessed on the basis of the outcome and their academic integrity.
Continue reading >>The Constitution of What?
On 4 September, the Chilean people will vote on whether a draft constitution, the result of the work of a Constitutional Convention, will replace the current constitution, which dates back to Pinochet’s dictatorship. Chile’s constituent process, one might think, will thus soon be over. The future is less clear. The draft can be understood as as an exercise of social self-constitution. Its feasibility, however, seems to depend on accommodating social pluralism with the opposed logic of the realm of politics and its permanent dynamic of generating a unity that speaks with one voice.
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23 August 2022
More and Better
Tarunabh Khaitan’s editorial comment in ICON on the perils of letting activist inclinations influence one’s scholarship, resulting in an unsavoury “scholactivism” blend, is thought-provoking. Professor Khaitan calls for rigorous adherence to the ethical demands of a search for truth in our research, even as we might, he suggests, become or remain activists for causes we believe in a range of other activities. In my view, however, Professor Khaitan’s critique misses the mark. He is asking too much of individuals and not enough of institutions.
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Integrity and Independence
Professor Khaitan has written a powerful analysis and defense of the role of scholars in pursuing knowledge; he raises many more important issues than I have space to address here. I write in full agreement with several of the attitudes towards scholarly work that Khaitan emphasizes, especially the need for independence of judgment and an openness to revision, but find his “scholactivism” category too broadly conceptualized. Universities and their scholars must focus primarily on knowledge – its production, preservation, and dissemination – but good scholarship can be directed to material change in the world as well as to changes in understanding.
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From Intellectual Poker to Open Debate
Tarunabh Khaitan’s editorial in the International Journal of Constitutional Law presents insightful remarks about the risk that scholactivism may fail both as scholarship and as activism. I largely share Khaitan’s discomfort with scholactivism, which confuses two different goals: advancing human knowledge and advancing a political goal. However, I wonder whether the instrumentalist argument that Khaitan develops is really the decisive one. In this blog, I present some doubts about this instrumentalist argument before suggesting another line of argument, based on the intrinsic nature of academic research.
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Is Ethnic Gerrymandering a Solution for the Constitutional Impasse?
Christian Schmidt, the High Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina, had a fit of temper last week. After the draft of the HR's “Decision Enacting the Law on Amendments to the Election Law of Bosnia and Herzegovina” had been leaked to the public, there had been mass demonstrations. What were the reasons and what is the legal and political background for his outrage?
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22 August 2022
Academic Roles, Political Freedoms, and Practical Abilities
There is no general reason to suppose that constitutional law scholars should refrain from engaging in politics, and I think that a scholar’s motivation to achieve a certain political goal does not affect the value, quality, or credibility of the conclusions of her inquiry. Moreover, the austere research ethics underlying the arguments of Komárek and Khaitan imposes on constitutional law scholars a set of role obligations that are in tension with some dispositions and epistemic attitudes that are often necessary to be a competent scholar in value-laden disciplines like political philosophy and constitutional law.
Continue reading >>The Language of Power
Professor Tarunabh Khaitan’s ICON editorial on “scholactivism”, as well as his September 2021 Letten Prize lecture on "The Role of the Legal Scholar in the World" are unsettling. Although stepping aside and standing by may feel satisfactorily pure and avoids tensions as well as personal attacks in a post-truth world, it is not neutral – simply because any activity relating to constitutional law, active or passive, is inevitably a statement about politics and power. Instead, constitutional lawyers have a professional obligation to explicate in the public debate what forms the implicit basis of all conversation between them: the very relevance of the law to power and politics.
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A Defence of Scholactivism
A scholar motivated to achieve specific outcomes in her lifetime might be reasonably thought to bring a serious-mindedness, persistence and focus that arises from really caring about real-world effects of her work. And beyond scholarly energy, there is reason to suppose that the passion, commitment and even anger at injustice that often attends a scholactivist mindset might bring insight.
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19 August 2022
Dobbs in the EU
EU leaders and institutions have reacted strongly to the US Supreme Court’s ruling in Dobbs, which overturned Roe v. Wade and held that the right to abortion was not consitutionally protected. Shortly after the decision was made public, the European Parliament adopted a resolution condemning Dobbs, and calling for the right to abortion to be included in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union.
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Bridging Legal Longtermism and Animal Law
Discussions of animal law and legal longtermism often take place separately. That separation is misguided. Each field has much to gain from the other. In this post, we explain why animal law is important for legal longtermism. We then propose two general steps that legal longtermists can take to bridge these fields.
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Putinism is Contagious
As Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine continues, EU Member States are contemplating new sanctions, including Schengen visa bans for Russian citizens. The underlying rationale is the WWI ‘enemy alien’ logic, where all Russian civilians are enemy aliens, and must be treated with suspicion. This populist construction of an ‘enemy alien’ is antithetical to the EU’s constitutional core, which also informs its visa and migration law. The populist retributive logic, to us, is a stress-test of the rule of law in the EU. It’s good news that, outside Estonia and Latvia, it seems to be holding strong in other Member States.
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Compute and Antitrust
Compute or computing power refers to a software and hardware stack, such as in a data centre or computer, engineered for AI-specific applications. We argue that the antitrust and regulatory literature to date has failed to pay sufficient attention to compute, despite compute being a key input to AI progress and services, the potentially substantial market power of companies in the supply chain, and the advantages of compute as a ‘unit’ of regulation in terms of detection and remedies.
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In Dubio Pro Futura
This post introduces a proposal to promote the long-term interests of humanity and to avert existential and other catastrophic risks, such as those resulting from extreme climate change, pandemics and unaligned artificial intelligence, through the adoption of a novel legal decision rule: in dubio pro futura. In the face of legal indeterminacy, when the law does not provide a single correct answer but a range of several acceptable answers, courts should choose the one most favorable to the future of humanity.
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18 August 2022
Future-Proofing Global Health Governance Through the Proposed Pandemic Treaty
It is clear that humanity is not prepared for the next pandemic; the global health governance architecture requires fundamental change in order to get us to that point. If humanity is to be prepared for the next pandemic, we must fix the deep rooted, structural inequalities which are embedded within our global health system. The pandemic treaty is an opportunity to do this, but on the basis of the present proposals, and the manner in which the treaty is being developed, it is clear that the treaty will fall far short of such expectations.
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Extradition to Russia from an EU Member State
On 8 August 2022, a Bulgarian Regional Court, acting as a first instance, allowed the extradition of Alexey Alchin, a Russian national, to Russia upon the request of the Russian Prosecutor’s Office. This controversial decision sparked much debate among Bulgarian civil society because Alchin became known for burning his Russian passport at a protest against the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 and for maintaining anti-war stances. In the eyes of Bulgarian civil society, the request for his extradition is politically motivated.
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Effective Enforceability of EU Competition Law Under Different AI Development Scenarios
This post examines whether competition law can remain effective in prospective AI development scenarios by looking at six variables for AI development: capability of AI systems, speed of development, key inputs, technical architectures, number of actors, and the nature and relationship of these actors. For each of these, we analyse how different scenarios could impact effective enforceability. In some of these scenarios, EU competition law would remain a strong lever of control; in others it could be significantly weakened. We argue that despite challenges to regulators' ability to detect and remedy breaches, in many future scenarios the effective enforceability of EU competition law remains strong.
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“Thank you very much, your mail is perfectly fine”
About two weeks ago, the Commission presented its draft for a "Regulation laying down rules to prevent and combat child sexual abuse". The planned introduction of the inspection of all digitally sent messages is likely to be the largest state surveillance project in Europe since the end of the Cold War and blatantly violates the Charter of Fundamental Rights.
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My spy is always with me
On 11 May this year, the European Commission presented its draft of a "Regulation laying down rules to prevent and combat child sexual abuse". Initial reactions to the draft have been controversial. The draft bundles measures to combat sexualized violence that have been common for some time, but whose technical and legal controversies have still not been fully overcome. What is new, however, is that under the proposed regulation, individual communications on certain communications services are to be searched for certain content on a large scale and in part without any probable cause.
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Testing judicial independence
Despite the recent abolition of the Disciplinary Chamber, the crisis in the Polish judiciary is still far from resolved. The main reason for this is that the status of judges appointed at the request of the National Council of the Judiciary have not yet been addressed. As a result of the lack of a systemic solution, the problem of irregular judicial appointments must be dealt with by courts in concrete cases. For that purpose, the Supreme Court developed a test aimed at determination of the impact of irregularities in the appointment of judges on the legality of the composition of the court. The most recent amendment to the Act on the Supreme Court introduced a new test and raises serious concerns.
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17 August 2022
Why Banning Russian Tourists from Schengen Might not Be Unlawful
Recently, politicians in different EU countries have suggested barring Russian tourists from visiting the EU. Such a ban would be in retaliation for the war waged by Russia against Ukraine. From a legal perspective, these suggestions raise the interesting question whether such a blanket ban would be lawful. From a legal perspective, the question is precisely whether there is a possibility to amend the existing acquis, in order to ban Russians from obtaining short term visas for the purpose of visiting Europe as tourists. It seems hardly tenable to argue that the EU (secondary) legislature is somehow bound by the ratio legis of the current Schengen visa system.
Continue reading >>Heated tempers and legal ambiguities
After some heads of EU governments advocated for an all-out ban of Russian nationals’ Schengen visas, a heated academic and political debate arose over the question whether the EU could bar Russians from acquiring visas for a short-term stay in the Schengen area. Could a sweeping travel ban for Russian citizens be justified in the light of EU law? This blogpost advises caution.
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16 August 2022
Why Restricting Tourist Visas to Russians is Legitimate
In the aftermath of Ukrainian President Zelenski’s call on the EU to introduce a ban on short-term ‘tourist’ visas for Russians wishing to travel the Schengen area, a lively debate on the issue erupted, featuring important interventions not last on this website. For instance, Sarah Ganty argues that an EU tourist visa ban would be ethically wrong and unlawful. However, there is no absolute right to travel through the EU.
Continue reading >>15 August 2022
Long-term Constitutional Law for Global Public Goods
The rules-based order necessary for realizing the sustainable development goals (SDGs) requires antagonistic, perennial struggles for justice challenging abuses of power and struggling for collective protection of the SDGs. Without such a ‘Sisyphus morality’ and stronger leadership from constitutional democracies for improving multilevel governance of global public goods, realization of the SDGs and protecting ‘human rights of all’ risk remaining a utopia.
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Pathogen Dematerialisation as an Existential Threat to Global Health Justice
Rapid levels of growth and development within the field of synthetic biology pose an undeniable threat to equity and global health justice as a result of the rise in the dematerialisation of pathogen samples. Until fairly recently, it was impossible to detach physical virus samples from the information they contained - the sample was the information - but technological advancements have allowed for the dematerialisation of pathogen samples to occur on a global scale. Whilst there are undoubtedly benefits to be derived from dematerialisation, it poses an existential threat to those international agreements which are underpinned by access and benefit sharing agreements.
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Extratemporal Jurisdiction
When may a court legitimately rule over affairs of the future at all? Before thinking about how to resolve such cases, we need to clarify the conditions legitimatising the exercise of judicial authority. My (necessarily cursory) argument in this blogpost is twofold. First, I argue that it is both useful and conceptually apt to think about legitimate authority as a jurisdictional question. Second, I propose a heuristic condition that justifies the judicial exercise of extratemporal jurisdiction over future events: preserving choice.
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14 August 2022
Extinguishing the Court
The three quasi-judges in the Constitutional Tribunal and their participation in its adjudication are like a spoonful of tar in a barrel of honey: they contaminate the whole of the Tribunal. That is why the whole of the Constitutional Tribunal should be replaced in the event of a electoral victory of the democratic opposition in 2023.
Continue reading >>Proactive International Law
In this blog post we challenge the reactive nature of international law, a discipline that has largely developed in response to specific crises and incidents, such as wars, pandemics, mass migrations, economic breakdowns, or technological advancements. While we acknowledge that the reactive paradigm of international law has facilitated adoption of pragmatic solutions to the concrete problems encountered and offered international law a path by which to direct its development, this approach, we contend, has led international law to be backward-looking, short-sighted, and ill-prepared to address newly emerging global threats and advances.
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13 August 2022
A Wolf in Sheep’s Clothing
In Brazil, the National Congress recently passed the Constitutional Amendment no. 123, nicknamed the “Kamikaze Bill” due to it budgetary impact. It qualifies the current situation – inflation, rise of gasoline price, shortage of goods, pandemic to name just a few – as an emergency state, creating financial and tax benefits for biofuel producers and providing welfare payments for part of the population.
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12 August 2022
The Rise of the Constitutional Protection of Future Generations
Constitutions worldwide have seen the rise of future generations. Considering the 193 UN member states, Kosovo, Palestine, and Taiwan, 41% (81 out of 196) of constitutions explicitly referenced future generations as of 2021. We find that this trend started in the early 1990s, lagging behind environmental constitutionalism by two decades. Why do constitutions increasingly refer to future generations? Based on a comprehensive data collection including all constitutions ever written, we argue that future generations are a significant part of a modern, universalist language of constitution-making.
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Privacy in Peril
On Saturday, 25 June 2022, American women woke up to a different reality – one day earlier, in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, five justices on the US Supreme Court decided that the US Constitution does not protect a woman’s right to terminate a pregnancy. This undoing of women’s autonomy comes in part from the Dobbs majority’s failure to recognize that the right to terminate a pregnancy derives from a right to privacy. Roe and Casey recognized that reproductive freedom implicates bodily integrity and physical privacy, along with a decisional privacy interest in the critical life choices surrounding reproduction and family planning. In the space of a single day, the Dobbs Court eviscerated the freedom and the privacy rights Americans have relied on since 1973. Moreover, in an era driven by an information economy and rapidly expanding surveillance technologies, the Dobbs Court’s eradication of the right to terminate a pregnancy also severely compromises informational privacy, which involves the right to shield information from disclosure.
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Extra-Constitutional Commitment Mechanisms
The solution to many public dilemmas requires long-term effort by successive generations. Such situation arises whenever the solution to a public dilemma cannot be implemented instantaneously but is dependent on the continuous effort of future governments (and their citizens). In this post I discuss the problem of securing intergenerational cooperation, focusing on the challenge of designing long-term commitment mechanisms. I will also reflect briefly on the tension between commitment mechanisms and the democratic ideal of citizen sovereignty (allowing each generation to make its own choices).
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Why Banning Russians from Schengen Is Unlawful
Volodymyr Zelensky, the Prime Minister of Finland and others have been calling for an EU-wide ban of Russian citizens from Schengen visas. Unquestionably, the horrible crimes perpetrated by the Russian state should be punished. But Russians are citizens of a totalitarian state, they are not Putin. And whether we like it or not, there is no legal way under current EU law to adopt a blanket citizenship-based ban against Russians acquiring Schengen visas. Even more: political attention paid to it by persons in leadership positions is deeply surprising, if not irresponsible.
Continue reading >>11 August 2022
Narrow Rules are not Enough
With continuing proliferation of increasingly capable AI systems, we will need regulation to address the associated risks. Since our ability to foresee such future risks is very limited, our best bet is to base such regulation on relatively general principles, rather than narrow rules. We think that negative human rights with their existing broad international support could form a suitable foundation both for flexible regulation and for the associated technical solutions.
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An Intertemporal Perspective on Intergenerational Equity
The traditional understanding of intertemporal law is not persuasive – a modified intertemporal approach to intergenerational equity is necessary. This approach would have to shift the perspective of intertemporal law from a retrospective present-past relationship to a future-oriented perspective. Instead of observing the evolutionary developments of law over time and retrospectively applying them at a certain point in the future, the new approach departs from the contemporary legal regime and attempts to anticipate its prospective evolutionary developments – with regard to intergenerational equity only.
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10 August 2022
The Future of European Climate Change Litigation
On 7 June 2022 the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) relinquished jurisdiction to the Grand Chamber to hear the application lodged on 28 January 2021 on behalf of Damien Carême, former mayor of the Commune of Grande Synthe in France. While the case shares some characteristics with other climate change cases pending before the Court, it differs in some key respects, making it a unique case of its kind at the moment. The Court will have to be open to a shift towards a more ecological interpretation of the Convention and demonstrate its ability and talent to rise to the historic task required.
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Solidarity Across Time
I want to focus on the question of what the future can do for us – a question less asked, and which may seem antithetical to the idea of responsible behaviour now, and yet which is simply a part of the idea of solidarity across time. Its practical importance is that it strengthens the relationship between the present and future and so gives a more persuasive and coherent basis for solidaristic behaviour now
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Law must be enforceable
The Court of Justice of the European Union ruled on 01.08.2022 that administrative decisions refusing family reunification must be open to judicial review with a legal remedy. The decision had been long awaited. The underlying article only provided for a legal remedy “against”, not “for” a transfer decision. The CJEU clearly rejects this view and emphasizes that administrative decisions must generally be subject to judicial review, which is a hindrance to the EU Commission's plans to significantly reduce the number of legal remedies in the revised EU legislation.
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09 August 2022
Paths Untaken
If the development of certain technologies, such as advanced, unaligned AI, would be as dangerous as some have suggested, a long-termist legal perspective might advocate a strategy of technological delay—or even restraint—to avoid a default outcome of catastrophe. To many, restraint–a decision to withhold indefinitely from the development, or at least deployment, of the technology–might look implausible. However, history offers a surprising array of cases where strategically promising technologies were delayed, abandoned, or left unbuilt, even though many at the time perceived their development as inevitable.
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Is Legal Longtermism Common Sense?
The past decade has seen a growing interest in protecting future generations from risks associated with climate change, pandemics, artificial intelligence, and other potential threats. Philosophical theories have developed in parallel, and those associated with the view that one should be particularly concerned with ensuring that the long-run future goes well have been referred to as longtermism. In the context of law, these theories form the basis for legal longtermism, the set of views associated with the claim that law and legal institutions ought to protect the far future. Based on a pair of recent empirical studies we show that legal experts and laypeople alike believe that the law should protect the long-term future much more than it currently does; that legal experts believe that the law can predictably and feasibly protect the long-term future; and that these beliefs hold true across major demographic subgroups.
Continue reading >>05 August 2022
A War By Any Other Name
How Russian Law Shapes Language and Instills Silence
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An Uncounted Confidence Vote
On 22 July, the Provincial Assembly of the Punjab, Pakistan’s largest province, convened to elect a new Chief Minister. Punjab’s political turmoil is the first trial run of the Court’s drastic reconfiguration of Pakistan’s political regime with a judgement this May that completely eliminates legislators’ ability to vote against the party line in confidence matters. Departing from essential principles of parliamentarism, the Court has incorporated the notion of executives remaining in office without the confidence of the House into Pakistan’s constitutional framework. The difficulties that already have arisen from working this party-centric parliamentarism demonstrate its dangers for democratic consolidation and underline the need for the Court to reconsider its position.
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The Re-Emergence of the Net Neutrality Debate in Europe
The European online space has been subjected to intensive legal reforms in recent years, and the policy and regulatory debates regarding the role and obligations of tech companies in Europe are far from over. With the rumoured Connectivity Infrastructure Act, the European Commission seeks to compel Big Tech actors to financially contribute to telecommunications infrastructure. This initiative risks opening the pandora's box of net neutrality, and potentially endangers the democratic principles of freedom of expression and pluralism.
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The EU’s regulatory push against disinformation
Tech billionaire Elon Musk’s surprise bid to buy Twitter questions the wisdom of the current EU efforts to combat the spread of disinformation, which has relied to a large extend on platforms’ voluntary cooperation. Whether successful or not, it raises serious questions on EU disinformation policy’s reliance on platforms’ discretion to moderate this category of speech. It is likely to put pressure on the carefully constructed web of self- and co-regulatory measures and legislation the European Commission has spun to counter the spread of disinformation.
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02 August 2022
Challenging Censorship
India’s online censorship laws have, since they were framed, been entirely lacking in transparency, and have consequently shielded the Indian government from any and all form of accountability. A writ petition by Twitter in an Indian High Court hopes to change that. Depending on which way the Courts rule, the fundamental rights of free expression, of due process and of access to the internet of millions of Indians are going to be decided by the end of this case.
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Everything must remain the same for everything can change
The European Arrest Warrant mechanism has been one of the fiercest manifestations of the rule of law crisis in Poland. Four years have passed since the EU Court of Justice instructed executing courts to carry out a two-step test, to decide on the execution of EAWs issued by a Member State affected by systemic deficiencies to the independence of its judicial system. Four years later, the Polish government has only dug itself deeper into its authoritarian trench. With its recent rulings, the Court has significantly broadened the criteria and factors on which the executing courts can rely, when assessing the risk of a breach of Article 47(2) CFR in the issuing State.
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01 August 2022
Fighting on the Business Front
Since 24th February 2022, international criminal justice has moved to ‘warp speed’: Russia’s flagrant aggression against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine as well as the ensuing (and continuing) war has spawned a plurality of transformative developments across the whole realm of international criminal law. Last week, on 26th June 2022, these developments were further amplified by a statement issued by the Ukrainian government, which called for bringing war crimes charges against leaders and chairpersons of major international banks, including JPMorgan Chase, Citigroup, or HSBC.
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29 July 2022
Wanting to Know the Facts
Emily Dische-Becker, the FAZ, the Hizbullah, and the truth
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28 July 2022
Net Zero, Full Transparency
Earlier this month, during a record-breaking heatwave and a Conservative party leadership contest that will determine the next UK Prime Minister, the High Court quietly issued a judgment that may have nearly as much impact on the course of UK climate policy over the coming decades than either of the other events. The High Court judgement in the Net Zero Strategy legal challenge can be considered a landmark victory. On the one hand, the case can be understood as a narrow administrative law challenge to the process by which a government decision was made. On the other hand, however, the judgment can be understood in the context of a growing number of cases around the world which demonstrate the critical role of the law and the courts in creating accountability for climate action – something that is increasingly vital in the face of a warming world and a lack of public trust in key institutions.
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Accessing Information about Abortion
The U.S. Supreme Court decision of 24 June 2022 overruled a half century of precedent supporting a constitutional right to abortion across the U.S. established in 1973 in Roe v. Wade. Essentially, Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization left the decision on abortion to individual states. The ruling, although astonishing, was not necessarily a surprise, after its draft had leaked a few weeks earlier. But to the surprise of many, almost immediately, Facebook and Instagram started removing posts informing about access to abortion pills, the Associated Press and Vice first reported.
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26 July 2022
Beyond Constitutional Doctrine?
In a recent post on Verfassungsblog, Michał Stambulski and Karol Muszyński make a number of wide-ranging statements and stinging criticisms of what they believe to be the shortcomings of “doctrinal constitutionalism”, “legal constitutionalism” and “doctrinal legal constitutionalism.” What the authors fail to do at any point, however, is define what they mean by these terms. Furthermore, their attack on doctrinal constitutionalism - which includes ad hominem attacks while ironically calling for a more serious engagement and less ‘emotional’ or ‘easy moral evaluation’ - fails to offer any alternative solutions to a rule of law crisis that the authors themselves readily acknowledge to be a problem. Aside from a plea to pay closer attention to economic, social and political context, it is by no means clear what they would put in place of the doctrinal/legal constitutionalism that they appear to be so passionately opposed to.
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Citizenship Imposition is the New Non-Discrimination Standard
Never before has the failure to naturalize been used by the Court against discriminated permanent residents, just as it would be unthinkable to greenlight the humiliation of Muslims by an Islamophobic government for failure to convert. The meaning of ‘discrimination’ in ECHR law has become less clear as a result of Savickis.
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21 July 2022
On Osman Kavala and Turkish Judicial Failures
The Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, in charge of monitoring compliance with ECtHR rulings, will now deliberate as to how to handle Turkey’s now judicially confirmed failure to release Kavala. Suspension of Turkey’s membership in the Council of Europe, is an option that is on the table, at least theoretically. The Kavala case is larger than Kavala himself though.
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20 July 2022
Constitutionalizing the Court of Arbitration for Sport
Claudia Pechstein is an exceptional athlete. On ice, she seems immortal, skating through her 8th Winter Olympics in February 2022 in Beijing. In the court room, she has shown the same determination and refused to back down from a bitter and expensive legal struggle. The most recent decision in Claudia Pechstein's legal odyssey, a decision by Germany's Federal Constitutional Court, is interesting beyond the German context because it concerns one of the most active and at the same time under-researched global courts: The Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS).
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The Government versus the President
A few days ago, the Georgian government filed a constitutional complaint against the President of Georgia to the Constitutional Court. Many in Georgia, and not only in Georgia, think that the government is trying to curtail the powers of the president and punish the president for her pro-European political activities. What is interesting in this context is how strong the government's legal positions really are.
Continue reading >>19 July 2022
The Bill of Rights Bill and the damages of UK’s unilateralism
Just a fortnight before the resignation of Prime Minister Boris Johnson, the UK Government published its draft Bill of Rights Bill, which seeks to repeal and amend the 1998 Human Rights Act which incorporated the ECHR into UK law (section 1(1) of the Bill). The Bill is an expression of a broader trend emerging in UK policies to unilaterally amend (or even avoid) international law commitments.
Continue reading >>18 July 2022
The People vs The President
Sri Lankan president Gotabhaya Rajapaksa finally resigned on 14 July 2022. The Speaker of the Sri Lankan Parliament confirmed the resignation on 15 July 2022. This is a tremendous victory for the people who have asserted their sovereignty through their daily activism. Recognizing the Sri Lankan crisis as a constitutional moment to introduce legal-political reforms is imperative to respond to the worst economic crisis the country has faced since independence and to engage with the diverse range of protestors within a constitutional-political framework.
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Holidays with smog
The Polish energy policy is seeing further controversies. The Minister of Climate and the Environment, Anna Moskwa, allowed poor quality coal to be sold for 60 days. This means that, up to 28 August, households are able to buy bituminous coal with a higher content of sulphur and mercury, as well as harmful mining waste, e.g. mining sludge. This decision is already causing considerable controversy not only among climate activists, but also among voivodship (local) authorities that are implementing so-called anti-smog resolutions.
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The Poverty of Militant Doctrinal Constitutionalism in the European Union
The rule of law crisis discussion is transforming the entire academic field of comparative constitutional law. Success is measured not in volumes of empirically based analysis or critical examination of existing legal practices but more and more in op-eds in which Poland, Hungary or the Commission should be chastised like unruly children in the most imaginative and entertaining way possible. It is possible because of the ultimately fatal grip of constitutional law scholarship and constitutional design in the EU which blurs the distinction between theoretical and more practical uses of constitutional concepts.
Continue reading >>14 July 2022
Terra Incognita for the Fifth French Republic
Undoubtedly, 19 June 2022 will make a mark in the history of the Fifth Republic. Not only did it mark the end of the “absolute majority” of the re-elected President’s party in the Chamber of Deputies, but it also brought about an upheaval in the political and institutional habits in force since 1958. One might be inclined to think that this new configuration will be favorable to dialogue and cooperation between the institutions of the Fifth Republic. One might even assume that the National Assembly, now composed of multiple political forces, will once again be a place for debate. June 2022 will certainly have sounded the death knell of French “presidentialism”, but the concomitant advent of such a divided Assembly will perhaps not favor the emergence of a renewed parliamentarism.
Continue reading >>13 July 2022
Hanging by a Thread
On June 20, 2022, Israel’s PM Naftali Bennet announced that he has decided, together with Yair Lapid, Israel’s foreign minister and Alternate Prime Minister, to disperse the Knesset. Bennet explained that the dissolvement was necessary to avoid “constitutional chaos”. But what was this pending “chaos”? What Bennet was referring to in such dramatic terms is the prospect of the expiration of the Emergency Regulations (Judea and Samaria—Adjudication of Offenses and Legal Assistance), which were set to expire as a result of the Knesset failing to pass a law extending them. What are these regulations? And how can the expiration of regulations, let alone emergency regulations, amount to a constitutional crisis?
Continue reading >>When National Laws and Human Rights Standards Are at Odds
The UK Government’s agenda to erode human rights and to disentangle the UK from its European partners has now been fully materialised. Soon after Brexit, the UK Government announced its intention to replace the Human Rights Act, which incorporates the rights set out in the ECHR into domestic law, with a British Bill of Rights. The replacement draft Bill of Rights is now being considered by Parliament. Although the draft Bill confirms that the catalogue of rights remains the same, it introduces many significant changes. The draft Bill will water down, not strengthen, human rights protection in the UK.
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12 July 2022
The Selective Nature of a pan-European Willkommenskultur
Four months into Russia’s war on Ukraine, there has been a tremendous show of support for Ukrainians fleeing violence and the atrocities of war – in Europe and elsewhere in the world. As is well-known, European states have hammered out pragmatic administrative solutions to accommodate large numbers of incoming person, going to great lengths to provide for beneficial welfare arrangements. Against this backdrop, it may not be unreasonable to present the crisis in Ukraine as a tipping point for humanitarian protection more generally.
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Hungary, Poland and the “Community of Fate”
In February 2022, the ECJ delivered a ruling in cases brought by Hungary and Poland against the European Parliament and Council. Not only did the ruling uphold the regime of conditionality for the protection of the EU budget; it also entered into the domain of European constitutional identity. Instead of undermining the European commitment to the rule of law, Poland and Hungary may have inadvertently consolidated the place of rule of law in the heart of EU identity.
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11 July 2022
Will the Commission Throw the Rule of Law Away in Hungary?
The Hungarian government is publicly saying that it is nearing a deal with the European Commission to unlock the Recovery Funds that have been withheld because the Commission has not yet approved Hungary’s plan for spending those funds. Apparently, Hungary has agreed to four conditions that will allow the €7bn worth of grants and about €8bn in low-interest loans to be approved. But if those are any indication of the price that the European Commission will extract for comprehensive violation of the rule of law, the European Commission is making a colossal mistake.
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10 July 2022
Is Finland Joining the Backsliding Trend in Europe?
New laws have just been adopted by the Finnish parliament that would be extremely dangerous tools in the hands of a cynical government with a right-wing-populist and/or kleptocratic agenda. As the composition of the current Government is left-green-centre, some people will dismiss my concerns. The plain facts, however, give rise to worries: parliamentary elections will be held in April 2023, both large opposition parties, the populist True Finns and the Conservatives, effectively took ownership of the parliamentary consideration of the Bills in question, and the prevailing political rhetoric now is full of slogans that echo Donald Trump rather than the voices of human rights. There is good reason to be on high alert.
Continue reading >>Die AfD als Verdachtsfall
Nach dem Grundsatzurteil des Bundesverfassungsgerichts zum Bayerischen Verfassungsschutzgesetz werden aktuell Gesetzesnovellen der Verfassungsschutzgesetze des Bundes und der Länder vorbereitet. Die Reformen werden voraussichtlich auch die Regelungen über die heimlichen Beobachtungsmethoden des Verfassungsschutzes, wie etwa den Einsatz von V-Leuten, betreffen. Die Thematik der nachrichtendienstlichen Beobachtung erhält zusätzliche Relevanz, nachdem das Verwaltungsgericht Köln entschieden hat, dass die AfD vom Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz als Verdachtsfall eingestuft werden könne.
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For Whom The Bell Tolls
Less than three years ago, Boris Johnson led his party to their largest election victory since 1987. Today, his premiership is in ruins, his party has abandoned him, and he has resigned in disgrace. The political aspects of the United Kingdom’s constitution are often said to be founded on the belief that politicians are good chaps. In reality, this constitution, at least when it comes to issues of survival, is based on the maintenance of confidence. Once that is gone, so are you.
Continue reading >>Transgender Women Athlete Exclusion in Disguise
A heated debate about the participation of transgender and non-binary people in female competitions is on-going worldwide. Just last month, the International Swimming Federation adopted a new policy which prevents transgender women from participating in its female top-competitions. Without any possibility for the affected group of transgender women athletes to participate in FINA’s top-competitions, the policy is disproportionate and discriminatory, and has the potential to violate other human and children’s rights.
Continue reading >>07 July 2022
A Reckless Decision
On Thursday, 30 June 2022, the Supreme Court of the United States issued its long-awaited ruling in West Virginia v. Environmental Protection Agency on the final day of the Court’s term. In a 6-3 decision, the conservative-majority Court held that the EPA lacks authority to require power plants to achieve the “best system of emissions reduction,” thereby hampering the United States’ ability to tackle climate change—decades after the government first learned of the crisis.
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Untying the Ties that (don’t) Bind
In his letter to MEP Daniel Freund of 17 June 2022, European Council President Charles Michel argued that neither he, as President, nor the European Council have the power to exclude democratically unaccountable representatives of a Member State from that institution. But President Michel’s apparent recourse to a literal reading of Article 15(2) TEU – which fails to consider its relationship with other provisions relating to the composition of the European Council – is not convincing.
Continue reading >>06 July 2022
Guardian of the Amazon
On 1 July 2022, the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court (STF) issued a momentous judgment in what has been one of the most important climate litigation cases before the court. In its decision, the STF elevated international environmental law treaties, such as the Paris Agreement, to the status of international human rights treaties in the Brazilian constitutional system – with wide ranging implications at the domestic level.
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Ecuador’s June 2022 Multi-pronged Social Outburst
For 18 days in June, the Ecuadorian society has descended into chaos. What started as a strike led by indigenous communities mutated into a multi-pronged social outburst that threatened the constitutional order as a whole. While the core reason for the widespread discontent lies in the systematic exclusion of a vast majority of the Ecuadorian population from basic social systems, the resent crisis in Ecuador posts a more comprehensive alert.
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05 July 2022
The Costs of Outsourcing
Last month the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) granted an urgent interim measure according to Rule 39 of the Rules of the Court in a case concerning an imminent removal of an asylum-seeker from the UK to Rwanda. The UK's policy of outsourcing sets another dangerous precedence when it comes to restricting territorial asylum and the basic rights of asylum seekers. It is expensive, contrary to international human rights obligations, has significant adverse effects on those affected, scratches the state´s reputation, and increases existing tensions with the ECtHR.
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The Italian Surname Saga
On May 31, 2022, the Italian Constitutional Court (ICC) finally rendered its much-awaited decision (ICC, decision no. 131/2022) about domestic legislation on surname attribution. The judgment deserves closer attention for two main reasons. Next to fostering gender equality, it also exemplifies the new role of the ICC within the Italian constitutional order.
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01 July 2022
The Logic of Patriarchy
With two decisions, the highest court in the U.S. judicial system shed the mantle of law. In Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization, the two-thirds majority of five male justices and one female justice of the Supreme Court declared the abortion right, vouchsafed in the legendary Roe v. Wade decision in 1973, to be moot and gave its blessing to Mississippi's abortion ban. Within just a week, the same majority, half appointed by Donald Trump, tore the controversial right to keep and bear arms from its dogmatic moorings in the Second Amendment. As overtly political measures, both rulings combine a preference for patriarchal society with a bonus for toxic masculinity. It remains to be asked how long the structurally minoritized women justices of the Court will participate in this legitimacy game
Continue reading >>30 June 2022
Scottish Indyref 2
On Tuesday 28 June, First Minister Nicola Sturgeon addressed the Scottish Parliament about her plans for a second independence referendum. According to the proposed Bill, the referendum will take place on 19 October 2023. The announcement reopened the age-old debate about the ‘festering issue’ whether Holyrood does possess the power to organise such referendum without the explicit consent of Westminster.
Continue reading >>The Core of the European Public Space
Increasing the visibility of the constitutional fundamentals of the Union takes on existential importance in times of constitutional reckoning or, as some call it in more ominous terms, in times of “capitulation”. It is for that reason that art. 19(1) TEU should be amended to reflect the case law of the Court of Justice and thus to codify the core that binds the Member States to the discipline of the legal order.
Continue reading >>29 June 2022
Trumping International Investment Law
An Award rendered on 16 June 2022 by a Stockholm-seated Arbitral Tribunal unleashed a foreshadowed earthquake regarding intra-EU investment protection disputes. The Tribunal declined jurisdiction based on the intra-EU nature of the dispute, which arose after two Danish companies had invested in Spanish photovoltaic power plants. The Award rendered under the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT) and the arbitration rules of the Stockholm Chamber of Commerce (SCC) marks the first time an arbitral tribunal has denied its jurisdiction (ratione voluntatis) because of the intra-EU objection raised by the Respondent.
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The Ogiek Struggle for Recognition in Kenya
In a judgment handed down in Arusha on 23rd June 2022, the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) affirmed its 2017 ruling that the Ogiek people are indigenous to the Mau Forest and that they are its ancestral owners, granting them a collective title to be achieved through delimitation, demarcation and registration of their land. The reasoning by the Court will have a significant bearing on the struggles of other indigenous peoples seeking to secure their land and livelihoods.
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Europe Needs a Civil Society Strategy
In a number of EU countries, governments are squeezing civic space, rendering it increasingly hard for civil society to operate. A comprehensive strategic approach to partnering with civil societies would allow the EU to more effectively tackle growing illiberalism and ambivalence about democracy.
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24 June 2022
Courts and Cannabis Sativa for Medical Purposes in Brazil
The Brazilian Superior Court of Justice – not the Federal Supreme Court – had recently decided that planting and transporting cannabis sativa aiming at extracting oil for medical ends shall not be treated as a crime. Contrary to the recent allegations of judicial activism made by President Jair Bolsonaro against the Brazilian judiciary, the Superior Court of Justice ruling is a good example of a decision based on the 1988 Constitution, the statutory law referred to in the case and several other authorities contributions, which all helped to construct the court’s arguments, as this post will show.
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Fundamental Rights at the Digital Border
We are witnessing the emergence of the EU’s ‘digital border’: an ecosystem of interoperable databases to expand the surveillance and control of the movement of third-country nationals. In this blog post, we discuss one of the latest additions to this ecosystem - the European Travel Information and Authorisation System, or ETIAS in short - and argue that the system as it is currently set up violates the right to data protection laid down in Article 8 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights, especially in light of the CJEU’s PNR judgment earlier this week. In many ways, we consider ETIAS to be a test case for a much wider roll-out of such often AI-powered technologies in the field of border control.
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23 June 2022
Governing the Memory of the Present
Putin’s Russia is a global champion of memory laws that fabricate the state’s perennial innocence and glory and make it a criminal offense to diverge from the state-sanctioned historical narratives. The state’s propaganda has also promoted symbols that convey support for or condoning of the Russia’s war, such as the “Z”, “V”, and St. George's ribbon. The emergence of these symbols in the public sphere has put militant democracy provisions existing in many European legal orders into the spotlight, but also propelled lawmakers in some states to adopt new provisions prohibiting the use of such symbols. We discuss the reaction mechanism in Lithuania, Germany, and Poland.
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A Directive altered beyond recognition
On 21 June 2022, the Court of Justice of the European Union rendered its decision in the preliminary ruling procedure on the fate of the PNR Directive. The Court had a chance to decisively answer one of the most crucial questions facing European security law: Is indiscriminate mass data retention for and the technology-induced analysis of ordinary human behavior compatible with fundamental rights? It instead opted for an enigmatic compromise creating a whole host of new questions. It does not change the fact that the PNR Directive survives – as a strange beast altered beyond recognition.
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Tackling Discrimination in Targeted Advertising
On 21 June Meta and the US Department for Housing and Urban Development released a legal settlement that will restrict Meta’s ability to offer those clients some of its core ad-targeting products. It resolves (for now) a long-running case over discriminatory targeting of housing adverts. Meta is now prohibited from using certain targeting tools in this context, and has promised new tools to ensure more representative targeting. This US lawsuit should be a wake-up call for European regulators, reminding them that taking systemic discrimination seriously requires proactive regulatory reform and enforcement. The relevant provisions of the Digital Services Act (DSA) are largely symbolic.
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22 June 2022
Pregnancy Registry in Poland
In Poland and beyond, a media storm broke out in the beginning of June because of the so-called "pregnancy registry." The problem at the heart of the media storm is that if a woman decides to terminate her pregnancy, for example, abroad, it will be known because of the system's pregnancy data and prenatal test results. Nevertheless, it is difficult to judge this registry unequivocally, especially after hearing the arguments of both sides.
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21 June 2022
Experimenting with European Democracy
The Conference on the Future of Europe came to an end on 9 May, with the presentation of a final report of 49 recommendations and 329 specific measures to the presidents of the three EU institutions. While it is unclear what the exact follow-up to the Conference will be, the upcoming Council Summit on 23-24 June will show whether a simple majority of Member States is open to starting the process for a Treaty change.
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Covering Up and Rewarding the Destruction of the Rule of Law One Milestone at a Time
Once upon a time, when still a candidate for President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen solemnly declared: “there can be no compromise when it comes to respecting the Rule of Law. There never will be.” As it is now clear, this was just Orwellian doublespeak.
Continue reading >>20 June 2022
How the Philippines Could Overcome Its Deep Mistrust of Constitutional Reform
The Philippines has had three constitutions. Despite numerous attempts, the 1987 Constitution has not been amended since its ratification. Initiatives to change a constitution, and moves of resistance, are part and parcel of a constitutional democracy. Actually, the Philippines finds itself in a fortunate position, because the failure of past attempts at amending the 1987 Constitution can offer valuable lessons.
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The Rule of Law in a Reign of Terror
India is witnessing a spate of housing demolition used as a tool to inflict extrajudicial punishment for dissent. Over the past few months, the bulldozer has emerged as a powerful metaphor for the brute force of the state and the endless machinations of Hindu supremacists to flatten any difference or diversity they encounter. Tempting as it is, to think of the recent demolitions as a shocking new development, in fact the bulldozer has always been a significant determinant of the contours of space in India.
Continue reading >>18 June 2022
The Role of Referenda in Orban’s Regime
Following the parliamentary elections and the national referendum in April 2022, the OSCE found that the legal framework was inadequate for the conduct of a democratic plebiscite. Even though the observers noted several shortcomings of the legal regulation and documented many serious anomalies of the electoral system, they failed to put their analysis in a broader political and legal context. The aim of this short piece is to briefly describe the role that the referenda play in Orbán’s regime.
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17 June 2022
The UK’s anti-legal populism
Calls for UK withdrawal from the ECHR are raised at fairly regular intervals in certain quarters of the Conservative party, but this week various members of the Government, including the Prime Minister. Reason for this was an interim measure by the European Court of Human Rights that stopped a deportation flight to Rwanda. It was entirely predictable that calls for UK withdrawal from the ECHR would resurface. Less predictable for many, are the implications this would hold for the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement.
Continue reading >>15 June 2022
British Bare Necessities
In the latest episode of the Brexit saga, the United Kingdom government has published the Northern Ireland Protocol ('NIP') Bill, by which it seeks to unilaterally disapply large parts of the Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland to the 2019 Withdrawal Agreement (‘WA’) concluded between the UK and the European Union. The British government has shared a summary of its legal position, seeking to justify the NIP Bill on the basis of the doctrine of necessity. However, this justification seems to be a literal, if unconvincing, attempt to make a virtue of necessity.
Continue reading >>14 June 2022
Moving Beyond Token Participation
The concept of human rights due diligence was developed over the past decade as a way for companies to grapple with adverse human rights violations and impacts connected to their business practice, including within their value chains. In February of this year, the European Commission published a proposal for European Union-wide mandatory human rights due diligence for companies that fall under its scope. For such legislation to succeed in advancing the rights of the most affected and to lead to better human rights outcomes for rights-holders, it is crucial to anchor such laws and regulations with not only the perspective of rights-holders but their ongoing involvement. To do otherwise would miss an invaluable opportunity to improve the landscape of business and human rights to center rights-holders in the years to come.
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13 June 2022
Serbia on Hold
Since 3 April 2022, when elections at all levels were held, Serbia has been on hold. Two months after the elections, only the President of Serbia has begun to serve his regular mandate, while the official results of the parliamentary elections are yet to be proclaimed, the new composition of the National Assembly is yet to be convened, and the new government is yet to be formed. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, which occurred at the beginning of the election campaign, added to the already tense political situation.
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09 June 2022
How the Data Retention Legislation Led to a National Constitutional Crisis in Portugal
Some weeks ago, the Portuguese Constitutional Court (PCC) triggered a heated political debate on the need to amend the Constitution to grant criminal investigative authorities access to metadata on personal communications. Whilst disagreements between the political branches and the constitutional jurisdiction are common, this conflict is located at a wider critical juncture that intersects EU and national constitutional law, the CJEU, the domestic constitutional court, and ordinary courts.
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08 June 2022
Censuring von der Leyen’s Capitulation on the Rule of Law
The spectre of a motion of censure is looming over the von der Leyen Commission. While this rather extraordinary, perhaps desperate, measure appears unlikely to attain the required number of signatures to be tabled – and even less likely to be adopted by the European Parliament –, this initiative deserves some scrutiny. Perhaps even some praise by those who still believe in the primacy of law over power.
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06 June 2022
Compensation Without Recognition
The German-Italian dispute over civil liability for Germany’s crimes during World War II has developed into a veritable saga. This saga, however, might come to an end soon. By passing the Decree-Law of 30 April 2022, No. 36, the Italian government has temporarily blocked the distraint of properties of Germany located in Rome. Furthermore, the Decree-Law has established a fund through which the Italian government aims to definitively close the issue by paying compensation to the victims in place of Germany. Even if in the future Germany decides to contribute to those compensations, such a solution would fail to acknowledge that historical justice is not just about financial compensation. It is about listening and recognition.
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The European Commission Cedes its Crucial Leverage vis-à-vis the Rule of Law in Poland
The worst thing about the European Commission’s decision of 1 June 2022 to approve Poland’s EUR 36 billion national recovery plan, despite this country’s very meek (to put it mildly) assurances about improvements to its rule-of-law situation, is not even its substance, bad though that is. Worse still is the sequencing.
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03 June 2022
The French Constitutional Council’s Problem with Impartiality
If only one example was needed to show the oligarchic nature of the French political system and the limited power of civil society, the game of musical chairs that was played between the Government and the Constitutional Council in the decision “Association La Sphinx” would be perfect. Two ministers directly involved in the drafting of the challenged policy were also judging the constitutionality of the legislative provisions they themselves brought forward. The Constitutional Council’s rules of procedure dismiss impartiality concerns in such cases. This management of conflicts of interests in this court is unacceptable.
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02 June 2022
Competition and Conditionality
On 5 April 2022, just two days after the Hungarian national elections, the European Commission formally announced that it would apply the conditionality mechanism enshrined in Regulation 2020/2092 in relation to Hungary. In the past the Commission has frequently addressed issues related to “systemic irregularities, deficiencies and weaknesses in public procurement procedures”. In Hungary, however, it has not probed the enforcement of competition (cartel) law in public tender procedures. The Commission should seize the opportunity to act in this area.
Continue reading >>01 June 2022
Just a Feint?
A running joke in the pro-democratic military analyst community is about ridiculing the messages of pro-Russian experts who are pretending that the Russian defeat in the battle of Kyiv was "just a feint". I am afraid that the European Commission just walked into a similar strategic blunder with its deal with the Polish government on the recovery fund and the Supreme Court.
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Travelling Courts and Strategic Visitation
It is not very often that an on-site meeting of a German higher regional court makes its way to the front pages of international news media. Yet, the reported visit of judges and court-appointed experts from the OLG Hamm, one of 24 higher regional courts in Germany, has achieved just that when the nine-person group traveled to the Andean city of Huaraz in Peru in late May 2022. This was after all no ordinary visit. They had come to see with their own eyes whether Saúl Luciano Lliuya’s house is threatened by outburst floods from Lake Palcacocha. We argue that this form of “strategic visitation”, similar to strategic litigation, might not result in a judicial breakthrough but holds important symbolic and political significance.
Continue reading >>29 May 2022
British Cavalier Attitude
On 17 May, the UK’s Foreign Secretary, Liz Truss, announced to the House of Commons that the Government would be introducing legislative proposals to supersede the Northern Ireland Protocol (NIP). This drastic measure is the culmination of strained negotiations between the UK and the EU to modify the NIP since summer 2021. Stepping outside of the framework of the Withdrawal Agreement to address the claimed problems, the UK challenges the Rule of Law in international relations.
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The Never-Ending Struggle Over (Northern) Ireland
Claiming the need to “protect the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement in all its dimensions”, the UK government threatens once again to adopt legislation unilaterally changing the Protocol Ireland/Northern Ireland. In legal terms, this would constitute a breach of the Withdrawal Agreement between the EU and the UK. But does the Good Friday Agreement indeed exclude divergence between Northern Ireland and Great Britain or even demand protecting trade from GB to Northern Ireland?
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27 May 2022
Revitalizing the Right to Abortion in Kenya
On 24 March 2022, the Kenya High Court delivered a momentous ruling on the right to abortion. The decision sets a tempo in safeguarding women’s rights not only in Kenya but across the world. It is yet another great contribution from the Global South to global constitutional debate, reminding us that judges should be ready and willing to deploy their interpretive armory when protecting rights.
Continue reading >>26 May 2022
Partygate, Inquiries, and how not to Learn Lessons in the UK
Responding to public pressure and the criticisms of bereaved families, many states have begun to examine the actions and decisions taken during the COVID-19 pandemic. Public inquiries or parliamentary investigations are an essential step in this examination and can provide lessons to support an effective future response to crisis. In any such investigation, the question of who investigates and what is investigated can be as important as the findings themselves. However, a barrier to learning will be the political pressure not to own up to failures or failings, particularly where it concerns a culture of government or a style of governance still practiced. What this can collectively amount to is a failure to learn: a critical failing where it is not question of if a future crisis arises – but when.
Continue reading >>Illiberals of the World Unite in Budapest – Yet Again
Despite their strong localist and nativist inclinations, traditionalism does not turn illiberal democrats and autocrats against international cooperation, and their political ambitions do not halt at disrupting the operation of supranational organizations. Rather, they use both ad hoc opportunities and a regularly recurring annual events for networking. What marks these occasions is the careful selection of trusted participants based on strong personal connections, along shared values across different religions and continents.
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21 May 2022
Enabling Digital Authoritarianism in the Name of Counterterrorism
Nigeria's transition to a digital economy is in full swing. As terrorism and violent extremism are ravaging certain parts of the country, the mounting insecurity has necessitated huge budgetary allocations to national security, giving way to a new kind of digital authoritarianism. Serious concerns have been raised regarding the misuse of collected data and arbitrary surveillance, which undermine human rights and civic freedoms.
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The European Union and Preventive (In)Justice
The expansion of the EU counter-terrorism acquis has signified what I have called the preventive turn in European security policy. Preventive justice is understood here as the exercise of state power in order to prevent future acts which are deemed to constitute security threats. There are three main shifts in the preventive justice paradigm: (i) a shift from an investigation of acts which have taken place to an emphasis on suspicion; (ii) a shift from targeted action to generalised surveillance; and, underpinning both, (iii) a temporal shift from the past to the future.
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19 May 2022
What Culture Wars Hide
The American Conservative Political Action Coalition (CPAC) is meeting in Budapest on 19-20 May. The meeting signals that US conservatives have chosen Hungary as proof of concept for the politics they want. Prime Minister Viktor Orbán is proudly illiberal and proudly politically incorrect. Having won his fourth consecutive election in April with his largest parliamentary majority yet, Orbán demonstrates to American conservatives that his brand of politics can triumph.
Continue reading >>Those Dazzling Stars of Peace, Democracy and Freedom
In the dark, post-Soviet 1990s, Europe and America were viewed as shining spots by us, the young people, born in the Soviet Union. Embodying the West, they served as dazzling stars, relieving the darkness and promising freedom, security and happiness. I associate the brightest star with the symbol of human rights. I fondly remember myself, as a third-year law student, getting a strong sense of pride over the Chapter Two of the newly adopted Constitution of Georgia that is devoted to human rights.
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18 May 2022
GDPR Collective Litigation Against Facebook
The recent CJEU Case C-319/20, Meta Platforms Ireland provides insights on the interpretation of Article 80(2) of the Regulation (EU) 2016/679 on the protection of natural persons with regard to the processing of personal data and on the free movement of such data (GDPR), which regulates representative actions in the data protection field. The Court of Justice specified that actions protecting general interests fall under the scope of Article 80(2) GDPR, but leaves the task unmoved to reconcile this provision with the Directive on Representative Actions (DRA).
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From the War on Terror to Climate Change
From terrorism and economic crisis, to COVID-19 and climate change; the first decades of the 21st Century have seen democracies lurch from crisis to crisis, implementing legal and political responses to tackle the threat at hand. Many of these ostensibly emergency responses have, however, become permanent, raising profound challenges to the legitimacy of both the constitutional norms impacted by the emergency response, and the emergency response itself. This plea to emergency must, however, be interrogated; Ultimately, what is key to understanding permanent emergencies is not the threat but the decision-maker that claims such an emergency exists.
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17 May 2022
Direct Democracy or Climate Litigation?
The Klimaseniorinnen case has gained worldwide attention since the announcement of the relinquishment in favour of the Grand Chamber. The case is one of many strategic proceedings initiated around the world to sanction inaction or insufficient action by states on climate issues. While the Swiss government claims that the Swiss political system, with its democratic instruments, offers sufficient possibilities for the consideration of such claims, this blog post argues that the Swiss right to initiative alone is not sufficiently effective and therefore not an alternative to legal proceedings.
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Boda boda registration in Kenya
In Kenya, typical moments during which citizens' rights are limited have followed emergencies, such as terrorist attacks or the COVID-19 pandemic. It is much easier to implement personally invasive policies such as biometric identification under urgency and addressing only a section of the public. A recent incident involving motorcycle taxis in Kenya, popularly known as boda bodas, illustrates this.
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The other legacy
The 9/11 attacks triggered a new practice of and renewed interest in emergency powers. Without doubt, the United States were at the forefront of the enhanced exercise of such powers, but France is a very interesting example of the many issues and challenges raised by states of emergencies' normalization. France has been governed under a state of emergency for more than half of the time that has elapsed since the attacks of 13 November 2015.
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16 May 2022
A Swedish NATO Membership and Its Constitutional Barriers
After the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the debate about a possible NATO membership in Sweden has been intense. The ruling Social Democratic Party was against a membership for a long time, but on Sunday 15 May it changed its position. Now everything points to a Swedish NATO accession and it seems likely that the constitutional barriers for that are surprisingly low: parliamentary approval with a simple majority vote.
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Climate Change Litigation Before the ECtHR
Verein KlimaSeniorinnen Schweiz and Others v. Switzerland is the first case of climate change litigation before the ECtHR where all domestic remedies have been exhausted. The Chamber to which the case had been allocated relinquished jurisdiction in favour of the Grand Chamber. This reinforces the potential of the case to become a landmark ruling determining the Court’s approach to climate change.
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Between Filters and Fundamental Rights
On 26 April 2022 the CJEU delivered its much-awaited judgement in Case C-401/19 – Poland v. Parliament and Council. The case concerns the validity of Article 17 of the Copyright in the Digital Single Market Directive in light of fundamental rights. The judgment marks the climax of a turbulent journey in the area of copyright law, with potential implications for the future of platform regulation and content moderation in EU law.
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Counter-Terrorism, the Rule of Law and the ‘Counter-Law’ Critique
The Rule of Law requires that the law be a reliable and non-oppressive guide to how citizens should act: as such, the laws governing every citizen must be rationally knowable and voluntarily followable (and, by extension, open to rational challenge and justification). Tendencies in counter-terrorist legislation clearly run counter to the Rule of Law thus understood. Every move away from knowable and followable laws is a move away from it.
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Drifting Case-law on Judicial Independence
In a preliminary ruling of 29 March 2022, in case C-132/20 Getin Noble Bank, the CJEU answered questions on judicial independence of judges appointed under an undemocratic regime and of judges appointed before 2018 in an allegedly flawed process. Taking a highly formalistic approach, the Court seeks to preserve judicial dialogue between itself and the national judges – at the expense of the rule of law and judicial independence.
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12 May 2022
The Placeless Parliament
Parliaments form a structural fixture in government districts around the world, they are the pivotal place where public affairs are negotiated and formulated. The Russian assault on Ukraine has made it abundantly clear that this place no longer exists in Kiev. At least it is no longer available to the representatives, and the parliament is forced to reinvent itself as a "placeless actor“. It is not very surprising that this reinvention is taking place in the digital space.
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The Dilemma of Mild Emergencies that are Accepted as Consistent with Human Rights
Amid the pandemic and the war in the Ukraine, Canada had a quiet emergency. On 14 February 2022, the federal government used the Emergencies Act to respond to a three week occupation of the Parliament building and various border blockades. This was a mild and quick emergency, as far as emergencies go. Mild emergencies that arguably respect rights are better than severe emergencies that do not, yet there is cause for concern.
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The War in Ukraine, Fake News, and the Digital Epistemic Divide
The ongoing war in Ukraine sheds light on crucial challenges of our digital media landscape. The social media-driven “(mis)information wars” surrounding the Russian invasion expose a growing epistemic divide running through liberal democracies. The regulatory focus on truth, with measures like fact-checking, serves little to cure the larger problems behind this. We should rather use the power of the law to devise new modes of intelligent speech regulation mimicking the functions formerly played by the centralized set-up of communication conditions.
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11 May 2022
RePowerEU and End War by Ending Fossil Fuels
Putin’s criminal war on Ukraine has forced the Commission to say it will ‘RePowerEU’, to end Russian fossil fuels. We must clearly end all fossil fuels, and drive as fast as technology allows to 100% clean energy. To do this we should capitalise upon the vast range of legal options in our European economic constitution: that is the ‘law of enterprise’. The geopolitical situation requires us to see our law as an organic, social whole, and for all private and public actors to be on board.
Continue reading >>Law’s Fate under the US “War on Terror”
More than 20 years after the US declared “war on terror” we must assess the damage it inflicted on the core values embodied in the rule of law and the success of efforts to defend them. The fate of the rule of law — whose raison d’être is to restrain the state from abusing its power — itself depends on politics. Party control of the executive and legislature (which in turn shapes the appointment of judges) was the single most powerful determinant of responses to the numerous abuses under all four administrations since 9/11.
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10 May 2022
Never-Ending Exception
The planned 10th amendment to the Hungarian constitution aims to rewrite the current rules of Article 53, which allows the government to declare a state of danger (and rule by decree as it did during the last two years) in the event of a natural or industrial disaster endangering lives and property, or to mitigate the consequences thereof. According to the proposed new rules, the government will also be able to declare this kind of emergency ‘in the event of armed conflict, war or humanitarian catastrophe in a neighbouring country’. This is just the latest chapter in the story of the democratic and rule-of-law backsliding in Hungary.
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De-AKPification
Opinion polls by Turkey’s reputable polling firms consistently indicate that the governing AKP and its de facto coalition partner, the far-right nationalist MHP, are losing their popularity and heading to a potential defeat in the upcoming presidential and parliamentary elections of 2023. As an anti-AKP victory, or at least the real possibility thereof, draws near day by day, a vital question arises: how should opposition forces treat AKP operatives in the judiciary and bureaucracy? Is it possible to “de-AKPify” ex- or soon-to-be-ex-AKP operatives?
Continue reading >>The United Parliament
While we frequently hear about Presidents taking the role of a commander in chief in times of war, the legislature, too, can play an important role. Whether a country succeeds in a war depends not least on how well its legislature is able to adjust to face the challenges of war. This blog post takes a closer look at the Ukrainian Parliament – the Verkhovna Rada (the Rada hereafter) – and its roles and activities during the war of the Russian Federation on Ukraine.
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“When in doubt, detain!”
Israel recently saw a bout of terror attacks, including three assaults in a single week in late March 2022, and more since. The Israeli Government, in an attempt to curb the violence, decided among other steps to administratively detain without trial not only suspected possible terrorists from the Occupied Territories (as it regularly does) but also possible suspects among Israeli citizens. The use of administrative detentions without trial is a good example of the permanent mindset of emergency, as they are utilized as a regular means of government: when in doubt, the Israeli government detains.
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09 May 2022
The Costs of Mass Surveillance in Slovakia
Solving the dilemma of how much surveillance is needed to maintain security and not crossing the threshold of its excessive interference with rights is not easy. It is an ongoing process, also in Slovakia, influenced by many factors - the fight against terrorism, despite not being a prominent threat for the country, has been one of the major drivers of invasive state surveillance. When this happens in the context of weak institutions, it leads to the deterioration of democracy.
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On 9/11 and three natures of a permanent state of emergency
One particular consequence of the post-9/11-counterterrorism paradigm is there has been a rapid and global expansion of emergency powers, as terrorist threats are viewed as creating a ‘permanent’ emergency. This is not to say that the post-9/11 war on terror was new as far as the issues of states of emergency are concerned, but rather, as aptly put by Dyzenhaus, "all that is new is the prevalence of the claim that this emergency has no foreseeable end and so is permanent.”
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08 May 2022
Wrong to the Core
On May 4, 2022, close to midnight, the Supreme Court of Israel released its judgment in HCJ 413/13 Abu Aram v. Minister of Defense, holding that the Israeli army is permitted to evict eight Palestinian communities in Masafer Yatta, a rural area in the South Hebron Hills in the West Bank, for the stated purpose of establishing a “firing zone” for the IDF. The judgment sealed over two decades of litigation, in which the Court pushed the parties to settle and “compromise.” Unfortunately, the decision in this case is wrong to the core.
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07 May 2022
“We the Territorial People” and the Russia-Ukraine War
Not enough attention has been devoted to Russia’s demands that Ukraine amend its constitution to recognize Crimea as Russian territory as well as accept the independence of the separatist regions in eastern Ukraine – Donetsk and Luhansk. Though it may not seem intuitive, constitutional law and its accompanying methods of holding referenda to amend constitutions is at the heart of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. Is constitutional amendment the way to achieve a breakthrough? What conditions must be met to legitimize secession, which includes the breaking apart of citizens along with the state’s territory, on which they reside?
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A Court With Powerless Judges
The new appointments of judges to the French Constitutional Council, I described in an earlier post this week, are certainly important but also less decisive than one might think. The structure and the functioning of the Court are built to minimize the power of its judges. The real decisions are made by the legal department of the Court’s administration.
Continue reading >>05 May 2022
Democracy Under Total War
Ukraine is engaged in an existential war for survival. One need not accept the full role of the exception from Carl Schmitt to acknowledge that the struggle to withstand a brutal assault on civilians transcends all other issues. Ukrainian constitutional law recognizes the need for exceptional powers during a state of emergency, as does every other constitutional order whether expressly or tacitly. Necessarily, a war for survival shifts authority from parliament to the executive and many of the founding principles of democracy may be suspended during the emergency, even such defining features of democracy as popular selection of the government.
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Constitutional Power Struggle in Brazil
On 20th April 2022, the Brazilian Supreme Court (STF) convicted Federal Deputy Daniel Lucio da Silveira to eight years and nine months imprisonment, based on his verbal attacks against the democratic rule of law, Supreme Court judges and other state institutions. The next day, President Bolsonaro issued a controversial decree granting pardon to the Deputy and ordering the immediate extinction of all the punishments imposed by the Supreme Court. Even though the constitutionality of the decree can be debated, the main discussion is a political, not a legal one.
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Ukraine’s Parliament in Wartime
To defend Ukraine is to defend constitutional democracy and the rule of law. But the defence of Ukraine must occur through constitutional democracy and the rule of law. The Verkhovna Rada is a central institution in the Ukrainian constitutional order. The Verkhovna Rada’s legislative authority continues to exist during armed conflict and states of emergency. Indeed, the Verkhovna Rada plays a vital role in such situations. However, the routine operations of the Verkhovna Rada in these extraordinary circumstances have been very challenging.
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Constitutional Ping-Pong
Sri Lanka is at a moment of reckoning, with its political class, its public institutions and with its collective identity. The rupture caused by this unprecedented and tragic crisis has brought the country to a unique political moment in which the majority of Sri Lankans are demanding and imagining a better collective future. For the first time in Sri Lanka’s history, the demands for constitutional governance articulated through traditions of protest and dissent expressed mostly by marginalized groups are now being echoed by the mainstream.
Continue reading >>Schengen Restored
On 26 April 2022, the Court of Justice of the EU rendered a ruling in joined cases C-368/20 and C-369/20 stating that Member States of the European Union can re-introduce border controls within the Schengen Zone only under strict conditions. The Court has stepped up as a guardian of the Treaties protecting free movement of people without controls at the internal borders of the EU. At the same time, it has left room for the European and national executives to exercise their function and fill in the blanks.
Continue reading >>04 May 2022
Kriegspartei oder nicht Kriegspartei? Das ist nicht die Frage
Die Fixierung der Debatte auf die Rechtsstellung als Kriegspartei führt in die Irre. Weder wird Deutschland durch Waffenlieferung und Ausbildung zur Kriegspartei, noch würde allein aus dem Status als Kriegspartei ein Recht zur Gewaltanwendung gegen Deutschland erwachsen. Es mag politische Gründe geben, der Ukraine in ihrer schwersten Stunde die nötige militärische Unterstützung seitens Deutschlands zu versagen – das Völkerrecht sollte hierfür jedoch nicht missbraucht werden.
Continue reading >>03 May 2022
Next Chapter, in a Larger Story
The Northern Ireland Assembly election is generating much speculation about the wider consequences. Beyond the usual implications of any vote in Northern Ireland, there is heightened interest in what it might mean for the debate on the constitutional future, as well as the ongoing and intense dialogue about the Ireland/Northern Ireland Protocol. There are sound reasons to view this election as historic, but it would be wise to place the projected outcome, if it unfolds, in context.
Continue reading >>A Male, White and Conservative Constitutional Judge
In February and March 2022, three new members have been appointed to the French Conseil constitutionnel. A closer look at the new composition shows that France’s constitutional court is composed of a majority of male, white, elitist graduates with a right-wing tilt, drawn from the ranks of politicians and civil servants. In a broader sense, it is actually a good portrait of the current French political system, which seems to resemble some kind of oligarchy.
Continue reading >>Democracy on Thin Ice
The notorious Elections Act 2022 culminated in an appropriately dramatic fashion this past week. Following two successful motions in the House of Lords that sought to tame the most controversial provisions of the Act – the voter ID measure and subjecting the Electoral Commission to greater executive oversight – the House of Commons was forced to directly confront the disputed and unpopular nature of these measures. Despite ongoing concerns and the Lords’ efforts to intervene, the Act will go into effect largely as originally drafted.
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An Inappropriate Memorial Day
The Italian Parliament recently approved a statute that institutes a Memorial Day for the sacrifice of the Alpine Troops in the battle of 26th of January 1943, during WWII. The battle took place in Nikolajewka, a village which is now in Ukraine. This decision is confusing for a couple of reasons, and yet there has not been much of a public debate or opposition. A possible explanation is that this statute is part of the process of building up a ‘shared memory’ among political parties to legitimize the current political system.
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02 May 2022
Nicaragua’s OAS Raid and the Inter-American System
On 24 April 2022, Nicaraguan National Police officers raided the premises of the Organization of American States (OAS) in Managua. After confiscating all documents at the premises, Nicaragua’s foreign secretary called the OAS a “diabolic instrument” on live TV and announced Nicaragua’s immediate and definitive withdrawal from all OAS organs. The raid was a blatant violation of international law.
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Trapped in a Lawless Zone
The treatment of asylum-seekers – predominantly from the Middle East – crossing the Latvian border from Belarus is in sharp contrast with the recent decision of the Latvian government to support at least 23,000 people who have arrived in the country from war-torn Ukraine. Those who have paid the highest price for this policy are people who have been forced to remain in the forest for months under inhuman conditions just to be ultimately returned to their country of origin, an experience that has left most of them severely traumatised.
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Bulgaria’s Failed Specialized Criminal Justice Experiment
On 14 April 2022 Bulgaria’s Parliament adopted legislative amendments, which finally put an end to the Specialized Criminal Court and its mirroring Specialized Prosecutor’s Office. Both institutions were set up during Boyko Borissov’s first term as Prime Minister in 2011 and severely undermined the rule of law in Bulgaria. The creation and development of these structures was encouraged and marked as progress by the European Commission, which calls into question the Commission’s ability to objectively monitor the rule of law in its Member States, to recognize threats, and to give adequate recommendations.
Continue reading >>28 April 2022
Reviving the Promise of Schengen
The EU Treaties are not shy when it comes to making grand promises. Take Article 3 (2) TEU for instance, which stipulates that the EU proffers an area ‘without internal frontiers’. While, technically speaking, borders continue to exist within the EU, it is true that they have become largely intangible inside the Schengen area. This may reasonably be viewed one of the greatest achievements of European integration. Solemnities aside, however, this promise has been called into question in recent years.
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26 April 2022
The Court of Justice of the EU goes (almost) public
While the broadcasting of the delivery does not add much value (the texts are generally made available online at the time of their live reading in Luxembourg) to its declared goal of facilitating “the public’s access to its judicial activity”, that of the public hearings appears a major game-changer in the Court’s stance vis-à-vis the public-at-large. And that despite the many precautions accompanying the introduction of such a major rehaul of the Court’s publicity policy regarding its hearings,
Continue reading >>Keeping the Past and the Present Apart
The mere fact that a judge was appointed for the first time under undemocratic conditions does not automatically determine that the court in which that judge adjudicates lacks the necessary independence under EU law. The CJEU has answered to this effect a question of Mr. Kamil Zaradkiewicz, appointed to Poland's Supreme Court in 2018 on recommendation of the new government-controlled National Council of Judiciary and thus lacking independence himself. Importantly, the CJEU emphasized that the referring court did not submit any evidence that may rise legitimate and serious doubts, in the minds of individuals, over independence and impartiality of the particular judge. With this decision, the Court refused to be drawn into the inner-Polish dispute about decommunization, and reinforced its jurisprudence on judicial independence standards in the EU.
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23 April 2022
Why ‘Partygate’ May Be the Beginning of the End
On 12 April, the UK Prime Minister, Boris Johnson, and Chancellor, Rishi Sunak, received fixed-penalty notices for breaching Covid regulations, regarding their attendance at a surprise birthday party for the Prime Minister in the Cabinet Room in 10 Downing Street on 19 June 2020. Both paid the fine. Both apologised. Neither resigned.
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22 April 2022
Instead of an editorial
What has happened over the holidays on Verfassungsblog
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Elon Musk Wants to Buy Twitter to Create a Free Speech Utopia: Now What?
The enigmatic Tesla founder Elon Musk has made a public offer to buy 100% of Twitter’s shares at approximately 138% of each share’s value. In his letter of intention submitted to the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission, Musk describes that free speech is necessary in a democratic society, and he wishes to unlock its full potential by bringing Twitter under (his) private ownership. Constitutionally this raises an interesting point: if indeed a billionaire wants to change the rules of speech on the ‘new public squares’ by acquiring a social media platform, can he – and should he be able to?
Continue reading >>21 April 2022
Shareholder Power as a Constitutionalising Force: Elon Musk’s Bid to Buy Twitter
On 14 April 2022, billionaire Elon Musk came with one of his extravagant ideas: he offered to buy Twitter. According to Musk, who is already majority shareholder, the bid was motivated by his will to fully “unlock” the online platform’s potential as a space for free speech across the globe. This episode calls for a reflection on the future of online platforms as digital spaces for the flourishing of public debate and democracy.
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The legacy of the privacy versus security narrative in the ECtHR’s jurisprudence
The past two decades of counterterrorism strategy attest to the fact that the security/privacy trade-off approach is not only outdated, but that it also amounts to a gross oversimplification of the complexities involved in the modern culture of surveillance. Nevertheless, the ECtHR's acceptance of bulk interception regimes as measures that in principle fall within states’ discretion seems to be predicated on this outdated trade-off.
Continue reading >>Das Vermächtnis der Erzählung von Privatsphäre versus Sicherheit in der Rechtsprechung des EGMR
Die vergangenen zwei Jahrzehnte der Terrorismusbekämpfungsstrategie zeigen, dass der Ansatz des 'Trade-Offs' zwischen Sicherheit und Privatsphäre nicht nur überholt ist, sondern auch eine grobe Vereinfachung der komplexen Zusammenhänge der modernen Überwachungskultur darstellt. Nichtsdestotrotz scheint die Akzeptanz des EGMR von Massenüberwachung auf diesem überholten Kompromiss zu beruhen.
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20 April 2022
Germany, Russia and the “In Between”
A new national security strategy, as proposed by Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock and as is the focus of this symposium, must also upend the basic features of Germany’s Ostpolitik. A Bucha Genuflection is not enough to achieve this – but it could be a good place to start. This blog post outlines the possible benchmarks, challenges, and potentials of a regional perspective in the context of the Ukraine crisis. For German foreign policy, this specifically means a change of perspective: Ostpolitik has to be more than just a policy concerning Russia.
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Can Putin Be Tried in Poland?
The Polish Minister of Justice decided to initiate proceedings against Russia for its military attack on Ukraine and possible war crimes and crimes against humanity. This may come as a surprise, especially after the prosecutor at the ICC has already started to act in this matter. But the initiation of proceedings in Poland is mainly symbolic and won't conflict with international investigations. An EU Member State investigating specific individuals for their involvement in a war crime would be a powerful signal. At the same time, the scale and specificity of the crimes in question go beyond the possibilities of a single country and require extensive condemnation and the participation of the international community.
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Russian Crown-Presidentialism
Many studying Russia have pointed to Vladimir Putin’s deliberate cultivation of charismatic authority through carefully staged photo ops and messaging campaigns. Yet, Putin’s power also draws on rational-legal authority. Putin draws his authority from detailed, constitutional rules that allow the president to dominate the Russian political system. The surprising importance of rational-legal authority in Putin’s Russia carries a number of important lessons for better understanding Russia and the role of constitutional rules in democratic governance.
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13 April 2022
Neutrality and the Irish Constitution
Ireland, like other neutral states, has witnessed intense debates in recent weeks over the future of its neutral status. Ireland is not a member of NATO and has maintained an ambiguous status of ‘neutrality’ since independence. However, neutrality as such is not a constitutional requirement, and insofar as it obtains at all, has more the character of a policy or tradition. Departures from that tradition – particularly the joining of NATO – would nonetheless likely encounter certain constitutional barriers. In particular, it seems likely that membership of NATO would require a constitutional referendum.
Continue reading >>Peace and Security for Ukraine and Europe are not Created on the Drawing Board of the West
Viewing Ukraine as an object rather than a subject of negotiations is not an unfamiliar pattern of international security policy. It goes hand in hand with the dangerous tendency to turn Russia’s ‘Near Abroad’ ultimately into a ‘buffer zone’ even in Western political and academic discourses. This pattern has been at work in the course of the annexation of Crimea and the armed conflict in Donbas over the past eight years.
Continue reading >>12 April 2022
The Security-Oriented Turn in Energy Law
The full range of strategic aspects should be taken into account by the Federal Government in developing its „national defence strategy“. Robert Blackwill and Jennifer Harris have already described the strategic importance of economic policy and especially energy policy measures as „war by other means“. Accordingly, redefining security policy must not stop solely at the selection of new weapons systems. Rather, the German government faces the task of also realigning its energy policy with the changed strategic situation in accordance with the European energy policy.
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A Bold Defence of Parliamentarism
At midnight on 10 April 2022, Pakistan’s National Assembly voted to pass a motion of no-confidence in Prime Minister Imran Khan, ousting his populist Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party from power three and a half years after its controversial election. The civilian government went to great lengths to stay in power, using allies in nominally impartial state offices to unconstitutionally dismiss the no-confidence motion and call snap elections. This attempt, however, failed - largely due to the country’s Supreme Court, which in a ruling on 7 April 2022 intervened decisively to protect the National Assembly from dissolution and order the vote to go ahead.
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Anything Goes?
Last month, the ECtHR ruled in the case of Johansen v. Denmark on the deprivation of nationality and expulsion for terrorist offenses. It rejected the applicant’s complaint of an infringement of Art. 8 ECHR. The decision underlines the Court’s reluctance to engage with issues raised by deprivations of nationality in terrorism cases. Instead of setting out clear limits on such measures based on the rights guaranteed by the Convention, the Court does not seem to be willing to interfere with measures related to national security, no matter how drastic the consequences for the individual.
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Electronic Surveillance in a Time of Democratic Crisis
The Polish experience demonstrates how a determined populist government, using the tools available in a democracy, can in a relatively short space of time erode legal safeguards established to control state surveillance activity. The understandable secrecy surrounding the work of the security services must not create an opportunity for the abuse of powers. Surveillance without adequate control weakens democracy, leads to a distortion of its principles, and ultimately, as the ECtHR has warned, threatens its very existence.
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11 April 2022
How to Overcome an Anti-democratic Heritage
Chile and Turkey appear to be more similar than one would initially imagine. In both countries, neoliberal policies were implemented through constitutions made under the shadow of military dictatorships. For the last half-century, the development of democratic culture in both countries was undermined by military coups and military governments using anti-democratic methods. However, in late 2019, Chile has taken off from its old path to become a more democratic state that rests on social justice and gender equality by generating a new constitution through intense popular participation and equal political representation.
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Function creep, altered affordances, and safeguard rollbacks
Alongside the expansion of surveillance regimes, there is a parallel development of equal importance, through what could be described as safeguard rollbacks. These are different from surveillance creep, in that the aim and purpose of surveillance mandates remains largely the same, but the associated safeguards are gradually weakened. These rollbacks have generally taken place where mandates were initially put in place with strict limits to ensure proportionality and legal certainty, but where the effectiveness of those mandates are later argued to be limited due to the safeguards themselves.
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10 April 2022
From Shrinking to Closing Civil Society Space in Hungary
In a classy late Friday dump, on April 8, 2022, the National Election Commission fined over a dozen Hungarian civil society organizations for illegally interfering with the referendum held on election day (April 3, 2022). These NGOs ran a month-long campaign encouraging voters to cast invalid votes in response to the government’s referendum question. Altogether the fines add up to 24.000 EUR: the leaders of the campaign, Háttér Society for LGBTQI rights and Amnesty International Hungary were fined approx. 8.000 EUR each. The NEC found that encouraging voters to cast invalid ballots amounts to an abuse of rights, as it defeats the purpose of exercising popular sovereignty through a popular referendum.
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09 April 2022
“A Voice Crying in the Wilderness”
This post will reveal the history of Ukraine's continuing warning to Europe, and in particular to German authorities about the security dangers of the violent Russian regime and politics. It will demonstrate how the ignorant and weak reaction of German politics to these threats (given the prevalence of economic interests over security and European values) indirectly supported the Russian invasion of Ukraine, and how the Russian regime abused European languidness and neutrality to launch a large-scale war in Europe. This blogpost is not so much about condemning the mistakes of European politicians, but about suggesting ways to solve these problems, taking into account the experience with obvious mistakes.
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Justice Thomas Will Not Recuse. But Should He?
There is a growing elite and scholarly consensus (at least on the American left) that Justice Clarence Thomas “must immediately recuse himself from any cases relating to the 2020 election and its aftermath.” The demand is extraordinary, and as such, it has captured global attention. The dispute highlights some notable things about the Court, but it is the scandal that really captures attention. So far, calls for recusal have come almost exclusively from the left. Conservatives have dismissed the idea. What to make of it all?
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08 April 2022
We at War
It must remain our goal, says the Federal Chancellor, that Russia does not win this war.
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Getting on the Wrong Side of Constitutionalism
The Chilean new constitution will be voted on a general plebiscite on September 4, 2022. While a few months ago the plebiscite might have looked like a formality, the approval rates for the Constitutional Convention and what is known of the proposed text so far have been dropping for some time now. According to recent polls, the rejection of the new text is becoming more and more likely, putting the constituent process under even more pressure.
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A National Peace and Security Strategy after the “Turning Point”
Military armament has been happening not just since the so-called “turning point”. Ultimately, a better equipped Bundeswehr alone cannot lead to sustainable peace. The concept of human security and a national security strategy raised by the Foreign Minister must not be based on a purely militarised concept of security. The Federal Government ought to align its actions accordingly.
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Hungary’s Lesson for Europe
There seems to be a disturbing discordance in the European Commission’s response to the Hungarian elections. On the one hand, the Commission triggers the rule of law mechanism. On the other, it refuses to comment on the fairness of the Hungarian elections. This contradicts the fact that, just like the rule of law, democracy is also part of Europe’s constitutional identity. But what does democracy require from Member States? Hungary’s elections make clear that the value of democracy, as given expression in Article 10 TEU, should be justiciable.
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Something Wicked This Way Comes
One crisis after another has been offered as a justification for the establishment of a comprehensive surveillance apparatus throughout the past 20 years, while third country nationals were gradually stripped of their rights to privacy and data protection, transforming the movement of innocent individuals into suspicious, potentially terrorist activities. Among the most significant changes in information management in the area of freedom, security and justice, interoperability – the ability of information systems to exchange data – will have the most profound effects on the right to data protection and as such marks the “point of no return”.
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07 April 2022
The Blame for Defeat and the Morality of Politics
The increased support of Fidesz by the majority of voters, who casted votes on 3 April despite Orbán’s immoral stance towards Putin’s war, and also these voters’ little appreciation of freedom and almost none for limiting power, raises the question whether, besides the autocrat, the opposition, and the elite, we cannot blame also the ‘people’ for the opposition’s defeat and Fidesz’s victory.
Continue reading >>The Development of Surveillance Technology in India
India has overhauled its surveillance architecture in a manner which calls into question the separation of powers and accountability mechanisms for the government. The Executive, through orders, has put into place invasive systems which do not have provisions for judicial review or oversight. This absence of oversight raises concerns about potential illegal mass surveillance, as well as the constitutionality of these systems itself.
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06 April 2022
Evasive, Insensitive, Ignorant, and Political
Czech law stipulates that a trans person who seeks gender reassignment must undergo surgery “while simultaneously disabling the reproductive function and transforming the genitalia.” Although a majority of judges of the Czech Constitutional Court agreed that this requirement is clearly unconstitutional, the provision has nevertheless withstood constitutional scrutiny and remains part of the Czech legal order.
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Arming for Peace
The German chancellor’s speech on February 27, 2022, stating that changed times also demand changed policies, has been readily interpreted as a plea for a primarily military-focused policy aimed at deterrence, which may now finally once again be oriented towards political realities. It is almost breathtaking how, in a very short time, entire traditions of thought are nominally being laid to rest in this debate, without any critical questioning of whether this is justified: Does the war in Ukraine really demonstrate that diplomacy or the approach of interdependence have failed? How wise can a policy be that simply wants to reverse past policy by means of a „turning point“?
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Why They Win
It is difficult for us to acknowledge that populist illiberalism is successful and, until it is confronted by a serious economic crisis, cannot be replaced by elections. That, however, seems to be the case, at least in a society where there is little appreciation for freedom and almost none for limiting power. Let us at least be honest with ourselves: such electoral victories can hardly be explained by anything else.
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Public Surveillance before the European Courts
Europe has experienced a significant expansion of state surveillance and counter-terrorism regimes, which demonstrate the increasing appetite of legislators and the executive for the normalisation of surveillance. For long, European Courts offered a powerful pushback against this trend and produced several celebrated victories for fundamental rights over surveillance. However, recent decisions by the CJEU and the ECtHR reveal a different picture, indicating a broader paradigm shift.
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Enlarging the Hole in the Fence of Migrants’ Rights
With the judgment in A.A. and others v. North Macedonia, the European Court of Human Rights further branches out the creative exception to the prohibition of collective expulsions and turns it into an obligation to offer a place to apply for asylum somewhere at the border. But not only are these legal access points for asylum applications often de facto restricted, the ever more creative exceptions to rights of the Convention and its Protocols threatens the credibility and authority of the Court.
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05 April 2022
On the Internet, No One Knows You’re a Cop
As long as police can continue to exploit the legal fiction of user “consent” to access our private communications, our privacy rights will remain just as fictional. While we’re hopeful that the courts will one-day strike this practice down as violating the Fourth Amendment, more urgent statutory protections are needed. The legislation needn’t be lengthy or complex, it’s not a nuanced question. To the contrary, what we need is a complete and categorical ban on the use of fake accounts by police, letting those who’ve been surveilled sue, and suppressing the evidence that’s obtained at trial.
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A Backdoor Exit from the European Convention on Human Rights
Russia left the Council of Europe on 16 March 2022. The European Court of Human Rights declared that Russia will remain a Party to the Convention until 16 September 2022. This resolution is inconsistent with applicable termination rules. But even beyond technicalities, it reveals fundamental defects in the design of the ECHR denunciation clause. Forced withdrawal and expulsion from the Council, as mechanisms to sanction severe violations of human rights, should not have the effect of relieving the delinquent State of its conventional human rights obligations.
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04 April 2022
Why We Lost
The united opposition in Hungary has suffered a crushing defeat at the parliamentary elections yesterday. Some of my friends and acquaintances will blame for the outcome the new electoral rules produced by Viktor Orbán’s government, and his high degree of control over electronic and printed media. They will be wrong, as they often were before. We lost! And by numbers that completely falsify the electoral rule thesis, that suggested in all its versions that the rules give Fidesz 3-5 % advantage.
Continue reading >>The Council of Europe as an AI Standard Setter
On 4 April 2022, Member States of the Council of Europe commences negotiations on the world’s first international binding legal instrument in the field of artificial intelligence. The CoE has a large reservoir of both experience and expertise in the field of standard setting, as far as the three key priorities are concerned: promoting human rights, democracy, and the rule of law. Given the undisputed need for regulating AI activities, the CoE appears a prime candidate for this undertaking.
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Brain-Dead Debt Brake
The debt brake is brain-dead—pull the plug. Germany’s financial super-ego fails to protect the democratic self-governance of future generations. Instead, it shackles us and our decendents to a small-c conservative agenda animated by yesterday’s economic orthodoxy.
Continue reading >>Hong Kong Surveillance Law
though 9/11 did not immediately result in a dramatic expansion of the surveillance state in Hong Kong as was often seen in the west, twenty years later a similar process is now well underway. Though Hong Kong’s surveillance and privacy laws have long been relatively deferential to the needs of law enforcement, the dramatic legal changes occasioned by the introduction of a new ‘national security law’ in 2020 suggest that the population will be under increasing forms of surveillance in the coming years.
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03 April 2022
Rule of Law, AI, and “the Individual”
The institutional safeguards formulated under the Rule of Law tend to focus on “an individual” or “the individual” who can be the bearer of the rights and protections it awards. This pre-digital formulation worked well in an era where law was the pre-eminent form of social regulation. However, increasingly, individual interests are impacted not only on the basis of the actions and choices of the concerned individual, but also on the basis of data collected about her social context and that of other similarly situated individuals. In order to reconcile these tensions, in this blog, I argue for supplementing the existing individual protections recognized under the Rule of Law framework with recognition of collective interests in order to strengthen the Rule of Law in the age of AI.
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02 April 2022
International Legal Order as a National Security Interest
The "Zeitenwende" of 27 February 2022 is, in effect, an admission of a gap between long-recognised interests in multilateralism and international law, on the one hand, and the sufficiency of foreign and defence policy strategies for upholding them on the other. A primary commitment to the modes of multilateralism and underlying legal obligations is no longer sufficient—if indeed it ever was—and Germany’s forthcoming National Security Strategy must address the more arduous political and military obligations necessary to make such a system possible. The turning point is, in short, the realisation of commitments deeply embedded in national foreign policy identity, which emerges as the foundation for broad legitimacy in the policy revolution.
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The Paradox of Efficiency: Frictions Between Law and Algorithms
On the 13th of January 2022, a Spanish Administrative court ruled in favour of algorithmic opacity. Fundación Civio, an independent foundation that monitors and accounts public authorities, reported that an algorithm used by the government was committing errors. BOSCO, the name of the application which contained the algorithm, was implemented by the Spanish public administration to more efficiently identify citizens eligible for grants to pay electricity bills. Meanwhile, Civio designed a web app to inform citizens whether they would be entitled for this grant.
Continue reading >>A Constitutional Framework for Bundeswehr Operations Abroad Based on International Law
The postulated „Zeitenwende“ should not be understood simply as a historic opportunity to quickly pass the proposed reform in parliament. Even beyond the specific occasion of the Russian attack on Ukraine, the substance of the constitutional provisions on defence appears to be in need of reform. According to the opinion expressed here, the Basic Law should tie Bundeswehr missions abroad to their compliance with international law.
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Letters from Brussels with Love and the Issue of Mutual Trust in Nationality Matters
In a recent article on this blog, I have set out that the spotlight will soon be turning on the European passportization of Russian oligarchs. And well, what shall I say, it did not take long for the Commission to come out swinging. In a recommendation issued on March 28, the Commission urged “Member States to immediately repeal any existing investor citizenship schemes and to ensure strong checks are in place to address the risks posed by investor residence schemes”.
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Thoughts on the Black Box: Getting to Cooperative Intelligence in Public Administration
The requirement of explanation for administrative decisions can be found, in one guise or another, in most legal systems. This requirement is a positive obligation on decision-makers in public administrative bodies (among others) to provide the legal basis for their decision. With the continuing growth of artificial intelligence/machine learning technologies being used to streamline administrative decision-making, providing for a right to explanation from black box algorithmic decision-making systems is not a straightforward endeavor.
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High Tech, Low Fidelity? Statistical Legal Tech and the Rule of Law
The advent of statistical ‘legal tech’ raises questions about the future of law and legal practice. While it has always been the case that technologies have mediated the concept, practice, and texture of law, a qualitative and quantitative shift is taking place. Statistical legal tech is being integrated into mainstream legal practice, particularly that of litigators. These applications mediate how practicing lawyers interact with the legal system. By shaping how law is ‘done’, the applications ultimately come to shape what law is.
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31 March 2022
Global Inequities in Algorithms
Algorithms can seem like esoteric subjects, often relegated to the realm of engineers and technology companies, given the technical nature of algorithmic design. Algorithms, when applied, take on a social character that invites us into peer beneath the hood to understand both their function and application. Given the growing ubiquitousness of algorithms in our daily lives, policymakers are looking to capture algorithms within regulatory mechanisms. This article seeks to understand the inequalities that undergird algorithmic applications, in order to understand how to regulate these systems.
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Russia’s Eurasian Großraum and its Consequences
The available options for the German and Western policy towards Russia have to be based on the correct diagnosis of the causes of the conflict. The purpose of this analysis is to shed some light on the structural reasons for the Russian expansionism and make some projections on the possible long-tern consequences. The rivalry between the Russian-dominated space (Großraum – greater space) and the EU/NATO systems fuels an intense geopolitical antagonism in Europe, which can be transformed into actual conflict. I understand the Großraum in the sense of Carl Schmitt as a tightly managed sphere of interests, under the direct or indirect control of an authoritarian Great Power (infra II).
Continue reading >>Securitisation and Solidarity in Singapore after 9-11
The Singaporean government adopts a proactive, holistic approach in seeking to preserve national security, unity and solidarity through rehabilitation, emphasising the responsibilities of all citizen to be vigilant and to actively preserve racial and religious harmony through social interaction and building relationships, as part of the communitarian compact. Remaining a united people would thwart the terrorist goal of driving a sharp wedge between ‘us’ and ‘them.’
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Regulating News Recommender Systems in Light of the Rule of Law
Many online services - search, e-commerce, movie streaming, social media, and news - use recommender systems. I argue that it is largely unnecessary and, in any case, contrary to the rule of law to regulate how news media deploy recommender systems to select and rank the news for individual users. Instead, I consider an alternative for state regulation of news recommenders, should empirical research show that certain news recommender systems have harmful effects on individual rights and societies.
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30 March 2022
Artificial Intelligence, Human Flourishing and the Rule of Law
One function of the rule of law is the promotion of human flourishing, often represented by the term ‘autonomy’. However, the ability to rely on the rule of law as a tool for counteracting AI’s constricting effect on human flourishing is being negated as the composition and design AI systems flout the ideals that the rule of law demand as necessary for a certain type of society.
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Does the Threat of Terrorism Justify Migration Restrictions?
Barring migrants for the sake of achieving marginal reductions of already very low risks of terrorism might be justified if restrictions imposed few or no morally significant costs. But, in fact, barring migrants fleeing oppression and war is a grave wrong. It inflicts enormous harm, violates human rights against unjust discrimination, and is also inimical to concepts of dignity prominent in modern European and international law jurisprudence.
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The National Security Strategy and the Zeitenwende in German Foreign Policy
The “Zeitenwende” in German foreign policy continues to require justification and facilitation, strategic and material underpinning, as well as structural and procedural changes. But time and again, it will require critical reflection. After years of partial denial of reality and misinterpretation of behavioural patterns of key international actors, there is a risk that everything will now be pressed into the scheme of great power and systemic rivalry, and that a new bipolarity between the Western world and the authoritarian states centred around China and Russia is conjured.
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Proactive Contestation of AI Decision-making
Liberal democracies have an artificial intelligence problem. The disruptive impact and complex harms of artificial intelligence (AI) decision-making, including their intrusive surveillance, unjustifiable biases, and deceptive manipulations matter in all societies, but they matter more in open, pluralist democracies, which depend on messy human accountability processes. AI decision-making systems are notoriously resistant to demands for external scrutiny.
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29 March 2022
If you are Europe, what is your Story in 2022?
The war in Ukraine confronts Europe with the question about the very raison d’être of integration. The courage and the resistance of the Ukrainians have bought us citizens of the European Union precious time to rethink who we are, what is dear to us and how we understand our ideals and values.
Continue reading >>Two Heads, One Crisis
The President of the Chamber of Deputies has just authorized the creation of a working group to discuss the possibility of adopting a semi-presidential system of government in Brazil. With the successive political crises since the promulgation of the constitution culminating in two successful impeachments, a growing number of voices are expressing support for the adoption of a semi-presidential system. It is unlikely, however, that such reform will bring political stability by itself.
Continue reading >>Algorithm Centrism in the DSA’s Regulation of Recommender Systems
The regulation of recommender systems is often framed as an issue of algorithmic governance. In this post I want to argue that this focus on recommender algorithms can be restrictive, and to show how one can go about regulating recommender systems in a broader sense. This systemic view pays closer attention to recommendation outputs (i.e. recommendations) and inputs (i.e. user behavior), and not just processing logics.
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Regulating Recommending: Legal and Policy Directions for Governing Platforms
Digital platforms have strategically positioned themselves as intermediaries between individuals, businesses, organisations, governments, and others. Platform companies frequently adopt business models based around extensively tracking user behaviour and using that information to supply targeted advertising, algorithmically personalise services, and grow user engagement, revenue, and market position. While platform capitalism can be immensely profitable, the problems this brings are increasingly stark. As we have argued elsewhere, it’s time to regulate recommending.
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28 March 2022
Is Berlin’s Overdue Defence Policy Adjustment Also a “Game Changer” for Franco-German Relations?
What does the “paradigm shift” (Zeitenwende) – as Chancellor Olaf Scholz called the readjustment of German security and defence policy – mean for the Franco-German couple? Relations between Paris and Berlin had cooled down in recent years, particularly in relation to security and defence dossiers. Can we now expect that the ice between the two countries will melt? By no means. Even though Germany has sent a first signal that it no longer wants to close its eyes to the geopolitical realities of the 21st century, a number of touchy security and defence issues remain on the table.
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Our Minds, Monitored and Manipulated
Well-functioning democracies require a well-informed citizenry, an open social and political discourse and absence of opaque or deceitful influence. Western democracies have however always been prone to power asymmetries and to coercion and the curbing of these freedoms through oppression and propaganda. Adoption of AI and datafication has raised concerns whether society is sliding into an Orwellian nightmare, where all of our actions are being scrutinized, controlled and manipulated at a scale that has never been possible before. So, what is it exactly that makes this time so different?
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A Strategic Culture Must be Part of the National Security Strategy
The handling and development of the war in Ukraine will be a test of the effectiveness of Germany's role in the EU and the world. The most important part of the turning point must be a return to Realpolitik and the development of a national security strategy based on smart power. The turning point in Germany concerns four areas in particular: 1) German armed forces (Bundeswehr) 2) strategic culture 3) National Security Strategy 4) strengthening crisis prevention and the development of a "civilian reserve".
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Artificial Intelligence Must Be Used According to the Law, or Not at All
Democracy requires to strengthen the Rule of Law wherever public or private actors use algorithmic systems. The law must set out the requirements on AI necessary in a democratic society and organize appropriate accountability and oversight. To this end, the European Commission made several legislative proposals. In addition to the discussion on how to use algorithmic systems lawfully, the question when it is beneficial to use them deserves more attention.
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How Emmanuel Macron’s Quest for Efficiency Undermines French Democracy
Emmanuel Macron presented his program for the next presidential election on Thursday, March 17. He plans to relaunch his major reform of the institutions to make them work more efficiently and reaffirmed his desire to have a “strong executive power”, that is, a President who is not encumbered by too many counterweights. This concern for efficiency is a clear sign of impatience with the democratic process. By letting the executive power decide alone, the whole balance of powers could be affected.
Continue reading >>The Rule of Law versus the Rule of the Algorithm
When we chose the title of this symposium, we thought it might be controversial. We expected that at least some of the authors would argue that algorithmic threats to the rule of law were solvable, or that responsibly-implemented algorithms could even help the delivery of justice. None of the experts did. In the series of articles which we will present to you in the next days, we find no techno-optimism. That should give everybody pause - especially to the advocates in favour of algorithmic solutions for every problem.
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27 March 2022
Ukraine, Realism, and the Synchronization of Political Time in the US and Germany
What the US and Germany face today with Russia is evidently not a peaceful competition of rivals that can be managed by the pursuit of equilbrium and balance, the leitmotifs of 19th century Realpolitik. Nor is the Russian invasion a result of Western failure to heed realist caution about the project of NATO enlargement in Eastern Europe.
Continue reading >>26 March 2022
‘Don’t Look Up’, Look ‘South’
There is no doubt: climate law is about to become one of the most important issues in comparative constitutional and international law. The institutional and legal questions are tricky, the number of cases exploding, and, more importantly: the stakes are high. On the very day we kicked off this blog debate the world was hit by the news of an “impossible” and “unthinkable” temperature surge in the Arctic and Antarctic, with climate journalists stating in shock that “Antarctic climatology has been rewritten”. On the day this blog debate concluded we learned of an “unprecedented sixth mass coral bleaching event” in the Great Barrier Reef, with scientists demanding immediate action yet again.
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Distrust – Trust – Recognition
Could it be that even Russia’s current political leadership is in truth not necessarily interested in conquering the land and people of Ukraine, but in proving Russia’s great power status? If so, the classification as a „regional power“ would be a violation of Russian self-esteem and status consciousness, for the healing of which Russia is starting a war that is contrary to international law, morally reprehensible, economically absurd and cruel, and devoid of any pragmatic rational explanation.
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Brazilian Judicial Branch v. Telegram (and Bolsonaro)
On March 18, 2022, the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes suspended Telegram’s functioning in Brazil through an individual injunction. In brief, the platform was blocked because its owners ignored their duty to cooperate with the Brazilian state in the repression of the illicit activities committed over the platform. However, only analyzing the issue’s core misses one of its essential surrounding elements: the direct interest of President Jair Bolsonaro in the free operation of the platform and the growing antagonism between him and Justice Alexandre de Moraes.
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Indigenous Climate Litigation in Anglophone Settler-Colonial States
The legacy of colonialism suggests a shared affinity between climate litigation in the Global South, and climate litigation brought by Indigenous peoples in the settler-colonial states of the Global North. This blog post focuses on claims brought by Indigenous peoples in the Anglophone settler-colonial states of Australia, Canada, the United States and Aotearoa/New Zealand. I begin by setting out the disproportionate impact of climate change experienced by Indigenous peoples, as well as Indigenous movements of resistance and adaptation. In doing so, I draw on claims brought by various Indigenous groups and individuals in the course of climate litigation. Framing climate litigation as part of this response, I then survey Indigenous climate litigation across the four jurisdictions. I end with some notes of caution regarding the essentializing and exploitation of Indigenous peoples by the climate litigation movement, cautions which may be applicable to litigation in the Global South.
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The Council of Europe’s Sharp Turn
The Council of Europe (CoE) responded promptly to Russia’s act of aggression against Ukraine first by suspending Russia’s representation rights on 25 February 2022, and then by expelling it on 16 March 2022 in accordance with Article 8 of the Statute. The Committee of Ministers used the Article 8 procedure for the first time in the history of the CoE. This might have crucial implications for the broader CoE context and could make the threat of suspension and expulsion more credible for other member states as well.
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Lessons on “Adaptation Litigation” from the Global South
Adaptation litigation is not only a tool to better prepare infrastructure through tort and administrative law. It is a more ambiguous and creative category, drawing on everything from refugee law to human rights and legal provisions recognizing the rights of nature. While adaptation litigation in the Global North has largely focused on infrastructure, litigation in the Global South has addressed a broader range of factors that contribute to adaptive capacity, from environmental factors like deforestation, to human governance and resourcing systems like disaster response and migration systems.
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The Dangers of Freezing and Seizing
The Polish government argues that the only way to effectively seize the assets of Russian oligarchs is to amend the Polish Constitution, since it is currently impossible to do so without obtaining a final judgment of a court of law. Although the official goal may seem to coincide with the actions undertaken by the EU Council, the measures planned by the Polish governing powers should not be accepted without a second glance at their possible legal dangers.
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24 March 2022
Climate Law as a ‘Living Tree’
Last year, the Australian decision of a Federal Court judge in Sharma v Minister for the Environment made headlines around the world. In the decision, the judge found that the Federal Environment Minister owed Australian children a duty of care to prevent harm from climate change. This year, the Sharma case has once again attracted attention, albeit for the opposite reason. In March 2022, the Full Court of the Federal Court allowed the Minister’s appeal and overturned the primary judge’s finding of a novel duty of care. This decision has emphasised the limits of legal concepts and courts in addressing future climate damages. However, the unfavourable outcome does not mark the end for climate litigation in Australia.
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As the Lungs of the Earth Dry Out, Climate Litigation Heats Up
The Amazon Forest – el pulmón del mundo – has been at the center of four recent rights-based climate lawsuits in the region. Interestingly, the existence of solid legal grounds for environmental litigation has not stopped petitioners and courts from using some degree of creativity in shaping new rights. I argue that any evaluation of the potential benefits and impacts of (new) rights strategies must consider their limitations in setting clear legal boundaries and achieving immediate political change. Nonetheless, rights-based climate lawsuits play an important symbolic role, as they recognize the vulnerability of certain groups to climate change.
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No Kidding!
The strategy of challenging a plurality of states directly before international adjudicating bodies has been, so far, a youth’s distinct move in the field of climate litigation, and it is by far the largest vehicle for transnational complaints. Our contribution provides an overview of the relevant cases, many of which still pending, and tries to pinpoint the drivers and possible trajectories of a global phenomenon which could go some way towards redressing the injustice the Global South is suffering as a result of global warming.
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23 March 2022
How Canada Capitalizes on Ukrainian Refugees
For those fleeing the war in Ukraine, Canada launched a new temporary residence pathway, the Canada-Ukraine Authorization for Emergency Travel (CUAET) program on March 17, 2022. Offered in conjunction with a special family reunification program, CUAET is open to an unlimited number of Ukrainians regardless of their existing ties to Canada. While seemingly an open and benevolent gesture, Ukrainians are welcomed inside the Canadian nation not as humanitarian subjects but primarily as workers to potentially contribute to the Canadian economy.
Continue reading >>Unmatched Levels of Sanctions Coordination
In early 2022, the European Union (EU) was quick and decisive in imposing an unprecedented set of measures against Russia. Among other things, the EU targeted the Russian Central Bank, which is an extraordinary move, given that central banks are rarely on sanctions lists. Reconciling the interests of 27 Member States is an art itself, especially in a highly sensitive policy area which continues to be dominated by individual Member State interests. Overall, the swiftness of EU measures went beyond most of our expectations.
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Protecting Whose Children?
One year ago, the First Senate of the German Federal Constitutional Court (GFCC) has issued a landmark decision on the rights of future generations and their (legal) entitlement to solidarity. This blog post compares this decision to the 2018 ruling of the Colombian Supreme Court (CS) that was also concerned with the rights of future generations. I argue that while the idea of solidarity with people threatened by climate change is central to both judgments, the courts have taken very different approaches to whom this solidarity extends to.
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The Third Caesura in German Security Policy
The sudden announcement of a „special fund“ for the, admittedly, lagging overhaul of the German armed forces, and the permanent increase in the defense budget (the „2 percent“ target of the NATO agreements of 2002) should be understood for what they are – a grasping for the emergency brake and not an „arms race.“
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Legal Safeguards for the Volunteers of Ukraine’s Cyber Militia
What is the legal status of foreigners who enlist in Ukraine’s volunteer cyber militia? The Putin regime’s brutal invasion of Ukraine means that getting clarity on this question is a matter of urgency. However, more broadly, this is a question that will remain important for future conflicts if we do not properly engage with it now.
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Passportization
Putin’s alleged arguments to conduct a “special military operation” to “demilitarise and denazify” Ukraine revolve around protecting the people of the Donbas, including citizens of the Russian Federation, “facing humiliation and genocide.” One of the tools Russia used to justify its political and military engagement in the post-Soviet space has been passportization. This policy effectively created Russian citizens in the contested territories of neighbouring states in the context of protracted conflicts of secession. Just as in Georgia, passportization worked as a tool of interference with Ukrainian sovereignty.
Continue reading >>Transformative Constitutionalism and Climate Litigation
I argue that courts can locate the transformative potential of law not only through the explicit text of a constitution (although that is one of the main drivers), but also through extra constitutional drivers such as international law. In doing so, courts are able to challenge pre-existing structures of tradition, legality and culture. I will demonstrate this through a brief analysis of key climate cases from both the Global North and the Global South, namely from the Netherlands, Pakistan, Colombia, and Germany. In addition, I also aim to show that considerations usually associated with TC can emerge in both Global North and South contexts.
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22 March 2022
A Climate Warrior for the Global South
This review of climate cases in the Global South reflects the potential of the right to a healthy environment in climate justice. Countries in the Latin American region are already leading the fight against climate change through successful judicial battles, relying on the established right to a healthy environment.
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“Juridified” Control
I argue that there should be a greater separation of powers with regard to foreign deployments than has been the case to date. In addition to the actors who have so far been primarily involved in decisions on foreign deployments – the German Federal Government and Bundestag – the German Federal Constitutional Court should also be given a clearer basis of responsibility for clarifying constitutional issues that have arisen. In this way, the constitutional framework can be made more concrete and strengthened in the long term.
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Der Gesetzgeber als letzte Hoffnung für Lockdown-Betroffene
Der Bundesgerichtshof wies am 17. März sämtliche Ansprüche auf staatliche Entschädigung für Einnahmeausfälle während Betriebsschließungen in der ersten Pandemie-Welle im März 2020 zurück. Ohne die Details der schriftlichen Urteilsbegründung abwarten zu müssen, steht eines bereits fest: Hilfeleistungen für von einer Pandemie schwer getroffene Wirtschaftsbereiche sind keine Aufgabe der Staatshaftung, sondern dem Gesetzgeber überlassen. Er ist nun die letzte Hoffnung der Betroffenen auf eine finanzielle Kompensation, gegebenenfalls auch nur als Wirtschaftshilfe.
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The Right to Health in Climate Change Litigation
As rights-based climate litigation continues to proliferate as a means to tackle perceived deficiencies in climate governance and regulation, new opportunities emerge for claimants and courts to acknowledge the inextricable link between climate change, inequalities, and health. Crucially, by ensuring the protection, respect, and fulfillment of all the normative components of the right to health of poor and socially marginalized persons and groups, courts can help overcome the Executive and Legislative branches’ failures to address climate change in contexts of high social and health inequalities.
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On Finland with Love
This contribution briefly unpacks the relevancy of the East/West intersectionality Finland represents for us today. The pragmatic manner in which the Finns have dealt with Russia – in all its previous versions, white, red or “federal” – is instructive in understanding the limits of moral, economic and physical power when facing a neighboring country that will most probably never be trusted, loved or changed, by outsiders.
Continue reading >>What the ECtHR Could Learn from Courts in the Global South
Climate change is increasingly recognized as an issue of justice. In response to climate injustice, climate litigation in domestic and regional tribunals – pursued primarily by non-state actors such as non-governmental organisations and youth movements – has emerged as a global phenomenon. In this article, we explore two potential lessons for the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) when adjudicating climate cases. These lessons arise from the expansive understanding of standing under South Africa’s transformative constitutional regime, and the recognition of extraterritorial jurisdiction in the Inter-American System of Human Rights (IASHR).
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21 March 2022
Are We in for a New Wave of Investment Arbitrations?
In response to the sanctions imposed on Russia, the country has doubled-down and announced a set of retaliatory measures affecting investors from ‘unfriendly’ countries. The scale of potential losses foreign investors face in Russia is probably the largest since the aftermath of the revolution in 1917, which saw mass nationalization and Russia’s default on the foreign debt. However, the legal landscape protecting foreign investors has significantly changed since 1918. Consequently, they have much better legal options today for redressing their financial losses.
Continue reading >>Take Down the Wall. And Make Russia Pay for It
EU law allows admitting Ukraine into the Union immediately. This is not only the moral imperative, it would also not require any Treaty revision and mark a return to the classical approach of the first EU accession: accession first, full taking on of the acquis later, with lengthy transitional periods. Ukraine will also require a super Marshall plan to ensure speedy reconstruction. This is doable: the seized – say confiscated – “Russian” money, a bit short of a trillion by now, will be enough, with the EU hopefully topping this amount.
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Tracing the Trend
This post gives an overview of climate litigation in Kenya and South Africa, tracing litigation objects, plaintiffs, defendants, key legal bases and arguments. We explore whether there are signs of an emerging trend in climate litigation in both countries and identify key supportive conditions in social movements and media coverage.
Continue reading >>We Should Take the Ukrainian – Russian Negotiations Seriously
If Russia suddenly becomes serious about an agreement, drops its absurd demands of “denazification” and demilitarization, a deal may be more plausible than we now think. The Ukrainian government has sent numerous constructive signals. Governments in Europe and beyond should be prepared to respond to a sudden turn of events and be ready to offer what may be needed to get a deal done.
Continue reading >>Governing Through Courts?
The experience of Indonesia shows that in a country where the government pursues economic development based on a carbon-intensive economic growth model, climate litigation appears to be more challenging because it potentially shakes the foundations of the existing political and economic model; the model that has caused the climate crisis in the first place.
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“Essential, but not perfect”
„We woke up in a different world,“ Green Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock stated a few hours after Russia launched its invasion of Ukraine. Baerbock had no illusions about the Russian president. Hence, her words do not bespeak the naiveté some commentators accused her of. During the parliamentary election campaign, only the Greens had demanded that the North Stream 2 pipeline should not start operations. The Party has shed the pro-Russia tendencies of the past, which were primarily fed by anti-American resentment.
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“An Ever-Stronger Union” Under the Radar of the European Public
The intergovernmental political mode of EU defense policy is no longer appropriate for the level of European integration in this policy field, the development of which will significantly shape the European project in the coming years. In particular, it is necessary that the European Parliament and the national parliaments be informed of upcoming political decisions in a substantive and timely manner: They should be informed as long as the political process is still open, and their position should be a constituent part of decision-making at the EU level.
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Comparative Climate Litigation in North-South Perspective
If the catastrophe we face is one “for the world and humanity”, isn’t it time to rethink some of our core beliefs regarding institutional roles and the role of the judiciary? If current institutional arrangements fail when addressing the global climate catastrophe, aren’t we in dire need of alternative approaches when thinking about the role of law and courts? We as editors of the forthcoming blog debate neither can nor want to provide answers to these questions here. Instead, we argue that we should look to the Global South for lessons when reflecting on the role of law and institutions in tackling the climate crisis.
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20 March 2022
German Arms Exports as Part of a Coherent Foreign and Security Strategy
The analysis of Germany’s strategic restraint to date is of double importance for German arms export policy. First, what has been and continues to be apparent here is a strategic reticence in the sense of a strategy deficit and, above all, a deficit in the culture of debate – both with regard to parliament and to the general public and the media. Additionally – and here lies the difference to Germany’s general military restraint – Germany, and all German governments in recent years and decades, have supplied war weapons and other armaments to all regions of the world on a very substantial scale, without such a basis for discussion, strategy or action.
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19 March 2022
Coalitions, Activities, Strategies
The Federal Republic’s previous policy of ‘strategic restraint’ has been justified mainly - and rightly - on historical grounds; however, it also has to do with the legal parameters set by international security law and the German constitutional law on military affairs. We should take this legal framework into account when we explore the options for a fundamental reorientation of security and defence policy and a departure from ‘strategic restraint’.
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18 March 2022
Two Plus Two Equals Four
Time to give once again the floor to judge Igor Tuleya
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The End of Germany’s Strategic Restraint
In a special session of the German Bundestag on February 27, 2022, on the occasion of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the federal government announced nothing less than a realignment of the Federal Republic of Germany's long-standing security and defense policy principles. The decisions taken by the Government replaced the "culture of strategic restraint" that had for decades characterized German decision-making in foreign, security and defense policy with a more active, independent and robust foreign policy role.
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Security Strategy after the Zeitenwende: Institutions, Law, Politics
Under the shock of the Russian invasion, what the security community has long been calling for in vain is now taking shape: a security strategy through which Germany takes on more responsibility in the field of security and defense policy. The decisions taken by the German government on 27 February 2022, which are widely regarded as a Zeitenwende or „turning point“ in security policy, marked a first step.
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How to Set Aside Hungarian Cardinal Laws
The anti-Fidesz coalition could win the next Hungarian elections. That, however, is only one step on a long path back to a full democracy. Fidesz has skilfully entrenched its power, personnel, and policies. How could a new majority overcome this, align the Hungarian legal order with European standards, and allow for democratic governability?
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Not Much of a Waiver
Seventeen months after South Africa and India initiated the TRIPS waiver proposal, the negotiating “quad” (South Africa, India, US and the EU) is reported to have reached a compromise at the WTO. The text of the proposal was leaked this week. From a legal perspective, the outcome of the compromise is more muddled and confusing than clarifying, although it claims its aim to be the latter. As it presently stands, the text is not so much a waiver of TRIPS obligations than a modification of existing obligations and conditions of exemptions around patents, as well as an introduction of additional requirements.
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Not the Time for Carrots?
Issuing ‘golden’ passports and residence permits to non-Europeans in return for investment in their national economy has always been controversial. Now with the Russian invasion of Ukraine, these deals have attracted new attention. Since Russians account for a significant share of the customers, there have been widespread calls, including from the European Parliament, for an end to this practice. Can the EU do anything about this?
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The Oligarchs Among Us
It is no secret that Russian oligarchs have not only been collecting fancy toys but also various golden passport, that not only have allowed them to make them feel like home in the Europe Union, but also to be a part of “us”. And since the spotlight is already shifting towards how it is that some of these Russian oligarchs are indeed “our” very own oligarchs, there will be questions of what it is that validates the legal status of nationality actually. It is an old question to be fair, but the apparent answer of the day that nationality is what any State makes of it is therefore no less unconvincing and should lead to some soul searching.
Continue reading >>Impunity
On 10 March 2022, Bulgaria’s Supreme Judicial Council decided unanimously to postpone examining two requests for the dismissal of General Prosecutor Ivan Geshev from office. This decision is not merely a procedural trick with questionable legality. It provides further proof that the Supreme Judicial Council has unhealthy dependencies and is one of the main reasons why a General Prosecutor of Bulgaria can abuse his office and commit crimes with impunity.
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Threats to Academic Freedom under the Guise of Open Access
The Budapest Open Access Initiative is celebrating its 20th anniversary and today it seems that we are closer than ever to finally concluding the “access revolution” predicted by many since the arrival of the internet. Yet, developments in the publishing system increasingly suggest that the access revolution is much less revolutionary than expected. Reports gradually bring to light the extent to which publishers started to use the data tracking tools developed by “pioneers” such as Google and Facebook. This development could not only be the final blow for the Open Access movement’s potential to more radically and structurally change the way knowledge is being disseminated in the digital age but pose a systematic threat to the autonomy of the science system and academic freedom in the digital age.
Continue reading >>A Declaration on the Rule of Law in the European Union
Since the Second World War, Europe has witnessed the benefits of rule-based order. Peace, prosperity, and progress have grown out of a shared commitment to the rule of law, both between individuals and states. As of late, these unprecedented achievements are increasingly under threat, as the basics of the rule of law, including the need for an independent judiciary, are questioned both at the heart of Europe and in countries beyond our borders. Time is of the essence. If backsliding on the rule of law occurs faster than corrective action, the passage of time will inevitably erode the rule-based order. We, the signatories of this declaration, urgently call on all leaders, in Member States and the EU Institutions, to uncompromisingly safeguard the rule of law in Europe.
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17 March 2022
Eine kleine Sensation aus Den Haag
Am 16. März 2022 hat der Internationale Gerichtshof in Den Haag mit 13 zu 2 Stimmen einstweilige Maßnahmen gegenüber Russland erlassen. Die Anordnung dieser einstweiligen Maßnahmen ist eine kleine Sensation, denn so offensichtlich der von Russland begangene Verstoß gegen das völkerrechtliche Gewaltverbot sein mag, so schwierig ist es, in einem solchen Fall die Zuständigkeit des IGH zu begründen.
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Humans as “Bargaining Chips”
Following the 9/11 attacks, it became more obvious that states are ready to sacrifice the human rights of victims in the fight against terrorism. This became particularly clear in hostage-taking situations, in which states face the dilemma of succumbing to terrorist demands for the sake of hostages or appearing defiant and ready to stop terrorists from attacking more civilians. This has prompted a debate on whether states are allowed under international human rights law to balance the human dignity of hostages with national security or the rights of future victims.
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16 March 2022
The Hijab Ban in India has nothing to do with Secularism
In February 2022, educational institutions in the town of Udupi (in Karnataka, India) decided to ban the wearing of Hijabs by Muslim students in a college. This ban is unconstitutional. It is not in line with the principle of secularism and also violates the right to education.
Continue reading >>A Self-Regulatory Race to the Bottom through Out-of-Court Dispute Settlement in the Digital Services Act
Art. 18 of the draft Digital Services Act [Art. 21 in the final text] will introduce new dispute settlement processes. This addresses a legitimate policy concern, namely the need to enable effective recourse mechanisms for platform decisions. However, the concept fails when trying to combine the best of two worlds: solving disputes through real courts as well as through self-regulation. Art. 18 [Art. 21 in the final text] DSA raises serious concerns and should be substantially modified.
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Enforcing Due Diligence Obligations
The Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive creates an innovative mix of enforcement mechanisms. It relies on both administrative oversight and judicial enforcement through civil liability. Additionally, accountability of businesses for affecting stakeholder interests is strengthened by a specific environmental, social, and corporate governance duty of care for directors and obligations to link directors’ pay to climate obligations, thus ensuring that directors need to steer businesses in light of stakeholder interests. This system has the potential to effectively oblige companies to respect stakeholder interests, although some weaknesses, especially in access to justice, remain.
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The EU as Quasi-NATO
Putin has reportedly threatened both Sweden and Finland against joining NATO, attempting to preempt a shift away from the commitment to neutrality that is deeply embedded in the Swedish political soul. It is therefore all the more interesting that Sweden and Finland have recently concluded a new strategy of enhanced security cooperation between the states. In addition, the Swedish government, together with Finland, has sent a letter to other EU Member States reminding them of their obligation to assist any EU country in case of belligerent attack. Should we interpret this as an expectation for the EU to function effectively as a quasi-NATO?
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15 March 2022
Reimagining a European Constitution
At this point, it is almost trite to say that the invasion of Ukraine has thrown the world order into tailspin. Unimaginable steps have been taken by the European Union and its Member States in the weeks since the invasion. These steps have already started to have significant consequences for discussions on the future of EU constitutionalism. Arguably, the appetite and political will for change is unprecedented and could serve to unplug EU constitutionalism from its sclerotic tendencies – it must be capitalised on.
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Borders of Equality
Legally sanctioned, robust border security today marks a fundamental inequality in the world; it is a reflex and sign of unequally distributed resources and at the same time perpetuates this inequality. Nevertheless, borders – as dramatically demonstrated these days in light of the terrible war in Ukraine – also have an inherent protective dimension. Border regimes can therefore only be interpreted and legitimized as legal instruments of order in a society of the free and the equal; their function as barriers cannot be justified in terms of fundamental considerations of justice and equality.
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Trump’s Straussian Shyster
Emails now available to US House of Representatives’ investigators suggest that John C. Eastman, the Trump lawyer behind the failed attempt to overturn the presidential election results, knew that his activities violated the US Electoral Count Act. Eastman’s activities shed light on ideological traits of Trumpism that have received little attention from legal scholars. He and other hardcore Trump disciples have relied on a highly selective interpretation of the ideas of Leo Strauss (1899-1973), the German Jewish refugee political thinker, to justify Trump’s authoritarian proclivities. Their ideological brew continues to threaten constitutional government in the United States.
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Due Diligence Around the World
On 23 February 2022, the EU Commission released its draft Directive on Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence (CSDDD). It follows – and seemingly takes inspiration from – several national mandatory human rights and environmental due diligence (HREDD) laws, notably in France, (“LdV”) Germany (“GSCDDA”) and Norway (“Transparency Act”). It provides a strong legal basis and innovations to enhance corporate accountability, to strengthen stakeholder value and to create a European and possibly global standard for responsible and sustainable business conduct.
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14 March 2022
Terrorist content online and threats to freedom of expression
Many states have used these general stipulations contained in international law to introduce in their counterterrorism legislation specific provisions criminalizing the dissemination of ideas or opinions that might incite, endorse, or stimulate the commission of terrorist acts. With social media platforms, a new set of actors have begun setting the thresholds of what speech they will host, complicating governance.
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Statement by Retired Judges of the Constitutional Tribunal on the the Constitutional Tribunal Judgment in case K 7/21
Retired judges of the Constitutional Tribunal state that the judgment in question is another scandalous example of jurisprudence violating the Constitution. Challenging Article 6 of the ECHR for the second time in a short period of time (previously in the judgment of 24.11.2021, K 6/21) is a drastic jurisprudential excess.
Continue reading >>Sanctions for Abramovich, but Schröder Goes Scot-Free
What is the role of citizenship – Russian and European – in the context of the deployment and operation of the sanctions? The question is far from trivial. Indeed, effective rights-focused judicial review of such measures is very weak, allowing the matters of foreign policy and perceived political expediency and retribution to override core constitutional principles and guarantees of the European legal systems at all levels. Let us start with history, to understand what is going on and give it a legal assessment.
Continue reading >>Repression by Law
China did not need 9/11 to further restrict civil and political rights, but it jumped onto the bandwagon in using the legitimizing force of counterterrorism to intensify its repressive policies. China’s so-called “People’s War on Terror” has had a stifling impact on the ability to practice Islam in China (and especially in Xinjiang) and is, when discussed in the context of counterterrorism and human rights, therefore best be characterized as a significant encroachment of religious freedoms, bringing China’s human rights record to a new low point in the 21th century.
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10 March 2022
Anti-terrorism regulation and the media in Uganda
Freedom of the media just like freedom of expression are provided for in the 1995 Constitution of Uganda, but spaces for exercising these rights are growing narrower by the day. The use of anti-terrorism regulation to suppress dissenting views reflects growing intolerance of criticism of President Yoweri Museveni’s regime. Foremost, legal and physical harassment from the authorities threaten privately funded media institutions and deter journalists from covering and interrogating certain issues.
Continue reading >>A Tale of Two Borders
Poland has an over 500 km long border with Ukraine and – right next to it – an over 400 km long border with Belarus. At the border with Ukraine, tens of thousands of persons are crossing each day, and the authorities are making a huge effort to make the crossing smooth. At the border with Ukraine, tens of thousands of persons are crossing each day, and the authorities are making a huge effort to make the crossing smooth. At the border with Belarus, people who are trying to cross into Poland are still forced to wander in minus temperatures through thick woods.
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Donald Trump’s Post-9/11 Presidency and the Legacy of Carl Schmitt
Shortly before Trump’s inauguration in 2016, I suggested that the president-elect might prove to be a chief executive in the mode of Carl Schmitt. Trump, though, represented something different. If the early Bush years were characterized by legal interpretations that pushed the edges of executive and sovereign power, Trump’s vision of the presidency was that of a man who had no interest in legal interpretation whatsoever. As he later said of the portion of the Constitution that spells out the details of presidential power, “I have an Article II, which allows me to do whatever I want.”
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On the Brink of a New Refugee Crisis
The EU Council decision on temporary protection adopted on 4 March not only conveys a political message of solidarity with the Ukrainian people; it also reveals the awareness that the 2015 refugee crisis was mainly an administrative crisis and that, this time, a more pragmatic approach is required to prevent the national asylum systems from being overwhelmed. Moreover, a less hostile view of secondary movements seems to emerge, with potentially far-reaching consequences. At the same time, temporary protection is not a silver bullet for what is a complicated and long-lasting challenge.
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Der Europarat muss den Austritt Russlands erklären
Nachdem Russland nach der Suspendierung der Mitgliedschaft im Europarat durch das Ministerkomitee am 25.2.2022 nicht selbst den Austritt erklärt hat, muss der Europarat jetzt Russlands Ausschluss beschließen. Der Europarat darf Menschenrechte und Demokratie in Russland deshalb aber nicht abschreiben.
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Big Tech War Activism
The war in Ukraine is live. It’s not only live on CNN or Al Jazeera but it’s live on different social media platforms, for better and worse. In this context, Big Tech platforms are not neutral. Rather, along with their users, they are giving rise to a new wave of tech war activism, siding with Ukraine. While many of these initiatives may be well intended, this new form of tech activism raises questions about the role of social media in times of war.
Continue reading >>09 March 2022
Terror, emergencies, drastic conditions and democratic constitutionalism
Constitutions establish governmental powers, but they do not in themselves confer legitimacy, let alone constitute the body politic that alone can grant legitimacy. Liberal democratic constitutions institute respect for individuals in different ways, but some lines are firmly and almost universally drawn. Torture and mutilation, however, are almost universally condemned in properly liberal societies. But when government, betraying its own duly constituted role as agent of society, turns to torture as a tool to inquire into, protect against and punish even the severest threats to itself and to individual persons, it runs up against an absolute limit of morality, decency, respect for the human person, and undermines itself.
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Journalism on trial and the right to be forgotten
New rulings in Hurbain and Biancardi now permit complainants to address their "right to be forgotten" requests directly to the primary publisher. Journalists and the press, particularly the local press, play a fundamental role in democratic society, but they are already in a precarious situation, and the use of privacy to debilitate them also has a negative impact on local democracy. Hurbain has now been scheduled for a hearing before the Grand Chamber on 9 March 2022. It will have the opportunity to consider whether interference with the press was actually necessary in that case and, by implication, in Biancardi, and to restore the balance between privacy and freedom of expression under the right to be forgotten.
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08 March 2022
No New Cold War for International Law
With Russia’s war against Ukraine not being the Blitzkrieg that Putin had planned for, there has been discussion that we are entering a new Cold War. During the (old) Cold War, development of international law was stunted due to the need of agreement between opposing political blocs that had fundamentally differing views on the role and content of international law. This blog post argues that even if we enter a new Cold War, we won’t soon have a similar adverse situation for international legal development because the legal understanding of one of the alleged “camps” lacks consistency, legitimacy and broad geopolitical support.
Continue reading >>“The Ever Closer Union among the Peoples of Europe” in Times of War
The war in Ukraine has brought a moment of the constitutional reckoning and the ultimate test of belonging for the Europeans. The ill-fated politics of appeasement and dialoguing with a criminal has come crushing down. Finally, Europe seems to take a more strategic and long-term view of its own politics at least when it comes to common foreign policy and defense. A true re-appraisal and reinvigoration of European ideals will however not be complete if the Union keeps looking the other way, dithering, procrastinating when its own axiological foundations are under attack by one of its own member states.
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The Cost of our Fear
Despite their extraordinary character, Western responses to terrorism failed to bring the security Western populations demanded. Our fear, however, led us to support the erosion of our values, institutions, and laws beyond repair.
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The EU’s “Ban” of RT and Sputnik
Denouncing Russian authorities‘ “muzzling“ of independent media and reiterating its support for media freedom and pluralism, the European Union banned two Russian media outlets in March 2022. This apparent contradiction between a statement of principle and concrete action can be resolved. While the ban can be legally justified as a measure designed to suppress “propaganda for war”, European institutions should not try to justify it by pointing to these outlets’ track record of “disinformation” or simply “propaganda”. To address legitimate questions of double standards that will come up in the wake of the inevitable whataboutism, it should be stressed that the Union’s measures differ decisively from any authoritarian censorship by virtue of the Union’s character as a community of law.
Continue reading >>07 March 2022
Die Schlangenbeschwörer
Während russische Panzer in die Ukraine rollen, sollten wir uns vor den "Träumern des Absoluten" in unserer Mitte in Acht nehmen. Sie verehren die Exekutive, weil nur eine starke Exekutive in der Lage ist, die kosmopolitischen und menschenrechtlichen Errungenschaften der zweiten Hälfte des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts zurückzudrehen. Diese Anbetung hängt jedoch davon ab, dass an der Spitze der Exekutive eine Person steht, die zumindest die wichtigsten Grundsätze ihrer Version des "Gemeinwohls" teilt. Dies erfordert die Befreiung der Exekutive von den Zwängen der Rechtsstaatlichkeit, sowohl international als auch innerhalb des Nationalstaates.
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The Snake Charmers
As Russian tanks roll into the Ukraine, we should be wary of these ‘dreamers of the absolute’ in our midst. They worship the executive because only a strong executive is capable of rolling back the cosmopolitan, human rights achievements of the latter half of the twentieth century. But such worship depends on maintaining in power the person at the head of the executive who shares at least the most important tenets of their version of the ‘common good’. That requires not only freeing the executive from the constraints of the rule of law, both internationally and within the nation state. It also requires that democracy be hollowed out in order to ensure that periodic elections return the right person to power.
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05 March 2022
Temporary Protection for Ukrainians
One might have expected that the activation of the Temporary Protection Directive would witness a remake of the toxic disputes about ‘burden sharing’ following the mass influx of 2015/16. None of this happened, although the contents of the Implementing Decision is quite different from what many might think intuitively. Inter-state distribution keys or quotas give way to a simple allocation mechanism: ‘free choice’ is the surprise outcome of Thursday’s Council meeting.
Continue reading >>04 March 2022
Servant of the People
A show, a war, a borderland country and its President.
Continue reading >>03 March 2022
Time for Military Integration in the EU?
For decades, the EU’s security and defence policy was largely looked at as a theoretical piece in the overall puzzle of the Union’s external role. During the past week, however, the unthinkable happened, and European defence policy has taken a significant leap forward. This brings to fore questions about the legal nature of the security and mutual assistance provisions in the EU Treaties, including the relationship between aligned and non-aligned States in EU defence policy.
Continue reading >>Three Constituent Peoples and “the Others”
This fall, presidential and general elections are supposed to take place in crisis-torn Bosnia and Herzegovina. Already in 2009, the electoral system in force and its approach of ethnic representation was found to be discriminatory in terms of the ECHR by the Strasbourg court’s famous Sejdić and Finci decision. Without necessary amendments to the Constitution and the Election Act, the country now risks facing an electoral boycott or entering an election process contrary to the ECHR for the fourth time in a row.
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Strasbourg Has No Chance and Uses It
On 28 February 2022, Ukraine lodged a request for interim measures against Russia before the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR). Ukraine referred to “massive human rights violations being committed by the Russian troops in the course of the military aggression against the sovereign territory of Ukraine”. Within one day of the Ukrainian request, the Strasbourg Court granted “urgent interim measures” under Rule 39 of the Rules of Court.
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02 March 2022
The Legal Obligation to Recognize Russian Deserters as Refugees
The European Union (EU) and its member states are reportedly considering offering asylum to Russian deserters. They and other states around the world have a legal obligation to do precisely that. Soldiers who flee punishment for refusing to fight in aggressive wars are properly understood as refugees under international law.
Continue reading >>Too Little Politics in EU Defense Policy
The arming of Ukraine with European financial means may enjoy widespread support among European populations scandalized by Putin's egregious actions. But this should not obscure the fact that it is the result of largely arcane decision-making processes: Neither the establishment of the European Peace Facility nor the breaking of the Union's rules on arms exports by supplying weapons to the war zone Ukraine was the subject of a substantively open public discourse and will formation.
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It’s Not Propaganda If It’s True
The first casualty of war is the truth. Putin’s reasons for the invasion, like his claims of genocide in Donbas, are abstruse and lack any basis in reality. Rather than addressing the West, this national propaganda is meant to convince the Russian people of the necessity of war. Is there a possibility to correct misinformation by communicating directly to the Russian people in Russian?
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01 March 2022
Constitutional Complaint as Orbán’s Tool
The re-regulation of the ex-post review competence and the introduction of the “full” constitutional complaint in 2012 provided a good justification for the Constitutional Court to shift its focus from the control of the legislature dominated by the illiberal Fidesz government to the supervision of the judiciary. However, the justices have not remained simply deferential. They proactively helped to repurpose the constitutional complaint and convert a fundamental rights protection mechanism into a tool reinforcing the government’s interests.
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Crypto-assets as a blind spot in sanctions against Russia?
On 24 February 2022, Russia illegally invaded the territory of Ukraine. The international community was quick to condemn this military aggression and to issue sanctions. Missing in today's sanctions strategy, however, is the inclusion of crypto-assets. This is worrying, as it is highly likely that crypto-assets are used to fund the Russian war machine without anyone really seeing it.
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28 February 2022
Hot War and Cold Freezes
In light of mounting pressure to take effective action against Putin, the European Commission and six states (UK, USA, Canada, Germany, France, Italy) agreed last Saturday on yet another bundle of sanctions against Russia. Some of them had been expected, like the exclusion of Russian banks from SWIFT. Others like the freezing of central bank assets came as a bit of a surprise, allegedly even for Vladimir Putin. He should have watched the news more carefully. The United States did the exact same thing to Afghan central bank assets after the Taliban takeover last year. The purpose of this note is to explore the practical and legal implications of this freeze.
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Cognitive Illusions in Legal Interpretation
In the light of current happenings in certain Member States, many attempt to interpret or explain the withdrawal process under Article 50 TEU. The “exit” narrative seems dominant in journalism and academia: Grexit, Dexit, Dutch Exit, Huxit, Polexit, Frexit, Sloven Exit, etc. Some news portals frequently portray (not so odd) Constitutional Court decisions or current political events as declarations of withdrawal from the EU. These simplistic approaches are battle-ready political weapons in the hands of social media influencers and politicians on both pro and con EU sides, shaping public opinion based on disinformation. This is an irresponsible mistake that misdirects public discourse.
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25 February 2022
A Terrible Crime
International law, it is often said, has lost its normative power. The opposite is true.
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Claiming “We are out but I am in” post-Brexit
It is not often that the European Court of Justice (ECJ) is presented with a case in which the law is so crystal clear, and so overwhelmingly contrary to the applicant’s claims, as in Préfet du Gers. The central question of the case is weather British nationals retain their EU citizenship and EU citizenship rights after Brexit. Given how straightforward the Treaties and the case-law are on this matter, it is unsurprising that AG Collins answered this question in the negative in a well-argued and straightforward Opinion.
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Terror-Struck
The threat created by jihadist terrorism for freedom of expression is a particularly serious one in that it operates on several levels. It provides an incentive to sacrifice freedom of expression to the fight against terrorism, it impels people to avoid forms of expression that the killers condemn, and it provides political actors with an effective pretext for silencing or censuring certain voices. Genuinely defending this freedom means not giving ground on any of these fronts.
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Avoiding the Elephant in the Room Once Again
In its long-awaited Grand Chamber judgment, the EU Court of Justice (CJEU) dealt with the question how the effective functioning of the instrument of the European arrest warrant (EAW), built upon the principle of mutual trust between the judicial authorities of all the Member States, can be safeguarded against the backdrop of the deficiencies in the Polish judicial system. The judgment specifies the conditions under which the national judicial authorities of Member States executing a European arrest warrant may refuse to surrender the requested persons, but still fails to reach its full potential.
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Rethinking Rights in Social Media Governance
In the context of the broader ‘techlash’ against the power and exploitative practices of major platforms, EU lawmakers are increasingly emphasising ‘European values’ and fundamental rights protection. But relying only on human rights to guide both social media law and academic criticism thereof is excluding other normative perspectives that place greater emphasis on collective and social interests. This is deeply limiting – especially for critical scholarship and activism that calls for the law to redress structural inequality.
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24 February 2022
Green(wash)ing Global Commodity Chains
Yesterday, the EU Commission finally published its proposal for a corporate sustainability due diligence directive – nearly a year after the Parliament’s resolution to the same effect. Tensions were running high among policymakers, businesses, and civil society alike following several delays, DG Internal Market weighing in on the DG Justice file, and two negative verdicts by the obscure Regulatory Scrutiny Board. Have these distortions left their mark on the final text, as many had feared? Yes and no, as I shall explain, focusing on the proposal’s operative environmental dimension.
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Erklärung zum russischen Angriff auf die Ukraine / Statement on the Russian attack on Ukraine
Vorstand und Rat der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Internationales Recht erklären: […]
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Electoral Oversight under Government Control
The Elections Bill 2021 has generated significant controversy among members of parliament, scholars, and observers. The provision that has generated the most alarm has been a voter ID provision, whose effect has been described as prospectively oppressive and whose justification is widely seen as thin, given the low levels of identified voter fraud in the UK. However, another provision of the Bill has also generated alarm: granting the Secretary of State the power to influence the currently independent Electoral Commission.
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The DSA’s Industrial Model for Content Moderation
I expect that in many real-world cases, the process prescribed by the DSA will waste resources that could better be spent elsewhere, and burden smaller platforms to a degree that effectively sacrifices competition and pluralism goals in the name of content regulation. There is a difference between procedural rules that legitimately protect fundamental rights and the exhaustive processes that might exist in a hyper-rationalized, industrial model of content moderation. The line between the two is not always clear. But I think the DSA often crosses it.
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23 February 2022
The Court of Arbitration for Sport’s Multifarious Views on Freedom of Expression
In sport, the fine line between ‘political’ and ‘non-political’ expression is vital because certain expressions could potentially result in disciplinary sanctions. Dubbed as the ‘supreme court of world sport’, the Court of Arbitration for Sport (‘CAS’) is pivotal in interpreting and adjudicating cases involving freedom of expression in international sports. Currently, the CAS jurisprudence tends to fail to provide clear and consistent reasoning.
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A Court of Last Resort
In a survey released by Reporters without Borders in 2021, India’s position in the Press Freedom Index significantly dropped to 142nd place out of 180 countries. This blog post examines freedom of press in India from a constitutional law perspective and discusses two recent judgments of the Supreme Court of India on India’s sedition law. I argue that while the Supreme Court has protected press freedoms in different ways through interpretation of the Constitution and judicial review, sedition law continues to be (mis)used to intimidate journalists.
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The next step towards auditing intermediaries
The lack of transparency of digital platforms is a well-known problem that has wide societal implications. There is now an extraordinary opportunity to establish legally mandated criteria for meaningful transparency for online platforms in the proposed EU Digital Services Act (DSA). However, their success will depend on the strength of oversight mechanisms which need to be accompanied by sufficient access to data. Hence, we propose creating an auditing intermediary to assure the effectiveness of such oversight.
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22 February 2022
Monkeys in Their Own Right
A few months after the landmark Los Cedros decision, Ecuador’s Constitutional Court has ruled on another important case for the Rights of Nature. For the first time, the Constitutional Court has explicitly recognized that individual animals are protected by the Rights of Nature which also include the right to free development of animal behavior.
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Not looking up
It now seems that after the ruling is before the ruling. The Commission is intent on continuing with its wait-and-see approach, a situation which Hungarian MEP Katalin Cseh compared to the Netflix movie “Don’t look up”, in which the President of the United States decides to ignore the huge comet approaching the earth. While in the movie the comet finally destroys the planet, the European Parliament, however, is determined not to let it come to that. It has made clear that it will not tolerate this policy of looking the other way and has taken up arms.
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21 February 2022
Constitutional Identity in and on EU Terms
The EU protects national constitutional identities and does not protect national unconstitutional identities. This is the message the Court of Justice of the EU has sent with its decision of 16 of February 2022, in the cases initiated by Hungary and Poland about the rule-of-law conditionality mechanism, in which it ominously referred to the constitutional identity of the EU. Constitutional identity, according to the CJEU, is a key concept of public law and a fundamental pillar of the EU, so Member States constitutional identities may not be manipulated in such a way that turns into a violation of the constitutional identity of the EU.
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Quantifying ‘Better Regulation’
The EU Commission is expected to publish later this month its long-awaited proposal on Sustainable Corporate Governance, an initiative to ‘better align the interests of companies, their shareholders, managers, stakeholders and society’. Almost a year of delay and possibly some toning down of the legislative ambition can be attributed, in large part, to the double negative opinion issued by the EU Regulatory Scrutiny Board’s (RSB) on the Impact Assessment. In doing so, the RSB – a body whose absence from public debate seems largely disproportionate to its actual powers – has shown its teeth and incidentally revealed some of the shortcomings of its own mandate.
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18 February 2022
Would Ukraine Breach its own Constitution if it Dropped its NATO Bid?
Among the many issues discussed in the context of the current Russian threat of aggression against Ukraine, Ukraine’s NATO aspirations and Russian opposition to it joining this organization is prominent. Some may think that dropping these aspirations might help avoiding a disastrous war. This, however, is no longer just a matter of political will but of constitutional law.
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17 February 2022
Neutrality of the Olympic Movement and Freedom of Expression
The relationship between sports and neutrality belongs to the most hotly debated topics in international sports law. This blog post illustrates the application of the neutrality principle in practice and argues that the athletes’ freedom of expression in sports is emerging as a ‘concession’ rather than as a ‘right’, suggesting that a reform of the regulations imposed by the Olympic Movement is urgently needed.
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In Defense of Its Identity
The introduction of rule of law budgetary conditionality, as approved by the Court, is a first step in the right direction. But the Union must go further. Taking a page from fundamental rights and anti-discrimination law, we suggest the systematic, deliberate, and transparent incorporation of rule of law considerations into all Union policies and practices at all stages, from planning and legislation to execution and enforcement, with the aim of actively promoting, realizing, and sustaining the rule of law throughout the Union.
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16 February 2022
No More Excuses
Sitting as a full court, due to the exceptional importance of the case, the Court of Justice has dismissed the annulment actions brought by the Hungarian and Polish governments against the Rule of Law Conditionality Regulation. A non-exhaustive account of the main substantive issues addressed by the Court.
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Hegel on Anti-Vaxxers and Making Peace with the Law
Recently, the German Parliament debated the question whether to mandate general inoculation. The supreme irony of this debate is that the minister of health invoked Hegel to argue in favour of a mandate. The irony does not lie in Hegel’s stance regarding mandatory vaccination – which he favoured much more explicitly than Lauterbach’s quotation suggested – but in the role that this government is attributing to law and politics.
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Mutual (Dis)trust
Last week, the General Court of the European Union, in its judgment T-791/19 Sped-Pro, recognized for the first time the impact that systematic rule of law deficiencies have on national competition authorities. The judgement is seminal, in that it openly questions the ability of national authorities impacted by rule of law backsliding to effectively enforce EU law. The judgement also goes to the heart of explaining the pivotal constitutional role played by competition law within the EU legal order.
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A Profit that Creates Loss
The recent UK Supreme Court judgment of 2 February 2022 continues to exclude children from citizenship rights. The Court's decision is built on the idea that British citizenship is a statutory right rather than being based on common law or human rights law. As a consequence, the court's focus was on statutory interpretation instead of child welfare. The profit made from the children’s registration fees is at the expense of children who remain excluded from citizenship.
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14 February 2022
Political Horse-Trading at High Costs
In July 2021, the High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina Valentin Inzko used the last days of his term to criminalize genocide denial by decree. This move has sparked a prolonged political crisis which seems to be coming to a bizarre end that is nothing but a horse-trading at the expense of the freedom of expression.
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From Romania with Love
The CJEU judgment "Euro Box Promotion" explicitly extended the Union’s requirement of judicial independence to constitutional courts for the first time. The ‘Romanian’ ruling carries an important message for the Polish government on how the EU legal order might react to the recent rulings of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal, which negate the primacy of European Union law. As a consequence, the CJEU confirms the right and the obligation of national courts to disregard constitutional court rulings that violate EU law.
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11 February 2022
Who is violating whom
Even the curtest decision from Karlsruhe may contain a message
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British citizenship as a non-constitutional status
It would generally seem uncontroversial to suggest that citizenship constitutes a fundamental status in all democratic societies. The UK Supreme Court’s recent decision in PRCBC casts doubt on whether that assertion holds true. The judgment highlights the uneasy relationship between fundamental (or constitutional) rights and citizenship rights, as well as between common law rights and statutory rights, within the UK’s incompletely codified constitutional order.
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When Is a Court Still a Court?
On 3 February 2022, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) issued a judgment in the case of Advance Pharma sp.z o.o. against Poland. This is another judgment on the irregularities in the appointments of judges to the Polish Supreme Court, in which the ECtHR confirmed its previous rulings. But it also touched on several implications of its conclusions for the Polish judiciary. It suggests that they may be relevant for ordinary courts in Poland as well and that Polish authorities should ensure the possibility to reopen proceedings in certain situations.
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10 February 2022
Athletes and the Human Right to Freedom of Expression
While Sport Governing Bodies can regulate freedom of expression for athletes in sports, the current approach of the IOC seems to fail to abide by the standards required under international human rights law. In particular, the lack of clarity on the content and forms of expression banned under Rule 50 of the Olympic Charter seems to conflict with the foreseeability expected by international human rights law.
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Heidelberger Salon digital: Guardians of Free Speech
A conversation with Catalina Botero-Marino, Martin Eifert, Matthias Kettemann and Erik Tuchtfeld. Hosted by Alexandra Kemmerer.
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08 February 2022
The Duty to Exhaust Remedies with Systemic Deficiencies
On 3 February 2022, the European Court of Human Rights issued its judgment in Advance Pharma v Poland and addressed the question of whether an applicant is required to exhaust domestic remedies that suffer from systemic deficiencies for the first time. While the Court does not yet give a clear answer to this particularly sensitive issue, this case is another reminder of just how difficult it is for the Convention system to engage with countries that structurally impair their judicial system.
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When Your Own Spyware Hits Home
A newspaper report from January 18, 2022, revealed that the Israeli police has been using a spy software to spy on its own citizens. This affair illustrates how existing Israeli privacy law is inadequate for dealing with the types of privacy violations enabled by new technologies. But the ease with which these technologies are used also speaks volumes about the militarization of Israeli society.
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The moderation of extremist content is prone to error, causing real-world harm
Policies intended to limit the ability of terrorist groups to organize, recruit, and incite — as well as for individuals to praise such groups — have been expanded in recent years via content moderation efforts online, and often result in the erasure of not only extremist expression, but human rights documentation, counterspeech, and art.
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The Re-Emergence of the Athlete Activist
Expressions in support of social justice, inclusion, anti-discrimination and LGBTQI+ rights no longer appear to breach Rule 50. Where Rule 50 could still come into play is where athlete activists seek to demonstrate their support for overtly political causes. The guidance states unequivocally that expressions must not be targeted at people, organisations, or countries. At Beijing 2022, any expression/gesture aimed at an individual politician, the Communist Party of China, or the Chinese state will remain a breach of Rule 50.
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07 February 2022
Keeping Politics Out
Throughout history, the IOC always faced tough choices when it dealt with freedom of speech. It attempted to act within the framework of international human rights law whilst it continuously promoted the autonomy of sport from all political interests. At this point, it does not seem that the IOC will move away from its general, apolitical stance.
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9/11 on Turkish Shores
The 9/11 attacks exposed the precariousness of the public sphere, however, they did not result in a dramatic shift in the Turkish public sphere. Rather, the coup attempt of 2016 turned out to be Turkey’s “9/11 moment.”
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Property, Proportionality, and Marginality
On 31 January 2022, the Irish Supreme Court delivered a landmark judgment that collapsed, at least in respect of remedies, a previously rigidly-drawn distinction between the private law rights and the public law obligations of housing authorities. The judgment breaks important new ground in emphasising the underprivileged and marginalised status of the Travelling community, and furthermore, in identifying that status as a factor that could weigh against the granting of an injunctive remedy.
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Speaking up in Beijing or not?
The Beijing Winter Olympics might constitute a boiling point for the ongoing debate on the freedom of expression of athletes and fans participating in international sporting competitions. This blog symposium brings this debate to a more general audience interested in issues related to human rights, constitutionalization of transnational legal processes and private governance. As an introduction to the contributions, our blog highlights a number of fundamental points which will be at the heart of this discussion.
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The Taming of the Czech Executive
On Wednesday, 2/2/2022, the Czech Supreme Administrative Court quashed an executive measure imposing the so-called “2G rule” (geimpft/genesen, i.e. vaccinated/recovered) on selected service providers, most importantly restaurants and hotels. While the vocal opponents of vaccination celebrate the ruling and refer to the judiciary as ‘the last bastion of freedom’, there was some major misrepresentation of what the SAC has (not) established in this very viral judgment. The executive measure under review was not quashed because ‘the state must not force people into voluntary vaccination’, nor because ‘kicking the unvaccinated out of pubs is illegal and must stop’. Since the only legal argument for quashing the measure was the lack of competence of the Ministry of Health, it seems like there was much ado about nothing.
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Terrorism law and the erosion of free speech in the UK
The horrifying nature and unpredictability of terrorist attacks in the past two decades meant that in the UK, the extensions of state power had considerable public support in the years following 9/11. While useful to authorities dealing with an unpredictable threat, there are several factors in the laws that provide a potent recipe to erode expression rights.
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03 February 2022
Shifts in Historiography
Today, there appears to be more consensus about the unjust nature of the Dutch/Indonesian war. As a scholar who has studied the evolution of the discourse on this topic, being asked to contribute to a symposium about the relation between decolonisation and human rights, is the perfect occasion to look back.
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‘An assault on the constitution’
India's complex interlocking of securitization and freedom of expression poses a serious challenge to democratic ideals of free speech. Today, we witness increased targeting of journalists and activists across the country. In particular, conflict-ridden regions have presented a more serious situation where journalists face accusations of conspiring with the enemies of the state. The growing practice of muzzling the press and forums of public debate has created a culture of fear among the civil society, which directly affects the quality of democracy and free speech.
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02 February 2022
On the Right to Compulsory Vaccination
The legitimacy of compulsory vaccination is a question of what kind of freedom we want. It is not a matter of state decree, but rather the reaction of a democratic constitutional state to an omission that can be interpreted as a violation of the freedom of others. If we take the legal relationship of freedom as a basis, some guidelines for models of compulsory vaccination emerge.
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„Subjektivierung“ der Grundrechte – eine verfassungsrechtliche Sackgasse
In der Diskussion über die Verfassungskonformität einer gesetzlichen Impfpflicht wirbt Ute Sacksofsky dafür, die Perspektive der Minderheit und speziell die der von einer Grundrechtseinschränkung Betroffenen stärker einzubeziehen. Das ist an sich nichts Neues; es geschieht überall, wo über die Verhältnismäßigkeit einer solchen allgemeinen Pflicht debattiert wird. Aber Ute Sacksofsky meint mehr als dass die Gesetzesverfasser die subjektive Sichtweise und die Gefühle Betroffener bedenken sollen. Sie relativiert Wirkungsweise und Bedeutung der Grundrechte ganz grundsätzlich.
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Constitutional Battles beyond China’s Regulation of Online Terrorist Speech
The Chinese government’s suppression of Internet speech is almost legendary. It forms an impregnable cornerstone of what Oxford professor Stein Ringen dubbed the Party-state’s “perfect dictatorship”. China's approach to terrorist speech must me understood within the entire picture of China’s developing agenda of taming speech online.
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01 February 2022
Lifetime Imprisonment and the Identity of the Constitution
By the end of 2021, the Constitutional Court of Colombia published its opinion on lifetime imprisonment. In its opinion from 2 September 2021, the Court held that life imprisonment is incompatible with two of the fundamental pillars of the Constitution. In this blog post, we contextualize the Court’s reasoning and argue that the Court´s thesis of the “substitution of the Constitution” is innovative and bold, both in constitutional and comparative terms, but also raises complex questions regarding the role of courts and judicial activism vis-à-vis the control of the political branches of government in democratic regimes.
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The legacy of the War on Terror in the Philippines
Twenty years after 9/11, the definitive problems of democracy globally relate to disinformation and illiberal intolerance. The Philippines, an illustration of post-truth politics that has engulfed the world, is wracked by tensions in society, resulting in attacks on journalists reporting on disfavoured issues and events. The global War on Terror considerably contributed to a turn towards authoritarianism in the Philippines, vis-à-vis the limits of public discourse, and that law reform offers a very limited kind of remedy.
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31 January 2022
The Impact of 9/11 on Freedom of Expression in the United States
In the United States the actual impact of 9/11 and the subsequent “War on Terror” on speech and press freedoms has been complex, and in many ways much less than expected. In fact, free speech rights vis-à-vis the government remain largely robust in the United States; the real conflicts and issues today concern the role of private Internet companies, notably social media, in restricting free speech.
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29 January 2022
The Dutch Family Reunification Procedure
Being able to reunite with family from abroad falls under the right to family life, one of the fundamental rights every individual is entitled to. Despite this, some Dutch family reunification requirements are potentially at odds with international human rights law standards and the EU Directive 2003/86/EC on the right to family reunification. This problematic state of affairs reflects the ongoing racialization of European borders, and that of Dutch borders in particular.
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The Racialized Borders of the Netherlands
The principal function of borders in immigration law is to distinguish between persons and goods which are permitted to enter a territory and those which are not. I call this the filtering function of the border. In this short contribution, I enquire into how this filtering function of the border operates in the context of border controls in the Netherlands. More specifically, I argue that the way border controls are performed in the Netherlands structurally produces racialized subjects.
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28 January 2022
Out of Sync
The Federal Elections may indeed have to be repeated in parts of Berlin. What would that mean?
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International Migration Law and Coloniality
In European human rights law, it is taken for granted that states have the sovereign right to regulate migration. A right to be admitted to a country of which one is not a national, or a right not to be expelled, exists only in exceptional cases. In this blogpost, I look at the origins of “the right to control the entry of non-nationals”. These are to be found in a shift in the colonial labour system which occurred in the second half of the 19th century. It is this history which explains the inequality represented on the map above.
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Austria’s Struggle to Respond to Climate Change
Cancelling the planned construction of a highway tunnel beneath a Viennese national park in December 2021, the Green Minister for Climate Action Leonore Gewessler left local politicians outraged. Although the Austrian Constitution provides different links to sustainability and climate change, the Austrian Constitutional Court decided in a landmark case five years ago to interpret the constitutional provisions on climate change in a restrictive manner leading (bottom-up) ambitions to strengthen climate change litigation into a constitutional deadlock. The recent decision of Mrs. Gewessler opens up new (top-down) approaches towards an ecological executive.
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Voting in the Pandemic
On Sunday, 30 January 2022, Portugal will go to the ballots on a snap election. Despite some initiatives to adapt the legal framework of the right to vote to the challenges of a pandemic, the amendments failed to accommodate the cases of persons under compulsory quarantine on election day, disenfranchising hundred thousands of voters in 2020-2021. Ironically, the severity of the new variant Omicron, possibly limiting the rights of up to a million voters, appears to restore the right to vote, even though on a dubious legal basis.
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A cautious green light for technology-driven mass surveillance
Yesterday, on 27 January 2022, Advocate General Pitruzzella published his Opinion in the CJEU's preliminary ruling procedure on the PNR Directive and its compatibility with EU primary law. The AG, while criticizing the PNR Directive’s overly broad data retention period and its lack of clarity and precision in certain points, generally considers the PNR Directive to be “compatible with the fundamental rights to respect for private life and to the protection of personal data”. His arguments are not convincing.
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Postcolonial Migration and Citizenship in the Netherlands
Can formerly colonized subjects and their descendants be full and equal citizens of the former metropoles – and if so, what would that look like? In this blogpost, we explore these politics of belonging in European postcolonial polities by looking at different conceptualizations of the relationship between the Dutch state and Surinamese-Dutch citizens and immigrants. While Dutch government discourses tend to represent Surinamese-Dutch as too different to belong to the Dutch Nation, Surinamese-Dutch organisations claimed postcolonial citizenship as different and equal.
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27 January 2022
Rights for Others, Firing Back?
Colonialism and decolonization have importantly shaped the constitutional trajectories of not only the colonized states, but also those of the colonizers. For the Netherlands, decolonization did not only dictate the pace of various constitutional reforms in the mid-20th century that were ‘needed’ to erase Indonesia (1948) and New Guinea (1963) from the text of the constitution, but also introduced new constitutional documents, such as the 1949 Dutch-Indonesian Union Charter and the 1954 Charter of the Kingdom. While it is necessary to critically analyze the impact of these postcolonial arrangements on former colonies, it is equally urgent to fill the profound gap in knowledge about the impact of colonialism and decolonization on domestic constitutional arrangements.
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26 January 2022
The European Convention of Human Rights’ Colonial Clause and the End of Empire
In this post, I would like to shed light on an important, yet generally overlooked aspect of the European Convention of Human Rights, namely that it was drafted at a time when many of the member states of the Council of Europe were still important colonial powers. While European empires in Asia were in decline and the Netherlands was in the process of withdrawing from Indonesia, this was not the case in what was then called New Guinea, Surinam or the Antilles. Colonial empires in Africa, for their part, were still well established and the question of the territorial application of the Convention was hotly debated in the drafting process. What were the implications of this link between human rights and empire?
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Police Action or War?
The conflict in Indonesia in 1945–1949 was not a police action against insurgents in the context of a colonial territory in which domestic law alone was applicable; it was an international armed conflict in the context of independence in which international law should have played its role. The crimes committed during the conflict from both sides were war crimes and crimes against humanity.
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Clause 9 of the Nationality and Borders Bill
In July 2021, the UK government set to work on a new Nationality and Borders Bill. Should this far-reaching amendment acquire statutory force, it will raise important questions about the capacity of the UK constitution to prevent sweeping executive authorisation, even in matters with intense bearing on the most profound human rights and entitlements.
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25 January 2022
Aggression, War Crimes, and the Indonesian Revolution
The specter of the Indonesian Revolution is still haunting our understanding of Dutch imperial violence. In this blog post, I want to highlight two central issues regarding the conflict’s legal history – one involving the alleged non-application of the laws of war to the conflict which has been a mainstay argument in Dutch official narratives, and the other regarding the ways in which we delineate today our legal-moral reasoning with respect to Dutch transgression.
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Time to Rewrite the EU Directive on Combating Terrorism
The adoption of EU Directive 2017/541 on combating terrorism in March 2017 has profoundly changed the landscape of European counter-terrorism law. The primary aim of this Directive was to further harmonise the legal framework under which terrorist offences are prosecuted across EU Member States by establishing minimum rules and standards. However, the adverse consequences for the rule of law and human rights have been overlooked from the very outset by the EU institutions. Now, five years after its adoption, it is time for a thorough revision.
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The Grotian Myth and Dutch Modern Imperialism
The self-image of The Netherlands as a nation with a legalist (or Grotian) approach to international affairs has turned a blind eye to how Grotian legal reasonings and arguments have been used to legitimize Dutch colonialism and to shape the post-colonial structure of international law.
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24 January 2022
Pushbacks? Never mind, we’re doing it
"Pushback" has been elected Germany’s non-word of the year 2021. The word is rather innocent, the act is the problem. The EU Commission has now submitted a proposal for an amendment of the Schengen Borders Code that allows for irregular arrivals to be returned without effective legal protection.
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Taking European Judgments Seriously
Today ends the deadline for stakeholder consultations for the 2022 EU rule of law report. The report is a welcome addition to the EU’s rule of law toolbox but it is missing a vital element: the non-implementation of judgments of international courts, including both the Court of Justice of the European Union and the European Court of Human Rights.
Continue reading >>Decolonization and Human Rights: The Dutch Case
Human rights and decolonization have a complicated relationship. From their inception in the mid-20th century as normative features of the nation-state, human rights co-existed with imperial colonial systems. As aspirational values molded on the Western philosophical tradition, human rights also served as empowering tools in the moment of decolonization while simultaneously hampering claims to national independence. This is why, in the engagement with the ongoing legacies of colonialism, we have embarked on this symposium to examine human rights both as a language of critique and as a constitutive part of the imperial legacy.
Continue reading >>Ohne Anhörung ins Gefängnis
Die Kombination aus Ersatzfreiheitsstrafe und Strafbefehlsverfahren kann dazu führen, dass Menschen eine Freiheitsstrafe absitzen, ohne jemals einer Richterin gegenübergestanden zu haben. Das genügt den Verfahrensvoraussetzungen aus dem Grundgesetz nicht und der Eingriff in die persönliche Freiheit ist in diesen Fällen verfassungswidrig. Die neue Regierung hat in ihrem Koalitionsvertrag angekündigt, das strafrechtliche Sanktionssystem überarbeiten zu wollen. An dieser Stelle sollte sie mit ihrem Reformvorhaben anknüpfen.
Continue reading >>21 January 2022
To Oppose
Freedom of assembly, general orders and boulders thrown by administrative law and hitting constitutional law
Continue reading >>Novak Djokovic and the Australian Migration System
The cancellation of tennis star Novak Djokovic’s visa by the Australian government last week highlighted some of the legal contestations and confusion surrounding vaccination mandates, but also gave a glimpse of Australian migration and public law. There is hope that the proceeding will provide some momentum for the reform of its most controversial aspects.
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20 January 2022
Curing the Symptoms but not the Disease
Traffic violations are not a proportionate justification to effectively deprive a person of her EU citizenship. This may sound obvious but in reality it was not, as the crucial Grand Chamber case of JY decided on January 18 demonstrates. This is a significant yet predictable addition to the edifice of EU citizenship post-Rottmann. Regrettably, the forward-looking judgment is myopic up to the point of an error of judgement as to the fundamental challenges at play in the factual constellation at hand.
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What is Low isn’t Free
Emmanuel Macron’s proposition to raise university tuition fees in France was met with much criticism, including that it would be unconstitutional. Yet, French case law is not very clear on this point. A recent decision of the highest administrative court, the Conseil d’Etat, opens a path for the government to dramatically increase tuition fees. That decision effectively amounted to overturning a landmark preliminary ruling of the French constitutional court, the Conseil Constitutionnel.
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19 January 2022
A More Democratic Supreme Court? Not So Fast
The Republican entrenchment in the US Supreme Court and its threat to thwart any meaningful Democratic agenda has prompted a wave of demands to pack the Court and restore its ideological balance. Three divergent conceptions of law and democracy are struggling to define the agenda for the US constitutional system, as playing out in the debate over Supreme Court reform.
Continue reading >>The Death of Law and Equity
On the same day, the U.S. Supreme Court issued decisions governing requests for emergency stays of two rules protecting Americans from COVID 19. Both rules relied on very similar statutory language, which clearly authorized protection from threats to health. Both of them presented strikingly bad cases for emergency stays. Yet, the Court granted an emergency stay in one of these cases and denied it in the other. These decisions suggest that the Court applies judicial discretion unguided by law or traditional equitable considerations governing treatment of politically controversial regulatory cases.
Continue reading >>17 January 2022
Paper Constitutionalism
On January 16, Serbian citizens voted in a referendum on constitutional changes concerning the guarantees of the judicial independence and organization of the judicial sector. According to preliminary results, 57, 4% of citizens voted for the reforms, while 41,6% voted against, with a turnout of not more than 30% of all registered voters. I would argue that constitutional amendments concerning the judiciary should have been postponed for two reasons.
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16 January 2022
All Needs to Stay As It Is so All Can Change
The terms of office of Italian President Sergio Mattarella and German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier will end within few weeks from one another. Yet the two countries could not experience the two deadlines more differently. While the German President's re-election in the first round is certain, in Italy a sort of collective psychodrama has been going on for months.
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14 January 2022
Confidence and Caution
With some luck, 2022 might bring some good news
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11 January 2022
Restoration without the Constitution
After what is now almost a two-decade long rule by the governing party, there are strong indications that a strong reshuffling in Turkish politics is in the works. Support for President Erdogan and his party is declining. I argue, firstly, that it is a combination of factors that has led to this moment of changing fortunes in Turkish politics – a combination that sheds light on what tactics may successfully be employed by opposition forces who wish to put an end to autocracies. Secondly, I claim that constitutional restoration in Turkey does not require formal constitutional change.
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10 January 2022
A Missed Opportunity for LGBTQ Rights
A few days ago, the British activist Gareth Lee failed with his complaint before the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). The Court declared the application inadmissible as Lee had not claimed the violation of rights under the European Convention on Human Rights in any of the national court proceedings and thus had not exhausted all national remedies. Lee v. the United Kingdom really was a missed opportunity for Europe’s regional human rights court to address the issue of homophobia in the context of access to goods and services.
Continue reading >>Who’s Afraid of the „Big Bad Court”?
The end of 2021 brought a new chapter in the saga of how should the primacy of the EU law be applied by Romanian courts. A press release of the Romanian Constitutional Court, issued on 23 December 2021, raised concerns about the conformity with the principles set forth in the case law of the CJEU regarding the primacy. The press release, albeit a non-legal document, might have a dissuasive effect upon the judges who would be, otherwise, willing to disapply some norms of internal law, according to the latest judgment of the CJEU on the matter. In Romania, the disregard of the decisions of the Constitutional Court can be a ground for disciplinary action against judges.
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07 January 2022
Beware of the Bulldozer
The case of Russia teaches us how dangerous extra-constitutional constitution making can be – and that it should always be just a last resort. No substantive institutional changes should be made outside of the constitutional bounds. Otherwise, there will always be the danger that breaking the rule of law will continue even after constitutional change has taken place. This is precisely what Russian intellectuals and jurists, who supported Yeltsin in 1993, learned under the rule of Vladimir Putin. We should try to avoid repeating their mistakes.
Continue reading >>Goat, Cabbage and Wolf
According to a flurry of recent news, snowballed in almost identical form in the Western press, the Romanian Constitutional Court has ruled, just before Christmas, to deny the primacy of EU law. More often than not, analogies with Poland were made, glossing on surface similarities. The juxtaposition is misleading. As the late János Kornai put it, simply because we [i.e., countries in the hinterland, ces pays là-bas] are in the same hospital, that does not mean we suffer from the same sicknesses.
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Pushbacks against the Child’s Best Interests
The lack of a functional EU-level legal framework, designed for high immigration numbers, contributed to increasing recourse to practices of dissuading migrants away from the EU territory. This did not leave the European Court of Human Rights indifferent and it decided to give a legal green light to pushbacks under certain conditions. The Court applies its jurisprudence equally to all individuals and in all situations. In doing so, however, it violates the principle of the child’s best interests. A more nuanced approach should be taken, guaranteeing special protection to children, in accordance with the principle of the child’s best interests.
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04 January 2022
Restoring the Validity of Law in Democratic Societies
The questions posed by Professors Andrew Arato and András Sajó in their open letter Restoring Constitutionalism are pressing and of utmost public importance. Many of the issues and controversies raised in the letter arise after “democratic backsliding has taken place” and when the constitution already includes “entrenched authoritarian enclaves”. Taking this context into consideration, I will examine a more basic issue, namely the validity of law in a democratic society.
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03 January 2022
“Realizing Material Justice”
In 2021, the so called Gesetz zur Herstellung materieller Gerechtigkeit was passed by the German Bundestag. The act, which introduces a new ground for opening up closed criminal court cases, reveals a lack of respect for the formal dimension of the Rechtsstaat. As opposed to the seemingly supreme goal of realizing material justice, the more formal dimensions of the Rechtsstaat seem to be of secondary importance to some actors.
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30 December 2021
A Matter of Pragmatism rather than Principle
Taking into consideration that the backsliding of Turkish democracy during the last ten to fifteen years happened in a piecemeal and often erratic way, only partially based on constitutional amendments, the reverse process should also be possible by gradual legal and, eventually, constitutional changes. Political pragmatism, based on a clear commitment to basic democratic values and societal reconciliation, might be more important for the sustainable recovery of Turkish democracy than a radical constitutional restart.
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29 December 2021
Illiberal Britain
The right to peaceful protest in England and Wales is under graver threat than first feared. On 24 November 2021, new amendments were introduced to the already highly controversial Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill (PCSC) in the House of Lords. These are jaw-dropping measures that will expand police stop and search powers, increase restrictions on peaceful protests, create new criminal offences and banning orders, and expand delegated powers. What follows is a brief attempt to make sense of these illiberal proposals. If enacted, they will have severe implications for how the law strikes the balance between rights of protestors and the wider community. But even if not, their very proposal, and the means of legislating for them, are further evidence of a government with distaste, if not hostility, for constitutional norms of debate, scrutiny, and accountability inside and outside of Parliament.
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28 December 2021
Dear Friends of Verfassungsblog
We couldn't have done it without your help.
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27 December 2021
The Iron Cage of Veneration
From my perspective, the most fundamental question that Arato and Sajó are asking is precisely how committed lawyers and constitutionalists should be to particular political systems that do not, at least on the surface, offer any grounds for optimism that the next election will “vote the rascals out of office” and enable forward movement to achieving the grand aspirations of a liberal constitutional order. Paradoxically or not, one might have more hope about Hungary, Poland, Chile, Brazil, or other countries unafflicted by “veneration” of a constitutional system that, left unreformed, serves as an iron cage, a “clear and present danger” to the actual achievement of liberal constitutional aspirations.
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24 December 2021
Removing the Cement from Hungary´s Constitutional Edifice
It seems to me that we are asking two questions: First, is Hungary´s constitutional system so damaged that it no longer reflects the core tenets of democratic constitutionalism? My short answer is, yes, but the case needs to be made comprehensively. The second questions is: Could the current constitution be repaired although it is set-up to impede repair? My short answer is: It depends on the post-election context and we should not jump too easily to leave the current legal framework.
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23 December 2021
Stateless without Notification
Shocking new legislation currently going through the UK parliament includes controversial powers to strip British citizens of their citizenship without notification, even if they hold no other citizenship and risk being made stateless. Opponents say such powers would be draconian and in violation of international law. The numbers of people potentially affected are huge, at almost 10% of the population. Moreover, there are clear racialised biases, with ethnic minorities and those of migrant heritage predominantly at risk. Citizenship seems no longer to be an inviolable status of rights and protection, but more and more a conditional and insecure privilege.
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Why Throw a Constitution out of the Window Instead of Making it Work?
If the constitution-making and amending by Fidesz with their legally obtained two-thirds majority counted as illegitimate, constitutional revision with a simple majority cannot be acceptable. If the sudden redesign of institutions gave reason for serious concern eleven years ago, it cannot be welcomed now.
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The Interplay Between International and National Institutions in Fighting Corruption
The topic of corruption plays a particular role in the international investment regime, as is evidenced by the large number of corruption-based investment cases and the abundant literature on this topic. This blog post discusses the role of arbitral tribunals and local institutions (notably courts and bar associations) in addressing the challenges of corruption by focusing on the so called Piero Foresti, Laura de Carli & Others v. The Republic of South Africa case (hereinafter, the Foresti case). I argue that the reaction of the arbitral tribunal to the allegation of corruption is unsatisfactory and that international and national institutions should operate in complementarity given the transnational nature of the phenomenon of corruption.
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Digital Openings in German Legal Academia
Almost 20 years after the adoption of the Berlin Declaration on Open Access to Knowledge in the Sciences and Humanities (2003), open access publications still play a comparatively marginal role in the legal academia. Yet legal scholarship is already benefiting from a public discourse that quality-assured legal scholarship blogs have initiated with their science-communicative opening. Admittedly, particularly the lack of sustainable funding models reinforces the disciplinary reluctance to embrace open access and open science in legal academia.
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Open Access in der Schweizer Rechtswissenschaft
In der schweizerischen Rechtswissenschaft bewegt sich einiges in Sachen Open Access. Auf der einen Seite sind viele Bottom-Up-Initiativen entstanden, auf der anderen Seite wird der freie Zugang zu rechtswissenschaftlicher Literatur vermehrt Top-Down gefordert – und teilweise auch gefördert. Es bleibt allerdings noch einiges zu tun, bis Open Access zum Standard wird. Dies gilt insbesondere für die Finanzierung von Zeitschriften. Die bisher bestehenden Finanzierungsmöglichkeiten fördern ein System, in dem Quantität mehr zählt als Qualität.
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Reinforcing Patterns
Despite its revolutionary potential, the movement towards amplifying open access can backfire if it does not expand quickly across the world. As it is today, the vast majority of authors who publish open access are based in European research institutions. By making these authors’ works more easily available than others, open access initiatives may end up dictating the terms of the international legal debate around the world.
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The EU and its ‘Exes’
In September 2021, MEPs voted in favour of a new EU Ethics body to oversee movements of personnel between the public and the private sector and proposed an interinstitutional agreement to this end. Replacing the current Independent Ethical Committee, the new body would be responsible for proposing and advising Commissioners, MEPs and staff of the institutions on ethics rules. The new Ethics Body, however, is not the regulatory unicorn many are hoping for. The gaps and ineffectiveness of EU policies to address revolving door moves stem from a limited understanding of the issue, which in turn is a result of lack of research and interest. The EU cannot devise better policies unless more is known about the phenomenon.
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22 December 2021
Handle with Care
I will, in what follows, seek to answer the overarching question of this symposium, starting from a cautionary Romanian rule of law (RoL) reform tale. Other things being equal, its lessons may be extrapolated to the specific case of hopefully post-Orbánite Hungary. The specific context of Hungary presents, at least apparently, the Romanian problem in reverse, namely, the transition from an authoritarian nationalist regime to a pluralist, European, rule of law order.
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Open Access … And Then?
In 2021, the Zeitschrift für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrecht (also known as the Heidelberg Journal of International Law) was reborn. Though one of the oldest public and international law journals, its editors have taken the decision to embrace a new era and mode of publishing. The ZaöRV is now a Platinum Open-Access journal.
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21 December 2021
Open Access, Market Power, and Rents
The notion that scientific progress depends on access to the existing stock of knowledge is an old one. It dates to the 12th century when the French philosopher Bernard of Chartres observed: “We are like dwarfs on the shoulders of giants, so that we can see more than they, and things at a greater distance, not by virtue of any sharpness of sight on our part, or any physical distinction, but because we are carried high and raised up by their giant size.”
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Unknown Shibboleth: On the Opacity of Gatekeeping
Without specifying its meaning or context, openness remains an empty category. It commonly evokes a positive sentiment, but what does it mean to say: We are opening up this or that? And what does it disguise? It even compares with excellence in this respect: a word that is en vogue to be thrown into debates about the future of the academy.
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Open / Closed
Open Access suggests the absence of gates and gatekeepers – but this is evidently not the case. Who gets to publish what and where is still very much a decision made by certain people in certain positions following certain procedures. Although Open Access carries the promise of removing barriers and democratising access, numerous barriers beyond the obvious ones like paywalls or processing charges exist or are being installed.
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Escaping Orbán’s Constitutional Prison
Backsliding democracies around the world all face the problem of how to restore the rule of law. Precisely because it is already embedded in European law, with deep Hungarian roots that have long honored European traditions and its international law obligations, Hungary has the option of simply embracing European law to provide a legal path back to the rule of law
Continue reading >>Constitutional Democracy and The Sound of (Academic) Silence
Many constitutions, and the liberal values that permeate them, constitute the reaction to the mass atrocities, often in the face of academic silence (if not full-blown endorsement). Therefore, a constitutional law scholar that does not denounce attempts to subvert the constitutional order as such is actually sacrificing the pursuit of legal knowledge at the altar of a misguided – and historically damned – attempt at ‘neutrality’. The sound of academic silence, in the face of constitutional regression, is deafening.
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Essential, and yet on the Margins
On 7 December 2021, the coalition parties of the recently inaugurated German government signed the Coalition Agreement. While the Agreement’s proposals regarding work and industrial relations have already been praised and criticised by unions and researchers, this post will address the Government’s plans with respect to seasonal (migrant) workers in agriculture, a topic that experienced increased public exposure since the onset of the pandemic. I argue that if the new Government intends to take the ‘essential worker’ label of seasonal migrant farmworkers seriously, it needs to go beyond the relatively modest ambitions expressed in the Agreement.
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The European PNR framework and the changing landscape of EU-security
Since May 2018, travelers booking or embarking on a flight to, from or within the European Union are classified into risk categories in order to assess the likelihood of their involvement in criminal or terrorist activity, per the PNR Directive. The very ambition of the PNR framework is to identify potential suspects previously unknown to the authorities. It has thus introduced important changes into existing EU approaches to security conceptions and practices, and has the potential to redefine core societal values such as privacy, fairness and human autonomy.
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20 December 2021
Do We Want a Constitution?
I argue that especially in highly polarized social contexts and in divided societies, triggering a new constitution-making procedure requires certain conditions that are necessarily lacking in such circumstances. Oddly, even though these initiatives are motivated by the idea of constitutional restoration, they could easily fail for the same reasons as the constitution they try to mend. When – against the usual and unusual odds – new constitutions are adopted in socially adverse circumstances, the outcome will unavoidably carry the deep tensions and one-sidedness of its environment.
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Effective Accountability Mechanisms in Austrian Constitutional Culture
Former Austrian chancellor Sebastian Kurz, who dominated the political arena in the last years, left politics at the begin of December 2021. The strengthening of two constitutional accountability mechanisms strongly contributed to this downfall: First, the competence to establish a parliamentary committee of inquiry without a parliamentary majority, and second, the strengthening of the public prosecutors' independence.
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19 December 2021
Four Recommendations for Constitutional Restoration in Hungary
For the first time ever in Hungary, a national primary was held to elect the prime ministerial candidate for the opposition, sparking discussions on constitutional restoration, in particular on amending or replacing the 2011 constitution, the Fundamental Law (FL). Following a brief description of the Hungarian institutional and constitutional landscape, I outline several suggestions as to how the question of constitutional restoration in Hungary might be addressed.
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17 December 2021
A Hard Year
A look back on 2021 and the most-read Verfassungsblog posts
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Fighting Corruption with Criminal Law
Criminal law serves as the primary tool of choice in Germany's combat against corruption. Yet, apart from the truism that merely tightening the penal framework to combat corruption is useless anyway, there remain deficits. This blog post argues that some of those deficits are to be found not on the level of law in action, but in the law in the books.
Continue reading >>Cities of God
Smart-city surveillance is not always used “for the good.” Instead, the faces of regime opponents or, in other contexts, underrepresented minorities, are often self-incriminating elements. It is clear that smart cities pose important problems to privacy and that technology-infused urban spaces bring as many benefits as challenges. I argue that we should be particularly critical of the employment of surveillance technologies in slums because they are by definition vulnerable places from different perspectives.
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16 December 2021
Governance or Revolution?
The call from Andrew Arato and Andras Sajó starts an important and timely debate. It is indeed a thorny question in which cases a formal breach of constitutional norms is the only way to restore constitutionalism. I make three claims: First, while the potential opposition government’s legislative power will indeed be constrained, it will not be entirely powerless. Second, many of these constraints do not stem from constitutional provisions per se, but from informal practices within constitutional organs, and thus cannot be addressed by only formal constitutional changes, revolutionary or otherwise. Third, in the present situation a calculated formal breach of the constitution will most likely lead to civilian strife, political paralysis and radicalization. It will also have the potential to destabilize the European Union.
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Chekhov’s Gun
On 9 November, the Fidesz-majority in the parliament passed an amendment on the registration of permanent addresses in Hungary, which allows to register a permanent address without actually living there. In addition, creating a fictional address will no longer be a punishable crime, as the parliament also modified the Penal Code by deleting this specific case from the provisions of document falsification. This legislative step opens the floodgates of voter tourism for the Spring parliamentary elections creating legal but unfair and undemocratic possibilities for winning the most competitive Single Member Districts.
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‘Don’t Snoop on Me’
For the past twenty years, Brazil has been torn between the paths of public security and mass surveillance, and of reaffirming human rights, especially the right to privacy. An interesting duality has emerged: on the one hand, the creation of a robust regime in terms of data protection and, on the other, a wholehearted acceptance of facial recognition technology.
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The Conference on the Future of Europe as an Institutional Illusion
The Conference on the Future of Europe is currently underway on the basis of the joint Declaration of 10 March 2021. Nine months after the Joint Declaration there is ample evidence from the Conference that allows us to assess this institutional event. The Conference might best be described as a campaign to stimulate public interest for EU politics. It is clear that the Conference has neither the legal basis nor the institutional character to address the Union's structural problems in the face of great challenges.
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15 December 2021
Der “Ketchup-Effekt”
Ein genauerer Blick auf den Einsatz von Überwachungsmaßnahmen durch die schwedischen Behörden nach dem 11. September 2001 zeigt, dass diese Entwicklung am besten mit dem "Ketchup-Effekt" beschrieben werden kann: Wenn man die Flasche öffnet, kommt zunächst nichts heraus, und dann kommt alles auf einmal, und man hat sein Gericht ruiniert.
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On Constitutional Transition out of Hybrid Regimes
In the context of hybrid regimes, where constitutional change is gradual, the search for a magical (if not revolutionary) ‘moment’ of constitutional reset is futile. Instead, constitutional scholarship is better off with envisioning a process of constitutional (re-)settlement through legally imperfect processes of trial and error.
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Full Steam Back
On 10 December 2021, almost exactly five years after its infamous Identity Decision, the Hungarian Constitutional Court was expected by the Government to declare the ECJ Judgement C-808/08 to be contrary to Hungary’s constitutional identity. But as a big surprise for many, the Court dodged the conflict and avoided to offer arguments against the supremacy of EU law to the Hungarian Government. Unlike Poland, it has only just prevented a full-blown conflict with the EU.
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The ‘Ketchup Effect’
A closer look at the use of surveillance measures by public authorities in Sweden following 9/11 reveals that once it began, the development can perhaps best be described as displaying a ‘ketchup effect’; where you open the bottle and at first nothing comes out, and then it all comes out at once and you have effectively ruined your dish (which, depending on your view of ketchup, may have been doomed from the moment you picked up the bottle).
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Restoring Self-Governance
Sometimes, probably often, the new anti-authoritarian majority will not be large enough to satisfy the requirements of the nation’s amendment rule for constitutional change. What can be done under those circumstances? One possibility, of course, is simply to push through constitutional change without regard to the pre-existing amendment rule. Sometimes that will be enough. Sometimes it won’t – particularly where the idea of legality has powerful political support. Where simply bulling ahead with constitutional change seems unlikely to be productive, what can be done? The answer, I believe, combines foundational constitutional theory and practical political reality.
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The EU’s Proposed Platform Work Directive
On 8 December 2021, the European Commission published its long-awaited draft of a Directive aimed at improving working conditions in the platform (or ‘gig’) economy. Our tentative first assessment is positive: while there is some room for improvement during the legislative process, the framework laid down promises to tackle some of the most salient problems arising from platform work.
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How Public Space Surveillance is Eroding Political Protests in Australia
As protest movements are gaining momentum across the world, with Extinction Rebellion, Black Lives Matter, and strong pro-democracy protests in Chile and Hong Kong are taking centre stage, governments around the world are increasing their surveillance capacities in the name of “protecting the public” and “addressing emergencies”. Australia is not an exception to this trend.
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13 December 2021
Restoring Constitutionalism in Hungary
Even if the opposition will win the 2022 election in Hungary, it is very unlikely that the new governing parties will reach the two-third majority which according to the current rules is necessary to enact a brand new constitution or even to amend Fidesz’s ‘illiberal’ constitution. Yet, amending Hungary's Fundamental Law by a simple majority would be an unacceptable but also unnecessary break of legality. But it should also be avoided that a new democratic government would have to govern in the long run within the framework of the present ‘illiberal’ Fundamental Law.
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Not Above the Law
In the joined cases EMA and ELA on the determination of EU agencies’ seats, a decision of the EU-Court is pending very soon. According to AG Bobek’s opinion, delivered on 6 October 2021, intergovernmental decisions the seats of the European agencies fall outside the EU Court’s judicial review. Ezio Perillo, former Judge at the General Court, does not agree with this solution. For him court has the duty to assure the effective judicial protection of intergovernmental decisions when they do not respect the institutional balance as in the EMA and ELA cases.
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A Hollow Promise
Throughout the post-9/11 period, we’ve seen the courts fail to check the growth of the surveillance state, inviting and sanctioning new abuses. But we do see reason for hope. The expansion of the surveillance state is increasingly taking center stage in American political discourse. While it’s unclear if America’s political, legal, and constitutional systems will ever fully recover from the post-9/11 moment, it is clear that only mass political movement will be able to edge back us from the precipice of authoritarianism and reassert constitutional checks and the rule of law.
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11 December 2021
How to Return from a Hybrid Regime to Constitutionalism in Hungary
Revolutionary proponents of instant radical solutions are offering Jacobin moralist arguments about the evilness of the old legal system and enthusiastic political slogans about a bright future under the new Constitution, but they are staying silent about the most likely outcome of their plans: massive armed violence.
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10 December 2021
Outside the Walls
Scholarship, its freedom, its outside, and us
Continue reading >>The Los Cedros Forest has Rights
Last week, the Ecuadorian Constitutional Court published its judgment in the case of the Los Cedros forest, a protected cloud forest of great biodiversity in the Andean mountains of Ecuador. This judgment revokes environmental permits previously granted to two mining concessions in the Bosque Protector Los Cedros reserve. The Court ruled that the mining permits in question had not only violated several constitutional rights of communities in the area but also – most remarkably – the rights of mother nature (Pacha Mama). It specifically granted these rights to the Los Cedros Reserve. But there is still some uncertainty regarding future applications of this unusual, non-anthropocentric legal standard set by the Court to protect the rights of mother nature.
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Whistleblowing to a Latin Tune
When the anti-corruption systems whistleblowed to a Latin tune recently, the resulting sound was remarkably ugly. It was loud, as the Odebrecht, Petrobras, and J&F cases revealed a wide-spread, refined system of corruption involving prominent politicians and businesspeople in 12 countries from Latin America and Africa named as “Operation Car Wash”. But the sound was also dissonant, as it played tunes that did not represent the patterns of justice expected from the Latin legal systems. That sound had a peculiar U.S. American accent.
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Restoring the Rule of Law Through Criminal Responsibility
To restore an independent judiciary and – in a broader perspective – the rule of law, it would suffice to remove the central perpetrators from the judiciary. To achieve this aim, we plead for the criminal responsibility of those judges who severely and intentionally disrespect EU values. Establishing their criminal responsibility in fair proceedings would then justify – in fact: require – their removal from office.
Continue reading >>Toward Restorative Constitutionalism?
How does one restore a democratic constitutional order that has been eroded through a process of “abusive” constitutional change? The same tools used to achieve abusive change can be used to reverse it. For example, just as formal constitutional amendment is one important way in which abusive constitutional projects are carried out, it is also an important pathway through which abusive change can be reversed.
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09 December 2021
“La légalité nous tue”
It is not out of question that the united Hungarian opposition will obtain Parliamentary majority in 2022, but a constituent supermajority of two thirds remains wishful thinking. Winning the election will not result in actual governmental power. The Fundamental Law was a nice opportunity to purge constitutional institutions. Is another round of purge inevitable with the restoration of the rule of law? The dictates of necessity offer an unappealing perspective and textbook constitutionalism is not prepared for dirty reality.
Continue reading >>India’s Dynamic Constitution
A set of petitions challenging India’s non-recognition of gay and transgender persons’ right to marry was listed for final hearing by the Delhi High Court on 30 November 2021, with notice subsequently having been issued to the Union Government. I argue that the Indian constitutional framework is sufficiently well-developed to recognise LGBT marriage and that in holding as much, judicial fora in India would be heavily influenced by the idea of “constitutional morality”.
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Beyond Impunity
When people talk about the connection between internal and external security, which was occasionally the case during the election campaign for the German Bundestag, they usually mean international terrorism, transnational drug trafficking and organized crime. Yet, various events in the recent months reminded us that rampant corruption in foreign states can also have consequences for our external security.
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Asylrechtsprechung nach der Machtübernahme der Taliban
Verwaltungsgerichte korrigieren in großer Zahl Asylbescheide des Bundesamts für Migration und Flüchtlinge, insbesondere seit dem Ausbruch der Corona-Pandemie 2020 und jüngst seit der Machtübernahme der Taliban. Da die Rechtsprechung zu diesen „kollektiven Gefährdungslagen“ weiterhin uneinheitlich ist, bedarf es einer systematischeren Veröffentlichungspraxis, transparenteren Urteilsbegründungen und einer stärkeren wissenschaftlichen Begleitung.
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No Expropriation without Compensation in South-Africa’s Constitution – for the Time Being
This week the Parliament of South Africa voted against amending section 25 of the Constitution to provide for “expropriation without compensation” after four years of contestations. But all is not lost. Land reform has been placed on the public agenda, and the state is under more pressure than ever to ensure that a successful land reform program delivers.
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08 December 2021
Legalising Anti-Corruption Efforts in China
In 2018, the Chinese central government professed its determination to combat ‘corruption’ at a new level by promulgating the Supervision Law (SL). Supervisory commissions (SCs) from the national level down to the county level were systematically set up and became the sole supervisory organ, which has largely modified the constitutional division of powers. I argue that the SC shares much in common with the hybrid type of ombudsman but lacks adequate external constraint mechanisms.
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No rule of law?
Something out of the ordinary, something very strange, something seriously concerning happened at the second section of the European Court of Human Rights on 23 November 2021.
Continue reading >>Good Intentions May Not Be Enough
On 29 June 2021, the Spanish Cabinet approved to sponsor the Draft Bill for the Real and Effective Equality of Trans People and the Guarantee of the Rights of LGTBI People in Parliament. Even though the Bill’s main goal is to introduce game-changing and long-demanded reforms, such as the incorporation of the self-determination principle in legal gender amendment procedures or a state-level set of norms against LGTBIphobia, political struggles within the government have resulted in a weak text. And, most importantly, they are causing a major delay to its parliamentary discussion and approval.
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07 December 2021
The Changing Culture and Perception of Corruption
In Nigeria, coups d’etat have often been a cause for celebration. Ironically, even as a series of juntas promised to reform corrupt practices Nigeria’s perceived problems grew worse, leading to ever-more stringent rhetoric against corruption and, as Ugochukwu Ezeh suggests in his contribution to this symposium, a near consensus that corruption represents a fundamental threat to Nigerians’ personal security and that of the nation itself. While it is challenging to measure the prevalence or magnitude of corruption objectively, the perception of corruption is that it gets worse and worse, despite the struggle against it.
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06 December 2021
Questions of Integrity
Many have rightly criticized the Commission for failing to robustly defend the EU’s founding values from academic freedom, to media freedom, to judicial independence, to the rights of refugees or the LGBT community. In these discussions, the Commission’s failure to take action against another form of discrimination is generally ignored: discrimination against national minorities. Looking at the example of Hungarian communities in other member states, this post highlights the Commission’s failure to defend ethnic or national minorities against discrimination. This is in stark contrast with the fact that the protection of and respect for minorities is a founding value of the EU, ranked equally to democracy, rule of law and human dignity.
Continue reading >>Behavioral Approaches to International Corruption Fighting
Corruption is a huge challenge and needs all available means to fight it – the call of the United Nations for using behavioral sciences to understand and fight corruption needs to be heeded urgently.
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03 December 2021
Bodies and Persons
Liberal conscientious troubles in the pandemic
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Independent Selection of Judges via Competence Evaluation and Lot
Last Sunday, 28th November 2021, voters in Switzerland rejected the proposals of the „Justiz-Initiative“ (“Judge initiative”) with the overall majority of 68,07% (temporary official results of the Federal Council, in German). Nevertheless, the proposal contains interesting aspects concerning questions around the election processes and independence of judges. Despite the rejection in Switzerland – it could serve as an impulse for further discussions not only in Switzerland, but within Europe, where the independence of the judiciary has been partly endangered.
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Restoring Public Trust
Slipping in and out of the academic spotlight, the topic of corruption has persistently raised the interest of scholars, international organizations, and societies all over the world since the 1990s. I focus on the Republic of Korea’s (ROK) establishment of a new anti-corruption agency, the Corruption Investigation Office for High-Ranking Officials (CIO), and argue that the CIO provides new anti-corruption ‘services’ on the one hand and strengthens state accountability mechanisms on the other.
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A Mugemangango v. Belgium Sequel in the Making
The 25 September 2021 parliamentary elections in Iceland were challenged due to alleged irregularities in the election process of the Northwest-constituency (Norðvesturkjördæmi). On 25 November 2021, the Icelandic Parliament ruled on the validity of the 25 September 2021 parliamentary elections. Individuals as well as a legal entity have stated their intent to file a complaint to the European Court of Human Rights for the alleged violations of the European Convention on Human Rights. If they go forward, they are likely to succeed as Icelandic law fails to meet the standards set out by the ECtHR for post-election review.
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02 December 2021
Of Vampires and Enemies
Anti-corruption legalism is often a symptom of a broader phenomenon: the securitisation of corruption. Taken together, securitisation and anti-corruption legalism are counterproductive approaches: they undermine the evolution of democratic values, political accountability mechanisms, and independent constitutional institutions that form the bedrock of meaningful and sustainable anti-corruption strategies.
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01 December 2021
Institutional Modularity in Anti-corruption Enforcement
Enforcement is the central challenge in anti-corruption law. Ironically, in many societies the problem is that there are too many enforcement agencies rather than too few, mainly because those agencies’ actions are poorly coordinated. In the early years of the twentieth century, Brazil’s anti-corruption agencies developed an intriguing response to this conundrum. They embraced what I and my co-authors call institutional modularity.
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Corrupting Democracy?
This blog symposium introduces a new collaborative format between Verfassungsblog and the journal Verfassung und Recht in Übersee (VRÜ) / World Comparative Law (WCL). Today, we inaugurate these joint symposia with the theme of the recently published VRÜ/WCL Special Issue on "Corrupting Democracy? Interrogating the Role of Law in the Fight against Corruption and its Impact on (Democratic) Politics". It thematises corruption and its conceptual pendant anti-corruption as prototypical hard cases for both the rule of law and for democratic politics.
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30 November 2021
A Blatant Attack on Free Media
In a recent and shocking judgment of the first instance, a criminal court in Warsaw has found the Polish journalist Ewa Siedlecka guilty of criminal libel (defamation) for commenting on the organized campaign of hatred against independent Polish judges. This account deeply resonates with my own personal experience. Toutes proportions gardeés, I should add, since Ms Siedlecka has done immeasurably more for the rule of law in Poland than I did, and has run much higher risks – and incurred higher personal costs.
Continue reading >>29 November 2021
Military Actions on Dubious Legal Bases
For months, thousands of migrants from Middle Eastern countries attempted to enter Poland threatened by Belarusian troops. As a reaction, Poland has deployed substantial forces to counter the immigration influx, using the Border Guards along with police and military personnel. Thousands of Polish soldiers have been operating on the border with Belarus. There is, however, no published legal basis for these police-like interventions undertaken by military personnel. The spokesman of the Polish Territorial Defence Forces (WOT) cited an old act of the President on 28th of November, which is not in force anymore as it got repealed in June 2020.
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The Honest (though Embarrassing) Coming-out of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal
The particular coming-out of the Tribunal, made in the judgment K 6/21 by admitting that the Constitutional Tribunal is not subject in general to the standards inherent in Article 6 EC, leads to the conclusion that the Polish Constitutional Tribunal and its judges need not be independent. Paradoxically, therefore, the judgment confirms (albeit by different reasoning) the disqualification of the Tribunal made in the Xero Flor judgment by ECtHR. And yet the Tribunal intended to remove the negative consequences for itself of the Xero Flor.
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M.H. v. Croatia: Shedding Light on the Pushback Blind Spot
In the recent judgment of M.H. v Croatia, the European Court of Human Rights has recognized for the first time the pushback of migrants and asylum-seekers from Croatia. The case centers around the death of six-year-old Afghan Madina Hussiny, who was struck by a train after she and her family members were denied access to asylum, instructed by police officers to follow train tracks towards Serbia and pushed back from Croatian territory without individualized examinations of their circumstances. Her tragic death in Croatia — like that of Alan Kurdi in Greece or of Mawda in Belgium — put European audiences face-to-face with the unjust and deadly impact of Europe’s immigration policies.
Continue reading >>26 November 2021
Nuts and Bolts
The traffic-light coalition strives to enact another electoral reform within a year - with or without the opposition?
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The Sanctity of Preliminary References
A national supreme court must not declare a request for a preliminary ruling by a lower court unlawful on the ground that the referred questions are irrelevant and unnecessary for the original case. This has been held by the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) in its important decision C-564/19 IS. In addition, the CJEU held that EU law also precludes disciplinary proceedings from being brought against national judges on the ground that they made a reference for a preliminary ruling. The case also raises important questions to what extent preliminary rulings can be effective against rule-of-law decline and make up for political EU institutions’ failure to use adequate EU tools of supervision and enforcement.
Continue reading >>Securitizing asylum seeking in speech and practice in Finland
The presence of a strong security paradigm in Finnish migration law, policy and court practice is not a new phenomenon. What has become most prevalent is the securitization of asylum seeking. For a long time, this speech has not turned into practice, but this may soon change, in response to the migration influx after 2015 and in the Belarussian context.
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25 November 2021
Der Internationale Strafgerichtshof zwischen „positiver Komplementarität“ und Politik
Vor kurzem hat der neue Chefankläger beim Internationalen Gerichtshof (IStGH) Karim A. A. Khan QC die Vorermittlungen gegen Kolumbien wegen möglicher Verbrechen in der Auseinandersetzung mit der Guerilla-Organisation Farc aus Gründen der Komplementarität eingestellt. Dieses ist nicht das erste Mal, dass die Anklagebehörde einen derartigen Weg wählt. Sie ist dabei nicht ohne Kritik geblieben - ein Anlass, diese Praxis ein wenig genauer anzuschauen.
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The ECB Cannot Ignore its Secondary Mandate
The EU Treaties oblige the European Central Bank to support the broader economic policies in the EU. Yet, the ECB has long ignored this part of its mandate. In the recently concluded monetary policy strategy review it only gets a brief mention. As we argue in a new report, this neglect of the ECB’s secondary mandate is illegal and should end as soon as possible.
Continue reading >>24 November 2021
In Court for Saving Lives
The trial against human right defenders Séan Binder and Sarah Mardini was supposed to start on 18 November 2021 at the criminal Court on the Greek island of Lesvos. The core charge of the prosecution, the facilitation of irregular entry of third country nationals, is based on the EU Facilitator’s Package and Greek anti-smuggling laws, both of which are at variance with international law standards related to smuggling. The remaining charges pressed upon Binder and Mardini are excessive and likely to be proved unfounded for lack of sufficient evidence. The whole process is just another example of the ongoing criminalization of humanitarian assistance to refugees and asylum seekers in Europe.
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The Long Shadow of 9/11
At the broadest level, 9/11 exacerbated the chronic precarity of non-citizens’ status as legal subjects governed under the rule of law. In principle, the rule of law is indifferent to citizenship: after all, the legal subject is constituted through subjection to law, not to the state as such. And yet, the rule of law has always been insipid in the sphere of migration, and securitization diluted it even further. This is true across all jurisdictions, including those bound by human rights entrenched in constitutional texts.
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23 November 2021
On A Road to Nowhere
On Wednesday 24 November the Polish Constitutional Tribunal will, once again, review the extent to which existing international legal obligations, that were freely entered into by the Republic of Poland, are actually compatible with the Polish Constitution.
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Security-vested Institutional Racism
With liminal legal spaces expanding on several domains of non-EU migrants’ lives in Europe, specific populations of third country nationals came to face greater discriminatory treatment. Rules and procedures were being adopted in the name of security and the protection of the public and/or social order against so-called “irregular migration”. We focus on non-EU migrants in Belgium, as they constitute an extremely relevant case to illustrate how institutions of a liberal, democratic European state have transformed and adapted the ways they operate discrimination along racist lines.
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22 November 2021
Irregularisierung der Staatsbürgerschaft in Indien
Indien hat komplexe rechtliche Mechanismen geschaffen, die den Status der Staatsbürgerschaft stark verunsichert haben. Diese Mechanismen erlauben es, Personen willkürlich als mutmaßliche Ausländer ins Visier zu nehmen, stellen unzumutbare Beweisanforderungen für den Nachweis der Staatsbürgerschaft und erleichtern den schleichenden Verlust materieller Rechte - und das alles ohne formellen Entzug des Staatsbürgerschaftsstatuses. Diese Prozesse lassen sich meiner Meinung nach am besten als das verstehen, was Peter Nyers als "Irregularisierung der Staatsbürgerschaft" bezeichnet.
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Irregularizing Citizenship in India
India has created complex legal mechanisms that have introduced severe insecurity of citizenship status. These mechanisms permit arbitrary targeting of persons as suspected foreigners, place unreasonable evidentiary standards for proving citizenship, and facilitate creeping loss of substantive rights – all without a formal revocation of citizenship status. These processes, I suggest, are best understood as what Peter Nyers calls ‘irregularizing citizenship’.
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Lloyd v Google: towards a more restrictive approach on privacy protection in the UK?
The UK Supreme Court has delivered its much-awaited judgment in Lloyd v Google - a highly significant case for the development of privacy law in the United Kingdom. The Supreme Court paints an overly thin picture of data privacy and raises important concerns about possible divergence from EU standards in the future.
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19 November 2021
Majority
The Virus, the Vaccination and the Possibility of Being Outvoted
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Chronicle of a Death Foretold
The natural reaction of lawyers to even the most complex legal challenges is the readiness to submit realistic, lawful proposals for solutions. In the case of the Polish-Belarusian border crisis however, lawyers being ignored, deprived of access to their clients (who have managed to hand over the powers of attorney certificates) or even intimidated, experience different feelings as well, those of helplessness and dread. Almost every element of the Polish government's actions towards the crisis on the border is frightening. At the same time, it demonstrates a complete lack of understanding of the situation of the dehumanized, compelled migrants who were drawn into this conflict not entirely of their own free will.
Continue reading >>18 November 2021
Digital Services Act: European Parliament discusses website blocking against platforms
The deliberations on the Digital Services Act are taking a worrying turn. In the European Parliament's struggle to reach a common negotiating position, rapporteur Christel Schaldemose is proposing that authorities be allowed to order the complete blocking of online platforms, according to Der Tagesspiegel. Website blocking is already controversial when it is used as a last resort, the current proposal, however, eclipses anything that has gone before, because it envisages website blocking as an interim measure. This ill-conceived proposal contravenes the system of sanctions in the DSA and is incompatible with fundamental rights.
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Digital Services Act: Europaparlament diskutiert Netzsperren gegen Plattformen
Die Beratungen über den Digital Services Act nehmen eine besorgniserregende Wendung. Im Ringen um eine gemeinsame Verhandlungsposition des Europaparlaments schlägt die Berichterstatterin Christel Schaldemose laut dem Tagesspiegel vor, dass Behörden die vollständige Sperrung von Online-Plattformen anordnen dürfen. Sogenannte ‚Netzsperren‘ sind bereits umstritten, der aktuelle Vorschlag stellt jedoch alles bisher Dagewesene in den Schatten, sprengt die Systematik der Sanktionen im DSA und ist mit den Grundrechten unvereinbar.
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17 November 2021
Towards Gilead
Just over one year ago, the Constitutional Court (CC) of Poland banned abortion in cases of fetal malformations. The implications of the ruling are much more far-reaching than the actual abortion ban itself since the ruling, by its reasoning, gave green light for further actions limiting abortion laws. While women all over Poland are afraid to get pregnant, the ruling party and fundamentalist organizations take further legislative action to increase punishment for abortion. Step by step Poland is beginning to resemble Gilead Republic, the infamous patriarchal theocracy from Margaret Atwood's novel "The Handmaid's Tale".
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A Tale of Primacy, part III
The third act, but not the end, of the ongoing „game of Courts” between the Romanian Constitutional Court and the European Court of Justice came on 9 November 2021, with a letter by the Romanian Constitutional Court to assist the acting minister of justice with a reply to the EU Commission's concern about primacy of EU law. I will not comment again on the arguments, already developed by the Constitutional Court in its decision, but I will try to emphasize, through relevant quotes, the disregard of the rule of law requirements stated in the CJEU judgment as well as the absence of the capacity of a true dialogue with the European Court.
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Restoring Constitutionalism
How to restore constitutionalism and the rule of law is a somewhat neglected problem among constitutionalists. Thanks to forthcoming elections, some countries like Hungary where “democratic backsliding” has taken place, may have the opportunity to restore the rule of law. Is a democratic community bound to follow constitutional rules of dubious democratic nature? Or can these be replaced in violation of legality, for example in an extra-parliamentary democratic process? If so, under what conditions? We call on constitutionalists to provide answers to these questions and formulate alternatives between the two extremes of legality and paralysis, possibly involving an element of illegality, but compensating for this by dramatic increase of democratic legitimacy.
Continue reading >>16 November 2021
Rhetorik der Terrorismusbekämpfung, das Abschreckungsparadigma und das Ende des Asyls
Obwohl der Zusammenhang zwischen Terrorismus und Asyl in Australien keine empirische Grundlage hat, haben bestimmte Gesetze, Maßnahmen und Praktiken, die im Jahr 2001 zur Terrorismusbekämpfung eingeführt wurden, bis heute Bestand - insbesondere die Offshore-Abfertigung von Asylbewerbern, die auf dem Seeweg ankommen. Ich behaupte, dass Australiens Abschreckungsmodell eine negative "Signalwirkung" auf die heutige Asylpolitik und -praxis einiger europäischer Staaten hatte.
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In Singapore’s war on fake news, the Constitution is not an obstacle
Singapore’s highest court has decided the first case under the city state’s controversial Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act. The whopping 154-page judgment finds key elements of the Act constitutional and establishes a test to determine the lawfulness of governmental correction notices. It also illustrates how the government’s insistence on factual accuracy pushes the courts to almost absurdly meticulous assessments, while being barred from asking the most significant questions.
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Counterterrorism rhetoric, the deterrence paradigm, and the end of asylum: an antipodean viewpoint
The Australian government’s agenda of progressive border securitization was, initially, sustained by counter-terrorism rhetoric. However, the focus of concern has shifted away from the potential terrorist threat posed by asylum seekers towards deterring unauthorised maritime migration. Though the nexus between terrorism and asylum lacks an empirical basis in Australia, certain laws, policies and practices premised on counterterrorism in 2001 endure to this day – offshore processing of asylum seekers arriving by sea, notably. I argue that Australia’s deterrence model has had a negative ‘signalling effect’ on some European states’ contemporary asylum policies and practice.
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15 November 2021
The countering of migration with security
After the attacks of September 11, 2001, Europeanization received a […]
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12 November 2021
The Difficult
The vaccinated go to the concert, the unvaccinated to intensive care.
Continue reading >>Plaumann and the Rule of Law
Most recently, the CJEU sanctioned Poland with daily penalty payments for failing to suspend the operation of its Supreme Court’s disciplinary chamber. The disciplinary chamber’s interference with the independence of judges can have a profound impact on the preliminary reference mechanism as a means for individuals to seek the review of EU law. This must be addressed to safeguard the right to an effective legal remedy under Article 47 CFREU. One possible response may be to modify the Plaumann-test insofar as necessary to protect the functioning of the EU’s ‘complete system of legal remedies’.
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11 November 2021
(Il-)Legal Gymnastics by Poland and Hungary in EU Border Procedures
This week, Poland has made headlines yet again for dispatching 12,000 guards to the border between Poland and Belarus and the use of tear gas to prevent third country nationals (TCNs), including children, from crossing into Polish territory. It is acutely problematic that Poland has foregone any semblance of conformity with EU law at all in the adoption of its domestic legislation on border procedures.
Continue reading >>The UK’s Securitisation and Criminalisation of Migration and Asylum
The Nationality and Borders Bill is the culmination of the UK government’s increasingly securitised, criminalised and hostile approach to asylum and migration. While 9/11 served to solidify the highly dubious nexus between migration and terrorism, the UK (alongside other destination states) has for decades been implementing restrictive migration policies and practices designed to deter and prevent asylum seekers and other migrants from reaching its territories and accessing safety.
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10 November 2021
The Multiple EU Rule of Law Crises
The European Court of Justice has recently delivered a judgment in the Pinxten case. The decision specifically concerned a question of financial misappropriation at the European Court of Auditors, but its significance goes far beyond this single case. It reveals multiple misfunctions at the top of the European Court of Auditors. Curiously, however, the judgement won't be published and has thus (against the Court’s own rules) not been translated. Most people will therefore never know about it, even though the Court of Justice gathered most exceptionally a full court to deal with this case.
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Biden’s Vaccine-or-Test Mandate in Legal Limbo
COVID-19 vaccine, a medical marvel of the first order, has in due course become the subject first of political and then legal controversy. Several states and businesses brought suit against the Biden administration’s mandate that large employers require vaccinations or weekly testing, and a federal appeals court has issued a stay blocking the mandate. As if the stakes in this litigation weren’t high enough, the case could turn into a showdown not only over vaccination, but over the power of regulatory agencies in the United States more generally.
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Legislative Activity and Inactivity in the COVID Pandemic in Spain
In Spain, hundreds of laws have been amended in reaction to the COVID pandemic. But Spain is still without a law determining when elections can be suspended, what is the deadline for extending the state of alarm, when a town can be closed perimetrically, and so on. Against logic and statistics, our public authorities have considered that the organic laws of 1981 and 1986 were sufficient for this purpose. However, they were clearly not designed for a pandemic unprecedented since 1918.
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Delayed Parallels
Even though 9/11 has had a significant impact on the global linking of migration and security, different triggers may be required for each country for the concrete effects of this approach to emerge. For Turkey, the developments are parallel but delayed. Turkish immigration policy, which was trending towards becoming more liberal and rights-based after 9/11, has suffered a serious break after a series of terrorist attacks in the country.
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09 November 2021
Stating the Obvious
On September 16th, the ECtHR has ruled in the case X v. Poland that the denial of custody of a child must not be based on the sexual orientation of a parent. According to the Court, Poland has violated Article 14 (prohibition of discrimination) in conjunction with Article 8 (right to respect for private and family life) of the European Convention of Human Rights when refusing the applicant full parental rights and custody of her youngest child. This ruling comes too late for the applicant, whose child has grown up, as the decision of the ECtHR took twelve years. Neverthelesess, in the current Polish context, the finding of the Court on this case sends an important message.
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We are at war
The state of the European Union's asylum and migration policy can be summed up as follows: 20 years after the attacks on the Twin Towers, the "war on terror" has become both a cause of people on the move, and serves at the same time as the normative underpinning for the unimaginable arms race that has taken place at the external borders of the EU. Legitimised by the political leadership of the European Union, it is now a reality that the principles of the rule of law have ceased to apply at the EU's external borders without consequence.
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Wir befinden uns im Krieg
Auf diese Formel lässt sich der Zustand der Asyl- und Migrationspolitik der Europäischen Union bringen. 20 Jahre nach den Anschlägen auf die Twin Towers hat sich der Krieg gegen den Terror in einen Krieg gegen Menschen auf der Flucht verwandelt. Der „War on Terror“ ist Fluchtursache und schafft gleichzeitig die Legitimation, mit deren Stütze eine technologisch unvergleichbare Aufrüstung an den Außengrenzen der Europäischen Union vorangetrieben wird. Legitimiert von der politischen Führung der Europäischen Union ist es heute Realität, dass rechtsstaatliche Prinzipien an den EU-Außengrenzen systematisch und ohne Konsequenzen unter Verweis auf den Schutz der europäischen Grenzen außer Kraft gesetzt werden können.
Continue reading >>08 November 2021
Post-9/11 Australia has pushed a tradition of exclusion to constitutional extremes
Since its earliest days, Australia’s sweeping constitutional powers over aliens and immigration have been drawn on to support broad exclusionary laws. In the two decades since 9/11, the tendency towards exclusion has increased significantly.
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07 November 2021
Counterterrorism measures as a migration control device
While concerns over terrorism have not shaped Italian migration policy in a comprehensive way, the increased use of the administrative measure of expulsion of foreigners for counter-terrorism purposes must be questioned. It poses serious challenges to fundamental rights and rule of law principles and might foster a shift from a punitive to a preventive approach in the field of migration control.
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05 November 2021
Heroes of our Time
The Polish Supreme Court is still standing. But now the PiS government wants to complete the job.
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Value Judgments
On 26 October 2021, the Bulgarian Constitutional Court issued a binding interpretative decision on the definition of the concept of “sex”. The Court held that “sex” can only have a binary biological meaning. Instead of engaging in a legal debate in relation to the discussed matter, the Constitutional Court chose to interpret the law through “values established in the society” that are derived from “other normative systems, such as religion, morality and custom”. The result is a judgment which not only neglects the rights and freedoms of transgender people, but also relies on a reasoning that could undermine women’s rights.
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A Portrait of Bolsonaro’s Crimes Against Humanity
On 26 October 2021, after six months of investigative procedures, a legislative inquiry committee in the Brazilian Senate presented a report charging President Jair Bolsonaro (along with some of his most committed supporters) not only with impeachable conducts, but also with ordinary crimes and possible crimes against humanity. Although it is unlikely that the committee’s report will trigger impeachment or lead to a criminal indictment of Bolsonaro before the end of his term, it has already played a fundamental truth-finding role.
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The Continental Voice
The recent coup in Sudan is the fourth completed military takeover on the African continent in 2021, after Mali (May), Chad (May), and Guinea (September). This is a blow not only to the democratic aspirations in these countries, but also to the African Union (AU), which has invested a lot of prestige in – and received a lot of praise for – its zero-tolerance approach to coups.
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From Opposing the Wall to Becoming it
As much as the comparative study of migration policies has developed recently, it still suffers from a blazing assumption: that states have equal sovereign power to determine their migration policy according to their own interests. The notion of “externalization”, so widely discussed nowadays, reminds us of asymmetries of power. In cases of extreme asymmetry though, as in the relation between Mexico and the United States, the spaces for sovereign decision making on migration policy are extremely thin to nonexistent.
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04 November 2021
Yellow Light for Disciplining Inconvenient Judges?
The case of the disciplinary proceedings against the Bulgarian judge Miroslava Todorova (Requête no 40072/13) which has recently been examined by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) caught the eye of those following the rule of law decay in the European Union. On the surface, it appears that the recent ECtHR judgment on Todorova’s case is a mere example of the ‘Justice delayed is justice denied’ legal maxim – after all, the application was submitted in 2013 and the Court ruled against Bulgaria only in 2021. However, a closer look reveals that the ECtHR found in favor of Bulgaria on the two most worrisome questions.
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A More Complex Union
Based on the new legal history of European integration that has come out over the last decade, I will offer a different interpretation of the role of law in the EU than the one typically offered by legal scholarship. The central conclusion is that there is an unresolved tension in the relationship between law and politics in the EU that will most likely shape the Union’s response to the Polish crisis. To conclude, I will offer several alternative scenarios of how the EU may react to the Polish crisis.
Continue reading >>Editorial: Can a Pandemic Law-Making Exercise Promote Global Health Justice?
Amid the unfolding „moral catastrophe“ of COVID-19, and across the entries in this symposium, we see a clamor for any pandemic law-making exercise to promote more justice in global health. However, this universally-embraced imperative masks a wide array of divergent views about the nature and sources of inequalities in global health, and in turn what should be done if we were to think beyond a narrow pragmatism of the moment.
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Who monitors compliance with fundamental values in EU Member States?
In 2014, the European Commission created a framework for the rule of law and the European Parliament has repeatedly proposed to extend this procedure to an Annual Monitoring Cycle on Democracy, the Rule of Law and Fundamental Rights. The insistence with which this proposal is formulated is intriguing because a similar procedure already existed in the Council of Europe for almost 30 years, under the responsibility of the Parliamentary Assembly. What are the political interests and practical considerations that underly what at first glance looks like a competition between the two European organizations?
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Webinar: Can a ‘Pandemic Treaty’ Promote Global Health Justice?
This final webinar of the 'International Pandemic Lawmaking: Conceptual and Practical Issues' Symposium will bring together leading scholars to critically discuss cross-cutting themes of the Symposium, and key points of contention and recommendation for the future of global pandemic governance.
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Status, Accountability and Community after 9/11
Migration and citizenship law are politically configurable matters, like all others. All terrorist threats affect the state's duty to protect life, possibly state infrastructure and the sense of security in the public sphere. Picking up a connection to migration, in contrast to already existing domes-tic right-wing and left-wing extremism, can promise a quick reduction of external dangers in the political competition. Certainly, most people reject an equation of migration and terrorism as politically backwards. However, the image of migration being infiltrated by terrorism is effective.
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03 November 2021
A(nother) lost opportunity?
The October meeting of the European Council (EUCO) was its first occasion to react to the declaration by the Polish “Constitutional Tribunal” that several provisions of the Treaty on European Union are incompatible with Poland’s Constitution and consequently inapplicable to the country. The express denunciation of fundamental provisions of EU primary law by one of its members (with the support of another), while insisting on his country remaining part of the Union, is a situation the EUCO could hardly overlook. And yet, not a word about the unfolding constitutional crisis was included in the EUCO Conclusions. Various elements may explain the restraint. However, the complete muteness from the EU crisis-manager-in-chief is more questionable and may carry a disquieting message.
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Exclusion from the EU is Possible as a Last Resort
On 7 October 2021, the Polish Constitutional Tribunal issued a decision that can only be compared to setting off a bomb. Only integrationist dream-walkers could take the position that there is no legal possibility to withdraw the status of EU membership from an EU member state that permanently disregards the conditions of membership.
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Wir bleiben bis ihr handelt?
Unter dem Motto „Wir bleiben bis Ihr handelt“ veranstalten Fridays for Future bundesweit Klimacamps, deren dauerhafte Präsenz im öffentlichen Raum auf die Dringlichkeit der Klimakrise hinweisen soll. Schwierigkeiten bereiten den Camps nicht die extremen Wetterbedingungen im Winter, sondern Behörden und Gerichte. Gut vier Jahre nach einer intensiven Auseinandersetzung um das Verfahren zum G-20-Protestcamp 2017 in Hamburg ist die Frage, ob und inwieweit die Versammlungsinfrastrukturen von Art. 8 GG geschützt sind, rund um die Klimacamps erneut entbrannt.
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02 November 2021
No Surrender to Poland
Last week, a district court in Norway took a bold step and refused surrender to Poland due to the “significant greater danger and probability” that a Polish court would not be a lawful judge. In the European battle over the independence of Polish courts, surrender of wanted persons according to the European Arrest Warrant has been a minor but important front. The Vestfold district court's ruling should be welcomed and also invites the Norwegian Supreme Court and the CJEU to change their jurisprudence on surrender to Poland.
Continue reading >>The Covid-19 Pandemic, the Failure of the Binary PHEIC Declaration System, and the Need for Reform
The COVID-19 pandemic has raised unprecedented challenges for the global health framework and its long-term consequences are not yet in full sight. The alarm mechanism based on the declaration of Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC), in particular, has been severely tested. As underlined by some scholars, a reform of the PHEIC’s mechanism would not solve the core issues of the alert and response system behind the IHRs, that do have mainly a political dimension.
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Grinding the Orange Axe
On October 18th, 2021, the Venice Commission adopted its opinion on the Dutch childcare benefit scandal and highlighted, albeit reluctantly, several shortcomings regarding the Netherlands’ adherence to the rule of law: A lack of parliamentary scrutiny, a disrupted flow of information in bureaucratic bodies and the need for constitutional review. Despite the opinion’s inherent potential to provide a thorough substantive addition to the rule of law conversation, it fails at doing so due to its evasiveness and its hesitance to address complicated Dutch customs, such as the current caretaker cabinet.
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01 November 2021
Struggling for Democratic Elections
Ahead of the elections on 7 November 2021, the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States sends a final warning to Nicaragua. On 20 October, it adopted resolution 1182 and clarified that holding elections is not enough if these elections violate democratic principles. The OAS – like other regional organizations – faces persisting challenges when addressing member states that systematically disregard their core obligations in the fields of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law. And yet, it is in a position to make a difference in the struggle for the restoration of democracy in Nicaragua.
Continue reading >>Journalistic Independence, the BBC and the Government of the Day
The structures that preserve the independence of journalism from the power of the UK state seem to be under assault. The government of the day has the power to appoint people to the board that oversees the BBC. The problem, to express it in more abstract terms, relates to the extent to which private institutions that perform public functions should be the focus of public and constitutional law.
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Why are you on Facebook?
In a recent draft decision of the Irish Data Protection Commissioner to other European Data Protection Authorities, the Irish Commissioner addressed whether or not Facebook could rely on the contractual legal basis for certain purposes of its personal data processing, including for behavioral advertising. According to the Commissioner, “a reasonable user would be well-informed […] that [personalized advertising] is the very nature of the service being offered by Facebook and contained within the contract”. Based on this interpretation, it appears that Facebook’s users are on the social network not to connect with their friends and family but rather to receive personalized advertising.
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31 October 2021
From Charity to Justice in the Pandemic
Waiving intellectual property rights is not a panacea in the current pandemic, but it may remove obstacles and, importantly, would send the right message. Germany should therefore change its position and support a decision in the World Trade Organization (WTO) to that effect. Donations are good and necessary in the short-term, but they must not be mistaken for acts justice in international relations.
Continue reading >>29 October 2021
This is not just another “judicial reform”
Poland, the ECJ, and we in the middle (of the fray)
Continue reading >>The Deadly Woods
Since August 2021, hundreds of people have attempted, and many have succeeded, to irregularly cross the border from Belarus to Poland. In retaliation, they are pushed back to Belarus by Polish authorities and then forced to cross back to Poland by Belarusian authorities. Forced to repeatedly wander in minus temperatures through thick woods, many persons have been seriously injured and at least several have died. As of the end of October 2021, there are two parallel frameworks legalizing pushbacks in Poland.
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28 October 2021
Pandemics without Borders?
Any future international treaty or instrument on pandemic preparedness and response should refrain from further perpetuating an understanding of international borders that is primarily based on considerations of territoriality – rather, it should ensure that borders are no longer a constitutive element determining the international community’s effort of fighting the spread of dangerous diseases.
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27 October 2021
This Was Not Just Another Ultra Vires Judgment!
A few days ago, 27 retired judges of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal have issued a statement concerning the judgment K 3/21 of 7 October 2021. We are both among its signatories. With this article, we hope to contribute to the clarification of the false statements contained in that judgment, its oral explanations and statements of representatives of political authorities, regarding the difficult matters of coexistence of Polish law and European Union law.
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26 October 2021
Towards Member-driven International Pandemic Lawmaking
The COVID-19 pandemic has blatantly exposed the flaws of the World Health Organization (WHO) and its International Health Regulations (IHR) in addressing cross-border communicable diseases. We argue that the IHR is ill-designed: its rules and mechanisms are disproportionately tied to the Director General’s (DG) exercise of power, rendering insufficient member access to and participation in core decision-making and greater tendency of regulatory capture.
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Why don’t they just stop stopping the internet?
We cannot trust the Indian state to forego the easy option for the right option. And that’s why we need transparency and accountability on internet shutdowns. The Supreme Court recognised this when it ordered that all internet suspension orders must be made available widely, to enable affected citizens to challenge these orders in Court. In practice, the Supreme Court's orders have been ignored.
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22 October 2021
Decision-Making under Uncertainty
Federal emergency brakes, debt brakes and other methods of constitutional speed control.
Continue reading >>21 October 2021
The Right to Participation in Global Health Governance
Considering the unprecedented suffering caused by COVID-19, any future pandemic lawmaking should be informed by public consultations that prioritize hearing the experiences of people most affected by the crisis, and that facilitate their identifying the redress and reforms they want. Such a process will be critical to rebuilding trust in public institutions.
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19 October 2021
A Shared Responsibility Model
Piecemeal and fragmented policymaking during Covid-19 underscored the need for an equity-focused global health agenda. Yet, most responses were nationally-focused, lacked global commitment and solidarity, failed to notify the WHO of novel outbreaks, and were non-compliant with its professional recommendations.
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18 October 2021
Scientific Innovation in International Pandemic Lawmaking
More inclusive models for scientific data sharing at the international level clearly can and must be devised. Doing so will require stronger commitments by states, improved multilateral mechanisms, and legal rules that facilitate the fair allocation of fruits of scientific progress without influence from competing agendas.
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Rationalizing Supremacy
For many years, supremacy has been rationalized by the European Court of Justice and in the literature mainly with arguments relying on the effectiveness of EU law and on its necessity for resolving conflicts between Union law and the laws of the Member States. In light of the most recent supremacy-related decisions by constitutional courts in Poland and Germany, these rationalizations seem to have lost their persuasive power. Instead of relying on effectiveness or the equality of Member States, supremacy should be seen as being mainly grounded in the individual-centred non-discrimination standard anchored in Article 18 TFEU.
Continue reading >>15 October 2021
After the Explosion
The fallout cloud darkens the sky above us, and only the wind knows where it will unload its noxious cargo.
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Resolution No. 04/2021
of the Committee of Legal Sciences of the Polish Academy of Sciences of October 12, 2021 in regard to the ruling of the Constitutional Tribunal of October 7, 2021
Continue reading >>14 October 2021
Investitionsschutz über Klimaschutz?
Der sogenannte Energiecharta-Vertrag (ECT) steht wegen seiner investorenfreundlichen Bestimmungen und der Bedrohung, die er für die Energiewende darstellt, bereits seit längerer Zeit in der Kritik. Immer mehr EU-Mitgliedstaaten, darunter etwa Frankreich und Spanien, erwägen einen Rücktritt vom ECT. Ein solcher Rücktritt ist völkerrechtlich möglich und klimapolitisch wünschenswert.
Continue reading >>Addressing IP Barriers in the Context of a Pandemic Treaty
By relying on the private sector in the context of COVID-19, many countries are struggling to secure adequate personal protective equipment, testing kits, and, more importantly. life-saving vaccines. A radical paradigm shift is needed from a market-based paradigm to one that encourages more scientific collaboration transcending national, regional, and global levels.
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A Closing of Ranks
On 11 and 12 October the Court of Justice of the European Union sat in Full Court composition (a rarity) to hear Hungary’s and Poland’s challenge of the legality of the rule of law conditionality regulation. Its ruling will follow (hopefully shortly) the Advocate-General’s Opinion announced for 2 December 2021. It will most likely reconfirm that the Union legal order is based on clear and binding rule of law norms, and that these must, of legal necessity, apply across all EU policy fields, including the EU budget. It will be a judgment of great significance about the very nature and purpose of the EU.
Continue reading >>13 October 2021
“The right to life does not begin at conception”
This September, the Mexican Supreme Court of Justice issued a triad of rulings that constituted a fundamental step towards the full respect of the reproductive and sexual rights of women and other individuals with gestational capacity in our country. In this way, the Mexican Supreme Court positioned itself once again as a true ally in the fight for reproductive freedoms and also as a trailblazer since the protections outlined in the aforementioned rulings are the strongest handed down by a constitutional court in Latin America to this day.
Continue reading >>Sealed, Stamped and Delivered
By publishing the judgement K 3/21 of the Constitutional Tribunal of 7 October 2021 in Poland’s official journal, the Polish government has notified the European Council of the decision of the Republic of Poland to leave the Union. To avoid the serious consequences this entails for its citizens, Poland has two options.
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Im Ausgang deutlich
Vor mehr als 18 Monaten trat in Bayern – zum ersten Mal in der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik – ein flächendeckendes, landesweites Ausgangsverbot in Kraft. In die darauffolgende leidenschaftliche rechtswissenschaftliche Debatte ist zwischenzeitlich deutlich Ruhe eingekehrt. In dieser nun deutlich entspannten Lage entschied am Montag der Bayerische Verwaltungsgerichtshof als erstes Verwaltungsgericht in einer Hauptsache über die Maßnahme, die wie keine zweite für die heikle Wirkmacht der staatlichen Pandemiebekämpfung steht.
Continue reading >>12 October 2021
The Afghanistan Saga did not Rupture the Orientation of International Law and Relations
While the withdrawal phase of allied involvement in Afghanistan has, quite deservedly, generated a lot of attention, controversy and tragedy, broadly speaking, it has not – so far – caused or signaled any significant rupture in the orientation of international law and relations toward weaker states and peoples.
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Taking Data Sharing Seriously
COVID-19 demonstrated the interconnectedness of the world and that our collective protection and well-being is contingent on our individual response. The importance of solidarity and acting in the public interest became key messages in public health, as too were these principles justified as the basis for data-sharing across borders. Accessing this data was critical and its timely access to this data was essential in research for the much-needed new vaccines.
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Gazing into the Abyss
On Thursday 7th October 2021 the Polish Constitutional Tribunal issued its decision in the case K 3/21. Politically, this situation is likely a crucial point in the Polish rule of law saga. Legally, it is a decision taken by a not independent court that ignored both domestic provisions and EU law towards arriving at a politically motivated outcome tailored towards the interests of the ruling party.
Continue reading >>In the Courts the CJEU does not Trust?
In last week’s long-awaited judgment, the CJEU had the opportunity to revisit its case law concerning the national courts’ obligation to refer preliminary questions. The Court largely maintained its strict approach and thereby, at first sight, admits of little trust in the national courts’ handling of EU law. Upon closer inspection, however, an alternative reading of the judgment seems possible.
Continue reading >>11 October 2021
Unappetitliches aus Österreich
Der österreichische Bundeskanzler Sebastian Kurz musste nach neuen Enthüllungen der Wirtschafts- und Korruptionsstaatsanwaltschaft sein Amt niederlegen. Der Vorgang wirft Fragen und Erklärungsbedarf auf.
Continue reading >>Statement of Retired Judges of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal
On 7 October 2021, the Constitutional Tribunal issued a judgment in case K 3/21 concerning the place of EU law in the Polish legal order. The judgment caused great public concern due to its foreseeable devastating consequences for the position of the Republic of Poland as a Member State of the European Union. The retired judges of the Constitutional Tribunal fully share this concern. In addition, however, they consider it their duty to correct the many false assertions contained in the judgment, its oral reasoning and the comments of representatives of political power.
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The Writing is on the Wall
On 6 October 2021, Advocate General (AG) Saugmandsgaard Øe published his Opinion in the joined cases C-368/20 NW v Landespolizeidirektion Steiermark and C-369/20 NW v Bezirkshauptmannschaft Leibnitz. Six Schengen countries (Germany, France, Austria, Denmark, Norway and Sweden) have reintroduced border controls over the past years. If the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) were to follow the AG’s Opinion, they would need to seriously rethink their practices in this regard. New evidence-based procedures and serious reasons, capable of passing a proportionality test, would be necessary to introduce border controls within the Schengen Zone.
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Der Abzug aus Afghanistan läutet eine neue Ära globaler Kriege um Infrastruktur und Lieferketten ein
Für manche stellt der demütige Abzug der Vereinigten Staaten und der NATO-Koalitionspartner aus Afghanistan ein angemessenes Ende der Kriege nach dem 11. September 2001 dar. Doch meiner Meinung nach markiert dieser Abzug einen wichtigeren Anfang: unseren unfreiwilligen Eintritt in eine neue Ära der kompetitiven Kriegsführung - wobei Afghanistan nur den Anfang einer neuen Ära globaler Infrastruktur- und Lieferkettenkriege darstellt.
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Resisting Membership Fatalism
While we fully agree with the main thrust of the editorial ‘The Exit Door’ on Verfassungsblog last Friday, we would like to warn against its seemingly fatalistic mindset. Yes, a Polexit from the EU is not on the table until the Polish government itself pushes the Article 50 TEU button, but the other EU Member States do not have to idly wait ‘hoping’ for a resolution to the crisis.
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Post-Electoral Changes in Czechia with a Hospitalised Head of State
The Czech Republic held parliamentary elections this past weekend, on 8 and 9 October 2021. The party of the incumbent Prime Minister Andrej Babiš was defeated, albeit by a small margin, and for the first time in its history, the country will most likely be led by a government composed of no less than five political entities. Constitutionally (and traditionally), the President of the Republic moderates the post-electoral negotiations between the parties, convenes the first meeting of the newly established Chamber of Deputies, and appoints the new Prime Minister and the government. However, President Miloš Zeman was taken to hospital yesterday, on the day after the general elections, and remains hospitalised at an intensive care unit. Could the President’s illness at this very crucial moment cause a constitutional stalemate?
Continue reading >>Exiting Afghanistan as Ushering in a New Era of Global Infrastructure and Supply Chain Wars
Some argue that the humbling exit of the United States and NATO coalition partners from Afghanistan marks a fitting end to the post-9/11 wars and its conceits. My sense is that this exit marks a more important beginning: our unwitting entry into a new era of competitive warfare—with Afghanistan representing the opening salvo of a new era of global infrastructure and supply chain wars.
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10 October 2021
Whoever equates Karlsruhe to Warsaw is wildly mistaken
In the Polish, and to some extent also in the German public discourse, the ruling of the Federal Constitutional Court of 5 May 2020 on the partial unconstitutionality of the ECB's PSP programme is considered to be qualitatively comparable to the ruling of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal of 7 October 2021. In this respect, the Polish judgement is merely seen as a continuation of the established case law of the Bundesverfassungsgericht. From a legal point of view, however, this is clearly false.
Continue reading >>09 October 2021
Roots of the EU Tree
The European Citizens’ Panels (ECP) are part of the Conference on the Future of Europe and provide randomly selected citizens with the opportunity to articulate their visions of the EU. The author participated in the second ECP and points out the risk of separating EU values from each other by locating them in different deliberation streams.
Continue reading >>08 October 2021
The Exit Door
Only Poland can take Poland out of the EU. Or keep it in.
Continue reading >>Balancing Accountability and Legitimacy
As they have installed themselves as the de facto government of Afghanistan, the Taliban could theoretically be held accountable for potential crimes via inter-state proceedings. In practice however, that would run the risk of increasing the perceived legitimacy of the Taliban as the Afghan government. The announcement of Prosecutor Karim Ahmad Khan of the International Criminal Court on September 27 to resume investigations in Afghanistan in the form of criminal prosecution – and thus not as inter-state litigation – therefore deserves support.
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Afghanistan and Great Power Interventionism as Self-Defense
We are still in the process of assessing the outcomes of 20 years of Western military and humanitarian presence in Afghanistan, and of a heartless and chaotic withdrawal. The current and somewhat self-centred debates may obscure considerable collateral legal nihilism. My main argument is that the re-interpretation of Art. 51 UN Charter by the US in the context of the so called “war on terror” was (and still is) an attempt to re-introduce new legal justifications for old forms of great power interventionism.
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07 October 2021
Contesting Consent
On 29 September 2021, the EU General Court (GC) annulled Council decisions approving trade and fisheries agreements concluded between the European Union and the Kingdom of Morocco. An earlier post by Eva Kassoti gave an overview of the factual and legal background to the judgments and offered insightful critical analysis. This post will focus on how the GC approaches the issue of how the EU authorities could receive the ‘consent’ from the people of Western Sahara.
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International Pandemic Lawmaking: Some Perspectives from Behavioural Economics
In this brief essay, we wish to highlight some insights from behavioural economics that can contribute to a successful process of international pandemic lawmaking. Our interest here is not to engage with individual or collective psychological reactions to pandemics or other large-scale risks, or with substantive policy made in their wake. Several such behavioural issues and dimensions have been dealt with elsewhere, not without (ongoing) spirited debate. Here, however, while building on related frameworks of analysis from the field of behavioral economics, as applied to international law (including nudge theory), our focus is on the process and design of pandemic international law-making.
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The Rise and Fall of World Constitutionalism
Constitutionalism and populism, although pursued in different registers, are related forms of authoritarian liberalism, related not just in displaying family resemblances but also in a more causal, diachronic sense; constitutionalism created the conditions for populism to thrive and authoritarian populism in turn generates and provokes an increasingly authoritarian constitutionalist response.
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Has the Federal Republic of Germany violated its obligations of protection in Afghanistan?
Alongside the political question of the consequences of the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan, there is also the pressing question of the legal responsibility of the Federal Republic of Germany. We come to the interim conclusion that the Federal Republic of Germany has not fully complied with its obligations to protect fundamental rights - above all the protection of life under Article 2 of the Basic Law - and its obligations under international law.
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06 October 2021
The Long Road Home
On 29 September 2021 the General Court (GC) issued two important judgments annulling the Council decisions on the conclusion of the EU-Morocco Sustainable Fisheries Partnership Agreement and on the amendment of Protocols 1 and 4 to the EU-Morocco Association Agreement. These judgments are the latest instalment in the continuing Western Sahara saga before the CJEU and they are of seminal importance both in assessing the Court’s approach to international law in its practice, and, more fundamentally, in assessing the EU’s commitment to the strict observance of international law in its relations with the wider world.
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Urban Legacies of 9/11: An International Law Perspective
From the perspective of an international lawyer, the urban dimension of the attacks of 9/11 is conspicuously absent from most of the debates. Yet, there is a hidden story underneath the bigger geopolitical picture and its international legal implications that most of the contributions to this symposium discuss. The 9/11 attacks went for urban symbols that were at the same time global symbols; in the wave of terrorism that followed cities both in the Global North and Global South were the target – physically, politically and culturally. Security is increasingly understood as an urban issue.
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Urban Legacies des 11. September: Eine völkerrechtliche Perspektive
Diese urbane Dimension der Anschläge vom 11. September wird in den meisten völkerrechtlichen Debatten auffällig wenig berücksichtigt. Jedoch verbirgt sich hinter den größeren geopolitischen Entwicklungen und den damit verbunden völkerrechtlichen Auswirkungen, eine weitere Geschichte. Die Anschläge vom 11. September 2001 zielten auf urbane Symbole ab, die gleichzeitig globale Symbole waren; in der darauffolgenden Terrorismuswelle waren Städte sowohl im globalen Norden als auch im globalen Süden das Ziel - physisch, politisch und kulturell. Sicherheit wird zunehmend als ein urbanes Thema verstanden.
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05 October 2021
FRAND Terms for Pandemic-essential Intellectual Property Rights
Our international norms are arguably ill adapted to emergencies such as pandemics. In this contribution I discuss a potential remedy for one related challenge, namely a cooperation amongst competitors for the accelerated development of vaccines. A way to foster cooperation could be the use of fair, reasonable and non-discriminatory (‘FRAND’) terms to the licensing of pandemic-essential intellectual property rights (IPR).
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Brexit, Labour Shortages and Structures of Exploitation
Even though there were warnings that labour shortages would follow Brexit, the UK Government did not put sufficient plans in place between 2016 and 2021, to prevent the current crisis that many predicted. Now, the UK Government is attempting to address the problem in two different ways: first, by introducing temporary visas for migrant workers; second, by employing prisoners and other offenders to cover shortages. However, for migrant workers or prisoners to work in fair conditions, radical change of the legal framework is needed.
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Deconstructing (Western) Exceptionalism for International Crimes
Examining how Western states - primarily the US, UK and Canada - approach and develop their exceptional status with respect to allegations of international crimes shows that they pursue ‘exceptionalism’ and its benefits through a variety of strategies. Given the relative standing and power of these states internationally, the risks posed by their tactics may disproportionately burden international institutions and norms rather than the states themselves.
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04 October 2021
Indigenous Rights and the “Marco Temporal”
At the end of August 2021, Brazil witnessed the largest indigenous mobilisation in its history. Organised by the Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil (APIB), more than five thousand indigenous people from 117 different groups set up camp in Brasilia, the capital city of the country. Under the slogan “Fight for Life: our history does not begin in 1988”, indigenous groups from all over the country mobilised the public opinion in protest against the further erosion of their rights.
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Intermediate Solidarities: The Case of the Afghan Interpreters
The Western imaginary of solidarity to distant others has long dominated discussions of Afghanistan. This commentary looks at what might be described as intermediary solidarities - towards local suppletives who have put themselves in harm’s way to aid foreign interventions, primarily Afghan interpreters, employed by Western armies. I contrast a sense of patriotic noblesse oblige to former allies with a more critical international evaluation of the status of these interpreters.
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01 October 2021
Competition and Algorithm
Elections in Germany and the US. And in Berlin.
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30 September 2021
Limiting Human Rights during Pandemics
A pandemic instrument should recognize the changed landscape of the international community and enhance roles for and communication between regional and global governmental bodies and especially non-governmental actors. I recommend a new international instrument on pandemic response be explicit about reporting requirements when governments suspend rights during such emergencies.
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29 September 2021
The Stubborn Subversiveness of Judaism’s Matrilineal Principle
The recent #patrilineal debate about the matrilineal exclusiveness of being Jewish in Germany that started last July between several writers/opinion makers demonstrates perfectly just how difficult but also dangerous it is to speak of ethnicity, race, religion, gender but also blood particularly in their intersectional form. The following contribution attempts to explicate the central challenge behind the ethnically based matrilineal principle in Judaism.
Continue reading >>28 September 2021
Killing Locally or Killing Globally
The pandemic status is also a political exercise and a way to phrase a crisis according to political interests. As long as some diseases do not reach a pandemic level, they would not elicit the immediate financial help and international cooperation, which has at least been promised (if not delivered) during COVID.
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Facebook suspends accounts of German Covid-19-deniers
On 16 September 2021, Facebook suspended more than 150 “Pages and Groups operated by individuals associated with the Querdenken movement in Germany” because of “coordinated social harm”. These accounts were, undoubtedly, spreading misinformation about the Covid-19-pandemic, denying the existence of the virus and encouraging other users to resist the government. However, this type of removal has no legal basis other than Facebook’s Community Standards. Hence, this constitutes a great example of how we (still) apply double standards in content moderation and that, from a legal perspective, we need to think beyond traditional categories and expand the horizontal effect doctrine, but not solely to the advantage of the users affected by the removal.
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24 September 2021
After the Union
On members, followers, and the constitutional imperative of inner-party democracy.
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23 September 2021
Human Rights and Global Responses to the Pandemic in the Age of Hyper-globalization
Setting out new norms and arrangements for the provision of global public goods for pandemic preparedness and response should be a centrepiece of a new legal instrument that is capable of challenging market power, and builds on human rights principles in synch with the age of hyper-globalization.
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22 September 2021
Webinar: Beyond the State – Global Health Governance
Amid contention that global governance was unprepared and incapacitated in its response to the COVID-19 pandemic, this November, a special session of the World Health Assembly will convene to discuss a potential international instrument on pandemic preparedness and response. Marking the launch of the 'International Pandemic Lawmaking: Conceptual and Practical Issues' Symposium, this webinar will bring together leading scholars to critically discuss cross-cutting themes of the Symposium, and key points of contention and recommendation for the future of global pandemic governance.
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21 September 2021
Sounding the Death Knell for EU Social Dialogue?
On 2 September 2021, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) has confirmed in its EPSU judgment the European Commission’s power to obstruct social bargaining in the European Union. The judgment, which confirms on appeal a doubtful interpretation of the EU Treaties initially developed by the General Court, constitutes a grim turning point for EU labour law in that it reduces the autonomy of the social partners to an empty shell.
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Governance Needs for Pandemic Preparedness and Response (PPR)
The COVID-19 pandemic has been characterized by mistrust in science, the manipulation of science for political purposes, the “infodemic” of mis- and disinformation, and a repeated failure to base policy decisions on scientific findings. The crisis of confidence in scientific analysis is paradoxical and disquieting, particularly in light of increasing international regulation to manage acute or systemic risks and its reliance on science.
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20 September 2021
Heidelberger Salon digital: “Welt(un)ordnung und Internationales Recht”
Eine Diskussion zwischen Carlo Masala, Christian Marxsen, Carolyn Moser und Anne Peters.
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International Pandemic Lawmaking
The SARS-CoV-2 pandemic has brought global health structures into sharp relief: it exposed the gross inequalities and inequities of health care access, as well as the symbiosis between human rights, health care, politics, economics, and the law. This symposium, “International Pandemic Lawmaking: Conceptual and Practical Issues,” was convened with two primary aims: to shed light on the inequities and imbalances exposed by global pandemic response, and to advocate recommendations on which principles should guide the framing and drafting of a potential international instrument on pandemic preparedness and response.
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17 September 2021
Property is not (just) private
About one of the least familiar and most fascinating articles within the fundamental rights catalogue of the Grundgesetz
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“Not What We Were Promised”
Review Essay
The four volumes subject to this review essay address the liberal-constitutional question of our times.They seek to play the long game, by addressing causes and phenomena. Together, they offer a balanced assortment of positions: two (Frankenberg and Holmes-Krastev) are primarily written as defences of the fraying liberal consensus against the recent populist onslaught, whereas the second group (Parau and Wilkinson) question what the authors believe to be liberal internationalism gone awry.
How Much Money is a Lot of Money?
On 7 September 2021, the European Commission announced that it will ask the European Court of Justice (ECJ) to impose financial penalties on Poland for not complying with the Court’s order for interim measures of 14 July 2021 regarding its Disciplinary Chamber. The Commission must be able to threat the member state in question not only credibly, but also with amounts that are high enough to deter them from continuing on their rule-of-law-breaching-path.
Continue reading >>The Jokes Have Ended
In recent weeks, the European Commission (‘EC’) has clearly shown that it has lost its patience with unruly Poland. The Polish government is obviously playing for time, deceiving and cheating Brussels about the implementation of the decisions of the European courts, only to obtain the European Commission’s acceptance of the Reconstruction Plan but also to prevent a motion being filed with the CJEU to impose financial sanctions for failing to implement the measures.
Continue reading >>15 September 2021
Court without a Head
On 16 October 2021, the Constitutional Court of Ukraine will celebrate its 25th anniversary. The Court’s anniversary falls in the middle of a constitutional crisis of unprecedented scale and with no clear prospects of solution.
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14 September 2021
Legalizing Disinformation
On 6 September 2021, Brazil’s president Jair Bolsonaro enacted a provisional measure (an executive order with immediate legal force and a deadline of 120 days for Congress ratification) which replaced several norms of the so called “Brazilian Internet Bill of Rights”. Bypassing the legislative, Bolsonaro avoided the political debate concerning social media regulation to continue his deeply problematic use of these tools. The provisional measure is unconstitutional for formal and material reasons.
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The People v Their Representatives
On July 7, 2021, the Slovak Constitutional Court found a referendum initiative on a snap election unconstitutional. The case presented the Court with an unresolved question, whether the people can remove their elected representatives from office ahead of time. The Court’s answer was a qualified no. When people resort to direct democracy tools, the Court found, they are not only bound by explicit subject-matter restrictions on the use of referenda but also implicit norms under the doctrine of the material core. The people have a great power to make or unmake constitutional law but cannot breach it in an irregular use of a referendum.
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11 September 2021
The Narrowing of Electoral Access
The broad reforms in the UK Elections Bill 2021 present as self-serving entrenchment by Conservatives. Two measures in particular support this assessment. A voter ID requirement would raise hurdles that could reduce turnout among vulnerable or marginalized groups; and the Electoral Commission would be placed under greater oversight of the partisan Speaker’s Committee, hamstringing the Commission as a neutral monitor of elections. Other provisions lack such a clearly oppressive or self-serving character, but could raise similar concerns if abused in implementation.
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10 September 2021
While they are still alive
On Afghanistan, Germany, and who owes what to whom
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09 September 2021
Fatal Non-Evolution
Like all constitutions, the Afghan Constitution was imperfect. As is so often the case, its imperfections were necessary short-term fixes to settle immediate problems at the time of the constitutional founding. I will discuss two critically important features of the Constitution—ones that in 2004 were essential to ensure the short-term survival of the Afghan state, but which the framers themselves recognized would need to be modified in the medium to long-term. Over time, these once necessary but ultimately problematic elements in the Constitution remained uncorrected, impeded government performance and destroyed the popular legitimacy of the government.
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07 September 2021
Eyes Wide Open
The Digital Services Act must confront a gordian knot of fundamental rights and public interests with respect to various affected actors. To be effective, the new regulation must both consider the current reality of intermediary service provision and provide enough flexibility for future technological developments. It currently falls short of this aim.
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Platform research access in Article 31 of the Digital Services Act
Over the past year, dominant platforms such as Facebook have repeatedly interfered with independent research projects, prompting calls for reform. Platforms are shaping up as gatekeepers not only of online content and commerce, but of research into these phenomena. As self-regulation flounders, researchers are hopeful for Article 31 of the proposed Digital Services Act, on “Data Access and Scrutiny” - a highly ambitious tool to compel access to certain data, but researchers also need a shield to protect them against interference with their independent projects.
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World Lawyers’ Pledge on Climate Action
The world is facing climate emergency, one of a series of overlapping and mutually reinforcing environmental crises. In 2017, more than 15,000 scientists from 184 countries signed the World Scientists’ Warning to Humanity, urging the world to take immediate action against the current trajectory of catastrophic climate change. We, as concerned lawyers, have heard the world scientists’ call, and believe it is time for the legal community at large to organize and join the global fight against climate change.
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06 September 2021
Re-Subjecting State-Like Actors to the State
The Digital Services Act aims to limit the power of the Big Tech companies and to place more responsibility on them to control the content which is posted on their websites. Rather than providing even more power to the platforms via de facto self-regulation, the DSA should strengthen the interference opportunities of public authorities.
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How to Challenge Big Tech
The European Commission's proposal for a Digital Markets Act is meant to complement EU competition law, in order to guarantee contestable digital markets. However, from a policy point of view, the current self-restriction to behavioural remedies in competition law and merger control, as well as the focus on behavioural ex ante regulation via the DMA, is at best a half-hearted and at worst a misguided way to effectively address the Big Tech challenge. We argue in favour of a competition law toolkit with extended options to use structural measures to tackle entrenched market dysfunctionalities.
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05 September 2021
Human Ads Beyond Targeted Advertising
If the bridling of harmful targeted advertising is a core objective of the DSA, the exclusion of influencer marketing is a grave oversight. Amendments introduced by the Internal Market and Consumer Protection Committee in the European Parliament may remedy this omission. If "human ads" were omitted, Big Tech platforms’ sophisticated data-related business models will continue to escape encompassing regulation and hence, their power will remain unchecked.
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03 September 2021
Lean Authoritarianism
On judicial review and constitutional plumbing
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Enforcement of the DSA and the DMA
In trying to overcome the cross-border enforcement’s pitfalls of the GDPR, the Commission’s proposals for a Digital Services Act and Digital Markets Act are largely expanding the Commission’s enforcement powers. Unfortunately, what is touted as a solution for cross-border enforcement issues, might lead to new difficulties and challenges due to the risks of the centralization of power with the Commission.
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Has the U.S. Supreme Court Effectively Overruled Roe v. Wade?
Late in the evening of September 1 the U.S. Supreme Court issued an order that many critics have described as effectively overruling Roe v. Wade, the 1973 decision holding that the U.S. Constitution protected a woman’s right to choose to have an abortion. That description, though technically inaccurate, does capture something important about the Court’s order: It made abortions unavailable as a practical matter for many women in Texas who would have had access to abortion services had the Court issued a different order.
Continue reading >>Private Enforcement for the DSA/DGA/DMA Package
The package consisting of the Digital Markets Act, the Digital Services Act, and the Data Governance Act is about empowering authorities vis-à-vis powerful private market players. Private enforcement is absent in this package, despite its great potential: By engaging in rule enforcement, individuals and companies help to confine key market players’ (unlawful use of) economic power, while also counterbalancing a tendency for state agencies to become the sole decision makers on when and how to sanction what they consider undue conduct.
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02 September 2021
Why End-User Consent Cannot Keep Markets Contestable
A central source of Big Tech gatekeepers’ power is their encompassing access to individuals’ personal data. The prohibition of Article 5(a) of the proposed Digital Markets Act, therefore, is a welcome attempt to limit the private power over data held by gatekeeping platforms. However, end-user consent cannot be regarded as an adequate safeguard for keeping data-driven markets competitive.
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General and specific monitoring obligations in the Digital Services Act
The Digital Services Act contains regulation that does not directly interfere with platforms’ freedom to operate but indirectly creates incentives for their handling of risk-aware behaviour, for example, towards personality right violations. Within the context of general and specific monitoring obligations in the Act, in particular, indirect regulation can encourage innovative and pragmatic decision-making, although further guardrails are necessary.
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General Prosecutor, the Supreme Leader of the Slovak Republic?
On 31 August 2021, General Prosecutor of the Slovak Republic annulled charges against former director of the Slovak Secret Service and four other high-profile individuals held in custody due to corruption allegations. Many Slovak politicians have clearly become accustomed to the GP/SP serving as a crucial line of defence against undesired effects of the justice system. The 7-year term conferred on the GP in a secret vote by MPs is meant to enhance his or her independence. In practice, the length of the term and near irremovability has more often than not protected the GP from accountability for their actions.
Continue reading >>01 September 2021
Using Terms and Conditions to apply Fundamental Rights to Content Moderation
Under EU law, platforms presently have no obligation to incorporate fundamental rights into their terms and conditions. The Digital Services Act seeks to change this in its draft Article 12, however, there has been severe criticism on its meagre protection. As it stands and until courts intervene, the provision is too vague and ambiguous to effectively support the application of fundamental rights.
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Private enforcement and the Digital Markets Act
For the Digital Markets Act to function properly – that is, to dismantle overwhelming private power – enforcement capacities of private actors should be strengthened at the outset: Competitors and customers should be integrated into the enforcement system as complainants, informants and litigants. The digital giants will not tumble because of government intervention but because of innovative competitors and stronger customers that can rely on the framework set by governments. Private power needs to be cured with private empowerment.
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31 August 2021
Five Reasons to be Skeptical About the DSA
In an effort to establish a “safe, predictable and trusted online environment” for the EU, the Digital Services Act proposal sets out an extensive catalogue of due diligence obligations for online intermediaries, coupled with tight enforcement rules. A freedom of expression perspective on the proposal reveals that it partly reinforces Big Tech’s control over communication, and moreover fights fire with fire by establishing a powerful public/private bureaucracy able to monitor and potentially manipulate online communication trends.
Continue reading >>The European Constitutional Road to Address Platform Power
The functions exercised by online platforms raise questions about the safeguarding of fundamental rights and democratic values from the autonomous discretion of the private sector, which is not bound by constitutional law. The Digital Services Act horizontally translates European constitutional values to private relationships, to limit governance by platforms.
Continue reading >>30 August 2021
The Scope of the DMA
The combination of the features characterising gatekeepers in the Digital Markets Act's is likely to create significant power imbalances in the market and lead to unfair practices that the proposal aims to prevent and repair. A service-based approach, over a provider-based one, as well as a functional description of core platform services would remedy this unintended consequence.
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The DSA Proposal’s Impact on Digital Dominance
One of the most pressing questions in the ongoing debates about the Digital Services Act (DSA) proposal is the question of entrenching dominance. While the DSA aims at providing a harmonized regulatory framework for addressing online harms, there is a risk that imposing accountability at the threat of fines might increase the power of already dominant intermediaries. This problem is particularly evident for content moderation, where over the last decades a handful of services have consolidated their position as the primary arbiters of speech and online activity.
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27 August 2021
Our People
On Afghanistan, Germany, the Foreign and the Interior
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Slovenia’s Legal Farce with the Nomination of European Delegated Prosecutors
Slovenia is the only Member State participating in the European Public Prosecutor’s Office that has not yet made a single nomination for the positions of European Delegated Prosecutors. This post seeks to sketch the legal framework governing the appointment of the EDPs, explain how the blockade came about at the national level in Slovenia, and elucidate why no appointments from Slovenia can be expected for the time being.
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26 August 2021
The EU’s Face in Łukašenka’s Mirror
On the Polish-Belarusian border thirty-two Afghan citizens have been sitting quite literally between the Belarusian border guards on the one side and Polish border guards, army and police on the other for two weeks now. They sit there without access to water, food or medical aid. They sit there claiming their rights under EU and International law. Yet, they are not allowed to ask for asylum or establish any contact with the outside world. The tragic situation of those thirty-two hostages exemplifies both how devastating the consequences of rule-of-law backsliding might be and how closely linked the rule of law breakdown in Poland and the general denigration of EU values in the field of migration are.
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23 August 2021
Call it by its right name
The former High Representative of Bosnia and Herzegovina has imposed a law, which bans genocide denial and the glorification of convicted war criminals and represents the first concrete attempt to fight against the culture of denial regarding the mass atrocities committed in the Bosnian war of the 1990s. It is, however, unlikely that an internationally imposed memory law can contribute to reconciliation in a deeply divided society.
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19 August 2021
Swipe up for the German Federal Constitutional Court on Instagram
Shortly before noon on 18 August, on an ordinary Wednesday, the German Federal Constitutional Court quietly but firmly took the plunge into the unknown: it published a press release announcing its opening of an official account on Instagram on the occasion of its 70th anniversary. This decision has attracted significant public attention, not only because it promises “exciting insights into the work of Germany’s highest court” but also because the new visual turn of the GFCC is in line with a wider development in the use of social media by courts and judicial storytelling.
Continue reading >>16 August 2021
Poland and Europe at a Critical Juncture. What has happened? What is happening? What’s next?
The European institutions must be able to protect the European narrative in Poland because this is what most Poles expect of the EU. And with each passing day, the frustration and the discouragement set in because people see and read about the ECJ decisions and see nothing tangible happen. And then they ask the most dramatic of questions: What does Europe mean for us? This is a critical and dramatic juncture because Europe must not afford losing the support of Polish citizenry. Therefore, Brussels must stop considering the Polish case as a mere problem of bad governance of yet another recalcitrant member state. It would serve European leaders well to finally recognize the constitutional stakes involved and enforce all these in the name of Europe and its citizens.
Continue reading >>15 August 2021
The Lex TVN and the End of Free Media in Poland
Law & Justice, the ruling party in Poland, plans to reform the media by introducing restrictions on ownership of TV and radio broadcast companies. Entities from outside the European Economic Area (“EEA”) may not, under the proposed law, control more than 49% of shares in such companies. This pertains both to holding shares directly and indirectly, via companies established in the EEA. If the law will ultimately enter into force is still uncertain. If it does, though, it will deliver a serious blow to, already weakened, free media in Poland.
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12 August 2021
Navigating an Ocean of Information
Since 1982, States have sent Youth Delegates to the General Assembly as part of the official UN Youth Delegate Programme. However, information on youth delegates, their past agendas and speeches is hard to come by. There is no central repository that is publicly available and would list all past youth delegates and the statements they delivered. In order to close this gap, we have created Youth Delegate Search, a platform dedicated to making speeches of Youth Delegates easily accessible. We believe that with this database we also created a potential for transforming both academic research and practice in the domain of youth participation.
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11 August 2021
The Disciplinary Chamber May Go – but the Rotten System will Stay
The notorious Disciplinary Chamber of the Polish Supreme Court, unlawful under EU standards according to the European Court of Justice, will be abolished. The Disciplinary Chamber is perhaps the most abhorrent part of the system, but it is not the entire system. Systemic and ongoing persecution and harassment of independent judges may easily continue, and most probably will. No one should be duped by such a pars-pro-toto solution because, unless and until a broader change is introduced, it will remain a purely PR exercise, meant to reassure Brussels that the Recovery money should now be disbursed to Poland.
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09 August 2021
Courts are Finally Standing up to Bolsonaro
The Brazilian Federal Supreme Court had long tried to find ways to domesticate President Bolsonaro’s most savage instincts. The failure of this soft approach became evident last week, as Bolsonaro’s personal attacks against justices of the Supreme Court escalated. Both the Federal Supreme Court and the Electoral Superior Court have launched procedures against the President.
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08 August 2021
Modernising the United Kingdom’s Official Secrecy Laws
In the United Kingdom, proposals to reform official secrecy laws could have damaging implications for journalistic expression, whistleblowing and government transparency. As is, the Home Office proposals could lead to a situation whereby a law which prohibits whistleblowers from going outside of their organisation, and is thus incompatible with Article10 ECHR, could be replaced with an even worse law, which inhibits expression, and prevents journalists from lawfully reporting on important matters of public interest.
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04 August 2021
Smothered by Russia’s Brotherly Embrace
On 12 July 2021, Putin’s article ‘On historical unity of Russians and Ukrainians’ was published on the official website of the Kremlin, followed by a video to explain the article’s main ideas. Russia’s president repeatedly refers to the past, making use of historical narratives to frame and legitimize Russia’s security policy and geopolitics.
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03 August 2021
Neun Thesen zum Lieferkettensorgfaltspflichtgesetz
Vor wenigen Tagen ist das sogenannte Lieferkettensorgfaltspflichtgesetz in Kraft getreten. Der Regierungsentwurf hat im Rahmen der parlamentarischen Beratung substantielle Änderungen erfahren. Neun Thesen zum Ergebnis.
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30 July 2021
Academic Freedom as Democracy’s Last Defense
In an open letter, legal scholars from several regions of the world, hereby express their concern about the endurance of Brazilian democracy and the severe threat to the freedom of expression imposed on Professor Conrado Hübner Mendes for the opinions expressed in newspaper articles published at Folha de São Paulo.
Continue reading >>Plattformregulierung durch AGB-Kontrolle?
Mit seiner gestrigen Entscheidung hat der BGH die zivilrechtliche AGB-Kontrolle als Instrument der Plattformregulierung endgültig aus dem Schatten des vielgescholtenen NetzDG geholt. Die Entscheidung des BGH, nach der sich der Betreiber das Recht zu Beitragslöschung bei Regelverstößen nur vorbehalten kann, wenn er zugleich hohe, vom Gerichtshof konkret bezeichnete Transparenzmaßstäbe einhält, stellt eine neue Stufe der zivilrechtlichen Regulierung dar – und wirft zugleich kritische Fragen nach ihrem Prüfungsmaßstab auf.
Continue reading >>29 July 2021
Hundreds of judges appointed in violation of the ECHR?
On 22 July 2021, the European Court of Human Rights issued its third judgment concerning the rule of law crisis in Poland. In Reczkowicz v. Poland the Court ruled that the Disciplinary Chamber which dismissed the cassation complaint of the applicant did not meet the standard of a “right to a court established by law” guaranteed under Article 6 § 1 the Convention. The judgment is important not only because the ECtHR reviewed the status of the Disciplinary Chamber – a controversial body that was also the subject of a recent CJEU judgment – but also because it seems that the reasoning of the Court can be applied to hundreds of other newly appointed judges.
Continue reading >>28 July 2021
How Not to Deal with Poland’s Fake Judges’ Requests for a Preliminary Ruling
In his Opinion of 8 July 2021 in Case C-132/20 Getin Noble Bank, AG Bobek advised the Court of Justice to find admissible a national request for a preliminary ruling originating from an individual who was appointed to Poland’s Supreme Court on the back of manifest and grave irregularities. In this specific case, contrary to the position of AG Bobek, we submit that the ECJ must find the request inadmissible as the referring individual cannot be considered a tribunal established by law.
Continue reading >>Lessons from the French Citizens’ Climate Convention
On July 6, the French Prime Minister announced that the government was abandoning the bill to enshrine in the Constitution the preservation of the environment. He invoked the Senate's inertia to justify renouncing the bill, which needed to be adopted in the same terms by the two houses of parliament. The climate referendum that had been announced by the President of the Republic in December 2020 was thus abandoned. The decision was not a surprise, as many doubted the political feasibility or the actual willingness to implement it.
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23 July 2021
Towards a Radical Revision of the Northern Ireland Protocol?
The UK Government’s Command Paper released on 21 July 2021 urges a renegotiation of the Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland, which forms part of the EU-UK Withdrawal Agreement. The EU has already indicated that a renegotiation is out of the question. In fact, this blog post argues that it would be constitutionally impossible for the EU to agree to the UK’s proposals without agreeing to a radical revision of the Protocol that would endanger the achievement of its overall aims. In addition, the invocation of Article 16 (the safeguards clause) as discussed in the Command Paper would not resolve the underlying issues either and the UK Government knows this. But that leaves the question: What is the Command Paper really about?
Continue reading >>A new chance for democracy in Moldova
On 11 July 2021, Moldovans elected the 11th legislature of the country and, for the first time, voted overwhelmingly for a pro-Western political party. The results are proof of a high desire for change in Moldova, and a reorientation towards Europe. The elections came after a months-long tug of war between the pro-Western and the Socialist political forces, involving attempts by both parties to politicize the Constitutional Court and the Central Electoral Commission.
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20 July 2021
Does Where You (Legally) Stand Depend On Where You Sit?
On July 8, 2021, the Israeli Supreme Court rejected the petitions challenging Basic Law: Israel as the Nation of the Jewish People, enacted almost three years earlier. The so-called Hasson decision not only raises important questions about the relationship between legal and political struggles, it also calls into question the constitutional foundations of equality and democracy.
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Protecting Polish Judges from Political Control
After many years of judicial “reforms”, Kaczyński’s Poland may soon become the EU’s second authoritarian Member State, even as the European Court of Justice increasingly attempted to deal with different aspects of Kaczyński’s multi-pronged attacks on judicial independence. In Case C-791/19, the found the new disciplinary regime for Polish judges to be incompatible with EU law while in Case C-204/21 R, the Vice-President of the ECJ ordered the immediate suspension of the application of the legislative provisions governing the jurisdiction of the infamous “Disciplinary Chamber”.
Continue reading >>One Step Forward: Cannabis Regulation in Mexico
On 28 June2021, the Supreme Court of Mexico declared with a general effect that an absolute ban on “recreational” marihuana use is unconstitutional. This was only the second time in history that the Supreme Court issued a general declaration of unconstitutionality, which represents a step forward in the long and winding road for a comprehensive cannabis regulation in Mexico.
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Pride or Prejudice?
The joined cases IX v Wabe and MH Müller Handels GmbH offered the CJEU a second chance to heed the arguments raised against Achbita and reconsider its decision. Hopes that the Court would be willing to revise Achbita diminished significantly after AG Rantos’s disappointing Opinion in the case. Last week's decision in IX v Wabe to largely uphold Achbita was then also unsurprising, but nevertheless disappointing.
Continue reading >>19 July 2021
Polexit or judicial dialogue?
In the world of EU law, Poland and the rule of law, it was a wild third week of July. A series of events unfolded in Warsaw and Luxembourg, adding to the saga of Polish rule of law travails before courts. All levels of Polish government and bodies controlled by the ruling party have decried CJEU interim orders and judgments, indicating a complete lack of will to comply with EU law and CJEU rulings. Is a "Polexit" looming?
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All Eyes on LGBTQI Rights
In Fedotova v Russia, the ECtHR found that Russia overstepped the boundaries of its otherwise broad margin of appreciation because it had “no legal framework capable of protecting the applicants’ relationships as same-sex couples has been available under domestic law”. The case foreshadows a future wherein the familiar line of cases advancing the protection of same sex couples will need to be complemented by a jurisprudence that engages with the backslash against LGBTQI rights.
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Die nackte weibliche Brust als Sittlichkeits- und Rechtsproblem
Ende Juni löste eine in Berlin lebende Frau einen Polizeieinsatz aus, weil sie bei hochsommerlichen Temperaturen am Wasserspielplatz „Plansche“ im Plänterwald mit freiem Oberkörper ruhte und ihre Brust auf Aufforderung der Parkaufseher hin nicht bedecken wollte. Das Argument, sie wolle mit Männern mit freiem Oberköper gleichbehandelt werden, wurde nicht akzeptiert. Ist ein Polizeieinsatz wegen einer unbedeckten weiblichen Brust an einem öffentlich zugänglichen Wasserspielplatz mit Liegewiese im Park eine staatlich zu verantwortende gleichheitswidrige Sexualisierung der weiblichen Brust?
Continue reading >>16 July 2021
Will Russia Yield to the ECtHR?
On 13 July 2021, the European Court of Human Rights published its judgment in Fedotova and Others v. Russia, a case which concerned the lack of legal recognition of same-sex relationships in the Russian legal system. The judges found the Russian laws to be in violation of Article 8 – the right to respect for private and family life and Article 14 – prohibition of discrimination. However, it is highly unlikely that Russia will enforce the judgment.
Continue reading >>14 July 2021
Human Rights As Hate Speech
On 15 June 2021, the Hungarian Parliament passed Act no. LXXIX of 2021 which pursued a homophobic and transphobic agenda, curtailing the rights of LGBTQI people. The law was received with unprecedentedly harsh criticism, to which the Hungarian government responded in a resolution, adopted on 6 July. In it, human rights arguments are dismissed as a form of Western indoctrination.
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An Appeal to Polish Authorities
On 23 June, Bartosz Kramek, a Polish activist and the Chair of the Supervisory Board of the Open Dialogue Foundation (ODF), a Poland-based international NGO on the frontlines of the fight for the rule of law in the country, was arrested by he Internal Security Agency. Mr Kramek is currently under unconditional pre-trial detention. The court approved placing him under detention with a bail of 300,000 PLN to be delivered by 8 July 2021. The prosecutor filed an objection, which means that, irrespective of the payment, Mr Kramek will not be released until the court’s decision becomes final, that is, until the second-instance court examines the prosecutor’s appeal. If the court agrees, a well-known government critic and civic activist will be put behind bars for at least 3 months, making him a political prisoner in an EU Member State.
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13 July 2021
Machines Learning the Rule of Law
On 21 April 2021, the European Commission proposed the world’s first Artificial Intelligence Act, with the intention to explicitly protect the rule of law against the “rule of technology”. Despite this expressed goal, the normative power of the regulation raises serious concerns from the perspective of fundamental rights protection.
Continue reading >>Two Almost Identical Chambers Doing the Same Job Twice
On July 8th, the Italian Parliament adopted in the last reading an amendment to the constitution which lowers the voting age in Senate elections from 25 to 18 years. At first glance, an ode to democracy: the amendment eventually grants the right to vote for the upper chamber of the national Parliament to some 4 million young citizens. In reality, the amendment is the (so far) last step of a fragmented and schizophrenic set of reforms that are gradually dismantling the logic of the constitution of 1948 without proposing an alternative constitutional strategy.
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12 July 2021
An Ordinary Result for the Rule of Law
Late on Wednesday 7 July, former South African President Jacob Zuma turned himself in to police. He thus just about complied with the Constitutional Court’s judgment on 29 June, which found him in contempt of court and sentenced him to 15 months’ imprisonment. This is not a victory for the rule of law. It simply is the rule of law.
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The Limits of Indirect Deterrence of Asylum Seekers
The ECtHR judgment M.A. v. Denmark is significant for several reasons. Firstly, because it adds to an already growing international criticism of Denmark’s asylum and immigration policy. Secondly, because the judgment helps clarify the Court’s position on an issue, family reunification for refugees, where case law has hitherto been somewhat ambiguous, and where several European States have introduced new restrictions since 2015. Third, and finally, the judgment represents – to paraphrase Harold Koh - another “way station…in the complex enforcement” of migrant and refugee rights by international human rights institutions.
Continue reading >>09 July 2021
Normal Times
On the pandemic, asylum, Afghanistan, refugees, sunscreen lotion, and the urge to be left alone
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Visibility and Crime at Sea
On 30th June 2021, search-and-rescue activists from Sea-Watch witnessed a brutal attack by the so-called Libyan Coast Guard against a migrant vessel carrying 64 during an attempted pushback. Now, prosecutors in Sicily have launched an investigation against the Libyan Coast Guard for “attempted shipwreck.” This the first time, a European court opens an investigation against the Libyan Coast Guard, and the fact that an Italian court should do so bears legal and political importance.
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Rights that are not Illusory
On 8 July, the European Court of Human Rights ruled in case Shahzad v. Hungary, concerning the denial of access to an asylum procedure and the forced removal of a Pakistani national by Hungarian police officers. The court found that the acts violated the prohibition of collective expulsion as well as the right to an effective remedy. With this decision, the Court on the one hand straightens out some possible misunderstandings, on the other hand returns to the line of argument opened in N.D. and N.T. v. Spain in ways that should be considered more closely.
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08 July 2021
Taking the Law Seriously?
One might wonder whether the Commission’s attack on its “friends” in Germany is designed simply to detract attention away from its impotence in the face of growingly-explicit authoritarianism in the Orbán and Kaczyński orbits. We might dismiss the matter with a wry smile were it not for that fact that the Commission is also attacking honest efforts to solve the rule of law dilemmas posed by the original sin of the construction of Economic Union, as well as the well-meaning judicial search for solution to the impossible supremacy-sovereignty conundrum. The PSPP Judgment is far from perfect and has unleashed sometimes rough controversies; however, the tacit approval given to the Commission by so many in their silence about the new proceedings can surely only act to shore up authoritarian egos, concomitantly foreclosing creative judicial responses to our on-going European dilemma of how to maintain and strengthen the rule of law in integration.
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07 July 2021
The EU Cannot Save Us
Many EU and comparative constitutional law scholars have condemned the Polish and Hungarian governments and urged the EU to address the democratic decay and the rule of law deterioration in Poland and Hungary. When the EU fails to deliver, they harshly criticize them and put forward reform proposals. In substance, I agree with much of that. Nevertheless, I would put forward two arguments. The first is that we should be realistic about what we expect these reforms could achieve. The second is that constitutionalists should stop urging the EU to crack down on Poland and Hungary. Instead, they should focus on helping the resilient factors within these countries.
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Strasbourg and San José Close Ranks
At the end of 2020, for the first time in its more than 40 years of jurisprudential history, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights declared the arbitrary dismissals of two public prosecutors to be unconventional. Not only judges but also prosecutors are increasingly subject to threats to their independence, both in Latin America and Europe, as well as in other regions. This article addresses the question of whether the same judicial guarantees apply to public prosecutors and attorneys as to judges and looks at how the Inter-American Court sought inspiration from the precedents of the European Court of Human Rights.
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The New EU Climate Law
On 30 June 2021, the European Parliament and the Council signed the EU Climate Law. The Law has drawn a lot of attention, stirred not least because of its head-line grabbing name. Was it merely meant to be a symbolic law to enshrine the EU’s climate objectives into law and celebrate the EU Green Deal? Or was it meant to be a new governance framework that changes the way decisions are taken on EU and Member State level?
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06 July 2021
A New Constitutional Dawn for Unionism?
In the recent High Court decision on the legislation regarding the Northern Ireland Protocol, the court delivers a number of messages which are suitable to deepen divisions in Northern Ireland, and classes international treaties as merely political compromises not suitable for adjudication. If these views were confirmed before the UK Supreme Court, the EU or anyone else would be well advised to be very careful when concluding agreements with the UK, and to pay close attention to effective enforcement mechanisms beyond UK courts.
Continue reading >>Staatstrojaner für Nachrichtendienste
Der Bundestag hat am 10. Juni 2021 das Gesetz zur Anpassung des Verfassungsschutzrechts verabschiedet, das künftig allen Nachrichtendiensten den Einsatz der reinen und der erweiterten Quellen-Telekommunikationsüberwachung (Quellen-TKÜ) erlaubt. Der Weg nach Karlsruhe ist naheliegend. Denn mit der erweiterten Quellen-TKÜ für Nachrichtendienste handelt es sich um eine noch eingriffsintensivere Maßnahme als bereits 2018 mit der Einführung der Quellen-TKÜ in der Strafprozessordnung.
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04 July 2021
The Grande Synthe Saga Continues
France’s highest administrative court ruled that the French government had failed to take sufficient action to mitigate climate change and ordered it to take additional measures to redress that failure. The Grande Synthe II decision of 1 July 2021 follows the findings by the Conseil d’État in a previous decision that France’s greenhouse gas emissions reduction targets constitute legal obligations that are enforceable against the state. However, how, and when to redress France’s failure have been, to a broad extent, left to the discretion of the government. This all but ensures the Grande Synthe saga to continue.
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02 July 2021
Openers for Interpretation
On the US Supreme Court and why something needs to be done
Continue reading >>So that the Name Hungarian Regain its Dignity
We believe that the replacement of the Fundamental Law is necessary, with a rule of law constitution that restores freedom. The new document should be one created by a democratic constituent power according to newly enacted rules, making every effort to avoid civil war and its usually accompanying violence. In its process of drafting the role of the 1989 round table can be a model, even if we cannot count on the acceptance of its new constitutional draft by 2/3 of the parliament elected in 2022.
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30 June 2021
Neglected Actors at the Conference on the Future of Europe
Judges are prominent actors with a significant impact on European integration. Yet, no references to them appear in the Joint Declaration on the Conference on the Future of Europe. This corresponds to a view, unsustainable in the age of extensive access to information, that judges sit in ivory towers and speak exclusively through their decisions that other actors then explain to the broader public.
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29 June 2021
Too little, too late
A few weeks after the ECtHR first stepped into the ring for the fight against rule of law backsliding in Poland via its Xero Flor judgment, it has now dealt a new blow to the Polish judicial reforms. In its Broda and Bojara ruling, the issue at hand was not the composition of the Constitutional Court, but the termination of judges’ mandates as court (vice) president. In its judgment, the Court showed once more its commitment to the safeguarding of domestic judges and the procedural protection they should enjoy. Yet, one can wonder whether the judgment will really have an impact and if it is not too little too late.
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Oblique Strategies
On June 25, 2021 Hungary’s two top judges – the president of the Constitutional Court, Tamás Sulyok and the chief justice of the Kúria, András Varga Zs. – warned attendants of a conference on the Fundamental Law of an impending constitutional coup. They were addressing the nation’s legal elite – including the speaker of the Parliament, the Minister of Justice and the Prosecutor in Chief – on the premises of the Kúria. The guardians of the Fundamental Law activated the language of militant democracy ahead of the 2022 elections.
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26 June 2021
Scheitert „Deutsche Wohnen & Co enteignen“ an ungültigen Stimmen?
Gestern, am 25. Juni, endete die Sammelfrist des Volksbegehrens „Deutsche Wohnen & Co enteignen“. Beim Zwischenstand waren von insgesamt rund 197.000 abgegebenen Unterschriften fast 30% ungültig. Der häufigste Grund: die fehlende deutsche Staatsangehörigkeit der Unterschreibenden. Doch ist das Berliner Volksbegehren „Deutsche Wohnen & Co enteignen“ nur für Deutsche, die in Berlin wohnen, zulässig?
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25 June 2021
We will not compromise
On the obvious and the controversial and what happens when the "normal people" don't recognise themselves in the mirror of democratic elections
Continue reading >>The Guardian is Absent
What limits does European Union (EU) law impose on Member States invoking national security to temporarily re-introduce border controls within the Schengen Area? This question will be answered soon by the European court of Justice (ECJ) in the joined cases C-368/20 NW v Landespolizeidirektion Steiermark and C-369/20 NW v Bezirkshauptmannschaft Leibnitz.
Continue reading >>Attack on the Rights of LGBTQIA+ People in Hungary: Not Just Words, but Deeds as Well?
On 15 June, the Hungarian parliament voted by an overwhelming majority to pass legislation that, in essence, and under the pretext of protecting minors, bans images or content that depicts or ‘promotes’ homosexuality or trans-identity from the public space. The new law adds to a long list of measures already adopted by Hungary over the past several years, that also have the objective of discriminating and stigmatising the LGBTQIA+ population. These measures moreover are part of a wider context of deliberate erosion of liberal democracy in Hungary. The European Union's toolbox reveals its limits here. Why, therefore, not turn to the Council of Europe, with its European Convention on Human Rights and European Court of Human Rights?
Continue reading >>Constituent Process and Constituent Power
Chile’s constituent process is well underway. Last month, on 16 and 17 May 2021, the election for the 155 members of the Constitutional Convention, the organ responsible for drafting a new constitution, was held. Since then, however, the rules that govern the constituent process have become contested. 34 of the elected members of the Convention issued a declaration on 8 June 2021, claiming that the constituent organ has sovereign character and is not bound by the current constitutional order which came into force under Pinochet’s dictatorship.
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24 June 2021
Is UEFA on “the Other Side of the Rainbow”?
UEFA's stance on the rainbow flag has generated attention around the world. The disciplinary proceedings against Manuel Neuer by UEFA show: sport governing bodies still massively limit the freedom of political expressions by the athletes during big sporting events.
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Unpersuasive but Wise
On 16 June, by two parallel orders, the EU Court of Justice said the last word on the legality of advocate general Sharpston’s divestment. In the end, the Court did little more than reiterate the press statement it made in response to the member states’ declaration on the subject. The member states made a legitimate decision based on an old custom, and the Court could do nothing but oblige.
Continue reading >>The Northern Ireland Protocol “Sausage Wars”
Five years after the Brexit referendum, the legal stalemate on the Protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland the impasse between the UK and the EU continues, despite the conclusion of the Withdrawal Agreement and the Trade and Cooperation Agreement. While the concept of “state civil disobedience” could be applied to the UK government’s actions since, this is an inappropriate means to conceptualise the conflict. Instead, the more familiar concept of legally justified exceptions to obligations would have been a more appropriate means of pre-empting the dispute during the creation of the Protocol.
Continue reading >>The Digital Services Act wants you to “sue” Facebook over content decisions in private de facto courts
According to Art. 18 of the Commission’s draft for a Digital Services Act [Art. 21 of the final text], Member States shall certify out-of-court dispute settlement bodies which might - at the request of online platform users - review platform decisions. While well-intentioned, this introduction of quasi-courts is incompatible with European Law.
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23 June 2021
Military Justice, Journalism and Free Speech in Brazil
On 17 June, 2021, the Attorney-General of the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court affirmed that, in the government's view, the Military Justice has competence to try civilians accused of criminal offences against the honor of military institutions. He proposed that crimes related to the freedom of speech should be tried by a special military branch of the judiciary. The attacks on free speech by the government through the Attorney-General is another sign of the democratic erosion process.
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22 June 2021
Chile’s Kaleidoscopic Constituent Assembly
Chile is getting rid of Pinochet — at long last. Last month, Chileans elected a constituent assembly that will draft a constitutional text to replace the current Constitution, which the dictator imposed in 1980. Though the result of the deliberative process that will soon commence is uncertain, one thing is sure: Chile’s constituent assembly resembles the country in ways that no political arrangement had allowed so far.
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20 June 2021
Predictable and Unsatisfying
Most EU lawyers have already seen it looming on the horizon: On 16 June 2021, former Advocate General Eleanor Sharpston lost the legal dispute against her former employer, the European Court of Justice. Although the outcome in this regard was predictable, the decision is overall somewhat unsatisfying. The CJEU seems to be of that opinion in finding that Sharpston’s mandate ended automatically with the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the EU. The Court does so without revealing its legal considerations and interpretation of EU primary law in its reasoning.
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19 June 2021
CJEU’s Independence and Lawful Composition in Question (Part V)
The Sharpston Affair is over, at least as a matter of proceedings before the CJEU. The litigation had aimed at saving the CJEU’s dignity, but the opposite result has been achieved. At the critical juncture when the CJEU’s authority stands contested by the courts of established democracies, the phony panels of the ‘illiberal’ ones, as well as the immature in-betweens, the CJEU managed to pour oil into the fire and signed off its own lack of independence: when it is needed the most, its legitimacy is in the doghouse.
Continue reading >>18 June 2021
You are bound
On the law and the force and the possibility of proven murderers walking free
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“Non-Existent”
Last Tuesday, the Polish Constitutional Tribunal delivered a ruling which makes the extent of the crisis of the rule of law in Poland unambiguously clear. And it shows how the gap with Europe is widening day by day. If the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe lets this pass, it will not only be a blow to the authority and effectiveness of the Strasbourg Court of Human Rights. Then the guardians of the rule of law will have surrendered even faster than we thought.
Continue reading >>Ultra Vires Control and European Democracy
On 9 June 2021, the European Commission filed infringement proceedings against the Federal Republic of Germany. Though the infringement procedure has been welcomed by some scholars as a necessary reaction of the Commission, I argue that initiating the infringement procedure is politically unwise, legally questionable, and ultimately unfounded.
Continue reading >>„Ne bis in idem“ – auch für Mörder?
Vergangenen Freitag, am 11. Juni 2021, hat der Bundestag einen Gesetzentwurf der Fraktionen CDU/CSU und SPD behandelt. Inhalt: Wiederaufnahme im Strafprozess nach rechtskräftigem Freispruch bei Verbrechen wegen Mordes und Verbrechen nach VStGB. Der Entwurf führt ausdrucksstark an, dass die bisherige Rechtslage zu „schlechterdings unerträglichen Ergebnissen führen würde“. Doch Gegner des Vorhabens sehen die Rechtssicherheit in Gefahr, die anders zu beantworten sind, als dies der Gesetzentwurf macht.
Continue reading >>A Tale of Primacy Part. II
On 18 May 2021, the CJEU issued a judgment on several requests for preliminary ruling by Romanian national courts regarding the impact of EU law on Romanian laws on the judiciary and the CVM. On 8 June, the Romanian Constitutional Court issued a decision pertaining to the subject. In a succession of legal nonsense, it shattered hope that the CJEU’s judgment could be a guide for national courts for applying the primacy of the EU law.
Continue reading >>17 June 2021
A Hidden Revolution
European data protection law has become (in-)famously known as one of the main tools for both the European legislature and the European Court of Justice (ECJ) to push the boundaries of European integration. The most recent decision of the Court in Case C-645/19, 15 June 2021 – Facebook Ireland continues this well-established tradition. What may at first glance appear as a rather technical ruling might initiate a hidden revolution and lead to an unprecedented step for the ever-closer integration of the EU’s legal order.
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16 June 2021
A Hollow Threat
On 10 June, the European Parliament passed a resolution on the application of the Conditionality Regulation and threatens to take the EU Commission to Court. However, the very peculiar ‘action for failure to act’ set out in Article 265 TFEU is not an appropriate procedure to solve the problem at issue. The Parliament should employ the more political means at its disposal to tackle a problem that is ultimately political in nature.
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The Demise of Viking and Laval
In Viking and Laval, the ECJ reduced the right of trade unions to take collective action and made it subject to the requirements of the four freedoms, effectively undermining its recognition as a fundamental right according to EU law. This sent shockwaves through the trade unions of Europe. In its recent Holship ruling, the ECtHR has challenged this, with potentially wide-reaching implications for the relationship between the human rights and EU fundamental freedoms, seen from the perspective of Strasbourg.
Continue reading >>15 June 2021
The Courts Strike Back
The Shell case, decided by the Hague District Court on 26 May 2021, is part of a growing body of climate cases. What the Shell case does is that it liberates the political-decision maker from the suffocating grip of investor state dispute settlement mechanisms, in particular the mechanism under the Energy Charter Treaty.
Continue reading >>No Country for ‘Old Men’
On 2 June 2021, Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky submitted a bill on the status of oligarchs before the Ukrainian parliament. The bill would have wide-ranging implications. It does not only provide a definition of who counts as an oligarch but also provides measures to reduce the influence of oligarchs in media and public life.
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From Russia with Love
On 15 June, the Hungarian Parliament is expected to vote on a legislative package on stricter actions against paedophile offenders. Attached to this noble cause, the ruling party seeks to prohibit the “representation” and “promotion” of LGBTI identities to minors. The proposal would outlaw almost any mention of sexual and gender minorities in schools.
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The Power of Open Norms
In a judgement of 26 May, the District Court of the Hague found that Royal Dutch Shell has an “individual responsibility” to limit its carbon emissions by at least 45 percent by 2030. Notable about the ruling is the unwritten standard of care functioning as an open norm, facilitating the accountability of private power. The openness of legal categories not only entails a potential to drive forward social change, but it also implicitly highlights the political role and nature of private law.
Continue reading >>14 June 2021
Does the End of the Netanyahu Government Mark the End of “Democratic Backsliding” in Israel?
What does the end of the Netanyahu era mean for “constitutional populism” in Israel, where the “Nation-State Law" was cited as one of the main components of an “anti-constitutional” revolution? To answer these questions, we should recall that the Israeli version of “democratic decline”/constitutional crisis/populism developed against a complex background. The most important element of it is the attempt to entrench Israel’s ethnic nature as a “Jewish state,” against liberal currents epitomized for the right wing in several rulings of the Israeli Supreme Court.
Continue reading >>Defending Democracy with Authoritarian Means
Brazilian Congress is currently discussing a legislative proposal to replace the current Law of National Security, enacted during the time of the military dictatorship in Brazil. It revokes the current Law of National Security and introduces a new section to Brazil’s Criminal Code defining various crimes against democracy, such as political violence, the dissemination of fake news in electoral campaigns and sabotage against democratic institutions.
Continue reading >>12 June 2021
Die Ultra-vires-Kontrolle als notwendiger Baustein der europäischen Demokratie
Am 9. Juni 2021 hat die Europäische Kommission, in Antwort auf das PSPP-Urteil des Bundesverfassungsgerichts vom 5. Mai 2020, ein Vertragsverletzungsverfahren gegen die Bundesrepublik Deutschland eingereicht. Dieses Vertragsverletzungsverfahren ist politisch unklug, rechtlich unzulässig und womöglich unbegründet. Allerdings birgt es auch das Potential, die unionsrechtliche Zulässigkeit des Rechtsinstituts der Ultra-vires-Kontrolle festzustellen.
Continue reading >>11 June 2021
What do I know about Kashmir?
On fear, complacency, and wild, remote regions
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A Matter of Principle
On 9 June 2021, the European Commission announced that it is bringing an infringement procedure against Germany for breach of fundamental principles of EU law. The procedure is less about the possible outcomes and more a matter of principle. By launching it, the Commission is emphasizing the notion of equality between the member states.
Continue reading >>Kenya and the BBI Five
On May 13 this year, a five-judge bench of the Kenya High Court struck down a state effort to amend Kenya’s 2010 Constitution. The ruling was a shocker when it came down. Will the Court of Appeal rescue or sink President Kenyatta?
Continue reading >>Bringing a Knife to a Gunfight
On 10 June 2021, the European Parliament adopted a Resolution on the Rule of Law situation in the European Union and the application of the Conditionality Regulation. In this Resolution, the European Parliament expresses its concerns about the regression of the democratic situation in several member States and regrets the inaction of other institutions, notably the Council and the Commission.
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10 June 2021
Constitutional Triumph or Constitutional Aberration?
The Kenyan Hight Court's incorporation of the basic structure doctrine into the Kenyan constitutional framework has been generally received as a cause for celebration among constitutional scholars. This article, however, calls for some restraint in the growing scholarly celebration of efforts to expand the basic structure doctrine.
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09 June 2021
Nicaragua’s Electoral Counter-Reform
On 4 May 2021, the Nicaraguan National Assembly adopted an electoral reform. Alongside other legislative acts that limit civil society’s operating space, the electoral reform not only sets a gloomy outlook for presidential elections scheduled in Nicaragua for November this year. The reform also violates Inter-American democratic standards as it severely restricts the independence of political parties and leaves the Supreme Electoral Council under significant influence of Nicaragua’s governing party and president.
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Shell’s Climate Obligation
On 26 May, the District Court of The Hague ruled that the fossil fuels company Royal Dutch Shell needs to reduce its emissions by 45 percent by 2030, compared to 2019. Precisely, the court held Shell responsible for its entire production and supply chain. The ruling will greatly advance the implementation of Article 2 of the Paris Agreement and climate-related human rights.
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Standing for Piglets
In a non-acceptance order of 14 May 2021, the German Federal Constitutional Court refused to accept a constitutional complaint submitted by the German Branch of the animal rights organization PETA for adjudication. The Constitutional Court missed an opportunity to open the constitution to non-anthropocentric approaches. A constitutional amendment might be necessary to explicitly terminate the long-standing mediatization of the natural environment with its negative consequences for the effectiveness of environmental law and protection.
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Framing and Raiding
In early June 2021, Bulgaria’s Prosecutor’s Office raided the Ministry of Interior and raised charges against a senior employee. According to the Minister of Interior Boyko Rashkov, the goal of the Prosecutor’s Office is to sabotage an inquiry into illegal wiretapping. A similar raid against the Bulgarian Presidency in July 2020 sparked mass protests. Bulgaria’s Prosecutor’s Office has an unrestrained authority that is used as a weapon against the opponents of the status quo.
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08 June 2021
Für immer dein Feind?
Debatten über Parteiausschlüsse und andere parteiordnungsrechtliche Maßnahmen nehmen zurzeit einen breiten Raum in der öffentlichen Debatte ein. Der konkrete Umgang mit Ausreißern, wie der WerteUnion oder Boris Palmer, könnte für die jeweiligen Parteien mehr Folgen haben, als ihnen bewusst sein dürfte.
Continue reading >>07 June 2021
Fighting Platforms and the People, not the Pandemic
To control social media-driven criticism against its handling of the COVID-19 crisis, the Indian government, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, can now take advantage of new powers via the Information Technology Rules 2021. These Rules empower the Modi government to counter disinformation, whose definition seems to have been stretched to include content that portrays the government negatively. How Big Tech platforms react will have a domino effect on users’ freedom of expression and right to privacy across the world.
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04 June 2021
After he’s gone
Bibi's fall and how to find back from authoritarian populism to democratic politics
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Borderline Games with Bosnia
A ‘non-paper’ sent shockwaves throughout Brussels and the Western Balkans this April, proposing to redraw borders along ethnic lines. It follows a common nationalist narrative, and distracts from necessary reform processes in the region to effectively cater citizens’ needs. In the case of BiH, substantial constitutional changes are needed for the country to become a more stable democracy and eventually an EU member state.
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03 June 2021
From Denmark to Damascus
In recent weeks, Denmark made international headlines with its refusal to extend residence permits for Syrian subsidiary protection holders in Denmark from the Damascus province. Denmark’s emergence as the first state in Europe to end the protection of Syrians on the basis of improved conditions in the wider Damascus area is the result of a self-described ‘paradigm shift’ in Danish refugee policy dating back to 2015.
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02 June 2021
The Making and Unmaking of a Constitutional Crisis in Samoa
Politics in the Pacific island state of Samoa rarely attract international attention. Last week, however, Samoa grabbed global headlines as two leaders each claimed the Prime Ministership after a closely contested election. The constitutional issues surrounding this crises are complex and growing in number by the day.
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Procedural Fetishism and Mass Surveillance under the ECHR
On 25th May 2021, the Grand Chamber of the ECtHR ruled in the case Big Brother Watch v. UK that some aspects of the UK’s surveillance regime violated Articles 8 and 10 of the ECHR. Big Brother Watch is the first decision on mass surveillance since the Snowden revelations and sets a standard, grounded in “procedural fetishism”, which endorses the legality of bulk surveillance operations.
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A Tale of Primacy
In its 18 May ruling Asociația „Forumul Judecătorilor din România”, the ECJ took a solid stance on the primacy of EU law by recognizing the binding nature of the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism established by the European Commission with respect to Romania in 2007. The judgment is a genuine guide to national courts on applying the primacy of EU law, especially as regards controversial issues such as the judicial independence and rule of law.
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01 June 2021
India’s New Intermediary Guidelines
On 26 May, the Indian Intermediaries Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code 2021 (IT Rules) took effect. These new rules vest more power over speech online with the executive, who may misuse these powers to quell dissent.
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An Austrian Abyss of Cronyism and Corruption
The Kurz government has been involved in a series of scandals, culminating on 12 May with the Chancellor becoming subject of a formal investigation for allegedly providing false testimony before Parliament. In attempts to cover up the governments’ involvement in the various scandals, the rule of law has certainly been challenged in Austria. However, so far, the Austrian Rechtsstaat prevailed.
Continue reading >>Big Brother’s Little, More Dangerous Brother
On 25 May 2021, the European Court of Human Rights issued judgments in two connected cases: Big Brother Watch v. UK and Centrum för Rättvisa v. Sweden. Both cases involved the review of bulk interception of communications, described by its critics as “mass surveillance”. The Swedish example has attracted less criticism from the ECtHR than the UK, and can be construed as a model law. However, the Swedish legislation is highly opaque and the ECtHR's scrutiny has fallen short.
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31 May 2021
‘Religiously’ following science
On Wednesday, 26 May Dominic Cummings spoke in a 7-hour-long evidence session in front of the Joint Science and Technology Committee and Health and Social Care Committee of the British House of Commons. He made clear at least three things that are interesting for students of constitutionalism, and, in particular, of the implicit constitutionalism that determines the relationship between scientific expertise and power.
Continue reading >>Mehr als nur empfundene Verpflichtung
Mit dem Ende der NATO Mission „Resolute Support“ in Afghanistan ist das Leben afghanische Ortskräfte in akuter Gefahr. Ihr Schutz durch die Bundesrepublik ist nicht nur moralisch geboten, sondern ergibt sich auch aus der Schutpflichtdimension der Grundrechte.
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30 May 2021
Saving the Constitution from Politics
On May 23, 2021, the Israeli High Court of Justice (HCJ) delivered an important decision setting and defining the limits for the use of Basic Laws – laws of a constitutional ranking – for the purpose of solving temporary political and coalition problems. The Basic Laws are supposed to be “the crown jewels” of our constitutional system, yet in Israeli politics they have become an instrumental tool for narrow and everyday political interest, often amended in a temporary manner. The decision, given by a 6-3 majority of an extended bench, now defines some constitutional boundaries for the proper use of Basic Laws.
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Good European Neighbours
On 21 May 2021 the Vice-President of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), Ms Rosario Silva de Lapuerta granted interim measures in the case of Czech Republic v Poland, ordering Poland to immediately cease lignite extraction activities in the Turów mine. An action against a Member State which might have breached an EU directive – in this case by extending a lignite mining permit without carrying out an environmental impact assessment – may seem like an ordinary environmental case falling under the remit of EU law. The Czech Republic v Poland case, however, is anything but ordinary for at least two reasons.
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28 May 2021
Borders
On Zittau, environmental impact and what we can get used to and what not
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Masks, vaccines, and investment promises
When the WHO declared a pandemic on March 11, 2020, the spread of the virus was already under control in China. Ever since Beijing has been engaging in widespread health diplomacy. China aims to promote the image of China as a “responsible great power” and of Western states in as powers in decline that are unable to provide solutions for complex international affairs.
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Shell’s Responsibility for Climate Change
On 26 May 2021, the District Court of the Hague rendered a judgment in the case Milieudefensie v Royal Dutch Shell that can rightly be called revolutionary. This is the first judgment of its kind in which a multinational corporation is held responsible, in part based on international law, for its contribution to climate change.
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The Amazon Rainforest under Attack
On 13 May, the Brazilian lower house approved a controversial Bill on Environmental Licensing. The Bill has yet to receive the Senate’s final approval, but it has already attracted much criticism. The actual target of the Bill is thinly veiled: The Amazon region, where it could lead to increasing deforestation. The Bill is just another step in the regressive, anti-environment agenda implemented by the current Brazilian government.
Continue reading >>27 May 2021
The Admissibility Hurdle
The entry into force of a new Protocol in August 2021 indicates that the ECtHR will implement even more stringent admissibility criteria which provides the institution with more tools to reject legitimate applications and to hide the political motivation behind such decisions. The European Court of Human Rights has long faced burning criticism for declaring applications inadmissible when faced with prima facie flagrant human rights abuses by autocratic regimes, such as Turkey, putting in question the credibility of the Court which is expected to be a center of legal excellence.
Continue reading >>Workers vs Algorithms
On 11 May, Spain passed a new provision that regulates algorithmic transparency in the employment field. This new norm gives workers the right to be informed about the parameters, rules and instructions via which algorithms or artificial intelligence systems impact their working conditions and determine access to employment. The provision, for its novelty, appears to be ambitious, but its potential limitations and practical consequences will determine its success.
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25 May 2021
Unilateral Trade Measures in Times of Geopolitical Rivalry
The European Union’s unilateral trade policy is in motion. On 5 May 2021, the European Commission adopted a proposal for a regulation to tackle foreign subsidies; in March 2021, the Commission launched a public consultation on an ‘anti-coercion’ instrument. As the EU is entering a new era of economic statecraft, a new balance between democratic accountability and efficient decision-making is needed.
Continue reading >>„Elfes“ Revisited?
So überzeugend der Klimabeschluss des BVerfG im Hinblick auf die strukturelle Koppelung der planetaren Grenzen in Form des 1,5-2 Grad-Ziels mit Art. 20a GG im Ergebnis ist, so sehr wirft doch der grundrechtliche Weg dahin in rechtsdogmatischer Hinsicht viele Fragen auf. Ich konzentriere mich in diesem Beitrag auf die Frage, ob der Erste Senat die berühmte, aber zugleich auch umstrittene „Elfes“-Konstruktion fruchtbar macht und in diesem Rahmen einen im Hinblick auf die Grundrechtsdogmatik tragfähigen und zukunftsweisenden Weg beschritten hat.
Continue reading >>22 May 2021
The BBI Judgment and the Invention of Kenya
On 13 May 2021, the Constitutional and Human Rights Division of the High Court of Kenya delivered its judgment in David Ndii and Others vs The Attorney General and Others, widely referred to as the BBI judgment. The shape and future of the constitution is not all that is contested. So too is Kenya’s history.
Continue reading >>21 May 2021
Dance of Courts
State, federal and EU constitutional law and the emergence of black holes on the legal map of Europe
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20 May 2021
Delhi’s Disempowerment
A recent amendment passed by the Indian Parliament enhances the power of the Central government’s representative of Delhi, and impedes the governing autonomy of the elected government in Delhi. The seeds of this potentially unconstitutional amendment lie in the Indian Supreme Court’s (SC) ambiguous and imprecise judicial reasoning in a case concerning the power tussle between the Delhi Government and the Central government.
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Alibaba: Punishment and Collaboration
On 6 April 2021, Alibaba, a leading e-commerce platform, was fined $2.75 billion for abuse of dominance in the Chinese market. In the weeks that followed, Chinese regulators started investigations into other giants of the platform economy, for similar anti-competitive conduct. They signify a shift in Chinese regulators’ strong determination to crack down on monopolistic conduct.
Continue reading >>19 May 2021
Academic Freedom Under Attack in Brazil
Can the chief of a constitutional organization akin to an ombudsman prosecute a law professor who criticized him in a newspaper article? Apparently, because Brazilian Prosecutor General just filed a complaint against Constitutional Law Professor Conrado Hübner Mendes. This attack follows a wave of democratic erosion that includes attacks on universities, intellectualism, and the diversity of ideas.
Continue reading >>The Basic Structure Doctrine arrives in Kenya
On 13 May 2021, a panel of five High Court justices ruled that the so-called Basic Structure Doctrine applies in Kenya. The judgment is not only a milestone from the perspective of comparative constitutional law; it might also change the future landscape of constitutionalism in Africa.
Continue reading >>18 May 2021
A Ghost that Haunts European Democracies
In Turkey, Spain and Poland, lèse-majesté laws are weaponised against opposition: The conviction and imprisonment of Marxist rapper Pablo Hasél sparked mass protests across Spain, and the 20-year-old Wiktoria K. who shouted “f*** Duda” during last year’s demonstrations and received a guilty verdict on grounds of “insulting the President” in March 2021. The very existence of lèse-majesté laws poses a threat to the right to dissent. It is a vital democratic duty to cast such laws into the dustbin of history.
Continue reading >>The UK’s Online Safety Bill: Safe, Harmful, Unworkable?
On 12 May 2021, the UK Government published the long-awaited Online Safety Bill. While the UK Government aims to show “global leadership with our groundbreaking laws to usher in a new age of accountability for tech and bring fairness and accountability to the online world”, this claim is more than doubtful.
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17 May 2021
Nation of Animal Lovers
On May 12, 2021, the UK government published an Action Plan for Animal Welfare setting out reform plans to protect animals both within its borders and overseas. In this plan, the UK government pledges to further steps in its efforts to promote animal welfare and to recognize animals as sentient beings in law. As the ‘Nation of Animal Lovers’ the UK has a comparatively impressive record of animal welfare legislation. Yet, the tone of government communication is tainted by adversity against the EU in the context of Brexit.
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The Right of Catalonian Leaders to Protest
On 22 April, the Spanish Constitutional Court issued its first judgement on the constitutionality of the conviction of the Catalonian leaders for the events of October 2017. It upheld the Supreme Court’s interpretation of the crime of sedition which blurs the line between legitimate protest and sedition. The judgment will therefore have repercussions beyond this particular case and may affect the right of protest and dissent.
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Fast-tracking Scotland’s re-entry to the EU
As the dust settles with a pro-independence - though not an SNP - majority in the Scottish Parliament after the May 2021 elections, it is worth considering what an independent Scotland’s (accelerated) path back to the EU could look like. Increasing the speed at which an independent Scotland could rejoin the EU is primarily an issue of political will and domestic preparation.
Continue reading >>16 May 2021
Post-Script to the Symposium
The ‘Power and the COVID-19 Pandemic’ Symposium was hosted by the Verfassungsblog, and supported by Democracy Reporting International under the re:constitution program supported by Stiftung Mercator, and the Horizon-2020 RECONNECT project. Over the course of 12 weeks from 22 February to 15 May 2021, the Symposium reported on the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on law and legal systems in 64 countries, accompanied by 11 commentaries on transversal themes including human rights, democracy and the rule of law.
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15 May 2021
Power, Law and the COVID-19 Pandemic – Part II: Preparing for Future Emergencies
Involving over 100 contributors worldwide, the 2021 Power and COVID-19 Pandemic series builds on the 2020 COVID-19 and States of Emergency Symposium to again provide snapshot critical analysis of a world in continued crisis and extended emergency. This final commentary in the 2021 Symposium is divided in two parts: first, an analysis of the impact the pandemic has had on legal systems over the course of the last year; and second, an outlook on how to prepare for future emergencies by building on the lessons of the current one. This is part II.
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Power, Law and the COVID-19 Pandemic – Part I: The Year of Pandemic
Involving over 100 contributors worldwide, the 2021 Power and COVID-19 Pandemic series builds on the 2020 COVID-19 and States of Emergency Symposium to again provide snapshot critical analysis of a world in continued crisis and extended emergency. This final commentary in the 2021 Symposium is divided in two parts: first, an analysis of the impact the pandemic has had on legal systems over the course of the last year; and second, an outlook on how to prepare for future emergencies by building on the lessons of the current one. This is part I.
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Our European Society and Its Conference on the Future of Europe
9 May 2021 saw the official launch of the Conference on the Future of Europe. 70 years of Europeanization have not yielded a European people, the treaty maker is saying, nor – God forbid – created a European federal state. They have, however, given rise to a European society.
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WEBINAR 5: “Quo Vadis? – The Impact of an Extended Emergency”
How has COVID-19 impacted upon legal and political systems; minorities and indigenous peoples; and conflict-affected states in transition? This final panel debates themes of trust, equality, conflict and power, and concludes with a commentary by the convenor of the Symposium who will draw together key findings, emergent threats, and reasons for hope.
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WEBINAR 4: “The Rule of Law in the Pandemic”
The COVID-19 pandemic has placed extreme strain on legal systems, requiring action in response to fast-changing and complex situation of the pandemic emergency. This panel evaluates state action - and in particular, executive-decision making - in response to the pandemic against the standard of the rule of law, and considers whether this will lead to permanent shifts in legal systems worldwide.
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13 May 2021
„Ein Rechtsraum heißt ein Rechtsraum“
Niemand darf wegen einer Straftat, wegen derer er bereits rechtskräftig verurteilt oder freigesprochen worden ist, erneut verfolgt werden. Das besagen Artikel 50 der EU-Grundrechtecharta, und Art. 54 des Schengener Durchführungsübereinkommens. Jetzt hat der Europäische Gerichtshof den Schutzbereich dieses sogenannten Ne-bis-in-idem-Grundsatzes in mehrerer Hinsicht deutlich ausgebaut.
Continue reading >>Pushbacks sind illegal – und zwar immer
Mittlerweile kann kaum mehr bestritten werden, dass an den europäischen Außengrenzen Menschen zurückgewiesen werden, ohne ihr Schutzgesuch geltend machen zu können und ohne ein Prüfverfahren gewährleistet zu bekommen. Derweil werden immer mehr Stimmen laut, die nicht allein die Tatsachen, sondern zugleich das Recht und damit in Frage stellen, dass sogenannte Pushbacks den Menschenrechten, dem Völkerrecht und dem Europarecht widersprechen. Gründe genug für eine Klarstellung: Pushbacks sind illegal, und zwar immer.
Continue reading >>WEBINAR 3: “Science, Law and Decision-Making”
Bringing together experts representing states who have adopted divergent attitudes to the role of science in law and decision-making, as well as an examination of vaccination policy, equity and individual choice, this panel considers the complex policy choices, rationales and politics which interplay in decision-making during a pandemic.
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WEBINAR 2: “Democracy and Disruption”
How has democracy been impacted by over a year of pandemic response and emergency? How have states ensured the democratic accountability of their actions in response to the global health emergency? What lessons can be learned for now, and for the future? This panel examines democratic practices, and highlights the best – and most concerning – developments.
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12 May 2021
Short but Sweet
On 11 May 2021, Bulgaria’s President Rumen Radev issued a decree appointing a caretaker government, which means that the dissolution of the 45th National Assembly is imminent. This National Assembly, which was first convened on 15 April 2021, was rather short-lived, but it paved the way to fairer elections and much needed reforms in the justice system which civil society demands.
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WEBINAR 1: “Human Rights and the COVID-19 Pandemic”
COVID-19 – and state responses to it - present a threat to human rights unparalleled in the contemporary era. At the same time, human rights offer a universal framework which guides decision-makers, ensures accountability for their actions and omissions, and renders visible the structural inequalities which drives the pandemic’s differential impact on certain communities. Looking forward, this panel discusses how human rights can be used to underpin a just and sustainable post-pandemic recovery.
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Webinar Series: Power and the COVID-19 Pandemic
Marking the conclusion of the "Power and the COVID-19 Pandemic" Symposium, this webinar series brings together contributors from around the world to discuss the impact of the pandemic on law and governance, drawing on five transversal themes: human rights; democracy; the rule of law; science and decision-making; and the impact of an extended emergency.
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11 May 2021
Trump’s Indefinite Ban
After months of waiting, the Facebook Oversight Board has upheld Facebook’s ban of former President Donald Trump. Beyond the merits, the decision underlines a trend showing how the FOB is applying protections of free speech. The FOB’s increasing reliance on the principle of proportionality and transparency is a paradigmatic example of an ever-growing distance to the First Amendment dogma characterising US constitutionalism and the proximity to the European (digital) constitutional approach.
Continue reading >>A Stress Test for Politics: Insights from the Comparative Covid Response Project (CompCoRe) 2020
The CompCoRe study, an ongoing qualitative comparison of policy responses to Covid-19 in sixteen core countries and two affiliates, begun in April 2020, sought to identify and explain patterns of perceived success and failure in managing this multifaceted crisis. [...] As national and international authorities look to futures beyond Covid-19, a lesson emerging from our study is that they should revisit their institutional processes for integrating scientific and political consensus-building. If free citizens are unable to see how expertise is serving the collective good, they will sooner rebel against the experts than give up their independence. Just as a sound mind is said to require a sound body, so the coronavirus has shown that the credibility of public health expertise depends on the health of the body politic.
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10 May 2021
The World Turned Upside Down
Gates’ charitable foundation and the World Health Organization launched the app ‘GoGiveOne’ where individuals can donate money to ensure ‘vaccines for everyone, everywhere’. It sounds like an opportunity to respond to the crisis. But individualizing a structural problem prevents any real solution to it.
Continue reading >>The ECtHR Steps into the Ring
For the last two years, the fight for safeguarding the principle of the rule of law in Poland has been dominated by the ECJ’s case law. During this, the Strasbourg Court has mostly been sitting in the bleachers. Yet, with its Xero Flor judgment of 7 May, it strapped on its gloves and stepped into the ring. It concluded that the Polish Constitutional Tribunal, in its current composition, cannot be seen as a tribunal established by law. The decision will undoubtedly have major political and legal consequences.
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Separation of Powers in Climate Cases
On 29 April 2021, the Bundesverfassungsgericht published its decision that the Federal Climate Change Act of 12 December 2019, establishing national climate targets and annual emission amounts allowed until 2030, violates fundamental rights. Do the judges in such a case undermine separation of powers as a time-honoured achievement of modern constitutional democracies in order to force the political branches to take urgently necessary actions? No. By allocating different functions to the three branches, executive, legislature, and judiciary, separation of powers aims to ensure that the tension between law and majoritarian politics is perpetuated and that neither law nor politics dominates the other.
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COVID-19 vaccines: How Structural Factors Can Vitiate Patient Autonomy and Dictate Vaccine Choice
Financial self-interest, fiscal considerations, geopolitics, sovereignty, governance, protectionism, and nationalism are currently dictating COVID-19 vaccine procurement at the macro level. Such structural factors indirectly vitiate autonomy at the grassroots level and run counter to the ideal that individuals should have access to the highest attainable standard of health.
Continue reading >>09 May 2021
What Should and What Will Happen After Xero Flor
On 7 May 2021, the European Court of Human Rights issued a judgment in a case concerning irregularities in the personal composition of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal. The ECtHR found a violation of “the right to a tribunal established by law” due to fact that the decision on the discontinuation of the proceedings concerning a constitutional complaint filed by a Polish company was issued by the Constitutional Tribunal with the participation of a person who was unlawfully elected to the position of judge. The said judgment is the first ruling of an international body finding that the irregularities in the functioning of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal violate international law.
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08 May 2021
Climate Revolution with Weaknesses
With a real bang, the German Federal Constitutional Court has adjudicated what is probably the most far-reaching decision ever made by a supreme court worldwide on climate protection. This does not preclude the fact that the decision also has considerable weaknesses.
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Muddling through Mutation Times or the Return of Federalism in Austria
While the Austrian government´s reactions during the first wave of Covid-19 in spring 2020 are considered to have been successful, disillusionment followed in the fall 2020 with a second wave, for which the government did not seem to have prepared properly. The third period (January to April 2021), on which I will focus in this blog entry, shows a mixed performance of the government.
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07 May 2021
Three Crises and One Waiver
On patents, pandemics, and old hues on new world maps
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The Price of Limiting Power
On 18 April 2021, Mongolia’s political landscape was hit by an unexpected event: President Battulga Khaltmaa issued an official decree in which he suggested to dissolve Mongolia’s 100-year-old ruling party, the Mongolian People’s Party (MPP). What appears to be a political problem at first glance, points to a deeper crisis of Mongolia’s constitutional democracy.
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A Failed State in the Making
On 4 May 2021, the Senate house in Zimbabwe approved the Constitutional Amendment No.2, 2019 with a two-thirds majority. The bill is now on its way to the executive for signature and incorporation into the constitution. However, the bill features three concerning clauses linked to judicial independence and the prosecutor general's appointment. The future of democracy and the rule of law looks gloomy for Zimbabwe.
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Soziale Netzwerke in der Grundrechts-Klemme?
Seit 2018 häufen sich Klagen, mit denen sich Nutzer dagegen wehren, dass ihre Beiträge auf sozialen Netzwerken wie Facebook gelöscht werden. Gegenteilig will die Grünen-Politikerin Renate Künast nun vor der Richterbank Facebook dazu zwingen, konsequent(er) gegen Falschmeldungen vorzugehen. Netzwerkbetreiber drohen so in eine Klemme zwischen Meinungsfreiheit und Persönlichkeitsschutz zu geraten.
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A Government (Un)Governed?
On 16 December 2020, despite rising rates of infection and the widely predicted ‘second wave’ already impacting neighbouring European countries, Prime Minister Boris Johnson mocked the opposition for wanting to ‘cancel Christmas’ by reintroducing nationwide lockdown restrictions. Three days later, a nationwide lockdown in England was introduced (inadvertently mimicking the March 2020 commitment that London had ‘zero prospect’ of lockdown, four days before it was enforced). The lockdown – closing schools, universities and a majority of businesses which were deemed non-essential and prohibiting gatherings of more than two people outdoors from separate households – continued until 12 April 2021 when restrictions began to be lessened through a phased ‘roadmap out of lockdown’. Such political hyperbole by the executive and lax response, followed by sudden U-turn policy making (‘essay crisis’ governance) and severely restrictive measures, have characterised much of the response to the pandemic in the UK.
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06 May 2021
The Use of Emergency Powers in Response to COVID-19 in The Gambia
More than a year after the pandemic was first reported in The Gambia, the state is returning to ordinary processes. Many COVID-related restrictions have been lifted, allowing businesses, markets, schools, restaurants, bars, gyms, cinemas, and nightclubs to resume normal operations, and borders to be open. However, from 8 March 2021, police permits will no longer be issued for music festivals, political events, and other forms of social gatherings. This comes against the backdrop of the country’s limited resources, weak healthcare systems, and ineffective mitigating measures including social distancing, self-isolation, and avoiding public gatherings to prevent further spread of the virus.
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05 May 2021
Possibly Constitutional, But Not This Way
Earlier this year, the Parliament of the Autonomous Community of Galicia, Spain, amended the regional Health Act of Galicia to introduce, inter alia, the possibility to impose administrative fines on people who ‘unjustifiably refuse’ to comply with an order to be vaccinated against a given disease. This is the first-ever explicit legislative provision in Spain setting out sanctions for those opposing vaccination. On 21 April, the Spanish Constitutional Tribunal declared an unconstitutionality appeal against the reform of the HAG admissible.
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COVID-19 and Emergency Powers in Western European Democracies: Trends and Issues
Domestic emergency powers resorted to in the Covid-19 crisis are very different from each other. Is it possible to identify common trends in the comparative scenario? Limiting the scope of the analysis to democratic countries of the Western European area, at least four different tendencies can be identified.
Continue reading >>04 May 2021
The State Advances, the People Retreat
It is widely agreed that Wuhan, China is the origin of this pandemic. China has also been criticized for its initial mishandling of the outbreak, including local officials’ cover-up, the incompetence of the Chinese Centre for Disease Control (CDC), and the repression of whistle-blowers. In light of what had happened in other countries, however, China’s subsequent responses were nothing short of miraculous. From its lockdown in Wuhan, to the nationwide joint prevention and control system, from border sealing to mass testing and contact tracing, China’s measures were more intense than almost anywhere else in the world.
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03 May 2021
I am the State
The final report of the European Commission dealing with its decision on the European subsidies for the companies associated with the Agrofert holding owned by the Czech Prime Minister has been published on 23 April. Babiš' strong reaction not only reveals something about the ongoing conflict of interest, but also about his neo-patrimonial ruling in general. It is clear that Babiš does not distinguish between public and private positions – he treats public property in the same way an entrepreneur treats private property.
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01 May 2021
Democracy and the Global Pandemic
What’s the future of the free world? What does the ‘free world’ even mean? Recent reports from leading democracy assessment bodies depict a shrinking democratic atlas that is more fragmented than it has been for decades after a steep decline in every world region.
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30 April 2021
Ok, Boomer
On control loops, climate change and the Federal Constitutional Court
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Judges for Future
The judgment of 29 April 2021 quashing parts of the Climate Protection Act (CPA) has made history. Not only because the First Senate of the BVerfG put an end to deferring the reduction of greenhouse gasses to the future, or at least to the next government. But because this turn to the future came in the form of a turn to international law and institutions. It is precisely by relying on international law that the court overcomes the counter-majoritarian difficulty commonly tantalizing climate litigation and human rights law generally. The most astonishing fact is, however, that the court entirely avoids the tragic choice between supposedly undemocratic international commitments and the democratic legislature. I argue that it does so by approaching constitutional law in a decidedly postcolonial perspective.
Continue reading >>29 April 2021
The Constitution Speaks in the Future Tense
Who ought to decide on climate issues? Now, the Constitutional Court has decided. It held that the provisions of the Federal Climate Protection Act are “incompatible with fundamental rights insofar as they lack sufficient specifications for further emission reductions from 2031 onwards”. This decision is extraordinary in many ways: in its interpretation of the constitutional obligation to protect the environment (art. 20a of the Basic Law) as much as in its commitment to international cooperation and international law in climate issues. From this decision on, the German constitution will speak in the future tense.
Continue reading >>Between European Commitment and ‘Taking the Law Seriously’
On 27 April 2021, the Constitutional Law Committee of the Finnish Parliament adopted its much-awaited opinion on the EU’s Own Resources Decision. It established that its approval requires a qualified majority and thus a significant bulk of votes from the opposition, which has been highly critical of the package. Now, for many MPs, the situation creates an impossible dilemma between their European commitment and taking the law seriously.
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After Orbán
With a view to the 2022 elections, there is a serious contradiction in Hungarian public opinion: There should be a regime change away from Orbán's Fidesz, but the Basic Law, which they have undermined and weaponized, should not be touched. This will not work. In any case, it is necessary to get rid of the present Hungarian constitution.
Continue reading >>COVID-19 in Kenya a Year Later: A Case of Déjà Vu
What began as a health crisis quickly morphed into an economic, human rights and governance upheaval. In March 2021, we came full circle as we saw a return to excessive law enforcement in the country on account of the third wave of the virus, which has led to a surge in the number of people testing positive and thrown the country back into a state of disarray as poorly resourced health facilities grapple with the influx of cases.
Continue reading >>28 April 2021
Migrant Workers’ Safety Concerns Should be a Pandemic Priority
In the second year of the pandemic, migrant workers continue to work under precarious conditions, exacerbated by the additional risks associated with Covid-19. Social security assistance in Germany, including health care provisions, requires a minimum of 70 working days before employers are required to contribute. During last year’s agricultural season, the German government raised this minimum to 115 days. This made healthcare the responsibility of one’s country of citizenship, not of one’s employer. This year, in April 2021, the German farming industry has successfully pressured the government to re-extend this provision to 102 days.
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The COVID-19 Crisis in Latvia
The government response to COVID-19 in Latvia can be characterised as one of legal caution. Even though successive states of emergency have been used to manage the crisis, adequate parliamentary and judicial oversight has resulted in broadly proportional handling of the pandemic.
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Solving the Copenhagen Dilemma
By proclaiming an entirely new ‘non-regression’ principle in EU law based on the connection between Articles 49 TEU (EU Enlargement) and 2 TEU (EU values, referred to from Art. 49), the Court of Justice achieved huge progress in addressing a well-known lacuna undermining the EU legal order. The ‘non-regression’ principle is a new important direction in the notable fight for the EU rule of law started with the discovery of EU competence in, in particular, the area of judicial independence and the organization of the judiciaries in the EU Member States.
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How the EU is Becoming a Rule-of-Law-less Union of States
The most recent attempt by Poland's executive to undermine the very foundations of the Union legal order speaks volumes about how far the politics of resentment have come since 2015. With the Constitutional Tribunal about to hand the government its desired excuse to ignore interim measures of the Court of Justice of the European Union, a point of no return might have been reached. This new phase sees the dismantling of the rule of law on the domestic front being reinforced, aided and abetted now by the legitimizing inaction and/or spineless bargaining at … the supranational level. The EU through its institutions is playing the game according to the rules dictated by the smart autocrats.
Continue reading >>27 April 2021
Ireland cannot do it alone
Due diligence obligations for online platforms are probably the most relevant aspect of the European Commission’s proposal for a Digital Services Act (DSA). However, the DSA's proposed oversight structure is based on the country of origin approach, which has proven difficult in the past. An alternative oversight model which would allow for all Member States, especially the ones who are willing and capable to spend resources to contribute to the oversight over very large platforms, is preferable.
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A Relieving Decision
With its interim decision of 15 April 2021, the German Federal Constitutional Court has paved the way for ratification of the 2020 Own Resources Decision by the German side. At the same time, the Court shows that it will apply the well-known constitutional standards in the main proceedings, possibly – this is only a guess – concentrated on the ultra vires review, which allows the all-important dialogue with the ECJ to continue in the framework of a preliminary ruling procedure.
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COVID-19 and the Rule of Law in Croatia: Majoritarian or Constitutional Democracy?
The Croatian government has, much like any other, struggled to find an adequate response to the pandemic of COVID-19. “Dancing with the virus” for the last year entailed introducing, relaxing and re-introducing more or less stringent measures limiting constitutional rights and individual liberties based on epidemiologic developments and political priorities of the day, or season. The measures have ranged from almost a full lockdown in early 2020 when our numbers of infections were amongst the lowest ones in Europe, to a (far too) lenient regime during the tourist season in summer and fall 2020, when the budgetary, economic and political concerns prevailed over the need to address the serious worsening of our epidemiologic parameters. Even today, in the midst of the ‘third wave’, Croatia has quite a moderate set of measures.
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Bad Tandem
With its ruling of 15 April 2021, the Polish Constitutional Tribunal willingly accepts the role of substitute lawmaker. The result is an inelegant, clumsy judgment that creates more problems than it solves. The Constitutional Court as the executor of the parliamentary majority destroys not only its reputation but also the purpose of the negative legislator. In the case of the Commissioner for Human Rights, the solution of a political problem is once again transferred to the Constitutional Court.
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26 April 2021
The Philippines a Year under Lockdown
The Philippines have one of the longest lockdowns in the world in response to COVID-19. This post reviews the past year, focusing on the main legal and political issues as well as prospects in the country with the second highest total number of COVID-19 cases in Southeast Asia.
Continue reading >>25 April 2021
A Securitarian Solange
There is sigh of relief across Europe after the BVerfG has rejected the injunction order by the plaintiffs against the Own Resources Decision. But a decision by the French Conseil d’Etat taken on the same day might be the far more important political decision. Indeed, the French Court goes further than the BVerfG by openly resisting the application of EU law. In this case, the French Government will indeed reject EU law for an extended (and potentially unlimited) period of time.
Continue reading >>Paving the Way for Equitable Access to Vaccination
The global and regional distribution of COVID-19 vaccines has become one of the biggest geopolitical issues in the fight against the pandemic. On April 7, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights published its Resolution 1/2021 “COVID-19 Vaccines and Inter-American Human Rights Obligations.” As it looks back on more than one year of health crisis and its multiple effects over all spheres of life, the Resolution addresses the urgency of ensuring rapid immunization throughout the Americas.
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Sanctioning the Treatment of Uighurs in China
China has been accused by various states of committing genocide against the Uighurs and other Muslim communities in recent months. Against this background, in March 2021, the United States, the European Union, the United Kingdom, and Canada announced sanctions against the Asian hegemon. Qualifying individual targeted sanctions remains a challenge for international lawyers due to the lack of clear demarcation between sanctions framework and the country-specific restrictive measures. Nevertheless, individual sanctions remain a viable option to pressure violators but alone might not be strong enough to deliver justice to victims.
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24 April 2021
The Conseil d’Etat refuses to follow the Pied Piper of Karlsruhe
The Conseil d’Etat categorically rejected the proposal that the courts of the member states, in particular their supreme (or constitutional) courts, would be entitled to review an "ultra vires" of the European institutions. The wording of the judgment is an implicit acknowledgement that there is a monopoly of the EU Court of Justice in the authentic interpretation of the Treaty - unlike the German Federal Constitutional Court in the Weiss case and the doctrine of constitutional identity and protection of national security.
Continue reading >>COVID-19, Minorities, and Indigenous peoples: The Litmus Test of Equality
The disproportionate impact of Covid-19 on minorities and indigenous peoples across the globe has been well documented. Individuals from these communities have been infected at a greater rate, are more likely to die after contracting the disease and now risk being at the back of the queue in national vaccination programmes. Our work has focussed on a number of elements of this phenomenon, including a study of the disproportionate burden of Covid-19 on the most marginalized communities worldwide, and the ways that members from these communities have been pushed into forced labour as a result of the pandemic.
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23 April 2021
Improper Property
Why substantial property taxation might be a lot less unconstitutional than many think
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Greatness and Tragedy
The "Next Generation EU" project (NGEU) will lead to a fundamental change in the architecture, political structure, and “finalité” of the integration process. In its scope and depth, it is even comparable to the Maastricht reform. Against this background, should and could the German Federal Constitutional Court (BVerfG) step in to protect Germany´s "constitutional identity"?
Continue reading >>To Trust is to Choose
Countries where state institutions are perceived as corrupt all share a similar dilemma: Why should citizens trust a candidate for public office who was selected by a state body which citizens simply don’t trust? In light of this dilemma, Ukraine came up with an innovative mechanism: Giving international experts a decisive role in selecting candidates for public office.
Continue reading >>Lithuania’s Two COVID-19 Quarantines
The coronavirus pandemic posed an unprecedented challenge for the Lithuanian society and the decision-makers. Lithuania’s response to the disease was overseen by two different governments - a populist centre-left government in spring 2020 and a liberal-centre-right coalition formed after the 2020 October parliamentary elections. Since Lithuania’s approach to the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic including its legal/constitutional framework has already been addressed, the present analysis will focus on the second quarantine as well as on some overarching issues concerning the rule of law, human rights and good governance.
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22 April 2021
And Now His Watch Is Ended
When democratic institutions are captured by an authoritarian government, they not only cease to hold the government accountable, or even restrain its megalomaniacal tendencies, but can be actively used to capture other democratic institutions. This was recently the case in Poland, as the ruling "Law and Justice" party removed a particularly annoying irritant: the Polish Citizens’ Rights Ombudsman, Dr. Adam Bodnar.
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21 April 2021
The Battle Over Puerto Rico’s Future
Puerto Rico’s future is on the agenda in Congress. Last week, the House Committee on Natural Resources held a contentious hearing on two competing bills addressing Puerto Rico’s status. Why two competing bills? Why the dramatically different alternative to the one backed by Puerto Rico’s sole representative in Congress? Understanding the profound divide these bills embody requires understanding the constitutional controversy that has long been at the core of Puerto Rico’s status debate – and the crisis of identity that drives it.
Continue reading >>How Many Times Can the ECtHR Turn its Head
In the ruling Ahmet Hüsrev Altan v. Turkey of 13 April, the European Court of Human Rights did not find an ulterior motive in the prolonged pre-trial detention of a journalist in Turkey. The Court also refused to find “pattern and tendency” in the treatment of civil society and independent journalism in Turkey. This approach is not limited to Article 18 case law: The Court’s entire jurisprudence on Turkey lacks systematic analysis.
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Repubblika: Anything new under the Maltese Sun?
By now, the rule of law and the principle of judicial independence are a continuous presence in the ECJ’s case law. Most often, these cases concerned the situation in Poland or Hungary. The case of Repubblika, for a change, concerned Malta. In Repubblika, the Court has added Article 49 TEU to the list of EU law provisions that are invoked in the fight against rule of law backsliding.
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Legislative/Judicial Deference versus NGOs/Citizens Activism: Taiwan’s Successful Fight Against Covid-19
Except for a minor hospital cluster infection in late January 2021, there has been no sign of community spreading. Compared to what has been going on globally with three million death, Taiwan’s control of Covid-19 pandemic is a miraculous success, particularly given its barred access to the World Health Organization and its geographic proximity and economic close ties with China. Notably, this success has been achieved without issuance of any emergency order for lockdowns, shelter in place, business closure, or school suspension. People’s daily lives have been kept without substantial interruption. Because of this, Taiwan’s legal and regulatory responses with the Covid-19 pandemic was praised as the least restrictive in the world.
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Recognising Nuances
This week, the German Parliament is beginning its debate on the cabinet draft for a national Due Diligence Act (Sorgfaltspflichtengesetz). Critics of Germany’s initiative often claim that it would run counter to the development interests of the Global South. This, however, not only ignores strong development policy arguments in favour of human rights due diligence (HRDD) regulation but also the fact that several countries in the Global South are calling for similar obligations or have already created them. In particular, Germany may learn valuable lessons from the Colombian Constitutional Court’s recent case law which has created meaningful HRDD obligations for companies as well as from a draft for a Mexican Due Diligence Act.
Continue reading >>20 April 2021
Jeopardizing Judicial Dialogue is Contrary to EU Law
On 15 April 2021, AG Pikamäe delivered his opinion in the IS case, originating from a Hungarian criminal proceeding against a Swedish national. The national judge referred three questions for preliminary reference to the CJEU, one regarding the suspect’s right to translation and two regarding the general status of judicial independence in Hungary. As a reaction, the Hungarian Prosecutor General initiated a so-called “appeal in the interests of the law” and the Hungarian Supreme Court held the reference to be unlawful.
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Harvesting injustice
Seasonal migrant farmworkers have been one of the most vulnerable worker categories during the pandemic and yet essential for food security. In Germany, an ongoing proposal by the Government seeks to extend the duration of the general exemption of seasonal migrant workers from social security requirements, threatening to uphold workers’ vulnerability and further exacerbate precariousness.
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COVID-19 in Ethiopia: A Year in Review
Covid-19’s arrival in Ethiopia was especially inopportune, coming as it did when the country was at a political crossroads and the federation under heavy strain as a result of unprecedented intergovernmental disputes. Covid-19 emerged just two years after the three year public protests which began soon after the 2015 elections in which the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the ruling coalition until 2019, claimed 100% victory. The public protests led to a political division within the party resulting in the coming to power of Abiy Ahmed who re-configured the party.
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Jeder schweigt für sich allein
Am 3. April ist endlich das Gesetz gegen Rechtsextremismus und Hasskriminalität in Kraft getreten. Vorfrage und Grundlage dieser rechtlichen Regelung ist die verfassungsrechtliche Abwägung, die es überhaupt erst erlaubt, eine Meinungsäußerung unter Strafe zu stellen – oder gar, noch weitergehend, eine Pflicht zu etablieren, Meinungsäußerungen an die Strafverfolgungsbehörden zu melden. In dieser Abwägung zwischen Meinungsfreiheit und würdebasiertem Persönlichkeitsrecht bildet jedoch die Gleichheit, die bei der beleidigenden Hassrede eine große Rolle spielt, eine seltsame Leerstelle.
Continue reading >>19 April 2021
Defending Plurality
Academic freedom is under attack, both in authoritarian democracies, such as Hungary and Turkey, and in liberal Western democracies, such as the United States, the UK, France and Germany. However, dominant discourses about academic freedom and free speech in the global north, lately especially in France and Germany, focus on an alleged threat to academic freedom through "political correctness" and "cancel culture", that, under scrutiny, often turn out to be exactly the opposite, namely defences of plurality and critical voices.
Continue reading >>New Zealand: Rendering Account During the COVID-19 Pandemic
Just over a year since the first outbreak in New Zealand, we cast our eye back and reflect on the government’s response to the Covid-19 pandemic. Without question, the response is a study in the wonders of modern government, given the magnitude of the threat, the different dimensions of community wellbeing at stake and different parts of government involved in the response. Public health guidance, clinical health care, economic support and stimulus, social welfare and support, border security and surveillance. The list goes on....
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17 April 2021
Rule of Law as a Perimeter of Legitimacy for COVID-19 Responses
The COVID-19 pandemic has presented an extreme strain on legal systems worldwide, as they struggled to adapt existing legislative frameworks, administrative functions, and executive decision-making to the fast-changing and complex situation of the pandemic emergency. The measures adopted worldwide, including mandates in the form of lockdowns and restrictions on gatherings, closures of educational and business institutions, have been not only among the most restrictive limitations on the rights of the majority of global population but also long lasting, with uncertain ending.
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16 April 2021
No reason to be gentle
On criticism, respect and the rent cap decision of the Bundesverfassungsgericht
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The UK’s Post-Brexit ‘Constitutional Unsettlement’
The tortuous process of Brexit is complete. The UK has left the EU, and Boris Johnson and the Conservative party now enjoy a commanding majority in the House of Commons after several years of unstable minority governments. However, Brexit has opened up a number of constitutional fault-lines, which have not closed with UK departure from the EU: indeed, if anything, they have continued to widen. This has accelerated a process that had started even before the ‘Leave’ vote in the June 2016 referendum - namely the ‘unsettling’ of the once famously stable British constitutional order.
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Women’s Rights in the New Kyrgyz Constitution
On April 11, 2021, Kyrgyzstan held a referendum on the adoption of 81 amendments to its Constitution, which almost amounts to an entirely new Constitution. Setting aside all the numerous procedural violations of the constitutional law, in conjunction, the separate provisions of the new Constitution risk becoming a regressive tool that could suppress the position of women in Kyrgyzstan.
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The Norwegian Pandemic Response
One year into the pandemic it is necessary to take stock of what has been achieved by the measures that have been implemented, and to reflect on their costs. Phrased differently, how successful have the authorities been in their endeavors to contain and control the spread of COVID-19? And from a legal point of view, what are the constitutional and cultural legacies of a year of deploying war-like measures against the virus? In this contribution to the symposium, I revisit the Norwegian COVID-19 response. In particular, I begin to unpack the narrative of success and its impact on deliberative democratic discourse. I do this by way of taking stock of the response through the lens of three rule of law indicators, namely the application of the principle of legality, the degree of parliamentary control, and adherence to open and democratic principles of rule-making.
Continue reading >>15 April 2021
Wieviel ist der Verfassung Transparenz im Lobbyismus wert?
„Transparenz ist sicherlich ein hoher Wert, den wir verfolgen, hat aber keinen Verfassungsrang“, behauptete der CDU-Abgeordnete Patrick Schnieder in der Ersten Beratung des Bundestags zum Lobbyregistergesetz (LobbyRG). Er konnte sich auf die Ansicht von zwei der drei hierzu angehörten Sachverständigen aus der Rechtswissenschaft stützen. Die nähere Analyse ergibt jedoch, dass sich die transparente Gestaltung von lobbyistischer Tätigkeit auf das Demokratieprinzip in Art. 20 Abs. 1, 2 GG stützen kann.
Continue reading >>When Emergency is Permanent, What Else Could be Done?
Indeed, from the very outset, Egypt’s attitude concerning the management of the pandemic crisis was the adoption of the minimum possible actions, which does not harm the state economic plan, nor change the way the system functions. From a formalist point of view, Egypt has existed in a permanent state of emergency since 2017, and as a consequence, no specific legal response was adopted by the state which might alter the regular decision-making process or power arrangements between different branches. The desire of presenting an image to the public that the situation is under control was a crucial factor in Egypt's political, legal, and economic response to the COVID-19 crisis.
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14 April 2021
COVID-19, the United States and Evidence-Based Politics
COVID revealed the extent to which attacks on evidence-based politics are part and parcel of the right-wing populist challenge to constitutional democracy in the United States and elsewhere. Right-wing populism challenges constitutional commitments to rule of law and basic liberal freedoms, as such strongmen as Erdogan. Orban and Maduro seize control of courts and persecute dissidents. Populist responses to the pandemic in the United States raise equally important questions about the constitutional commitments to science that are as important to constitutional democracy as the rule of law.
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13 April 2021
Political System Transformation in Hong Kong
China’s National People’s Congress and Standing Committee of the NPC decided in March 2021 to transform Hong Kong’s political system. Within a couple of months, the Hong Kong government will pass local laws to enable elections for a reconfigured Election Committee and Legislative Council to be held, respectively, in September and December 2021, ahead of the Chief Executive election in March 2022. Are the political reforms justified? In examining this question, I consider the aims of the reforms, their implications, and whether they are necessary and reasonable. Overall, I have doubts whether all the reforms are necessary and proportionate to achieving their intended aims.
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The rebirth of Malaysia’s fake news law – and what the NetzDG has to do with it
On 11 March 2021, the Government of Malaysia issued the Emergency (Essential Powers) (No. 2) Ordinance 2021. It criminalizes the dissemination of fake news related to COVID-19 and is an aggravated reincarnation of the country’s repealed Anti-Fake News Act of 2018. More importantly, from a German perspective, it continues the trend of anti-fake news legislation that is mistakenly associated with the German Network Enforcement Act, which has become the involuntary godmother of several such laws around the world, lending legitimacy to the global war on fake news.
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A Year in Review: COVID-19 in Israel
Israel’s response to the pandemic took place in an unstable and highly polarized political climate. This affected the decisions taken in several ways. First, throughout the crisis, it was difficult to achieve agreement within the government on required actions. In addition, decisions often reflected political rather than professional considerations, a problem that was exacerbated by the instability of the coalition. The prospect of additional elections also effected the political will to enforce restrictions, in particular in the Ultra-Orthodox sector, as Ultra-Orthodox parties are perceived by Netanyahu as necessary partners in any government coalition.
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The United Kingdom on Race
The United Kingdom’s Commission on Ethnic and Racial Disparities, has recently published a report, which has been widely discredited since its launch by charities, education unions, academics and politicians. Using the UK’s progressive track record of legal provisions on racial discrimination, the report moves to obscure racism’s systemic aspects. There is a profound disconnect between the theory of the UK’s legal protections against racism and the lived reality of race in Britain, which reveals race as an important and persistent determinant of social experience.
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12 April 2021
Is Compulsory Vaccination Compulsory?
On Thursday 8 April 2021, the European Court of Human Rights delivered its judgment in Vavřička and others v. the Czech Republic. The Grand Chamber ruled strongly (16:1) in favour of the Czech government, granting the state a wide margin of appreciation in the assessment of the need for compulsory vaccination of children. In light of the COVID-related challenges, it is important that the Court took a clear stance regarding the importance of vaccination. At the same time, however, it is regrettable that the Court did not offer a stronger and more coherent reasoning justifying its value-driven decision.
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Australia and the right of repatriation
A key pillar of Australia’s response to the COVID-19 crisis has been its closure of international borders. Since Australia’s constitution lacks an express bill of rights, Australians stranded abroad have turned to the United Nations as a last resort.
Continue reading >>The Rule of Law in Peru: Beset by Corruption and the Pandemic
It has now been a year since the beginning of this prolonged pandemic, the state of emergency (decreed on March 15, 2020 and extended throughout this entire time), the various levels of confinement and restrictions on civil liberties such as freedom of movement and the right of assembly, and a severe economic recession. At this point, our balance sheet is in the red. This is not only because we reached an official death toll of 52,000 and some 1.5 million cases of infection by March of this year, but also because there has been a severe weakening of institutions, which would explain—in part—why Peru is one of the countries in Latin America that has been hardest hit by COVID-19.
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11 April 2021
Negationism’s ‘Day in Court’
Twice in less than a week’s time, the number of COVID-19 related deaths in Brazil per day raised above the mark of 4,000 cases. On 8 April 2021, the number of deaths reached its peak while Bolsonarism suffered two major defeats in the Federal Supreme Court. Bolsonarists lost both their claim to keep religious services during the pandemic and their attempt to block the opening of a parliamentary enquiry to hold Bolsonaro accountable for his executive underreach. Nonetheless, these defeats provided an opportunity to keep Bolsonaro’s antiestablishment and resentful rhetoric alive.
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10 April 2021
Human Rights and COVID-19: Forging Recovery After a Pandemic of Abuses?
We anticipated a year ago that the pandemic, and state responses to it, presented both threats and opportunities in relation to the full panoply of human rights—civil, political, economic, social and cultural. Our proposition was that, as Scheinin ventures, “human rights do not present a barrier to decisive action to contain the virus”. Rather, they offer a universal frame of reference in the context of COVID-19—guiding national authorities as they balance competing interests and priorities; ensuring public accountability for their actions and omissions; and rendering visible the structural injustices that have driven the contagion’s disproportionate impact on certain communities. A year on, these arguments are all the starker.
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09 April 2021
Not everyone
On human rights, utopia and who gets to be a member of the European demos and who doesn't
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Democratic Deficits of COVID-19 Crisis in Pakistan
The ‘lives versus livelihood’ conundrum in Pakistan is emblematic of the difficulties that accompany the balancing of conflicting rights in transitioning democracies. From testing the ability of various tiers of the government machinery to work together to keeping the economy afloat as the country faced lockdowns, Pakistan deeply felt the onset of the burden of disease. The country’s journey through the pandemic was shrouded in deep political contestations over power struggle between the provinces and the centre. As the crisis deepened in mid-2020, the social policies for pandemic response became the site for centralising authority; where trade-offs were made between fundamental rights and well-being of citizens to draw political mileage and cementing the narrative of the centre.
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08 April 2021
Kollektive Gefährdungslage Corona
Die Auswirkungen der Corona-Pandemie auf die Lebenssituation in Afghanistan sind derzeit unter den Verwaltungsgerichten heftig umstritten. Dabei wird die kol-lektive Gefährdungslage junger, alleinstehender Männer uneinheitlich bewertet, abhängig von den jeweiligen Annahmen der Gerichte zur zeitlichen Dimension der Krise sowie ihrer Kompensation durch humanitäre Unterstützung. Die Afghanis-tan-Entscheidungen führen damit zwei grundlegende Probleme der deutschen Asyl-rechtsprechung vor Augen: Die Uneinheitlichkeit bei der Bewertung vergleichbarer Fallkonstellationen und die Defizite bei herkunftslandbezogener Tatsachenfeststel-lung.
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South Korea’s Combating COVID-19 Under the Rule of Law
South Korea has reduced the significant number of new confirmed COVID-19 cases without ordering stringent restrictions, nor locking down regions and causing severe economic damage. South Korea was able to slow down the spread of COVID-19 along with the government’s quick reaction to the disease. The government has been implementing nationwide free public testing programs. The KCDC in the government tracked all the confirmed cases’ geographic footprints and publicized the information to the people via online websites and mobile texts. Local cities opened up an innovative ‘drive-through’ testing area, which became a model followed by other countries. The civil society has also generally followed the guidelines provided by government, including using medical face masks and adapting to ‘social-distancing.
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07 April 2021
The Italian “No Jab, No Job” Law
While the world tackles the thorny issues of vaccine passports and “no jab, no job” policies, on April 1st 2021 Italy became (to the best of my knowledge) the first country to enact a law specifically prescribing COVID-19 vaccination for healthcare workers, with non-compliance entailing removal from healthcare activities or, when this is not possible, suspension from work and wage. This may appear as an infringement of the constitutionally protected right to health as a matter of self-determination. But in fact, given the case-law of the Italian Constitutional Court, the newly enacted obligation seems to meet the requirements of the Italian Constitution.
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Democratizing the App Store
As of March 2021, several State bills in the United States have been launched to address the antitrust issues with the iOS App Store and Google Play Store. The two Tech Giants Apple and Google are charging software developers up to a 30 percent commission on the price of paid apps and in-app purchases. Legislators not only in the US but also in the EU aim to address the “gatekeeper” role of Big Tech, such as Amazon and Google. When attempting to democratize app stores, legislators should aim to allow small developers and startups easy access to app stores. This would both decrease prices for consumers and allow for more innovation and consumer choice.
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Turkey’s Constitution of 1921 and Turkey’s Culture Wars of 2021
2021 marks the centennial of Turkey’s so-called ‘Constitution of 1921’. Interestingly, both academics and politicians, who don’t often see eye to eye, describe the document in praiseworthy terms. An interesting picture has emerged as a consequence: Two diametrically opposed worldviews (largely secular constitutional law scholars on the one end and AKP officials and supporters on the other, to put it crudely) drawing inspiration from the same document but with different motivations and in order to reach different outcomes.
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06 April 2021
A Nation (Un)Dignified
The recent jurisprudence of Hungarian apex courts based on changes inserted into the Hungarian Fundamental Law of 2011, and the provisions of the 2013 Civil Code on “violating the dignity of the Hungarian nation” set a dangerous precedent that could be broadly applied against critics of the government, aka the EU’s first electoral autocracy. The present blog post critically analyses a judgment of the Hungarian Supreme Court (Kúria) of March 2021, which is highly likely to produce a chilling effect.
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03 April 2021
From Captured State to Captive Mind
Finding two history professors guilty of allegedly defaming the good name of an individual by researching his alleged role in the Holocaust must not be treated as yet another run-of-the-mill litigation instigated by a relative concerned about a tarnished good name. Rather, Poland seems to be entering an unchartered territory of settling the score by way of the long arm of the law. The sacred dignity of the Polish nation hidden under the convenient argument from protecting the “good name” of individuals takes center stage and overshadows the need to have a robust historical discourse.
Continue reading >>02 April 2021
Ganz so einfach ist es nicht
Im politischen Berlin steigt die Unzufriedenheit über die Pandemiebekämpfung der Länder. Die Koordination zwischen Bund und Ländern im Rahmen der Bund-Länder-Konsultationen ist nicht transparent und wird als zunehmend dysfunktional wahrgenommen (Stichwort verlängerte Osterruhe). Eine einfache Lösung scheint nun auf der Hand zu liegen: Pandemiebekämpfung durch den Bund, Erlass von Rechtsverordnungen durch die Bundesregierung. Ein Blick in die verfassungsrechtlichen und einfachgesetzlichen Grundlagen zeigt: ohne Zusammenwirken von Bundestag, Bundesregierung und Landesregierungen wird es auch in Zukunft nicht gehen.
Continue reading >>01 April 2021
Slovenian Constitutional Hardball
There is a lot of speculation whether Slovenia might be the third EU Member State to join Hungary and Poland in their specific view of the rule of law. Does the current Slovenian government present a threat to constitutional democracy? Lacking a convincing majority in the Parliament and facing other veto points, the Slovenian government uses tactics of constitutional hardball in order to disrupt the existing norms of the constitutional order.
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31 March 2021
Principled Generosity Mixed with Unmanaged Market
The EU is experiencing internal dissatisfaction at its inability to supply Member States with enough Covid-19 vaccines, while other countries – notably the UK – are racing ahead of it towards the end of the pandemic. Much criticism of the EU is unfair. It is being compared with countries that have shown more brutal and unashamed vaccine nationalism, but it should be proud that it has not gone down this path. By contrast, its role as global and regional vaccine supplier should not hide the fact that it has been too slow to recognize that vaccine sales cannot be left to the free market, while the Member States should not be allowed to hide their absence of leadership, initiative or organization behind critique of the EU.
Continue reading >>Consent to Govern
One of the biggest difficulties associated with understanding the constitutional position of the monarch in the United Kingdom has to do with the fact that they are simultaneously three things: the head of an institution, a symbol and a person with private interests. All three of these aspects have combined in recent revelations surrounding the constitutional requirement of Queen’s (or Royal) Consent, revelations that cast considerable doubt on the place of that practice in the contemporary constitutional landscape.
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30 March 2021
Hercules comes to Scotland
In a landmark case, the Outer House of the Court of Session in Scotland on 24 March 2021 declared that the closure of worship places in Scotland was a disproportionate interference with the right to freedom of religion and freedom of assembly under article 9(2) and 11 of the European Convention of Human Rights. The judgment is as an example of anxious scrutiny in judicial review of administrative action in the pandemic context. His consideration of the evidence concerning closure of worship places strikes as well documented and highly demanding assessment. Given the exceptional circumstances in which governments are crafting their emergency responses to the pandemic, pitching proportionality assessments as Lord Braid does is concerning.
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Czechs and Balances – One Year Later
This blogpost analyses the Czech situation from the perspective of the rule of law requirements and identifies two main deficiencies: a significant and long-lasting shift of power to the executive, and an ostentatious lack of reasoning of the executive crisis measures. Fortunately, these ‘two tales of executive arrogance’ have been somewhat counterweighed by the legislature and the judiciary.
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Seeing through the Eye of God
The messenger app Telegram is swamped with bots which gather and disseminate personal data. Roskomnadzor, Russia’s media watchdog, has just moved to block one of the prominent bots, proudly named ‘Eye of God’. While Telegram bots offer certain positive implications through the newfound transparency they afford, these do not override the tremendous privacy risks posed. But even more importantly, there is little the Russian authorities can do to force Eye of God and other bots to respect the rights of data subjects.
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29 March 2021
Intimidation through Litigation
Last week, legal proceedings were initiated against a Polish writer as well as a couple of high school students for allegedly insulting Polish President Andrzej Duda. These proceedings are just the latest examples of how Polish authorities or their allies attempt to intimidate and silence critics by means of litigation.
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Corona-Recht wird Dauerrecht
Das ursprünglich auf den 31. März 2021 befristete „Eigentlich-nur-Corona-Recht“ wird durch das geplante Gesetz zur Fortgeltung einer epidemischen Lage von nationaler Tragweite (EpiLage-FortgeltungsG) zu einem Pandemiebewältigungs-Dauerrecht. Das seit einem Jahr durch einen einfachen Bundestagsbeschluss auslösbare „exekutive […] Durchentscheiden“ ist also entfristet – und damit auch der Verstoß gegen den Gewaltenteilungsgrundsatz, den Parlamentsvorbehalt beziehungsweise die Wesentlichkeitstheorie, das Transparenzgebot und das Demokratieprinzip.
Continue reading >>Ecuador’s Constitutional Landscape Towards COVID-19
Considering the political scenario, this article will highlight that the government's management of the pandemic has been ill-timed; it has not been holistic but rather aimed at providing temporary solutions without alleviating the underlying problems of the Ecuadorian population and that the control of the President's exceptional powers has been assumed mainly by the Constitutional Court of Ecuador and not by the legislature.
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28 March 2021
A Letter to the European Commission
Further to the letter of December 2020, endorsed by more than 5,000 judges and prosecutors of the Member States, we, the representatives of Polish civil society organisations and European scholars specialising in EU law and human rights, are writing to you once again in connection with the worsening rule of law crisis in Poland. We have now reached a stage where independent judges seeking to apply EU law and the Court of Justice’s judgments are threatened with abusive criminal charges and coercive measures. We urge you therefore to urgently adopt concrete legal measures to prevent the further destruction of the rule of law in Poland.
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The Impossible Art of Populist Government
One year after it was formed, the Slovak government is falling apart. As of 25 March 2021, six out of sixteen ministers have resigned their position. For the moment, the government commands a parliamentary majority and therefore a reshuffle of executive positions is more likely than a snap election. The root of the political crisis is singular: Igor Matovič, the prime minister, is deemed impossible to work with by two out of four coalition parties and an increasing proportion of the broader public. The future of the coalition will to a large extent depend on his willingness to step down from the government.
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27 March 2021
How Spanish Politics Turned into a Political TV Drama
Recently, a set of unexpected moves and countermoves in Spanish politics have resulted in the collapse of two regional governments and a snap election in Madrid. This election anticipates a fierce battle between the two blocs that have dominated Spanish politics since 2015, even more so after vice-president Iglesias’ decision to step down from government to run in Madrid. The outcome will have a significant impact on national politics, determining the fate of most actors and opening a new political cycle in Spain.
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Going Beyond the Rhetoric: Taking Human Rights Seriously in the Post-COVID-19 New Paradigm
This article first analyses the various dimensions of the public health and human rights crisis, in order to identify, secondly, the breadth of the efforts that need to be made for a short- and long-term human rights-based response to COVID-19.
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26 March 2021
What Does Forgiveness Mean Anyway?
Angela Merkel asks for forgiveness. Excuse me?
Continue reading >>A Shot in the Arm or a Shot in the Foot?
The European Commission’s proposal to impose what was referred to as an “export ban” on exports of COVID-19 vaccines has generated considerable political and social media comment, particularly from the United Kingdom. The measure is (probably) lawful as a matter of international law and is certainly not a breach of the rule of law. But that does not mean that it is wise. Using the EU’s power in this way is a bit like pulling a brick from the tower in the well-known game of Jenga: the risk is that what is already a somewhat rickety tower (the rules-based trading order) will wobble yet further. More immediately, the risk of vaccine nationalism is that other states will retaliate in a negative-sum game.
Continue reading >>Romania: COVID-19 Response in an Electoral Year
The year 2020 was a difficult one for Romania, as for the whole world, because of the Covid-19 crisis which overlapped with other local crises of political, legal and social natures. The country’s response to the Covid-19 challenges was rendered even more difficult and incoherent by these crises. In February-March 2020, the government and the President were looking for a solution in order to initiate the procedure for early elections and at the very first moments of the pandemic the country had an interim government after a motion of censure had passed.
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25 March 2021
The Virtues and Limits of Transformative Constitutionalism
On 4 March, the Ecuadorian Constitutional Court published a decision in the aftermath of nation-wide prison riots that had killed at least 79 people. This judgment underlines the key functions of a Court empowered with a transformative mandate in the face of systemic failures in public policy – but also the limits of its power to solve those failures.
Continue reading >>„Hier ist Netflix mit der Tagesschau“
Aktuelle Diskussionen zur Reform des Rundfunkrechts in Großbritannien ziehen in Betracht, öffentlich-rechtliche Inhalte alternativ über private Streamingdienste zu verbreiten. Auch in Deutschland sind Grundsatzfragen zur Zukunft des öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunks ungeklärt und auch radikale Veränderungen denkbar. Politisch erzwungene, strukturelle Änderungen werden wahrscheinlicher, je länger sich die aktuelle Entwicklung der relevanten Marktanteile bei ARD und ZDF fortsetzt. Doch es stellt sich die Frage, ob und inwieweit auch in Deutschland eine Regelung nach dem Britischen Vorschlag (verfassungs-)rechtlich überhaupt möglich ist.
Continue reading >>Bangladesh’s COVID-19 Year in Review
Government authorities and political leaders take huge pride in claiming that Bangladesh has been one of the most successful countries to tackle COVID-19, with the least number of deaths compared with the size of its population (165 million). In reality, the COVID-situation and Bangladesh’s responses to the crisis are much different than the rosy picture that is often drawn.
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24 March 2021
Netzsperren durch die CUII
Statt eines unabhängigen Gerichts entscheidet künftig die „Clearingstelle Urheberrecht im Internet“ als Selbstregulierungsgremium marktmächtiger Verbände der Unterhaltungsbranche sowie aller großen deutschen Internetprovider, ob bestimmte Webseiten im Internet erreicht werden können oder nicht. Diese privaten Netzsperren ohne Gerichtsbeschluss höhlen rechtsstaatliche Prinzipien aus und berauben betroffene Dritte eines effektiven Grundrechtsschutzes. Entscheidungen, die den freien Informationsfluss im Netz beschränken, gehören nicht in private Hände.
Continue reading >>The New Normal? – Emergency Measures in Response to the Second COVID-19 Wave in Poland
This post will cover four core areas of legal concern regarding the Polish response to COVID-19 across the last few months. First of them is the continued issue of legality of the measures used. Second is the issue of transparency and clarity of the measures employed with a particular look at the issue of exiting the emergency. Third is the matter of judicial oversight and the role of Polish courts during the pandemic. Fourth issue pertains to the convergence between the challenges brought about by the pandemic and the continued backsliding of the rule of law and erosion of human rights in Poland.
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23 March 2021
Sri Lanka’s Legal Response to COVID-19: Past Trends and Future Prospects
In the midst of this public health emergency, Sri Lanka’s legal system has contributed little if anything to Sri Lanka’s response to Covid-19 since March 2020. The legal system has been expected to and in a large part has in fact been “kept out of the way” of the political actors. In this post I will provide an overview of the GoSL’s legal and political response to Covid-19 and will highlight the implications of key actions on the rule of law and democratic governance. I will thereafter briefly capture the outlook for 2021.
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22 March 2021
Not Yet but Soon
On 29 January 2021, the Portuguese Parliament approved the decriminalization of active euthanasia and assisted suicide for adults in a situation of intolerable suffering, with a definitive injury of extreme gravity according to scientific consensus, or incurable and fatal disease. A ruling delivered on 15 March by the Constitutional Court halted this legal innovation and cut short on introducing the right to a self-determined death in the Portuguese legal order.
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An Unconstitutional Setback
After almost 10 years after ratification, President Erdoğan issued a decision on Saturday, 20 March, withdrawing Turkey from the Istanbul Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence. This withdrawal constitutes an unconstitutional setback, not only in the protection of at risk women, but also in terms of President Erdoğan’s usurpation of legislative powers.
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Tracking Citizens
Israeli authorities will still be able to use military phone tracking surveillance technology in the combat against the Coronavirus – but not in a way as unbridled as the government had wished. This is the outcome of a recent decision by the Israeli Supreme Court in the case of ACRI v. the Knesset. The Court refrained from declaring the Law authorizing the General Secret Service to track contact persons of infected COVID-19 patients invalid, but limited the cases in which military phone tracking surveillance technology could be used, and required the government to establish clear criteria for such use.
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The Eternal Emergency? Denmark’s Legal Response to COVID-19 in Review
On 11th March 2020 the Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen found herself in a historic moment. The infection numbers in Denmark had dramatically increased within the last 24 hours - from just 157 infected in total on the 10th of March to 514 on March 11th – and a, now well-documented, disagreement between the health authorities and the government on the overall strategy had forced the hand of the Prime Minister to take decisive action. Dressed all in black, the prime minister ceremonially opened the press conference with the, now famous, words: “What I will tell you tonight, will have major implications for all Danes”. Indeed, almost one year from the Prime minister’s public prophecy, we can conclude - it did.
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20 March 2021
Strasbourg and San José Close Ranks
Both in Latin America and in Europe, judicial independence is under increasing attack. What has been the position of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and of the European Court of Human Rights in combatting undue interference in the work of judges and prosecutors? And does their jurisprudence “cross-fertilize” each other? This article provides a glimpse of some of the judgments on illegitimate restrictions and destitutions of judges issued by the sister courts. This jurisprudence is evidence of an increasingly profound and structural exchange between the I/A Court and the ECHR.
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Data Sharing and the Public Interest in a Digital Pandemic*
COVID-19 is our first digital pandemic. An effective response to COVID-19 is reliant on access to data that can be used to identify COVID-19 hotspots, guide national and localised responses, as well as be used in research aimed at developing COVID-19 diagnostics, therapies and vaccines. This digital pandemic has thus seen a shift in our data practices. “Open science” and the rapid data sharing of the results of clinical trials, observational studies, operational research, routine surveillance, information on the virus and its genetic sequences, as well as the monitoring of disease control programmes has been pushed to a new level.
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A Tricky Move
The European Commission’s decision to commence legal proceedings against the United Kingdom for unilaterally extending certain grace periods for the movement of goods in contravention to the Northern Ireland Protocol is legally sound, but politically tricky. In legal terms, the decision to launch both infringement proceedings and take first steps towards arbitration is the most promising avenue towards UK compliance with the Protocol. Yet it brings with it a political risk of further escalating the tensions around the Protocol within Northern Ireland and between the EU and the UK.
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No More Need for Doublespeak
How will Southeast Asian governments react to the violent developments in Myanmar? ASEAN’s non-interference principle is often described as an effective shield against foreign meddling in domestic affairs. In the face of reputational damage and possible economic setbacks, though, ASEAN members had started to refer to human rights, democracy and the rule of law to justify occasional peer pressure – not out of normative conviction but due to strategic considerations. After years of democratic backsliding and declining global expectations, however, these semantic gymnastics are much less required today.
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Slovenia: Second Wave of Challenges to Constitutionalism
Slovenia had a very different experience in the first and the second wave of the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic. In the first wave, the number of infections and deaths per capita has been comparatively low and Slovenia was even identified as a “corona success story”. The second wave, however, has propelled Slovenia into the highest ranks of mortality per capita globally with the total of 162 deaths per 100,000 people from the beginning of the pandemic until 25 January 2021. The Government introduced stringent measures in Autumn 2020, including the complete ban on assembly and sale of non-essential items, the closure of educational institutions, a strict 9 pm - 6 am curfew, and the prohibition of movement across municipal borders.
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18 March 2021
The “Pablo Hasél Case”
In Spain, the recent conviction of the rapper Pablo Hasél for ‘crimes of expression’ has aroused intense public debate. He defamed members of the Spanish royal family, which is an aggravated offence under the Spanish Penal Code, as compared to defamation of any other member of the public. The reasoning of Hasél’s sentence is, on several points, hardly compatible with the case law of the European Court of Human Rights in terms of freedom of expression. It is, in fact, an overzealous application of an already problematic offence, variations of which the ECHR has already condemned.
Continue reading >>French Response to COVID-19 Crisis: Rolling into the Deep*
To cope with the COVID-19 crisis, the French Parliament adopted the Act n° 2020-290 creating a new regime of exception: the state of health emergency. It is concerning as it confers more powers and large leeway to the executive branch than the traditional state of security emergency, and as it offers the opportunity to restrict widely rights and liberties with almost no checks and balances.
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17 March 2021
“Yes, you can… but only if you’re quiet”
The UK is undertaking changes to its ‘law of protest’, which have the capacity drastically to re-orientate the relationship between citizen and state in favour of the latter. The draft Bill takes little or no account of the important role protest plays in a free society and coincides with police officers forcefully breaking up a peaceful vigil to mark the murder of Sarah Everard last week. These images highlight how unbalanced, unnecessary and unprincipled the changes are – many of its planned changes seek to plug non-existent gaps.
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Pandemic Response as Accentuation of Existing Characteristics: Vague Requirements and Executive Dominance in Ireland
In Ireland, it is not constitutionally permissible to declare an emergency in response to COVID-19. The legal response, therefore, has been mounted within the normal constitutional framework. This has consisted of five primary statutes that (a) empower the Minister for Health to make regulations (secondary legislation) imposing restrictions to control the pandemic and (b) establish enforcement powers that the Minister for Health can attach to particular restrictions. By early March 2021, the Minister had made 74 sets of regulations imposing restrictions.
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16 March 2021
Vaccination for Vacation
The European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen announced on 1 March that the Commission will put forward a proposal for a “digital green pass” on 17 March, which would enable safe cross-border movement of three categories of individuals: those who have been vaccinated, those who have developed antibodies after recovering from COVID-19 and those who can produce a negative PCR test. This concept could enable individuals to travel across Europe without unduly discriminating citizens. By contrast, "EU vaccination certificates" would violate EU law and unduly discriminate citizens.
Continue reading >>The Conference on the Future of Europe – Finally, an opportunity for more top-down bureaucracy?
On Wednesday, 10 March, the Presidents of the European Institutions signed the Joint Declaration on the Future of Europe. It establishes a Conference on the Future of Europe (CoFoE), which is advertised as a "citizens-focused, bottom-up exercise”. However, from the start, the Conference has been everything but that.
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Year One: Reflections on Turkey’s Legal Responses to the COVID-19 Pandemic
Ever since the first officially reported COVID-19 case in the country in March in 2020, Turkey, like most of the world, has taken measures to control the pandemic. The measures taken by Turkey included limitations on freedom of movement, closing schools and moving to online teaching at schools as and universities, restrictions on business opening hours, cessation of prison and detention visits, prohibition of resignation for healthcare staff, and, more stringently, the introduction of curfews.
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15 March 2021
One Year After the Pandemic in Indonesia: From Health Crisis to the Crisis of Constitutional Democracy
It has been a year since the first Covid-19 case was confirmed in Indonesia, in early March 2020. At that time, the Indonesian government underestimated the dangers of Covid-19, which proved fatal since the virus continued to spread gradually to all Indonesian provinces within a month. At the time of writing, Indonesia is the country with the highest number of positive cases in Southeast Asia with 1,419,455, even the Covid-19 death rate in Indonesia is among the highest in the world.
Continue reading >>13 March 2021
Emergency Law Responses and Conflict-Affected States in Transition
This post looks at emergency law responses to the Covid-19 pandemic in conflict-affected states in transition. While some type of emergency response to Covid-19 has been used in most states, we suggest that conflict ‘fault lines’ can mean that emergency law responses have a capacity to undermine transitions.
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12 March 2021
On the Creation and the Slaying of Monsters
On paradigm change, generational change, antitrust law, and Amazon
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Lula’s Power is Brazil’s Arm
On 8 March 2021, Judge Edson Fachin from the Brazilian Supreme Court made a decision that frees former President Lula from all his convictions. This might decisively affect the course of the next presidential elections in Brazil, in 2022, as it puts former President Lula back in the presidential race. Perhaps even more importantly, its consequences might help in the fight against the Covid-19 crisis in Brazil.
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Iran’s COVID-19 Response: Who Calls the Shots?
As of January 26, 2021, Iran has reported a total of 57,481 death and more than 1,300,000 confirmed cases of COVID-19, making it the hardest-hit country in the Middle East. After days of denial, Iranian officials finally confirmed the first COVID-19 related death on February 19, 2020. The government’s response in the early days of the pandemic was a preview of what was to come: refusing to quarantine the city of Qom, the first epicenter of COVID in Iran; rejecting the call to postpone the Parliamentary elections; and continuing to receive flights from China, all resulting in the quick spread of the virus across the country.
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COVID-19 in Estonia: A Year in Review
The first coronavirus infection in Estonia was diagnosed on 27 February 2020. Immediately, some steps were taken by the Government to deal with the rapidly evolving and changing situation, including placing some restrictions on freedom of movement especially on people in quarantine. To further tackle the emerging crisis the Government established a state of emergency on Estonian territory. This was done by Order No. 76 of 12 March 2020. The numbers of infected in spring 2020 were low in comparison with the numbers of infected during the second wave in autumn-winter 2020. On the day when the emergency situation was declared there were only 27 COVID-19 positive people.
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11 March 2021
COVID-19 in South Africa: A Year in Review
On 15 March 2020 with only 61 cases and 0 deaths recorded, President Ramaphosa quickly decided that swift action was required and declared a state of disaster. Despite this quick action, South Africa has recorded the highest number of cases in Africa. This post will consider whether its response has been legitimate, proportionate and subject to appropriate judicial oversight.
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Historians on Trial
On 9 February 2021, the District Court in Warsaw ruled that two prominent Holocaust researchers must publicly apologize for statements published in a book about the extermination of Jews in Nazi Germany-occupied Poland during the Second World War. The lawsuit is an example of strategic litigation aimed at intimidating researchers and exercising a chilling effect on the debate in Poland due to the involvement of an organization close to the government and framing of the case in pro-government public and private media. In March, courts in Poland handed judgments in two other important strategic lawsuits brought on criminal charges.
Continue reading >>Hungary and the Pandemic: A Pretext for Expanding Power
A year ago, the first lockdowns were introduced in Europe. Since then, European governments have been busy introducing COVID-19 containment measures, including social distancing rules and mask mandates. For two months, they have been vaccinating the people. Ostensibly, the EU countries have taken similar steps. This piece provides a sketch of how the Hungarian government has handled the pandemic.
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10 March 2021
Operation Car Wash on Trial
On 8 March 2021, the legal and political world was surprised by a judicial ruling of Justice Fachin, from the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court, which annulled three criminal cases against the former President Lula da Silva in the context of the so-called Operation Car Wash. In the following, we aim to recover some of the main arguments, positions and surrounding political scenario that involves Lula’s cases. The Federal Supreme Court seems to try to create a scenario for the reconstruction of the rule of law, which has been severely impaired in the past five years.
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Lebanon in Times of COVID-19: A Series of Crises
Lebanon is facing an unprecedented crisis due to the continuous political turmoil and the unfolding economic and financial meltdown, exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic. This situation was further aggravated by the devastating 4 August explosion of 2,750 tonnes of Ammonium Nitrate at the port of Beirut that killed over 200 people, injured more than 7,000 and left thousands of residents without a roof. To date, justice has not been served, and no one has been held accountable. The combined impact of these crushing tragedies in addition to the rampant inflation is catastrophic on citizens’ livelihoods.
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Belgium’s Accordion Response to COVID-19
As Covid-19 started to make its way onto Belgian territory, the Belgian federal government found itself in the midst of political disorder and negotiations to form a government after the May 2019 elections. Up until March 2020, the competent authority to decide on Covid measures was a caretaker minority government (Regering Wilmès I). But, after the first big outburst of cases in Belgium, the government formation accelerated. Nine political parties made a deal to give the resigning minority government full authority to combat the virus and its economic and social ramifications by a motion of confidence (Regering Wilmès II).
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A Dissident Letter from “Slovenian Dictatorship”
Exactly a year ago darkness has set on Slovenia. The process of constitutional erosion and decay has been let loose. This is the narrative that dominates in the political, economic and the most influential civil society circles which have wielded control in Slovenia over the last three decades. It is at this point, when everyone everywhere, including the academics, uncritically, without a degree of the prerequisite self-criticism and their own independent fact-finding, partake in the same, unequivocally shared narrative, that I taught myself to pause and take some distance from the frenzy of the masses.
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09 March 2021
COVID-19 in Iceland: The Need for Constitutional Justification and Checks and Balances
At the beginning of this pandemic in Iceland, the sense of urgency, uncertainty, and necessity seemed to be front and centre. New and far-reaching restrictions were seen, at least by some, as ‘a necessary evil’ in order to protect us from a new and, in a sense, invisible threat. The learning curve for the government was also steep. According to our law, the government had a wide discretion to address this novel situation. Less than a year later, this is still true to a certain extent. However, whereas the necessity to act was predominant in the first stages of the pandemic, questions of constitutionality and legality are now moving to the forefront.
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Slovakia’s Democracy and the COVID-19 Pandemic: When Executive Communication Fails
In spring 2020, Slovakia was praised for minimizing the instances of the COVID-19 pandemic. By early 2021, however, with Slovakia among the top five countries with the highest increase of COVID-19-induced death cases, a very different picture has emerged, highlighting the costs of neglecting democracy considerations (encompassing human rights and the rule of law) by the executive in particular.
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08 March 2021
COVID-19 in Canada: Variable Forms of Power and Unvarying Judicial Deference
As of early 2021, the COVID-19 pandemic continues to rage across Canada. These are dark days. Although the arrival of vaccines suggests light will soon appear at the end of the tunnel, Canada is a long way from the end of its COVID-19 crisis. In this blog, I hope to illuminate readers, through the lens of pandemic-related public law litigation, about how Canada has responded to COVID-19.
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Coping with Disloyal Cooperation in the Midst of a Pandemic: The Italian Response
The activity of the coalition Government between the Five Star Movement (5SM), the Democratic Party and other centre-left junior allies to tackle COVID-19 has been praised by some and severely criticized by others. Looking back at this first year of pandemic, a crucial problem of the Italian management of the disease and the related economic and social crises has been the lack of loyal cooperation; a principle entrenched into the Constitution (Art. 120, second para, Const.), with regard to the relationship amongst the different levels of government.
Continue reading >>05 March 2021
Winning by Losing
Viktor Orbán could be voted out of office next year. But that does not mean that someone else can govern in his place.
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The Rule of Law in Georgia
On March 1, Charles Michel, President of the European Council, visited Tbilisi to witness Georgia’s rapid descent into authoritarian rule, after an opposition politician was detained under questionable circumstances. The EU institutions’ experience of handling rule of law crises at home should inform its neighbourhood policy. Somewhat paradoxically, in this respect, the EU has greater leverage in its neighbourhood countries, like Georgia, than it has towards its internal problem states.
Continue reading >>Money Talks
One of the judges of the Constitutional Court of Albania was dismissed after the country introduced radical judicial vetting measures. She challenged her dismissal before the ECtHR, claiming her rights to a fair trial and respect for private and family life were violated. In its decision in Xhoxhaj v Albania published on 2 February 2021, the ECtHR rejected her application and gave clear priority to the need for cleaning up a corrupt judiciary. It denied protection under the ECHR to those who seek to abuse human rights for protecting a status quo of corruption.
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Dealing with the Pandemic: A Stress Test for Colombian Political Institutions
It has been a year now since a discussion began about the profound changes that the arrival of the SARS-Cov-2 pandemic could bring to our constitutional systems. This year has confirmed that the bad omens of the early days of the pandemic were well justified. The system has been put through a severe stress test and, unfortunately, we cannot say that it has been up to the challenge. This blog post seeks to briefly review the main events that have marked the institutional response to the pandemic and the implications that this response has had for the Colombian constitutional system.
Continue reading >>COVID-19 in Autocratic Bulgaria
In a prior article, I explained how the Bulgarian Prime Minister Boyko Borissov was using the COVID-19 emergency in spring 2020 as an opportunity to implement measures curtailing fundamental rights and solidifying his autocracy. Subsequently, Borissov’s GERB party enacted questionable amendments to the Law on Health permitting the executive to usurp powers traditionally conferred onto Parliament in Bulgaria’s constitutional order.
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04 March 2021
Die Lesbarkeit von Gesetzentwürfen
Die Verbesserung der Lesbarkeit von Gesetzentwürfen ist in Zeiten zunehmender Politikverdrossenheit und der Verbreitung von Falschbehauptungen und Verschwörungstheorien ein dringendes Anliegen. Ein Vorschlag der Linksfraktion im Bundestag verspricht teilweise Abhilfe, geht aber nicht weit genug. Statt den Vorschlag der Linksfraktion zu kritisieren sollten ihn Politik und auch die Rechtswissenschaft zum Anlass nehmen, weitere Möglichkeiten zur Verbesserung der Lesbarkeit zu erarbeiten.
Continue reading >>Assembling Social Rights
In April 2021, Chile will hold elections for its first constitutional assembly. It will draft a new constitution to replace the current one, born in 1980 during Chile’s military dictatorship. One topic that will be at the center of the assembly’s debate is the status that ‘social rights’ shall have in the new constitution. The most debated issue in this regard is whether such rights should be directly enforceable. Despite the distance in time, space and culture, the drafting of Chile’s new constitution can learn important lessons from Germany’s constitutions of 1919 and 1949 in this field.
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Pandemic and Fragile Government: A Year of COVID-19 Fatigue and Disorder in Ukraine
The pandemic has exposed all the weaknesses and shortcomings of the Ukrainian health protection system, which has been on a periphery of the national reforms agenda for many years. In many regards, the Ukrainian way to protect the population against infectious diseases remains ineffective and fragmented and based of outdated Soviet-time approaches and methods. To date, Ukraine is one of the unfortunate leaders among European countries in confirmed Covid-19 cases and coronavirus death tolls. There is still no clear national strategy on how to prevent the further spread of Covid-19 in Ukraine is in place. The President of Ukraine and the Ministry of Health of Ukraine forecasted the terms of vaccination under the WHO COVAX initiative. However, detailed arrangements are far from being in place.
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The Response to the COVID-19 pandemic in Portugal: A success story gone wrong.
Following an initial comparatively successful handling of the pandemic, infection numbers began increasing consistently after September in Portugal and reached an alarming rate at the beginning of 2021. A second lockdown started on January 14, 2021, with record infection and mortality rates and the National Health Service near breakdown. On 21 January, the measures were tightened and included the closure of schools and universities. A year later, Portugal is back to square one, and, as the failure to control the growth of the pandemic seems evident, medical and moral despair dominate. The impact of the restrictions on the freedom of movement contributed to a decline in the country’s overall score of The Economist’s Democracy Index 2020, that now qualifies it as a “democracy with flaws”.
Continue reading >>03 March 2021
A Paean to Judicial (Self) Restraint
The UK Supreme Court Shamima Begum decision is widely reported to be a win for former home secretary Sajid Javid who had stripped Begum of her citizenship. Yet, is it really a vindication of this action? The decision of the Supreme Court is not based on a factual assessment of Begum’s case but only on whether she has to be given permission to return to the UK to participate in an effective and fair manner in the immigration appeal. A limited decision, and by no means a final adjudication on Begum’s deprivation of citizenship case.
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Surviving Executive-Led Pandemic Control in Executive-Led Hong Kong
Hong Kong was one of the front urban regions that recorded COVID-19 cases in early 2020. One year later, there were recorded over 11,000 confirmed cases and 200 deaths. At the time of writing, this Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China is struggling with the fourth wave of infections, which is the most virulent thus far, due to the combination of community spread initiated a cluster of dancing instructors and students, and the infiltration of the coronavirus, finally, into the least hygienic environs of the built-up areas.
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Harsh immigration policy leads to a historic impeachment trial in Denmark
In early February 2021, the Danish Parliament took the extraordinary step of initiating an impeachment trial against Inger Støjberg, Minister of Immigration between 2015 and 2019. In 2016, the Minister issued a directive about the separation of asylum-seeking couples, where one partner is under 18, without exception, and the administration carried it into effect. This directive was later declared clearly illegal according to both Danish administrative law and the European Convention on Human Rights.
Continue reading >>The Remains of the Days of Crisis: The Second Wave of Legislative COVID-19 Measures in Luxembourg
With the end of the first wave of COVID-19, the state of crisis was ended in June 2020 in Luxembourg. But its problematic features seem to have remained in the legislative action tackling the second wave. Two main differences appear between the legal approach adopted in March and the current one.
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Misjudging Judges
5231 magistrates from all over the EU had signed a letter to call the EU Commission to urgent action regarding the rule of law situation in Poland, Hungary and other member states. Unbelievably, Commissioners Reynders and Jourová, in their reply to the judges’ letter that transpired on 1 March, managed to make matters considerably worse.
Continue reading >>Heidelberger Salon digital: “Vaccine Nationalism” and Distributive Justice
A conversation with Alexandra Phelan, Maike Voss, Mark Eccleston-Turner, Pedro Villarreal, and Leticia Casado, moderated by Alexandra Kemmerer.
Continue reading >>02 March 2021
Judges vs the Executive Branch
Last Friday, the Dutch Appeal Court of The Hague overturned a judgment of the District Court of the Hague which had made headlines in the Low Countries and beyond by enjoining an immediate end to the curfew imposed by the government to curb coronavirus infections. The case illustrates in dramatic fashion the tensions arising from the necessity to balance freedom and public health while tying into the more institutional question of the separation of powers between the judicial and executive branch. At the same time, the case casts light on the growing assertiveness of Dutch courts on matters of general policy-making.
Continue reading >>The Pomp of Popular Constitutional Outrage
In January 2021, the Norwegian government decided to circulate a proposal for formally adding a curfew clause to the Act Relating to the Control of Communicable Diseases from 1994. The public reacted with an extraordinary expression of popular engagement and outrage. On 17 February 2021, in the face of strong public, commercial and political opposition, the proposal was shelved by the government. This case may show something both about the level of trust between the authorities and the public in Norway, and the reactions when one of the parties is perceived to break the “social contract” that is embedded in this relationship.
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COVID-19: Malaysia’s Fragile Constitutional Democracy
The COVID-19 pandemic occasioned a de facto worldwide state of exception. In Malaysia, the beginning of the pandemic would coincide with political turmoil. In 2018, a democratic reformist government surprisingly rose to power after unexpectedly winning the general election. The victory ended six decades of ethnocratic and authoritarian rule under the United Malay National Organization (“UMNO”), a Malay nationalist party committed to a political doctrine of ethnic “Malay Dominance.” However, in March 2020, just as the WHO declared a global pandemic, a series of political machinations brought down the reformist government.
Continue reading >>The Digital Services Act and the Reproduction of Old Confusions
While intended to refit the 20-year-old E-Commerce Directive, the Digital Services Act reproduces a central confusion in its predecessor: The interplay between a lack of knowledge or awareness of illegality remains a precondition to enjoy liability exemptions, however, the Digital Services Act encourages platforms proactive investigation of hosted content, which might trigger aforementioned knowledge or awareness. The inclusion of a Section 230-like ‘good Samaritan clause’, meant to facilitate proactive, own-initiative investigations of user speech by platforms, complicates matters further.
Continue reading >>Constitutional Improvisation and Executive Omnipotence: the Cypriot Handling of the Pandemic
The outbreak of COVID-19 caught the Cypriot legal order unprepared as regards the effective response in containing the spread of the virus. Contrary to the approach of other European states that declared a state of emergency, Cyprus opted for the adoption of executive measures based on pre-existing, primary legislation. In the absence of any contemporary legislation and with the conscious decision not to table legislation, the executive employed the provisions of colonial legislation, namely the Quarantine Law (Cap. 260) which was enacted in 1932 by the British. The said law intended to regulate the imposition of quarantine and provided for the prevention in the then colony of dangerous infectious diseases. Following the independence of Cyprus in 1960, colonial legislation – including Cap. 260 – remained in effect, as per article 188 of the Cypriot Constitution, subject to compliance with constitutional provisions.
Continue reading >>01 March 2021
Preserving Prejudice in the Name of Profit
Few CJEU judgments in recent years have received more criticism than the ‘headscarf judgments’, Achbita and Bougnaoui. In particular the decision in Achbita that private employers can legitimately pursue a policy of neutrality and ban expressions of political, religious, or philosophical belief at work, proved contentious. Two other headscarf cases, IX v Wabe and MH Müller, are currently pending before the CJEU and provide it with an excellent opportunity to do so. However, the first signs are not promising: Last week, Advocate General Rantos delivered his Opinion in these cases, which may be even more unpalatable than the Achbita judgment itself.
Continue reading >>A Year of Zeros? Legal Responses to the COVID-19 Pandemic in Russia
As the end of the year 2020 approached, the Vice-President of the French Conseil d’État Bruno Lasserre commented on one line of the case-law that appeared in the pandemic year: urgent application judges had to decide on the legality of rules found in press-releases and interviews by first deciphering legal rules and their hierarchy from those texts. This reflected exactly my experience as a practitioner in 2020 Russia: advising a client having weighed whether a blog of the Speaker of the Moscow City Duma carried more authority than a televised interview of the Moscow Mayor.
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Switzerland and the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Look Back and a Look Into the Future
In our earlier blog contributions, we analysed whether the Swiss federal government (the Federal Council) acted within the bounds of the Swiss Constitution (hereinafter: Cst.) when enacting emergency ordinances in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic. We criticised the self-suspension of Parliament in March 2020, and we had a first glance at the interaction between the Confederation and the cantons. We are now, hopefully, halfway through the pandemic, which justifies a look back and a look into the future, especially into the ongoing vaccination efforts.
Continue reading >>26 February 2021
Wolves and Men
On Henry VIII, Shamima Begum and other novelistic material
Continue reading >>Flexing the Muscles of Information Power
Since July 2020, the global news media industry has been looking at Australia’s draft code, that would force Google and Facebook to negotiate with news publishers, pay for news, share data and advertising revenues. Facebook, in response, decided to ban Australian publishers and users from sharing or viewing Australian as well as international news content. Soon after, the social media changed its view, once the Australian government decided to step back and negotiate with Facebook. This interaction is not just an example of how Facebook can influence public policies, but also shows how powers are relocated among different actors in the information society.
Continue reading >>COVID-19 and the Crisis in Indian Democracy
In the recent global history of constitutional democracies, it is difficult to name a single crisis that has plagued them simultaneously, until the COVID-19 pandemic. The calamity brought in by the virus was universal. For governments, it presented an opportunity for crisis management without compromising rights guarantees. Some countries have marginally succeeded in this test while in others, concerns of democratic decline were amplified. Three features defined the Indian response to COVID-19: lack of transparency, executive monopoly and suppression of dissent.
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Spain: One Pandemic and Two Versions of the State of Alarm
The Spanish response to the waves of the COVID-19 pandemic that have affected the territory has so far largely relied on emergency powers. The measures were adopted on the basis of the pre-existing legal framework provided in article 116 of the Constitution and its legislative development, Ley Orgánica 4/1981 on state of alarm, exception and siege, adopted on 1 June 1981 (henceforth LO 4/1981). As explained below, two different approaches have characterised the response to the first and second wave. However, both have their legal basis on the same norms and are based on the same legal category, i.e., the state of alarm ('estado de alarma').
Continue reading >>25 February 2021
The EU Parliament’s Abdication on the Rule of Law (Regulation)
To paraphrase a previous blog entry by Scheppele, Pech and Kelemen, if the The Decline and Fall of the European Union is ever written, historians will conclude that not only the EU’s two key intergovernmental institutions – the European Council and the Council – should bear the greatest responsibility for the EU’s demise, but also the EU Parliament. Indeed, by failing to challenge the legality of the EUCO’s December conclusions encroaching upon its own prerogatives, the EU Parliament might have just become an enabler of the ongoing erosion of the rule of law across the Union. Paradoxically, it did so after relying on incomplete and partial opinion of its own legal service advising the Parliament to trade the respect of the rule of law away for political convenience.
Continue reading >>COVID-19 in Mexico: A Year in Review
Close to a year since its first confirmed case of COVID-19, several indicators place Mexico among the countries that have suffered the worst effects of the pandemic. This post offers a critical overview of the governmental responses to the outbreak. It begins by describing the actions taken by officials of the different branches and levels of government. This is followed by an assessment of the many omissions and deficiencies that have characterized the response of the Federal Executive. Lastly, it closes by offering an outlook for 2021.
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Constitutionalism and COVID-19 in Greece: The Normality of Emergency
In the first wave of the pandemic (March-June 2020) Greece has been widely praised for having taken all necessary actions to contain effectively the spread of the virus. Despite the reasonable concerns, a consensus among scholars about the constitutionality of harsh restrictions on rights was reached, along with a broad social acceptance, due to the priority of health public interest and the exceptional character of the measures. Set by an emergency mechanism, the framework of the “crisis-law” remains alive and binding, while the country is possibly entering, after the second and more lethal spike (November-January), the third wave of Covid-19.
Continue reading >>24 February 2021
A Witch Hunt In French Universities
At a time when French universities are struggling to deal with the epidemic, when students’ poverty should be a prime concern for the authorities, the French Minister of Higher Education, Research and Innovation, Frédérique Vidal, announced on a TV channel that she intends to set up an inquiry into “islamo-leftism” and postcolonialism in French universities. This reminds the attacks in the 1930s against the “judeo-masonic” lobby, attacks which ended up in the cleansing of universities when the Vichy Régime was established in 1940.
Continue reading >>COVID-19 as an Opportunity for Democratic Consolidation?
The Covid-19 pandemic has tested the legal, political, economic and public health systems of countries all over the world, and Singapore – particularly as it found itself having to hold a general election in the middle of the pandemic – is no exception. However, it does seem that the pandemic has created opportunities for consolidation of democracy in Singapore as a result of increased citizen-state interactions during this time.
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Twitter’s Modi Operandi
India is not only the world’s largest democracy, it also accounts for the largest number of internet shutdowns and take down requests to social media companies globally. The recent stand-off between Twitter and the Government of India (GoI) over suspending more than a thousand accounts supportive of farmers’ protests ended with Twitter falling in line with the GoI’s demands. This may set a dangerous precedent for digital platforms enabling other democratic governments to stifle online dissent.
Continue reading >>Draghi’s New Cabinet Sails but Italian Political Institutions Do not Risk Reforms
On 13 February 2021, the new Prime Minister Mario Draghi was sworn in with his ministers by President Mattarella. Draghi had received the task of forming the government on 3 February, ten days earlier. The second Conte government had resigned on 26 January. The new government won the confidence of the Senate on 17 February and that of the Chamber of Deputies on the 18th: the crisis was resolved within eighteen days (twenty-three if the two parliamentary votes are taken into account). It must be emphasized that in Italy the government does not take office after the parliamentary vote, but before, with the oath of office (Art. 93 It. Const.). This is fundamental to understand the role of the Head of State.
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23 February 2021
A Political Impasse, and How to Get Out of It
At the end of January, EU Commission Vice-President Věra Jourová addressed a letter to a Spanish MEP. In this letter, the Commissioner, using diplomatic language, expressed her concern that the reform of the General Council of the Judiciary (CGPJ), initiated by the ruling Spanish left-wing coalition PSOE-Unidas Podemos in September, could diminish the independence of this governing body of the Judiciary and thus of all judges and courts.
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Call Me by Mum’s Name
In a recent decision, the Italian Constitutional Court took up the question of the choice of surname for newborns. In the absence of legislative reforms, it has tried to adapt the Italian legal framework, which still adheres to traditional naming practices, to constitutional and international standards of equality. This step shows the Court’s intention to counter the Parliament’s inertia on the issue.
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Breeding More Social Turbulence? – Thailand’s Unprepared Response to the Second Wave of COVID-19
COVID-19 posed one of the biggest challenges to the government of Prayuth Chan-ocha, the former junta leader and current prime minister. He successfully controlled the first round of pandemic, which spiked in mid-March by enforcing disproportionately harsh measures for unnecessarily prolonged period. [...] This article discusses the government’s failure to utilize emergency power to manage COVID-19 and assesses adverse effects brought about by the prolonged state of emergency.
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Finland: Soft measures, respect for the rule of law, and plenty of good luck
In mid-April 2020 Verfassungsblog published my first take on Finland’s response to COVID-19, under the characterisation 'Best Practice and Problems'. Into February 2021, Finland has remained one of the few European champions in combating the epidemic, with 9,423 cases and 131 deaths (both per one million inhabitants and by 18 February 2021). Notably, Finland’s success has not followed from strict ‘draconian’ measures but from a combination of factors that include at least geographical location; cultural patterns that support physical distancing and even isolation; a well-functioning healthcare system; a good level of compliance; comparatively good levels of vitamin D; and sheer luck which would be related to the first factor, geographical location.
Continue reading >>22 February 2021
COVID-19 in Brazil: A Sick Constitutional Democracy
In the first half of January 2021, Brazil had already counted more than 200,000 deaths and 8 million people diagnosed with COVID-19. Throughout 2020, the responses from the federal government, which should have taken on a coordination role considering the federalised National Health Service (SUS, Sistema Único de Saúde), were confusing and inefficient. Doubts and scepticism spread by the federal executive undermined the work of governors and mayors and, mirroring the American example, contributed to increase the number of cases and casualties.
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The Australian Response to COVID-19: A Year in Review
Australia’s legal and political response to the outbreak of COVID-19 has been marked by the formation of a new intergovernmental forum, the National Cabinet, to lead a coordinated national response to the pandemic, and the declaration of successive states of emergency at the federal and state levels activating extraordinary executive powers, including limitations on movement and border closures. Australia’s response has, to date, resulted in the successful curtailment of community transmission of COVID-19 in Australian States and Territories. However, the response to the pandemic has also involved the removal of existing mechanisms of executive accountability, suspensions of Parliament and little parliamentary scrutiny or other oversight of executive action. These democratic deficits present fresh challenges for Australia going forward, particularly as the National Cabinet structure becomes permanent and the states of emergency endure for the foreseeable future.
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Power and the COVID-19 Pandemic – Introduction & List of Contributions
One year on how has the COVID-19 pandemic affected the law, and the way states govern? Should we be concerned about the ongoing use of emergency powers? How can we look forward to what lies ahead? Convened by Joelle Grogan, this Symposium is hosted by the Verfassungsblog and supported by Democracy Reporting International and the Horizon-2020 RECONNECT project.
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20 February 2021
Better Late than Never
On 2 February 2021, the Constitutional Court of the Czech Republic repealed several crucial provisions of the electoral law. This decision is surprising since all of the previous petitions to repeal the electoral law were rejected by the Court for either procedural reasons or for manifest unfoundedness. The decision also presents a fairly active and, perhaps, unfortunately timed intervention of the judicial branch into the current political reality in the Czech Republic nine months before the upcoming election.
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19 February 2021
No longer naive
Will the experience of the pandemic leave us more robust?
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A Turkish Fairy Tale About a ‘New, Civilian Constitution’
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is once again calling for a 'new, civilian constitution', although the previous round of far-reaching constitutional amendments have only been in force for 2.5 years. Due to declining approval rates, the AKP is turning to well-proven populist strategies, initiating debates on the constitution while referring positively to the inclusive constitution of 1921. Despite this rhetoric, the ruling AKP is not interested in a new constitution at all, but rather in specific modifications that will secure their own power.
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Brazilian Democracy Under Military Tutelage
The relationship between the military and the civilian government is one that has defined the whole constitutional history of Brazil and could pave the way for a collapse of democracy. A few days ago, former Army General Villas Bôas revealed in an interview how the armed forces exercised pressure in 2018 against the Federal Supreme Court in the case of former President Lula. The threats made by General Villas Bôas demonstrate the fragility of the Brazilian democracy. Conflicts between the military and courts have been growing, and Bolsonaro has intensified the situation by increasingly involving military personnel in politics and making access to guns easier for the general public.
Continue reading >>18 February 2021
On illegal push-backs into the EU
On 29 December 2020, the Constitutional Court of Serbia (CCS) adopted a decision (Už-1823/2017) upholding the constitutional appeal filed on behalf of 17 Afghani migrants, who were expelled into Bulgaria although they had expressed the intention to seek asylum in the Republic of Serbia (RS) in 2017. It found that the Ministry of the Interior (Police Directorate - Gradina Border Police Station (BPS)) violated the prohibition of expulsion and inhuman treatment – both guaranteed in the Serbian Constitution.
Continue reading >>Tailoring the Jurisdiction of the ECHR
On 16 February 2021, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) ruled in the case Hanan v. Germany concerning a 2009 NATO-Kunduz airstrike resulting in deaths of civilians in Afghanistan in favor of Germany. The primary allegation before the Court was that Germany violated its procedural obligation under Article 2 by failing to conduct a prompt, effective and impartial investigation into a lethal use of force. Although the Court unconvincingly decided that there was no violation of the procedural duty to investigate, the majority opinion held that there was a clear jurisdictional link obliging Germany to conduct the investigation of airstrikes in Afghanistan.
Continue reading >>16 February 2021
The Facebook Oversight Board and ‘Context’
The standout conclusion of the Facebook Oversight Board's two hate speech decisions is that the Board's assessment of content removal heavily relies on context. This is only reasonable, as any speech issue is context-dependent. But the FOB’s context-assessment is incomplete, just as its decisions further highlight Facebook’s content moderation flaws, which likewise fail to consider context.
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15 February 2021
Myanmar’s Military Coup d’État Is Unconstitutional
The multilateral response should focus on the constitutionality of the Tatmadaw’s actions. Myanmar’s state of emergency is a military coup d’état, and is flagrantly unconstitutional. The international community should support Myanmar’s democratically elected government by insisting that the constitution be followed, and civilian authority restored immediately.
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‘Police-Governed’ Universities
On 11 February, the Greek Parliament passed legislation that provides for the creation of a new police corps, permanently stationed on campuses. Ostensibly designed to maintain order at universities, the new law violates both academic freedom and the ‘self-governing’ legal status of the universities, as enshrined in the Greek Constitution. Particularly in light of allegations of increasing police violence and abuse of police power in the country, this new law and the nature and duties of the university police raise serious concerns.
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Data Protection in Armed Conflict
These days, our thoroughly digitalised societies run on data. It is therefore only natural that experts of international humanitarian law (IHL) have for a while now pondered over the question of how to treat data under the existing legal frameworks applicable to armed conflicts. However, the ongoing discussion concerning the status and possible protection of civilian data in armed conflict is in need of increased clarity and granularity.
Continue reading >>12 February 2021
Democracy as opposed to what?
On democracy, its opposite, and where to find what and what serves whom
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10 February 2021
Constitutional Review via Facebook’s Oversight Board
For all its disorienting novelty, the Facebook Oversight Board’s recent debut thrust us back to a familiar script, that of the emergence of constitutional review, much like the bpower reclaimed by the US Supreme Court in Marbury v Madison. The resemblance not only passed unnoticed; commentators emphatically deny it. I pick up on this strangely recurrent historical parallel and argue that at closer inspection, the OB’s first set of decisions are, indeed, the Marbury v Madison of platform governance.
Continue reading >>The Uncertainty after the Coup
Along with other Western states, Germany is facing uncertainties after the coup on 1 February by the Myanmar military, or Tatmadaw. While Myanmar is not the only development aid project but one of a slate of countries representing German interests in Southeast Asia, Myanmar’s place in German foreign policy is now disrupted by the coup. The prospects of a return to military rule suggest a need for a German rethink of its Myanmar strategies.
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09 February 2021
The Enemy Within
It is an oft-forgotten fact that Poland has a coalition government. And it is oft-forgotten for a good reason: the largest of the coalition partners, PiS, carries a plurality of votes in the Parliament as well as the strongest popular support. For most of the time this allows them to suppress or ignore any dissenting voices within the coalition. The coalition arrangement however causes constant tensions.
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08 February 2021
Assange’s Extradition: Status Pending
The most recent episode in the decade-long saga involving Julian Assange and his struggle against extradition to the United States occurred on 4 January 2021. According to the ruling delivered by District Judge Vanessa Baraitser at the Central Criminal Court of England and Wales, Assange cannot be extradited from the UK. This outcome was received with mixed feelings by both supporters and adversaries of the Wikileaks founder. The appeal that the US Government has formally lodged against the decision to block Julian Assange’s extradition indicates that the saga is not over yet, but it is clear that the finish line is near.
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Between Rule of Law and Reputation
On 27 January, Frontex announced the unprecedented decision to suspend its activities in Hungary. The choice to withdraw the Agency from Hungary is not a clear, serious, and meditated move in the Commission’s action for the rule of law. Nor is it a sign of a coherent and firm intention to put an end to the Agency’s engagement in human rights violations at EU borders, since it keeps operating in other frontline Member States with equally problematic issues. It rather represents an attempt to remedy the already compromised reputation of Frontex.
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05 February 2021
Strictly confidential
On secret services, confident confidants and other matters one shouldn't talk about too loudly
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Shedding Light on the Darkness of Content Moderation
With the Facebook Oversight Board, we face a new age of private adjudication of online content, which promises an alternative system to enforce human rights on a global scale, while marginalising and hybridising constitutional values and democratic safeguards. Digital constitutionalism offers a framework to look at this new form of private adjudication of online content and its challenges. A look at the FOB’s first cases is an opportunity peek behind the scenes of content moderation, as well as a laboratory to study the transnational challenges which the information society has raised to global (digital) constitutionalism.
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Loyalty, Opportunism and Fear
The pressure on universities and academic freedom in Hungary is increasing. With a reform program initiated in 2019, the government has started to restructure universities, from a state-funded to a privately-funded model. At the end of the current round of restructuring in 2021, there will be more private universities than public ones. While universities officially have to request their privatisation to start the process, it is clear that the aim of the reform is to forcefully reduce the independence of universities. In January, a number of universities were given an ultimatum until the end of the month to decide on their transformation.
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04 February 2021
Offener Zugang zum Öffentlichen Recht
In eigener Sache: Unser BMBF-Antrag war erfolgreich, unser Open-Access-Projekt startet am 1. März. Dafür haben wir zwei attraktive und spannende Stellen zu besetzen.
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Judiciaries Must Build Support in Societies
The continuous attack on the judiciary in Poland, starting with the subjugation of the Constitutional Court, have shown that legal safeguards provide only an illusionary protection in case both the national legislator and the Constitutional Court have been taken over by politicians who do not believe in the rule of law. Why is it relatively easy for governments to push judiciaries over? They have a fundamental weakness: their lack of connection with society. Judiciaries have a strong tendency to solely rely on legal protections, instead of also on public support.
Continue reading >>02 February 2021
Defining the Modern Family
In November 2020, the Constitutional Court of Latvia recognised that the Constitution of Latvia (Satversme) obliges the state to protect all families, including those established by same-sex couples. The judgement was met with considerable political backlash and at the beginning of January prompted the right‑wing party Nacionālā Apvienība to submit an initiative to amend the Satversme with a new, excluding definition of family. Perhaps more worrisome is how the amendment and the associated campaign openly attack the authority of the Constitutional Court.
Continue reading >>The French Habeas Corpus and Covid-19
In January 2021, the French Constitutional Council published an important decision on the protection of the right to liberty during the state of sanitary emergency. The Constitutional Council decided that extending the duration of pre-trial detention without a decision made by a judge was contrary to article 66 of the Constitution. The decision implies that while authorities can resort to exceptional powers during a pandemic, they must still respect basic human rights.
Continue reading >>No Court When Needed
For months, Indian farmers have been protesting against the so-called “farm bills”. With the government unwilling to give in to demands and with farmers determined to keep on protesting until the laws are repealed, India’s Supreme Court has ventured into the political fray. On 12th January it passed an order staying the laws as well as setting up a mediation committee. The Supreme Court’s response fits neatly into a destructive pattern, particularly in the past years under the Modi government, in which it has abnegated its core functions in favor of politically expedient (in-)actions.
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01 February 2021
In the EU, it’s the Rule of Law. In Poland, it’s Unconstitutional?
The Polish Minister of Justice Zbigniew Ziobro, in his capacity as Prosecutor General, wants to apply to the Polish Constitutional Tribunal to have the EU regulation connecting the rule of law with the suspension of EU funds declared inconsistent with the Polish constitution. Why is the member of a government that has recently consented to adopting the regulation, now going to fight it? And are there any grounds for doing so?
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Beobachtung der AfD
Es geht das Gerücht herum, dass das Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz als Ergebnis umfassender Prüfungen die Gesamtpartei AfD zum „Verdachtsfall“ erklären wird, die damit als verfassungsfeindliche Bestrebung beobachtet werden könnte. Das hiergegen angerufene Verwaltungsgericht Köln hat einen „Hängebeschluss“ zur Sicherung des – noch anhängigen – Eilantrags vorläufig abgelehnt. Die materiellen Rechtsfragen, die mit dem Rechtsstreit verbunden sind, verdienen einen näheren Blick.
Continue reading >>30 January 2021
A Bolsonarist Cat Among the Pigeons
While the election of Kassio Nunes Marques in September 2020 was initially met with relief by some as he had no known links to the government, the new justice of Brazil’s Supreme Federal Tribunal (STF) has since demonstrated his fidelity to the president that elected him. This could play a significant role in the future of Brazil given his likely being the deciding vote in an upcoming case on the existing conviction of former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.
Continue reading >>The EU’s and UK’s Self-Defeating Vaccine Nationalism
The European Union and the United Kingdom currently risk being victims of their own vaccine nationalism. The time-pressure for securing as many vaccine doses against COVID-19 as possible has led to hiccups and even tensions between both. At the heart of the matter is AstraZeneca’s delay in distributing a given number of doses in the European Union. Meanwhile, it continues to serve the United Kingdom in a timely fashion. The threat of imposing export restrictions is now on the table.
Continue reading >>29 January 2021
Now you see it, now you don’t
On Putin's palace, private contracts and other matters that one doesn't see every day
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Mediterranean Responsibilities
This week, the UN Human Rights committee issued a long-awaited decision concerning a distress case in the Mediterranean back in 2013. 400 migrants were on board of a vessel which sunk within the Maltese Search and Rescue zone but in vicinity of the Italian island of Lampedusa. At least 200 persons died. The decision of the Committee is somewhat of a milestone. This blog post depicts the most important legal aspects of the Committee’s decision, with special regard to the broader setting of maritime migration and States’ responsibilities.
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Facebook’s Oversight Board Takes on the Curious Case of Donald J. Trump
Facebook announced last week that it would refer the question of its decision to remove Donald Trump from its platforms to the Oversight Board. The case concerning the former President’s account marks a notable departure from the approach through the initial slate of Oversight Board cases announced in December and resolved this month. The decision the Board takes -- which will be binding, Facebook says -- could have major implications for the future of platform governance. But it may also force Facebook to reckon with its past.
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Does Twitter trump Trump?
Some of the biggest social media platforms recently decided to suspend the accounts of former US President Donald Trump. Even though such bans are not unprecedented, the fact that it concerned the then-still US President has triggered quite some controversy. But what about the European perspective - would the doctrine of positive obligations under Article 10 ECHR mean that Donald Trump’s right to freedom of expression was violated?
Continue reading >>28 January 2021
Human Rights in the Line of Fire
On 21 January 2021, the Grand Chamber of the European Court delivered its judgment in the case of Georgia v Russia (II). The Court did establish Russia’s responsibility for the consequences of one of the gravest military confrontations the continent has seen since Russia has joined the Strasbourg club. The Court is visibly not at ease with its role to adjudicate human rights violations in an armed conflict between two States. It left the five-day exchange of hostilities to the realm of humanitarian law, however, not exclusively. The white spots on the map of human rights protection in Europe the Court identifies have broad ramifications for the pending cases between Ukraine, The Netherlands and Russia as well as the cases between Armenia, Azerbaijan and Turkey.
Continue reading >>The Final Death Blow to the Turkish Constitutional Court
On 22 January 2021, Turkish President Erdoğan appointed Mr. İrfan Fidan to the Turkish Constitutional Court. Besides his alleged close ties to Erdoğan, Fidan was the prosecutor of many high-profile criminal cases that have been at the heart of the current backlash against democracy and human rights violations in Turkey - many of which the Constitutional Court overturned. Fidan would be the final blow to shift the balance to fully serve Erdoğan’s interests.
Continue reading >>Striking While the Iron is Hot
Boris Johnson will reportedly head to Scotland this week in order to demonstrate the benefits of the British union. His visit is likely triggered by the 11 point ‘roadmap’ unveiled on Sunday by the Scottish National Party (SNP) to hold another independence referendum. The United Kingdom is at a critical juncture: the country risks becoming a ‘failed state’ unless the Scottish issue can be resolved.
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27 January 2021
‘Laws of Fear’ in the EU
COVID-19 has demonstrated the fragility of EU free movement rules when faced with an unknown virus of such magnitude and strength, while raising the issues of power, solidarity and trust in the system. The fear of COVID-19 has also had a strong impact on the application of two principles in EU free movement law: the principle of proportionality and the precautionary principle. The pandemic has had a transformative effect on the application of these principles.
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26 January 2021
Witch Hunt against 14 Cracow Judges
Judges who have examined cases related to the reinstatement of Prosecutor Mariusz Krasoń have been and are being persecuted for their purely judicial actions. Krasoń called attention to the politicization of the prosecutor’s office in a May 2019 resolution adopted by the Assembly of Prosecutors of the Regional Prosecutor’s Office in Cracow. As a result he was demoted, harassed, and his workplace was moved around 300 km from his residence. Over the last two months, the Internal Affairs Department of the National Public Prosecutor’s Office has summoned as witnesses 14 judges from five different benches of Cracow’s district, regional and appellate courts. The judges now face potential criminal charges of failure to fulfil obligations as public officials, punishable by up to three years of imprisonment (Art. 231(1) of the Penal Code). Their purported crime? Failing to persecute Prosecutor Krasoń.
Continue reading >>25 January 2021
A Weapon the Government Can Control
In 2020 the degradation of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal’s position deepened. This stage of the crisis of the constitutional judiciary in Poland can be illustrated with two rulings from 2020
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Gesundheitlicher gleich wahlrechtlicher Notstand?
Am vergangenen Dienstag, den 19. Januar im Innen- und Kommunalausschuss des Thüringer Landtags eine Expertenanhörung zu einem Gesetzentwurf statt, der eine pandemiegerechte Durchführung der vorgezogenen Landtagswahl im September 2021 sicherstellen soll. Das zugrundeliegende Anliegen, die besonderen pandemiebedingten Regelungen in parlamentarischer Verantwortung zu treffen, ist zu begrüßen. Doch der Inhalt des Sondergesetzes ist problembehaftet.
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22 January 2021
Interpreters of the Constitution
Why the constitutional debate about the Covid measures is different from the "rule of lawlessness" discourse of 2016/18
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Mit künstlicher Intelligenz auf Verbrecherjagd
Zur Fahndung nach den Beteiligten am Sturm auf das US-amerikanische Kapitol werden nach Medienberichten wohl auch Gesichtserkennungstechnologien eingesetzt, die teilweise auf künstlicher Intelligenz beruhen. Nach deutschem Recht wäre das derzeit unzulässig. Die Einführung einer entsprechenden Rechtsgrundlage erfordert aufgrund ethischer, technischer und menschenrechtlicher Implikationen eine intensive Debatte auf gesetzgeberischer Ebene.
Continue reading >>21 January 2021
English Court Blocks Puberty Blockers in Anti-Trans Craze Judgment
In a far-reaching and immediately impactful judicial review decision, the English High Court conflates puberty blockers and medical transition and decides puberty blockers should not be available to trans youth under the age of 16. The court gives the reason that puberty blockers ‘lead down a pathway to medical transition’ which can have some irreversible effects. According to the court, young persons under the age of 16 cannot appreciate the significance of these potential, and potentially irreversible effects in the areas of sexual functioning and fertility. Better then, is the court’s logic, to let them experience the irreversible effects of puberty. The decision puts trans children’s lives at risk and only makes eventual transition much more invasive.
Continue reading >>False Dilemma
On 29 December 2020, Volodymyr Zelenskiy, President of Ukraine, suspended the Constitutional Court’s Chairman Oleksandr Tupytskyi from office by Decree 607/2020. This step is part of his ongoing conflict with the Constitutional Court caused by Decision 13r-2020 of the Constitutional Court in late October 2020. Although the rule of law is being undermined in this conflict this is not due to the false dilemma between the rule of law and the fight against corruption as purported by the president.
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20 January 2021
The Honor of the Spanish Flag
In a controversial decision dated 15 December 2020 and published one month later, the Spanish Constitutional Court has rejected the appeal of a member of an independentist trade union condemned for desecrating the Spanish flag during a labor protest. The ruling denies constitutional protection to such expressions even in the context of political activism. It challenges the case law of the ECHR and reduces the room for freely expressing political opinions in Spain. The ruling shows that the freedom of expression is increasingly at risk in Spain.
Continue reading >>19 January 2021
Being Naïve or Putting Business First?
The European Union would like to believe that it is acting robustly and cohesively to promote human rights and democracy globally. This (self-)perception as a force of good in terms of responsible business conduct and human rights protection might however be less accurate than many within the EU think. Some details about the recent EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) seem to spoil this rosy picture.
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Tackling Big Tech
Am 14. Januar hat der Bundestag weitreichende Änderungen des Gesetzes gegen Wettbewerbsbeschränkungen (GWB) beschlossen. Zentrale Aspekte der Novelle betreffen die Missbrauchsaufsicht des Bundeskartellamts über digitale Plattformen. Doch ob die Anpassungen tatsächlich geeignet sind, die Marktmacht der großen Plattformunternehmen und deren Verhalten im Wettbewerb wirksam zu adressieren, bleibt abzuwarten. Bis zum Inkrafttreten entsprechender Regeln auf EU-Ebene – voraussichtlich im Digital Markets Act – können mit dem deutschen Recht aber in jedem Fall wichtige Erfahrungen für die Anwendungspraxis gewonnen werden.
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18 January 2021
1825 Days Later: The End of the Rule of Law in Poland (Part II)
On 13 January 2016, exactly five years ago today, the Commission activated the so-called rule of law framework for the very first time with respect to Poland. Ever since, the Polish authorities’ sustained and systematic attacks on the rule of law directly threaten the very functioning of the EU legal order. Part II of this series examines the key rulings of 2020 and urges EU authorities to act.
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Re-impeachment
Public law accountability is the hallmark of any constitutional government worthy of the name precisely because it would be less arbitrary. But private law accountability is better than nothing. Given that we don’t know how the impeachment trial will turn out, and given that Trump’s fellow Republicans do not yet seem ready to cut themselves lose from him, private retribution may be all we have.
Continue reading >>15 January 2021
Press Here to Reset the System
Why removing Trump from an office he no longer holds is a good thing to do
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Die geringste Abweichung
Am 11. Januar 2021 hat der Staatsgerichtshof des Landes Hessen die Sitzverteilung im Hessischen Landtag bestätigt. Wäre die unter anderem von der AFD-Fraktion erhobene Klage gegen die Berechnung der Sitze erfolgreich gewesen, hätte die Koalition aus CDU und Bündnis 90/Die Grünen ihre Mehrheit von einem Mandat verloren. Was dem Landeswahlleiter nur zufällig gelungen war, hat das Gericht nun mit seinem Urteil klargestellt: Gesetzlich vorgegebenes Ziel beim Umgang mit Ausgleichsmandaten ist die geringste Abweichung von der idealen proportionalen Sitzverteilung.
Continue reading >>14 January 2021
A Childish Idea
After decades of partisan debates on the constitutional status of children, a working group of the governing coalition finally agreed on an amendment to the German Constitution (Basic Law) which would incorporate the rights of the child into Article 6 (2). Although this step would fulfil a central promise of the government, the proposed amendment in its current version would be incompatible with international and European law.
Continue reading >>13 January 2021
1825 Days Later: The End of the Rule of Law in Poland (Part I)
On 13 January 2016, exactly five years ago today, the Commission activated the so-called rule of law framework for the very first time with respect to Poland. Ever since, the Polish authorities’ sustained and systematic attacks on the rule of law directly threaten the very functioning of the EU legal order. In what has become an annual series of dire warnings, this is an overview of the 2020 developments regarding the deterioration of the rule of law in Poland.
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12 January 2021
The Good Samaritan that wasn’t: voluntary monitoring under the (draft) Digital Services Act
On 15 December 2020, the European Commission released the long awaited proposal for the Digital Services Act, amending the E-Commerce Directive. First impressions of the proposal mention that the DSA introduces Good Samaritan protection into the EU intermediary liability regime, which the European Commission has lobbied in favour of for quite some time. Upon further examination, however, it is clear that the new protection is yet something else.
Continue reading >>Conference Programme
Multiple legalities: a high-profile online conference on conflict and entanglement in the global legal order will be live-streamed on Verfassungsblog next week.
Continue reading >>Multiple Legalities: Conflict and Entanglement in the Global Legal Order
Whether a bureaucrat in an environmental ministry tries to keep track of the various reporting duties she needs to comply with, or an investor seeks to understand the law of international financial transactions; whether a human rights defender faces a multi-level system of domestic and international human rights institutions with which to engage, or a professional athlete competes in a setting where rules from various entities – states, professional associations, the competition conveners – apply, there are today few (if any) situations that are governed by only one single regulatory framework. Multiplicity, it is now widely agreed, is a condition of the law beyond and increasingly also within the state.
Continue reading >>Navigating Multiplicity in Law
How do different actors navigate law’s multiplicity? This panel will bring together perspectives from law, critical theory and legal anthropology to discuss how actors’ engagements with legal norms shifts our understanding of law as a unitary order.
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Colliding Systems or Legal Tapestry?
This panel will analyse different ways in which norms from different legalities are being related: how do different forms of ordering in the field of climate change (standards, guidelines and frameworks) interact with one another? How do norms of environmental protection impact other areas of international law? And how can we best conceptualize the ways in which such norm interactions take place and provide guidance to normative conflicts – are they examples of colliding systems or instead of an emerging legal tapestry?
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(Post)Colonial Legal Encounters
This panel investigates how international law, formal state law and Indigenous and/or religious law interact and relate to one another by contrasting the historical example of 18th century maritime provinces in Canada with contemporary legal disputes from Bangladesh and Nicaragua to. The papers use ethnographic and legal historical methods to better understand those relationships.
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Weaving the Law
How do norms get transformed and do new norms emerge from legal interactions? This panel looks at this question with three different case studies of actors weaving different legalities together: World Athletics’ engagement with the norm of gender equality; UNCLOS courts’ and tribunals’ consideration of broader norms of ocean governance; and the impact of corporate social responsibility norms on WTO law.
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Transnational Law’s Multiple Legalities
Almost seventy years after Philip Jessup coined the term “transnational law” as “all law which regulates actions or events that transcend national frontiers…both public and private international law”, the public-private law dichotomy is still deeply entrenched in legal thought. This panel brings together scholars who have regularly transcended this dichotomy in their work to discuss how legal multiplicity is impacting on our understanding of transnational law today.
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Cyberlegalities
How are online platforms that are used by billions of users around the world regulated? This panel looks at how platform economies such as Facebook or AirBnB are regulated and how they relate with and connect the different legalities they come into contact with. Does this challenge traditional understandings of law?
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Competing Visions, Intersecting Legalities
When faced with multiple legalities, how do we know what “the law” is, and how is this notion formed by different actors coming at this question from different vantage points? This panel investigates this question through different case studies, ranging from the post-colonial state of Papua New Guinea to Northern Colombia and China’s Belt and Road Initiative.
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Networks
Informal, “soft” law has often been investigated through the lens of network authority. This panel contrasts two such perspectives from transnational law – private transnational legal regimes in the field of corporate social responsibility and the transition from and connections between informal and formal law in the field of global financial governance – with a theoretical approach that emphasizes the importance of connectivity norms for the global legal order.
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Overlapping Spheres of Authority and Interface Conflicts in the Global Order
The Conference on Multiple Legalities is organized as part of the interdisciplinary research group “Overlapping Spheres of Authority and Interface Conflicts in the Global Order”. Three research groups present their main insights from this multi-year collaborative endeavor in conversation with Jeffrey L. Dunoff. Some research results can be found in a Global Constitutionalism Special Issue.
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Multiplicity and Law’s Foundations
How does multiplicity in law beyond (and within) the state affect our understanding of the nature of law? In this discussion, international law scholar Sarah Nouwen engages in a conversation with legal philosophers Brian Z. Tamanaha and Christoph Möllers to take stock of the debate and its implications for theories of law.
Continue reading >>Invisible Drivers Behind Formal Law
Formal legal rules do not appear out of thin air. Rather, their emergence is conditioned by frameworks that are invisible to the formalist perspective. This panel looks at how formal law is driven by an array of less visible factors: data, algorithms, and broader “background rules”.
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Verticality and Struggles over Human Rights
How do different legal orders interact vertically? Is this interaction marked by conflict and contestation, or by compromise and collaboration? This panel looks at three different such interactions: between domestic courts and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights; between regional human rights courts and United Nations Treaty Bodies; and between Swiss domestic law and the lex sportiva.
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Images of Multiplicity: Spaces, Entanglement, Hybridity
When attempting to analyse multiple legalities, various conceptualizations have been and continue to be offered to capture this phenomenon. These different conceptualizations rest on different images of multiplicity. How do we arrive at such diverging conceptualizations, and what are the reasons behind them? This panel presents and discusses three different images of multiplicity.
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Multiple Legalities in International Law
This panel assembles four eminent international law scholars to discuss how the multiplicity of law beyond the state observed over the past two days affects the study of international law today. What are the prospects for international law as a discipline?
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Closing Roundtable
In closing, we aim to take stock of the two-day conference and our attempt to bring into conversation scholars from different backgrounds to understand the implications of multiplicity for the theory and practice of law beyond the state.
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08 January 2021
The Mob
On the Trump coup, the constitution and the unity of the nation
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The Paradox of Israel’s Coronavirus Law
On January 12, 2021, the Israeli Supreme Court sitting as High Court of Justice (HCJ) will hear arguments in a series of cases challenging the constitutionality of Israel’s Coronavirus Law. This Law was enacted on July 23, 2020, to replace the Israeli government’s reliance on general emergency powers. It was supposed to curb the government’s powers on restricting rights and ensure parliamentary supervision of enacted measures. In fact, however, it handed the government new executive lawmaking powers rather than limiting them.
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Zoom in den Gerichtssaal?
Seit dem Ausbruch der Corona-Krise sehen sich diverse Gerichte zunehmend vor die Schwierigkeit gestellt, den normalen Betrieb unter Einhaltung der Maßnahmen zur sozialen Distanz aufrechtzuerhalten. Um dem oftmals verhängten Notbetrieb Abhilfe zu schaffen, wird immer eifriger an der Einführung digitaler Gerichtsprozesse gearbeitet. Ausgeblendet wird in diesen Diskussionen oftmals die Tatsache, dass mit der Digitalisierung von Rechtsprozessen wesentlich grundsätzlichere Fragen zum Wesen und zur Funktionsweise des Rechts aufgeworfen werden, die sich bei näherer Betrachtung als unlösbar mit Fragen von Präsenz verflochten erweisen.
Continue reading >>07 January 2021
New Year’s Predictions on Rule of Law Litigation
On December 16, the European Union legislature finally adopted Regulation 2020/2092 on the rule of law conditionality of EU funds. Although the Regulation is supposed to apply from 1 January 2021, Hungary and Poland have reportedly announced their intention to challenge it before the CJEU. Here are three predictions on how this litigation is going to go in the year ahead.
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Insurrection
President Trump is dangerous. He must be removed from office. Immediately. There are three ways to do this.
Continue reading >>06 January 2021
The Brazilian Constitution Hanging by a Thread
In a December judgement, the Brazilian Supreme Court finally prohibited the re-election of the president of the House of Representatives, which had been practice for decades despite being in direct violation of the Brazilian constitution. In 2020, there has been unequivocal interest in the position of president of the House of Representatives as it holds the constitutional power to initiate an impeachment process, threatening president Bolsonaro. Although the Court ultimately declared the re-election unconstitutional, five dissenting votes of this judgment demonstrate the power of abusive judicial review.
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05 January 2021
Dancing with the Dragon
On 30 December 2020, the EU Commission announced that the EU and China “in principle” concluded the negotiations on a Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI). So far, there has only been a limited assessment of the CAI from a human rights perspective which is problematic considering recent political developments in China. This leads to the question: How does the CAI measure against the standards of the constitutional law of the EU relating to its external relations? Moreover, it is doubtful that the agreement will meet the requirements prescribed by the European Parliament in this regard.
Continue reading >>Notparlament in die Verfassung
In Schleswig-Hostein wird die Corona-Pandemie als Anlass dafür genutzt, Regelungen über ein Notparlament in der Landesverfassung zu verankern. Ein interfraktioneller Gesetzentwurf wird von 68 der 73 Abgeordneten des Landtages unterstützt. Doch der Entwurf enthält Ungereimtheiten und es stellt sich außerdem die Frage, ob die Thematik der Handlungsunfähigkeit des Landtages nicht weitgehend durch andere Verfassungsänderungen gelöst werden kann. Gerade, um die klar zum Ausdruck kommende Angst vor einem tatsächlichen Tätigwerden des Notparlaments zu mindern.
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04 January 2021
Mitigating Brexit through Bilateral Free-Movement of Persons
Rather than bemoaning the Brexit choice the UK made, it is time to start thinking about living with it in a way that would cause as little disruption as possible for all those concerned. How to mitigate, at least to some degree, the sudden, unprecedented loss of rights that Brexit caused? EU citizenship not any more on the table, bilateral freedom of movement of persons agreements with the EU Member States, EEA countries and Switzerland could offer a way forward. This solution is fully in line with EU law and has already been tested.
Continue reading >>A first impression of regulatory powers in the Digital Services Act
The EU Commission Proposal for a Digital Services Act (DSA), released on 15 December 2020, is one of the cornerstones of the Commission’s ‘A Europe Fit for the Digital Age’ political agenda. The regulatory model proposed in the DSA is highly centralised, with the Commission putting itself forward as the sole regulator with teeth vis-à-vis Big Tech, or “very large platforms”. A choice which builds on the failings of the GDPR, but creates tensions with general requirements of independence and impartiality of regulators.
Continue reading >>Trump’s Endgame, Part II
The handoff of power from President Donald Trump to President-Elect Joe Biden is not going well. American law currently requires a long “transitional” period of nearly three months during which a defeated American president still holds the reins of power. The length interregnum creates an opportunity for two kinds of consequential mischief.
Continue reading >>03 January 2021
Trump’s Endgame, Part I
It should not have been surprising that vote totals were certified on time in Michigan or that an unfounded election lawsuit was dismissed in Wisconsin or that the state legislature of Pennsylvania refused to throw out the election results or that presidential electors voted in every state for the candidates they had pledged to support. This year, however, each of these normally unremarkable moments was reported as “breaking news.” And now we’ve learned that drama will continue to the very last stages of the certification process.
Continue reading >>31 December 2020
Speaking of Solidarity
Today the official deadline for members of the World Trade Organization (WTO) to submit a report to its General Council on a waiver proposal expires. This waiver would allow WTO members not to comply with certain obligations of the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) for a limited amount of time in order to be able to effectively prevent, contain and treat COVID-19. For now, members have failed to take this first step towards a temporary suspension of TRIPS obligations but they agreed to continue the discussions beyond today's deadline. Nonetheless, the proposal highlights that intellectual property rights can not only act as an obstacle to global and just access to vaccines and medical equipment but also that the exisiting legal framework is inadequate to tackle crises like the COVID-19 pandemic.
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30 December 2020
Conditionality Mechanism: What’s In It?
As from 1 January 2021 the Regulation on a general regime of conditionality for the protection of the Union budget will become applicable. A lot has been said about the outcome of the negotiation process of this new regulation for which all parties involved claimed victory, as it is usually the case once an agreement is reached. We would like to take this as an opportunity to evaluate the outcome from the personal perspective of two people engaged in the process of the negotiations at opposite sides – the European Parliament on the one side and the Council of the EU on the other side.
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Back to Start?
The UK won a major victory with the EU in the Draft EU-UK Christmas EveTrade Agreement: It got the EU to renunciate the so-called Ukraine mechanism which, in effect, would have made the Commission the UK’s watchdog. This has caused some “Brexit envy” in Switzerland as this mechanism is part of the Draft EU-Switzerland Institutional Agreement. With a “bullshit” campaign, former Foreign Minister Didier Burkhalter, however, has led Switzerland into a cul-de-sac, making it likely that the negotiations will have to go back to start.
Continue reading >>29 December 2020
Failing Efforts to Delegitimize the Incoming Biden Administration
When state actors ignore evidence – or in the case of allegations of widespread election fraud, the lack of evidence – toward obtaining some political advantage, the community’s evaluation of the condition of the rule of law comes out badly. Degradation of the rule of law today leaves it in a state of disrepair tomorrow and alleviating harm to the way in which people morally appraise their legal system is not an easy fix.
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28 December 2020
Dear Friends of Verfassungsblog
Before this year comes to an end, I want to send a personal message.
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On Vaccine Nationalism, the ‘Slowbalisation’ and Zoonotic Diseases – Part II
In part II of the interview, MURATCAN SABUNCU and ANNE PETERS discuss whether states can be held responsible for ineffective responses to the pandemic, the role of the WHO and the future of multilateralism.
Continue reading >>On Vaccine Nationalism, the ‘Slowbalisation’ and Zoonotic Diseases – Part I
Although it is impossible to predict all of the current pandemic’s potential consequences, Covid-19 has already acquired a multidimensional nature, affecting all levels of society, and will seemingly become a catalyst of change in many fields, including international relations and international law. In the light of the current developments, MURATCAN SABUNCU discusses with ANNE PETERS the coronavirus, its global effects and transformative potential.
Continue reading >>26 December 2020
Paradoxes and Dilemmas in Compliance and Enforcement
Scholars have relentlessly argued for tougher EU action against illiberal governments whose actions erode constitutional checks and balances. The panoply of EU tools is large and it comprises mechanisms for compliance via dialogue and engagement, the several infringement procedures and other ECJ cases with RoL implications, and procedures seeking enforcement. Yet, EU action remains inefficient since, to date, none of these mechanisms, jointly or individually, have been able to extract substantial compliance but rather what Agnes Batory called “symbolic and creative compliance” designed to create the appearance of norm‐conform behavior without giving up their original objectives. This poor performance reveals a crucial paradox on rule of law compliance: the EU is a community of law that lacks the last enforcement mechanism; i.e coercion.
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24 December 2020
The Whole Is More than the Sum of its Parts
The long-awaited Demirtaş v. Turkey (No 2) Grand Chamber judgment has finally been delivered, twenty two months after referral and sixteen months since the 18 September 2019 hearing. The judgment, arguably the most important from the Grand Chamber in 2020, is highly significant for both political and jurisprudential reasons. Politically, the case concerns the ongoing deprivation of liberty of Selahattin Demirtaş – the former leader of the left-wing, pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), the second-largest opposition party in Turkey.
Continue reading >>23 December 2020
Can (Republican) Values be Defined by Law?
On 9 December 2020, the French government presented an important legislative proposal that seeks to reaffirm « republican principles ». The project is worth being examined in some detail, as it encapsulates many of the recurring tensions in the French legal and political debate over pluralism and vivre ensemble. This is a cause for concern not only because of the ways in which it recasts a number of rights and freedoms, but also because of the strongly axiological program it conveys – one that may further reinforce ongoing tendencies to interpret a number of republican values in manners that alienate minorities religious and otherwise.
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Opposing an Idle Federal Government
Last week, the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court ruled that mandatory vaccination is constitutional and that states and municipalities may implement vaccination plans if the federal government does not do so. Deciding on five cases altogether, the court strengthened Brazilian federalism in the face of a federal government that remains largely inactive in addressing the COVID-19 pandemic.
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CJEU’s Independence in Question, Part IV
In her much awaited appeal before the European Court of Justice, AG Sharpston is asking the right questions, that the Vice-President of the Court of Justice clearly got her Orders very wrong, and attempted to silence to ousted AG Sharpston through an abuse of ex parte procedure brought by the Member States.
Continue reading >>22 December 2020
How to Quantify a Proportionate Financial Punishment in the New EU Rule of Law Mechanism?
The principle of a proportionate financial measure enshrined in the new EU rule of law mechanism should be informed by an improved EU Justice Scoreboard (EUJS) drawing on rule of law indices. Thereby, the sensitive matter of determining the amount could be supported also by quantitative data. This is important, because the Commission will face high political pressure when acting under the new rule of law mechanism.
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21 December 2020
Still Waters Run Deep
That lawsuits taken by a Hungarian human rights NGO can reach the CJEU swifter than those launched by the Commission is clear evidence that strategic litigation and determined advocacy can move mountains. At the same time, this is also a cause for great concern. It speaks volumes of the Commission’s reluctance to promptly and effectively go after a Member State that deliberately ignores and breaches EU law.
Continue reading >>Constituent Power: A response to critics
Let me start by expressing my gratitude to the editors of the Verfassung blog and to the contributors to this debate. When I was writing the book, the very idea of it being read sent me into a panic. It still does today, but I am lucky to have found generous and insightful readers in Peter Niesen, Carlos Pérez Crespo, Markus Patberg and Esther Neuhann. Their comments raise both general methodological points and specific historical questions about the chapters. I will try to answer them in turn: I will first engage with the methodological critiques and I will then move to interpretative questions about the story I tell in the book, its protagonists and their historical contexts. The main aim of the book is, as I see it, to explain how the idea of constituent power has been used to make sense of the democratic principle according to which power belongs to the people. [...]
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20 December 2020
Constituent Power: A History of What Exactly?
In her book Constituent Power: A History (2020), Lucia Rubinelli aims to provide a history of the “language” or, more precisely, the “words ‘constituent power’” (14). She narrates this impressive history along five historical key moments, from Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès to Hannah Arendt. In the following, I will, first, comment on the methodology Rubinelli adopts throughout the book and, second, focus on the fifth historical moment “Arendt and the French Revolution” (Chapter 5). In this chapter, Rubinelli reconstructs Arendt’s critique of “sovereignty as a theoretical category and as a principle of political organization” (177) and her suggestion to replace it with ‘constituent power’. It is an original contribution of the book to show that Arendt’s argument is in line with the sense in which Sieyès originally put forward ‘constituent power’ – although Arendt herself framed it as a critique of Sieyès which, according to Rubinelli, is rooted in her inaccurate reading of Sieyès through Carl Schmitt.
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Dealing with a Complex Family Tree
In these brief remarks, I reflect on Rubinelli’s interpretation and critique of what is going on in contemporary theoretical debates about constituent power. What I want to argue is that while her reconstruction of classical positions is highly illuminating and takes our understanding of constituent power’s complex history to a new level, we risk underestimating the ideas in play if we regard them, as Rubinelli suggests we should, as “contingent” (p. 29) and therefore equally valid.
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19 December 2020
Carl Schmitt, the Arbitrary Character of Constituent Power, and the Tradition of European Public Law
In this comment, I engage with Chapter 3 of Lucia Rubinelli's book, which is an essential contribution to the study of constituent power in the Weimar Republic and the reception of this idea in the work of the controversial jurist Carl Schmitt (1888-1985). My thoughts are organized into two sections. In the first, I summarize Rubinelli's reading of Schmitt’s understanding of constituent power in Weimar. My main criticism concerns Rubinelli’s reading of the arbitrary character of constituent power in Schmitt, which in my view insufficiently reflects Schmitt's distinction between dictatorship and despotism. In the second part, I turn to the historical transition of constituent power that Rubinelli detects between the 19th-century French lawyers and the Weimar Republic. I point out that there is a missing link in Rubinelli's history of Schmitt's constituent power: the dialogue between the languages of German state theory (Staatslehre) and French public law (Droit Public) in the early 20th century.
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Extinguishing the Burning Embers: Rubinelli on Sieyès
The research question of 'Constituent Power. A History' is framed in the book‘s introduction as a critical mission in intellectual history, as Rubinelli identifies a major confusion in recent works on the historiography of political thought. A small industry has sprung up in recent years to backdate the advent of constituent power to the middle ages and even to antiquity. Authors claim to have discovered an employment of the concept in texts dating back to before the term became historically available in Emmanuel Sieyès. Rubinelli is surely right to castigate the anachromisms involved, and referring to Aristotle, Marsilius or Machiavelli, Bodin, Spinoza or Hobbes as early adapters to a timeless concept of constituent power seems misguided, but perhaps for other than her stated methodological reason, that we need to attend to the usage of the term because there is no determinate and stable concept of constituent power.
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Facebook’s Oversight Board Just Announced Its First Cases, But It Already Needs An Overhaul
On the 1st of December, the first cases the newly constituted Facebook Oversight Board will consider were published. They underscore that the Oversight Board was never going to be a panacea for the complex problem of content moderation on a platform that hosts billions of users, but it is clear already that the Board’s governance model requires an overhaul if it is to achieve meaningful success.
Continue reading >>18 December 2020
Institutionalizing Parallel Governance
On 15 December, the European Commission published its proposal for the Digital Services Act (DSA-P). One, if not the, major challenge for the regulation of social platforms is which and how content is disseminated as well as moderated on such platforms. At least when it comes to so-called very large online platforms like Facebook, YouTube or Twitter, the DSA-P’s path seems quite clear: Put platforms and the Commission in charge. In the construction of a new social order for online platforms State courts, prosecutors, law enforcement and state law as such are apparently no longer needed.
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Constituent Power: A Symposium – Introduction
Lucia Rubinelli’s book Constituent Power. A History (Cambridge 2020) is a major contribution to democratic thought, in both method and substance. This Verfassungsblog symposium in the context of the Hamburg DFG-funded project „Reclaiming Constituent Power“ (319145390) arises from a shared interest in the subject matter of the book, the democratic reading of the fundamental lawmaking power of the people, as well as from a shared interest in the authors identified as relevant. The comments are devoted to the successive chapters of the book, on Emmanuel Sieyès (Peter Niesen on chap. 1), on French droit publique and Carl Schmitt (Carlos Perez on chap. 2-3), on the post-WW II lawyers such as Mortati and Böckenförde (Markus Patberg on chap. 4), and on Hannah Arendt (Esther Lea Neuhann on chap. 5).
Continue reading >>17 December 2020
The Inviolability of National Centrals Banks as a Matter of EU Law
National authorities have to be extremely cautious in their dealings with National Central Banks in national investigations. Given the role of those in EU law, and their place within the EU legal order, today's judgment of the European Court of Justice should be seen as a stern warning to investigative authorities of the Member States. They must engage with the applicable EU institutions, prior to seizing documents of National Central Banks.
Continue reading >>14 December 2020
Towards an EU Cast in the Hungarian and Polish Mould
It is a serious achievement on Hungary’s and Poland’s part to drive EU institutions so far into mocking the rule of law in the spirit of defending it. Then again, this is exactly what illiberal constitutional engineering is about: using familiar constitutional and legal techniques for ends that subvert constitutionalism and the rule of law.
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Filling the Polish ECtHR judgeship – risking (another) empty seat?
The Polish judgeship at the ECtHR must be filled, as the term of Judge Krzysztof Wojtyczek is due to expire on 31 October 2021. The Polish Government has submitted a list of three candidates. Due to the lack of fairmess, inclusiveness and transparency of the procedure, it is likely that the seat of the Polish judge will remain vacant.
Continue reading >>13 December 2020
Compromising the Rule of Law while Compromising on the Rule of Law
Some EU leaders may assert that EU money will now be brought under the rule of law given that the Conditionality Regulation is now guaranteed to pass. But they are wrong.
Continue reading >>11 December 2020
If that’s the happy ending, could I have another look at the unhappy ending, please?
Hungary and Poland seem to have won already.
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To Save the Rule of Law you Must Apparently Break It
The interpretative declaration of 10 December 2020 is set to go down in history as a dark page for the rule of law in the Union legal order. Regardless of whether this document will be challenged before Court in the coming sixty days, it represents an unprecedented attempt by the Member States to disregard the rule of law as their dominant organisation principle. The Union being a “Community based on the rule of law”, its members paradoxically seem to have damaged the Union in their effort to save it.
Continue reading >>Rule-of-Law Conditionality and Resource Mobilization – the Foundations of a Genuinely ‘Constitutional’ EU?
The compromise negotiated by the German Presidency and agreed at the European Council’s meeting of 10-11 December has been roundly criticized for subordinating the hopes for a robust rule-of-law conditionality to the imperatives of "Next Generation Europe". From our perspective, the result may put the EU on the path toward a genuinely ‘constitutional’ transformation, one truly worthy of the name, rather than persisting as a system that is unable to mobilize resources in amounts commensurate with the challenges facing it.
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No, the Spanish Constitutional Court has not endorsed migrant push-backs in Ceuta and Melilla
The Spanish Constitutional Court has just published a long-awaited judgement on migrant push-backs or “devoluciones en caliente” at the Spanish enclaves bordering on Morocco. These push-backs are controversial, to say the least. While media rushed to cover the press release summary, and reports that the SCC seemed to have endorsed the practice were not wholly accurate, the actual judgement is flawed by internal contradictions. There is an irreconcilable gap between the theoretical respect for fundamental rights, and their effective protection.
Continue reading >>09 December 2020
A Novel “Reinforced Cooperation” in the EU
After years of passiveness about the eroding rule of law in several of its Member States (MS), the Union paved the way for a conditionality mechanism, binding the disbursement of EU funds to rule of law criteria. The Polish and Hungarian vetoes against the mechanism could be circumvented if “reinforced cooperation” was to mean “enhanced cooperation”. It could be a solution for Member States to get most of the advantages of NextGenEU without sacrificing a rule of law conditionality or their reinforced sense of solidarity.
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LawRules #12: We need to talk about Financial Sanctions
As our podcast comes to an end, the year and the German presidency of the European Council do too. One of the foremost projects of the German presidency has been to link EU funding and compliance with rule of law standards. The mechanism is going to be a part of the next long-term budget of the Union, starting from 2021 – that is, if Hungary and Poland vote in favor of it, which is increasingly unclear at the moment, or if a way is found to circumvent their veto. The connection of rule of law violations and EU money, the advantages and shortcomings of financial sanctions for member states as well as how things stand on the current proposal – that’s what we discuss in this week’s final episode of We Need to Talk About the Rule of Law that we wrap up with an outlook on the current state of the Union, rule of law wise.
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08 December 2020
Disqualifying Instability
The so-called conditionality mechanism (in other words: "money for the rule of law") provides that breaches of the principle of the rule of law that threaten the EU’s financial interests may lead to suspension of funding. Poland and Hungary oppose this conditionality as they – with good reason – fear that they might be affected by it. What is required not to be subject to this mechanism, however, is quite straightforward and can be reasonably expected by an EU Member State.
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07 December 2020
Borissov’s Latest Plan to Avoid True Reforms
Borissov’s government is attempting to use the 2020 country report by the European Commission to deliver yet another blow to Bulgaria’s rule of law by putting forward an action plan which allegedly addresses the Commission’s concerns. Moreover, a shocking proposal that became public on 3 December 2020 revealed plans for a reform that would essentially allow the General Prosecutor to choose who will investigate him.
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05 December 2020
Dead Lawyers, Complicit States
The decision by Northern Ireland Secretary Brandon Lewis to refuse an inquiry into the 1989 murder of Belfast solicitor Pat Finucane was just the latest episode in a long and sorry saga. The result is that a 2003 judgment from the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) finding that the UK had breached Article 2 ECHR (right to life) by failing to hold an appropriate inquiry into Finucane’s murder has still not been acted upon and any possibility of justice or accountability fades just that little bit more.
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A Damaged Court Causing a Constitutional Crisis
In late October 2020, Ukraine’s Constitutional Court found major elements of Ukraine’s legal framework on combatting corruption unconstitutional. The decision was met with so much backlash that the rule of law in Ukraine is now at stake. Additionally, it has caused a deep rift within the Constitutional Court itself, which is currently unable to take decisions as a number of justices refuse to participate in proceedings. The decision has thus not only undermined the ongoing efforts to fight corruption but has thrown Ukraine into a veritable constitutional crisis.
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04 December 2020
Sue and Let Sue
On member states taking member states to court, and other topical rule of law affairs
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Legally Feasible, Constitutionally Dubious
The EU is once again in crisis. The political goal of laying down the legal foundations for the Next Generation Europe recovery and reconstruction fund by the end of the year has moved into the far distance after Hungary and Poland announced that they would not agree to a change in the EU's own resources decision at a meeting of the Council of the European Union next week. What to do? Differentiated integration is not possible if and to the extent that NGEU is meant to be financed through EU debt. Is there a possibility of anchoring NGEU entirely in secondary legislation?
Continue reading >>LawRules #11: We need to talk about the European Court of Justice
The European Court of Justice has been in the middle of the European rule of law crisis for the last couple of years – and it has called out rule of law violations especially in Hungary and Poland multiple times. But the Court can’t defend the rule of law in the European Union on its own, and it needs institutional partners in this struggle. For example, it needs someone to file cases and to follow up on the Court's orders. Does the European Commission do enough on their part? Who is the guardian of the Treaties – the Commission, the Court, none of the two? The European Council is able to decide on sanctions against member states using the procedure of Article 7 TEU. But that tool has not been effective so far. Does that mean that we witness the juridification of a political conflict that puts too much of a burden on the Court?
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03 December 2020
On Collision Course with the Material Core of the Slovak Constitution
Last week on Tuesday, the Constitutional Committee of the Slovak Parliament discussed the most extraordinary subject in a meeting attended by a most extraordinary guest. The Committee was reviewing a draft constitutional amendment on judicial reform that would, among other things, take away the power of the Constitutional Court to review constitutional amendments. At the meeting, the Minister of Justice and MPs discussed potential benefits and drawbacks of stripping the Court of the jurisdiction to review constitutional amendments, with the President of the Court seated next to them. The proposal represents the last escalation in the conflict about who has the final word on the contents of the Constitution.
Continue reading >>No Benefit of Hindsight
Austria is currently in the midst of a second hard lockdown. This move came after a somewhat carefree summertime that ended rather chaotic. Since then, the government has reacted late, the public was informed at short notice, coordination of the administration was poor and the enacted legislation and enforcement of measures are constitutionally problematic.
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02 December 2020
A New Nail in the Coffin for the 2017 Polish Judicial Reform
On 1 December the Grand Chamber of the ECtHR gave an important ruling that may have wide-reaching implications for the ongoing attempts to curb the rule of law backsliding in Poland and other countries. The case addresses the appointment of judges, and the way this affects the status of a court as a “tribunal established by law” in the meaning of Article 6 of the ECHR.
Continue reading >>A Momentous Day for the Rule of Law
Five Member States led by example by following the Commission’s lead in defending Union law. That is how the EU system was designed to function. Add a simultaneous important ruling of the Strasbourg Court and an unprecedented Dutch parliamentary motion, and this was an important day for rule of law protection in the EU.
Continue reading >>An Uphill Battle for a Constitutional Amendment in Thailand
Thousands of young activists are taking to the streets to protest the 2017 constitution of Thailand. However, the current government of Prayuth Chan-ocha, the former junta leader and present prime minister, afraid of losing control, has invoked all constitutional mechanisms to resist any change. The deadlock can easily escalate from a call for a charter amendment to toppling the entire regime.
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No “Censor for the World”
Will the internet become a “worldwide censorship machine”? Has the “risk that a single EU court within a single EU member state would become the censor for the world” been realized? Not quite. Much of the critique of the recent Austrian Supreme Court ruling Glawischnig-Piesczek/Facebook Ireland Limited is based on a wrong reading of the law and policy behind the judgment.
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30 November 2020
Nothing will Change
On 15 November 2020, the reformist, pro-European candidate Maia Sandu has won the presidential election in the Republic of Moldova. Sandu has raised great expectations among the population that she will eradicate corruption and mitigate the devastating effects of COVID-19. As the confetti has been swept away and the euphoria about her victory is passing, it is doubtful, whether President Sandu can deliver on her campaign promises, given the President’s limited powers and the composition of parliament.
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Learning from the Coronavirus Pandemic for Environmental Policy
The Covid-19 pandemic has thrown the world into a deep social, cultural and economic crisis. Crisis literally means turning point. The question then is: in what direction are we turning? One could be towards the ever worse ending in deep despair. Such trajectory is indeed highly probable, especially if we take the perspective of those who have long suffered from civil and proxy wars, failing governments, droughts and cyclones, or the financial meltdown. However, rather than getting stuck in desperation a different perspective is also possible, and I will concentrate on that. It is to see the current crisis as a potential turning point to the better, as a window of opportunity for sounder politics and policy.
Continue reading >>Time Is of the Essence
The announced veto of the Hungarian and Polish governments on the EU multi-annual budget and the European recovery fund has caused a major stir in recent days in Europe. The conditionality mechanism is designed to safeguard the Union’s financial interests and complements the existing political and judicial mechanisms. It is expedient to review the state of play of the procedures in place and, if necessary, to pose questions, whether they stand up to the challenges posed by developments in the respective countries, if they are carried out in a timely manner and focus on genuine effectiveness.
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The Sorrows of Scraping for Science
Access to data is an overall challenge for researchers when investigating social media platforms' content moderation policies and practices. Researchers need empirical evidence to ground their arguments and public interest research. Platforms have not only not providing data, but are, in fact, further restricting access. Both platforms and governments should make an effort to improve on the availability of data for research, and, to this end, clarify the law in this space.
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28 November 2020
The Rise of a Dissuasive Democracy in France
On November 24, 2020 the French National Assembly adopted the Global Security Act by a wide margin. The bill entrenches the cooperation between public and private security forces, broadly regulates the use of surveillance drones, and strengthens the legal protection offered to security officers identified on videos that circulate on social media. The GSA is a perfect illustration of what I call a dissuasive democracy, meaning a regime where civil liberties are facially guaranteed by the constitution, but where laws and regulations are designed to dissuade individuals from exercising their civil liberties.
Continue reading >>27 November 2020
From Warsaw with Love
Why the Polish government is wooing German jurists
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Beyond the Veto of the EU Recovery Fund
Poland and Hungary are threatening to block the EU’s €750 billion budget for the next five years. On the verge of taking the biggest step towards closer economic integration to date, the EU should not compromise on the rule of law. To call Poland and Hungary’s bluff, it needs to hold its ground and present a credible plan B. There are three options for an outside recovery instrument worth considering.
Continue reading >>Ethiopia’s Tigray Crisis: A Troubled Federation
Three weeks ago, the federal government of Ethiopia launched a military offensive against the government of the state of Tigray. Tensions had escalated after national elections were postponed due to Covid-19 and the Ethiopian constitution did not provide a clear answer on the fate of an uncumbent whose term ends before an election.
Continue reading >>26 November 2020
Dissimilar Similarities
In the EU, most attention is paid to the judicial reforms underway in Hungary and Poland, which threaten judicial independence and the rule of law. The concurrent judicial reforms in Norway and Slovakia have received almost no attention. Although quite dissimilar to the former set, the latter underscore that institutional reforms cannot be viewed apart from their social and political settings.
Continue reading >>25 November 2020
Another Urgenda in the making
Last week in Commune de Grande Synthe I, the Conseil d’Etat delivered a powerful ruling on France’s obligation to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. It sets a precedent for climate litigation in France and could inspire other courts across Europe, including the European Court of Justice (ECJ), to pursue the way opened by Urgenda and accept more climate-related challenges.
Continue reading >>LawRules #10: We need to talk about the European Convention on Human Rights
Europe is larger than the EU – and a European framework aiming at preserving basic rights and freedoms as well as rule of law safeguards has been in place for 70 years precisely this November: the European Convention on Human Rights. Today, we take a deeper look at the Convention and at the institutions that work to enforce it: The European Court of Human Rights and the Venice Commission of the Council of Europe. Are they capable of adding another layer of human rights and rule of law protection to the European legal framework? What kind of support do those institutions need in order to be able to fulfill their task? And how is their status today, 70 years after the European Convention on Human Rights has been signed?
Continue reading >>21 November 2020
Time for Reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina
On November 21, 2020, the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, also known as the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA), turns 25. Just a few days before, on November 15, Bosnian citizens were called to renew the municipal councils across the country. The poor management of the pandemic exacerbated the already high level of corruption and the recurring stalemate in political institutions, and Bosnian voters in major cities used the local elections to express all their discontent with the political conduct of the ruling parties. It is clear today that the system put in place by the DPA 25 years ago is not a sustainable solution.
Continue reading >>The Commission’s Al Capone Tricks
In its judgement dealing with the Central European University, the CJEU had to employ a trick to address the rule of law issue at stake: It found that Hungary had violated the General Agreement on Trade in Services. The legal trick was succesful but in reality, the ruling came too late. The Central European University has moved to Vienna and will not return to Hungary.
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So It Goes – Part II
This week, the Hungarian and Polish governments vetoed the critical elements of the European Multi-Annual Financial Framework and Recovery Fund that required the unanimous consent of European Union Member States. Prime Minister Orbán had been threatening this veto ever since the European Commission proposed to link the distribution of these funds to comply with the rule of law. The Brussels veto this week coincided with a domestic legal blitz in Budapest as a major constitutional amendment, and a flurry of new laws and decrees appeared all at once. The two legal events are related.
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19 November 2020
So It Goes – Part I
The Hungarian government is now so routinely using unconstitutional emergency powers to circumvent constitutional constraints that one must conclude that the government’s main aim is to govern outside the very constitution that it wrote for itself a mere decade ago. At this point, it seems irrelevant whether this limitless power is achieved with or without the declaration of a constitutionally authorized state of emergency. Government unconstrained by the constitution in Hungary has become the norm and not the exception.
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18 November 2020
A New Chapter in the Hungarian Government’s Crusade Against LGBTQI People
On 10 November 2020 - the same day the Hungarian National Assembly authorized the Government to rule by decree for 90 days in the state of danger - the Minister of Justice submitted a whole package of legislative reforms. Among them, the Ninth Amendment to the Fundamental Law of Hungary. Two proposed amendments would directly detrimentally affect the rights of the LGBTQI community, which, we argue, would make it extremely difficult to deconstruct the institutionalized trans- and homophobia which the government has been further entrenching for years.
Continue reading >>“Is the Turkish Central Bank Independent?” as an Uninteresting Question
Yes, the Turkish Central Bank’s independence has been eroded in recent years. Yes, from 2016 until now, the Bank has had four different presidents (or governors, as they are called), which is unusual by all accounts. No, the Bank is therefore probably not independent — or as independent — as its Western counterparts. I do not find these somewhat trite but true statements about the Bank’s independence (or the lack thereof) terribly interesting. Not that they are unimportant, but because I think the erosion of the Bank’s independence is illustrative of deeper and far more curious attributes of competitive authoritarian regimes and how they sustain themselves (or fail at doing that).
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LawRules #9: We need to talk about Refugees and Migration Law
We need to talk about refugees and migration law. In discussions about these topics, refugees and migration policy are often being treated as the other of politics and policy. But the way states treat those seeking refuge and asylum on their territory is fundamentally a rule of law issue, and actually says a lot about the current state of the rule of law there: Are refugees able to enter a jurisdiction and apply for their right to asylum? Are due process obligations being observed? Do refugees have access to justice? Does the European migration law system work?
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16 November 2020
Walking from Luxembourg to Brussels in two hours
A little over a year ago, close to 200,000 people took to the streets to protest the European copyright reform. At the core of the controversy about the Copyright Directive lies Article 17, which makes certain online platforms directly liable for copyright infringements of their users. Protests have died down after the adoption of the directive, as Member States are engaged in the difficult task of transposing Article 17 into national law. It would be a mistake, however, to take this relative calm for an indication that the conflict has been resolved. While the implementation deadline for the Member States is coming closer, the conflicts have been taken to court.
Continue reading >>Greening Banks in the Face of Uncertainty
To this day, banks continue to plough money into carbon-intensive sectors of the economy while making inadequate provisions for potential losses. The European Central Bank’s 2020 draft Guide on climate-related and environmental risks is a major step in supervisory efforts to address this problem, which so far has escaped critical scrutiny. It sets out how the ECB will use its supervisory powers to get banks to properly monitor, disclose and price risk. As we argue, its current approach is unlikely to work because it asks banks to quantify risks that often resist simple quantification. Instead, the ECB should provide banks with more targeted guidance. That will make banking supervision more political than it is today.
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13 November 2020
Exit of the Bullshitter of the Century
On Trump, on "On Bullshit", and on Bullshit
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The BBC and Henry VIII’s Heirs
Once again, the BBC is under pressure. Once again, the British Government is briefing hostile newspapers about how both it, and its sister public service broadcaster, Channel 4, are in the firing line. Once again, dark clouds gather over its future, which has been called into question. The licence fee, the hypothecated tax that provides the corporation with its revenue, has been under threat in the past, but this time, it’s proved the lightning rod for more dissent, with a citizen’s campaign to defund the BBC. How did we get here? Where should we go? Where will we go?
Continue reading >>12 November 2020
An Irish Tale of Judicial Misconduct
On the evening of Monday, November 9th, Mr. Frank Clarke, Chief Justice of the Irish Supreme Court, published three letters, recounting correspondence between himself and Mr. Seamus Woulfe, another Supreme Court judge – of recent appointment – and former Attorney General of Ireland. That the Chief Justice should have seen fit to publish any correspondence between himself and another judge is singular. The content of the letters, however, is altogether peculiar.
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Power Grab in Times of Emergency
In the late hours on 10 November, the National Assembly adopted an Enabling Act authorizing the Orbán cabinet to govern by decree for 90 days, even though the executive already had very broad legislative power due to the introduction of the medical state of emergency. The ink was barely dry on the approval of the delegation of extraordinary legislative power to the government, when the Minister of Justice introduced several bills on important legislative reforms, such as the Ninth Amendment to the Fundamental Law and changes to the electoral system.
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A Tragic Constitutional Court Judgment on Abortion
Ewa Łętowska examines the Polish Constitutional Court's judgement on abortion and finds that it shows how far the country has moved towards religious and moral fundamentalism. The ruling creates a wobbly, unclear and hypocritical legal state.
Continue reading >>11 November 2020
How to Self-Castrate
Donald Trump’s defeat at the US presidential election has wrong-footed some of his staunchest loyalists in Central and Eastern Europe. In Estonia, the former master pupil in the CEE ‘class of democracy’, the Trumpist part of the government has suffered a kind of public nervous breakdown with a set of unrestrained remarks aired on a radio talk show on 8 November about the allegedly ‘rigged elections’ in the US and the ‘corrupt character’ of the US President-Elect Joe Biden. This crassly undiplomatic spell of verbal incontinence by the prominent representatives of the Conservative People’s Party of Estonia (EKRE), including two members of the government, culminated in the resignation of the Minister of the Interior Mart Helme.
Continue reading >>LawRules #8: We Need to Talk About the Penal System
We need to talk about the Penal System. In European Criminal Law, there is consensus that criminal law should be ultima ratio, that is, the last resort when the law is applied and executed. However, criminal law and the penal system at large have also proven to be an efficient way to silence political opponents and citizens turning against the government by literally barring them from raising their voice in public. We have seen examples for this in Europe, and we’ll have to talk about that today. But there are more aspects to this topic: How are prison systems being used as a tool by autocratic-leaning governments? And how is the relationship between the penal system and the rule of law in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice that the European Union aspires to be?
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10 November 2020
A game hacked by the dealer
There are many ways a government can undermine judicial independence, even without explicit legislative action. One of the most effective ways is to makes sure that the ‘right judges’ will get the important cases. At the Hungarian Kúria, the case allocation system clearly violate international standards.
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Protest and Pandemic
As of 4 November, twenty countries across Europe have now re-introduced either lockdowns or restrictive pandemic measures. The reality that while the pandemic is temporary, it will nevertheless be lengthy, has begun to set in. In response to new restrictions, widespread protests has been reported across Europe, sometimes resulting in violent clashes with police forces. Where it is both highly likely that current restrictions will not be be the last – particularly following mass-migration during the Christmas period – and protests are likely to increase, what then?
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09 November 2020
Divine Decision-Making
The most recent abortion decision of 22 October 2020 of Poland’s Constitutional Court (“the Court”) did not come as a surprise. It is not, as some commentators would like to see, an aberration, a departure from previous liberal and human rights-based standards by a group of judges linked to the Law and Justice party. Rather, it is a consequence of the right-wing constitutionalism that has dominated the Court for years. This discourse that introduced religious dogma as the basis for legal reasoning is undemocratic and exclusionary. It presents religious worldviews as textual consequences of the constitution without taking into account the voice of citizens. The persistence of this type of constitutionalism can be demonstrated on example of a number of cases important for the public sphere in Poland.
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What Happens Next?
Despite the length of time it took to determine the result, this is not a close election. Everyone who has felt that the last four years brought American democracy perilously close to collapse should now feel relieved. Biden’s margin of victory in the decisive states is too large to be overturned by typical recounts or by the usual toolbox of legal challenges. As I will explain in this post, however, we’re not completely out of danger yet.
Continue reading >>08 November 2020
Control through Intervention
In October 2020, the director of the Musée d’Histoire de Nantes announced the postponement of an upcoming exhibition on Mongol history and culture. The exhibition was supposed to be the result of a collaboration between the Nantes museum and the Inner Mongolia Museum in Hohhot, China. The decision of postponement came amidst an accusation of interference from the Chinese Bureau of Cultural Heritage. According to the director, The Chinese Bureau requested unprecedented control over the exhibition’s organization, including eliminating references to the Mongol Empire and Genghis Khan. The director of the Nantes Museum stated that the breakdown in the collaboration was caused by the Chinese Bureau’s attempt to ‘rewrite history and erase Mongol culture’; an effort the museum could not abide by.
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Of Asymmetries, Aspirations and…Values, too
How are the transnational legal order (“TLO”) and transnational governance affected by the democratic backsliding, authoritarianism and populism? As painfully evidenced by the Polish and Hungarian cases, the system of governance and constitutional design of the European TLO have been in error of “normative asymmetry”: transnational authority to ensure that the states remain liberal democracies has not been effectively translated into the transnational law and remedies. In order to make the TLO more responsive to the democratic threats, however, it is crucial to take on the challenges that go beyond institutional and procedural tinkering.
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06 November 2020
Academic Freedom, the Republic and “Islamo-Leftism”
The government in France is currently reforming the organization of the university system. On 28 October and in response to the killing of history teacher Samuel Paty, the Senate has introduced a new, contentious, problematic and authoritarian provision. It reads: “Academic freedom is exercised having regard to the values of the Republic”. This provision is unconstitutional, dangerous and not capable of achieving its supposed goal.
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The Grand Illusion
On the loser Donald Trump, several arcs of suspense and the difference between a dot and a dash
Continue reading >>05 November 2020
Serious Cyberattack Raises Questions About GDPR Application in Finland
After the personal data of thousands of patients was hacked from a privately-run psychotherapy centre in Finland, blackmailers are threatening to publish the data unless they receive a ransom. Because of the seriousness of this data breach, the case is likely to become a landmark in Finnish data protection law and a Europe-wide reference point for the application of GDPR rules in data breach situations.
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What Just Happened?
The American electorate seems to have spoken and it seems to have rejected President Trump. But the there is still the possibility of mischief if Trump succeeds in using the law to thwart the election results. The US constitutional system with its strange and unique system for selecting a president is just rickety enough to make it possible for Trump to litigate his way out of an election loss.
Continue reading >>04 November 2020
Effective Pandemic Management Requires the Rule of Law and Good Governance
Nine months since the declaration of the novel SARS-CoV-2 virus as a global health emergency by the WHO, and we know much more about the virus, including transmission and control. Governments, however, are still operating in emergency mode and relying on emergency powers to the exclusion and suspension of the ordinary functioning of the state. Such suspension of the normal functioning of parliamentary control and judicial oversight exposes one of the most damaging fallacies of crisis: that emergency management requires the suspension of rights, the rule of law and good governance.
Continue reading >>LawRules #7: We need to talk about Legal Education
As the last couple of episodes of our podcast have demonstrated, preserving the rule of law depends to a large quantity on people working in legal professions. What prosecutors, judges, attorneys, and, to a large degree, people working in the executive branch have in common, is a law degree. This means that we have to turn to legal education itself in order to find answers to the question how rule of law systems may remain or become resilient against authoritarian backsliding. Are current legal education systems in the EU equipped for this task? How are they affected by the turn to authoritarianism and illiberalism in a number of member states? And what are intrinsic shortcomings of academic and professional legal education?
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03 November 2020
Rule of Judges, Rule over Judges, Rule by Judges
There are numerous reasons why people feel anxious about the 2020 U.S. presidential election. Donald Trump seems more than willing to use the tools at hand to manipulate the democratic game to his own advantage and to use the law and courts to impact the election, to manipulate the democratic game, and to extend Trump’s political power beyond the 2020 presidential election. Judicial intervention has, however, a self-defeating potential in terms of legitimacy. Outlined here is the clash between democracy and juristocracy, and the potential it holds for a latent autocracy.
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Populist but not Popular
After the judgment of the PiS-controlled Constitutional Tribunal, the sharp drop in support for PiS in the latest polls makes the ruling camp try panically to minimize the political losses it has suffered. One symptom of that panic is the fact that the judgment of the Constitutional Tribunal has not yet been published. Another is draft law submitted by the PiS-aligned President Duda slightly alleviating the effects of the judgment of the Constitutional Tribunal. All this proves how deep the crisis of the rule of law and how blurred the border between law and politics in Poland have become.
Continue reading >>Stabilizing the US Judiciary by Threatening to Pack It
Reforming the judicial appointment process in the US will take a constitutional amendment. Without it, reform attempts are likely to fail. For conservatives especially, altering the courts now, after securing a very conservative majority unprecedented in recent history, will seem unappealing. They may (perhaps correctly) conclude that, given their systematic advantages in the Senate and therefore electoral college, endless escalation is a game they may be able to win. This blog post proposes a simple mechanism that aims to force a stabilizing constitutional amendment forward while preserving the option to escalate if they cannot secure cooperation from the Republican party.
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Confronting Misinformation During A Pandemic
A new report by The Freedom House tracks recent developments in internet-freedom and presents the “Pandemic’s Digital Shadow” on democratic values around the world. The report explains how governments worldwide used the covid-19 pandemic to limit access to information, expand their surveillance efforts, and intensify the balkanization of the internet. It raises the question what democracies should, and should not, do to confront the perils of misinformation.
Continue reading >>Pitfalls of a Precious Opportunity
After forty years, Chile recently expressed the will to no longer being governed by the Constitution bequeathed by Pinochet. And it did so in a resounding manner through a plebiscite. The path that will lead to the election of the Constitutional Convention and then the drafting of the new Constitution seems to be exciting: we are observing how a genuine constituent moment is unfolding. However, the importance of the social question coupled with the new constitution carries the risk of over-constitutionalisation and the lack of leadership in the constitutional process could diminish its perception of legitimacy.
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02 November 2020
Lenin and Wilson in Tension
The autumn of 2020 witnessed the biggest escalation of the decades-long Nagorno-Karabakh conflict since the war of 1992-4. The analysis of legal arguments raised by the Armenian and Azerbaijan sides, is influenced by the Crimean Referendum of 2014. Whereas in the latter case, the majority of the UN members condemned Russian acts, now the international community seems reluctant to take a stance, calling for a mutual ceasefire instead. Does the difference in international response display inconsistency of state practice and the prevalence of Realpolitik over the rule of international law? This contribution suggests that the incongruity is due to two different doctrines informing the scope of a right to self-determination.
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01 November 2020
The U.S. Supreme Court and the 2020 Election
As Election Day looms, Americans are heading to the polls, and they are also heading to the courts. In the past two weeks, the U.S. Supreme Court has issued rulings in five challenges to election-related practices in different states, and there are surely more to come. The litigation has exposed disagreements on the high court, and on lower courts as well, about where responsibility lies for ensuring elections play out fairly and in accordance with law. Of all of the opinions flying around, the one to get the most attention is perhaps a concurrence from Justice Kavanaugh that invokes Bush v. Gore, in which the Court stopped a recount in Florida and thereby decided the outcome of the 2000 presidential election.
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31 October 2020
On Publishers, Carriers, and Bookstores
The next American election is just days away, so you’d think that most American politicians would be focusing on campaigning either for their own election (or re-election) or for their colleagues and allies who are running now to attain or retain elective office. But not this week. Weirdly enough, the United States Senate took time off from campaigning—even though the official election date is next Tuesday, and millions of American voters are voting in advance of the election or have already voted—to host a hearing whose nominal purpose was to discuss whether a formerly obscure but now hotly disputed statute known as “Section 230,” which plays a central role in limiting legal liability for internet services, needs to be updated.
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30 October 2020
Livid in Warsaw
Why the protests against the "abortion judgment" are a lot more than just that
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Filling the Power Vacuum
Massive protests broke out after the Kyrgyz parliamentary elections on October 4, 2020. What unfolded in the aftermath is a political saga that nobody could have expected. At the moment, Sadyr Japarov, a convicted criminal, is acting as president and prime minister and moving forward with a number of unconstitutional initiatives. They could erase all positive achievements that Kyrgyzstan was able to reach in the course of the last fifteen years.
Continue reading >>In Defence of Green Civil Disobedience
Throughout history, failure of the state to address and redress pressing social problems has given rise to political acts of civil disobedience. While activists typically claim that their illegal actions are justified either legally or morally in that they are necessary to protect a higher good, such necessity defences have so far been ‘notoriously unsuccessful’ before courts. Recent judicial developments suggest that this may be about to change, and that unlawful protest can be a legitimate response to a persistent pattern of state inaction.
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28 October 2020
LawRules #6: We need to talk about Attorneys
Attorneys are not on everyone's mind when they think about the rule of law. The European Commission gave a prime example for that when it remained conspicuously silent about the role of lawyers in its recent Rule of Law report. Yet, attorneys play just as important a role in preserving the rule of law as other parts of the judicial system do. What's more: Where they are at risk of being prosecuted for doing their jobs, the erosion of the rule of law is imminent. We talk about attorneys with our distinguished guests in this week's episode of our podcast, co-hosted by the German Bar Association, We Need to Talk About the Rule of Law
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26 October 2020
Dark Money Subverts the Rule of Law
During the recently completed United States Senate committee hearings for Donald Trump’s nominee for a seat on the Supreme Court, Amy Coney Barrett, Senator Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island used his time to try to demonstrate how right-wing groups, including the Federalist Society and Judicial Crisis Network, use dark money to shape the American judiciary. A common reaction, certainly on the part of those continually disadvantaged on the policy side, is that massive dark money investment in the legal system’s actors and outcomes subverts the rule of law. Although ordinary citizens, informed commentators, and political representatives make this claim, theorists have paid scant attention to explaining why this might be so. This omission is likely rooted in the sort of concept theorists think the rule of law is.
Continue reading >>Women, Rape Law and the Illusory Sex Equality Clause in the Bangladeshi Constitution
Earlier in October, a video of a group of men attacking, stripping, and sexually assaulting a woman went viral in Bangladesh. Incidents of rape and sexual assaults like this are a window into understanding the state of sex-based inequality in a given society. The laws, however, must be taken into account as well, particularly if they reflect an essential male perspective and are written in gender-insensitive terms. I will explain below that in case of Bangladesh, sex-based inequality gets revealed when an illusory sex-equality clause of Bangladesh Constitution intersects with the country’s crippled commitment to the Women Convention, and sex-based inequality gets manifested through the retention of colonial-era substantive and procedural legal framework.
Continue reading >>The Time to Speak Up
The European Commission’s Rule of Law Report 2020, in its Spanish chapter, highlights in particular the situation of the Judicial Council as a challenge: The mandate of its members has expired in December 2018, but its new members have not yet been appointed. To unblock this situation a proposal was introduced in Parliament, but the envisaged reform does not comply with EU standards and endangers judicial independence, as the European Commission and GRECO have warned.
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24 October 2020
No more “Business as Usual”
The Polish Constitutional Court (“the Court”), once a proud institution and an effective check on the will of the majority, is now a shell of its former self. It has become a dangerous and unhinged institution that uses the judicial review both as a sword to punish the opponents and to promote the illiberal agenda of the ruling majority. Thursday’s abortion ruling is only the latest example. In these dark days we must always remember the old Constitutional Court and the liberal foundations it had laid for more than twenty years. More crucially, accepting the current constitutional oppression as “business as usual”, will carry the risk of losing the rule of law in Poland for good.
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A Dubious Judgment by a Dubious Court
On 22 October 2020 Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal, dominated by judges appointed under the procedure introduced by the ruling right-wing populist PiS party, has determined that abortion due to foetal defects is unconstitutional, rejecting the most common of the few legal grounds for pregnancy termination. This ruling is very controversial and caused civil disquiet and protests.
Continue reading >>23 October 2020
Self-Fulfilling Prophecies
On left-wing and right-wing judicial policies and the seductive liberal illusion of equidistance
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Vicarious Hegemony and the Anti-hegemonic Thrust of European Law: a Conversation
We are debating the specter of German Legal Hegemony. It’s a new dimension for most German lawyers. The prevailing view has been that Germany is at the receiving end and losing out. Many consider Germany as making a too small impact on European law because it’s too inflexible for its federalism and too inhibited for many reasons. Quite a few see the 2nd Senate of the BVerfG as the last institution defending law and reason against overbearing European institutions as Berlin politicians have largely given up. The symposium has provided a different picture. How to deepen learning from it? Today we propose a discussion which is both analytical and normative.
Continue reading >>22 October 2020
Is there a Human Right to Indefinitely Run for Reelection?
In the next few months, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (I/A Court) shall issue an advisory opinion in order to clarify whether presidential reelection is a right arising from the American Convention on Human Rights and, if so, whether it can be restricted. This article addresses one of the aspects which will probably be elaborated upon in said opinion, that is to say the inadequate use of the conventionality control with a view to modifying, by means of a judicial decision, constitutional provisions whose scope should only be scrutinized by mechanisms of constitutional creation or reform under the rule of law.
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LawRules #5: We need to talk about Prosecutors
Public prosecutors decide whether a criminal suspect is investigated. Or not. They decide whether a person is indicted and whether there will be a trial. Or not. If you control them, you can make your opponents' life miserable and let your friends run free. On the other hand: If prosecutors don't have to answer to politics at all, who will hold them accountable? This is what we discuss with these distinguished guests in this week's episode of our Rule of Law podcast.
Continue reading >>21 October 2020
A Draft is no Infringement
In the last few weeks, little more has been said about the infringement action launched by the Commission against the UK at the beginning of October for failure to fulfil obligations under EU law in relation to the Withdrawal Agreement. However, not only has this not gone away, but the recent ratcheting up of ‘no deal’ tensions means that a claim may soon be made on the so-called insurance policy (the controversial clauses in the UK Internal Market Bill), turning the threatened breach into an actual one. After the Bill becomes law, and assuming that the controversial clauses remain, a minister may use those clauses to pass a statutory instrument, for example, forbidding any checks to be carried out on goods travelling from Great Britain into Northern Ireland. Some would argue that the threat is bad enough and itself justifies an infringement action. That may be so. However, the Commission’s action is still premature.
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20 October 2020
Reinventing the European Union through Article 50?
Lech Wałęsa helped bringing down the Iron Curtain – now he takes his revolutionary spirit to the EU. His radical approach of institutional reform through abandonment of the current treaties deserves serious consideration.
Continue reading >>Recognizing Turkey’s Anti-Rule of Law System
On October 13, a criminal court of first instance defied the authority of the Turkish Constitutional Court (TCC). A similar challenge to the TCC’s authority by a first instance court had occurred over two years ago. In present-day Turkey, however, it is wrong to see such fundamental violations of the rule of law as an unfortunate exception to an abstractly conceived system of rules. Rather, they should be considered as the manifestation of a well-functioning anti-rule of law system.
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19 October 2020
Towards a European Court of Fundamental Rights
With its judgments on bulk data retention issued at the beginning of this month, the European Court of Justice has entitled itself to examine virtually all surveillance measures in the digital sphere. In doing so, it has once more clarified its positioning as the decisive Fundamental Rights Court in Europe. In the midst of the ultra vires-storm caused by the PSPP-judgement of the Bundesverfassungsgericht – and questions arising with regard to German Legal Hegemony in Europe – a true shift of power to the ECJ can be spotted which is, surprisingly, supported by the national constitutional courts.
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In (Partial) Praise and Defense of Justice Engin Yildirim
The Turkish Constitutional Court is yet again front and center in Turkish politics – and yet again because a first instance criminal court defied its ruling. What is new this time is that a justice of the Court, Engin Yildirim, chimed in, cleverly critiquing the defiant first instance criminal court – a move from an otherwise reticent institution that surprised lawyers, pundits, and politicians alike.
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Diminishing Authority
The Turkish Constitutional Court ruled on 17 September 2020 that the right to be elected and right to personal liberty of Enis Berberoğlu, an opposition MP, have been violated. As a remedy to this violation, the TCC ordered the Istanbul 14th Criminal Court of First Instance to start a re-trial in order to eliminate the consequences of these violations. Yet, the Court of First Instance did not implement this decision. The unfolding of these events creates political and legal controversy and harms the – already vulnerable – credibility and legitimacy of the TCC.
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18 October 2020
Constitutionalising the EU Foreign and Security Policy
In the appeal case of Bank Refah Kargaran v Council (C-134/19 P), the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) has held that the EU Courts have jurisdiction over claims for damages in the area of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). This is coherent with the rationale of the exceptional exclusion of jurisdiction under CFSP and confirms that the Union’s commitment to the rule of law extends to CFSP.
Continue reading >>16 October 2020
The Epochal Failure of the EU Commission
On Judge Beata Morawiec, the rampant sowjetization of the Polish judicial policy, and how it could come to all that.
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15 October 2020
‘Keyword Warrants’ Make Every Search A Risk
How many times did you search google today? Few of us know the answer. It’s not just the queries entered into the ubiquitous google search bars, but the countless other apps in the Google ecosystem, constantly harvesting our every question to refine their picture of even the most intimate spheres of our life. In the hands of advertisers, this technology is creepy. But when it is fully exploited by law enforcement agencies, it can be a profound danger to civil society and human rights.
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We are looking for a part-time (50%) editor in our office in Berlin.
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Mitch McConnell, The Supreme Court, and The Specter of Politicization
There is no doubt that the Senate Majority Leader is a hypocrite. His bad faith, however, may have a cathartic effect on judicial appointments.
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Justice and Independence, an Actual Problem in Spain
On October 13, the Spanish Government presented a bill to Parliament with one main objective: to reduce the parliamentary majorities to appoint the members of the General Council of the Judiciary. Its purpose is to overcome a political blockage in the renewal of its members, which has already lasted two years. But the government's attempt, somehow awkward, has been quickly compared to maneuvers to control the judiciary in Poland and Hungary. However, this bill and those exaggerated criticisms conceal a much more relevant and, above all, sadder reality.
Continue reading >>14 October 2020
LawRules #4: We need to talk about Procedural Law
Court packing schemes, forced retirement of judges – organisational rules are often misused to get the judiciary under control. How do you distinguish “good” judicial reforms from “bad” ones? Is there such a thing as a “good” court packing scheme? This is what we discuss this week with MARIAROSARIA GUGLIELMI, CHRISTOPH MÖLLERS and ANDRÁS BAKA.
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Anti-Hegemony and Its Discontents
Long before the fighting ceased, Jean Monnet was already planning to integrate a defeated Germany into “a Europe united on terms of equality.” The idea had been brewing in the French and Italian resistance during World War II, even since Germany had been defeated last time around, and before then, in other forms, too. The key to bringing the warring nations together in solidarity was, as the Schuman Declaration would explain, taming the age-old animosity between Germany and France in a supranational project “open to all countries willing to take part.” The aim, in the words of the Treaty of Rome would be an “ever closer union among the peoples of Europe.”
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The Ombudsman before the Polish Constitutional Tribunal
On 9th September 2020, the 5-years term of the current Polish Ombudsman (Rzecznik Praw Obywatelskich, Commissioner for Human Rights) Adam Bodnar, has ended. The Parliament did not select a new person for this position yet. Thus, following the Article 3.6 of the Law on the Commissioner, Professor Bodnar stays in the office until the appointment of the new Commissioner for Human Rights. However a group of MPs demands the Constitutional Court to delete this legal basis, leaving the office without its head. The Court wants to decide on this case on 20th October.
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The End of the German Legal Culture?
In this post, I argue that: (I) the influence of German jurisprudence on the legal systems in Central and Eastern Europe results from transfers of legal knowledge and “cooperative adaptation” of elites in the new democracies; (II) the German legal hegemony is in fact a hegemony of reason and a culture of justification; (III) the decision of Bundesverfassungsgericht in PSPP is an attempt to maintain the culture of justification in view of its inevitable end.
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An Emergency within an Emergency within an Emergency
On September 17, 2020, I published a blogpost on Verfassungsblog, warning that while COVID-19 has not, at the time, been used in Israel as a justification for banning protests, there was reason for concern. The concern materialized on September 30, 2020. The Knesset amended the Coronavirus Law to allow the government to declare a “special coronavirus emergency situation” which raises an array of questions.
Continue reading >>13 October 2020
The Last Days of the Independent Supreme Court of Hungary?
Ordinary courts seem to have remained the last bulwark of individual freedom and the rule of law since the Fidesz government has successfully undermined other nominally democratic institutions, including the Constitutional Court. While the recently published EU Rule of law report discusses the problems of judicial independence in great detail, so far, ordinary courts have resisted political pressure relatively well, largely because of the ruling party’s failure to capture the professional leadership of the judiciary. Various legislative changes by the government in recent years coupled with the upcoming election of the Supreme Court’s new Chief Justice, however, could be fatal to the independence of Hungary’s entire justice system.
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How Not to Become Hegemonial
I have to start with a confession: if it was not for the Bundesverfassungsgericht and German legal scholarship, I would have not become the lawyer I am today. Writing a PhD in the Max-Planck-Institute in Heidelberg, attending classes by giants of German public law taught me to appreciate the famous German “Rechtsdogmatik”, a term that can only be poorly translated by “legal doctrine”. The conceptual sophistication and clarity of thoughts, the persuasive power of reasoning, the attention for details and the elegance with which the lack of answers to certain questions is concealed created for me an aura of infallibility and self-evident truth. I also remember my condescending attitude when I met foreign guests in the Max-Planck Institute who were not familiar enough with this constitutional language, or even dared to challenge some of its conclusions. Being inside this world felt reassuring, safe and also elevating. After wandering through the legal education of post-communist Hungary I finally saw the light.
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The Ugly German
The novel’s two ugly Americans provide useful models for two facets of hegemony as Gramsci theorized it. Hegemony, he insisted, is more than a state of cultural domination. It is better understood as a process of socio-historical change that takes place before power is institutionalized. The two drivers of the hegemonic process Gramsci theorized are consensus and coercion.
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12 October 2020
Constitutional Borrowings, Not Hegemony
The question about the legal hegemony of Germany was raised by comments from lawyers, but also politicians, in connection with the - undoubtedly - controversial decision of the German Constitutional Tribunal in the PSPP case. Armin von Bogdandy’s introduction refers primarily to the problem of the Europeanization of Germany vs. the Germanization of Europe in the context of European integration and Sabino Cassese’s description of “some specific decisions of these more recent EU-specific decisions of the Second Senate of the German Federal Constitutional Court as an attempt to put a German dog leash on European institutions". But it also refers to the past of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the "imposition" of "an enlightened, soft neo-liberalism" on the countries of this region (Bogdan Iancu). In the case of Poland, because Kaczyński’s government seems to be a persecutor against the proceedings which the German jurisprudence provides, "the secret crypt in which the seeds of its spirit will be protected...". (Carl Schmitt).
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Rule of (German) Law?
As I see it, the central question is whether Germany, just as it is an economic and a political power in the EU, is also a legal power. This would, of course, beg the question whether this notion makes sense by itself. Is it permitted to speak of legal power in the way it is preached for other forms of power? And supposing the notion applies to Germany as a Member State of the EU, may this national condition be aptly described as hegemonic? The ultimate question behind the questions just mentioned would be ‘How can this problem be tackled?’, assuming that it indeed turns out to be a problem.
Continue reading >>11 October 2020
Influence yes, Hegemony no
Before starting my reflections on the arguments presented in Professor von Bogdandy’s text, a number of caveats need to be made. First of all, as I will explain below, the Spanish Constitution of 1978 and Spanish democratic constitutional law have been deeply influenced by German constitutional law. This is a fact that is both well-known and unquestioned. It may also explain why, at present, there is no debate about the matter. For this reason, before I began to write this article, I felt it necessary to discuss with some legal colleagues how they saw the questions put forward, as I did not consider myself to be entitled to reply on behalf of the Spanish academia as a whole. Secondly, the article that we have been asked to reflect on mixes different questions. Some of them may be significant from a German standpoint, but, in contrast, are not salient topics from a Spanish one. Finally, and in relation to the point that has just been mentioned, I will attempt to provide a response in the case of those aspects that are susceptible of being considered from outside, in this case from Spain.
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The Covid-19 Measures in Madrid, and why they Suffered Defeat in Court
The Covid-19 situation in Madrid, as in many other places all over the country, is getting worse. The number of people infected continue to rise just like the hospital occupancy rate. In a political context marked by permanent confrontation between the regional and national governments, ruled by different political parties, the Madrid Court of Justice has added fuel to the fire by quashing the ‘perimeter closure’ for Madrid. Other than one might think, this was not a decision about the substance of the Order but rather about its lack of legal authorization to impose a measure so restrictive of fundamental rights.
Continue reading >>10 October 2020
Mirror Mirror on the Wall – Who is the Most Beautiful of All?
I have been politically aware for around, sigh, five decades. And with unerring regularity once every ten years or so, we have been treated to a kind of decennial Oktoberfest of German public hand-wringing. Very public – group therapy writ large. Sometimes it comes with the label of ‘Legitimacy Crisis’. Oftentimes it is a variation on the theme of ‘Are We Back to Weimer Times – and You Know What Followed That!’ It has all the hall marks of a ritual.
Continue reading >>09 October 2020
Rule of Law as Ideology
On pride, humility and German-American constitutional friendship
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The European “Market” for Constitutional Ideas
It was already clear to Seneca, almost 2000 years ago, that “[i]f a man knows not to which port he sails, no wind is favourable”. Now, almost 2000 years later, as mentioned by Armin von Bogdandy in his inspiring introduction to this symposium, we are faced with a crucial question of existential significance: Are we moving towards a Europeanised Germany or a Germanised Europe? In order to answer to the question, we have to draw a distinction between intention and practical effect.
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Abusing Parliamentary Procedures
Unlike the post-world-war era, democracies are no longer subverted via coups. Would-be autocrats pursue anti-democratic agendas through laws to imbue them with a veneer of legitimacy. This renaissance in authoritarianism has thrown into focus the institution of the legislature, which becomes the primary site for what Javier Corrales terms ‘Autocratic Legalism’. India is no stranger to the trend of Autocratic Legalism, and the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (“BJP”) has often taken the aid of the presiding officers in both Houses of the Parliament, to push forward its anti-democratic agendas. Considering how central a role presiding officers have played in eroding democracy inIndia, a radical shakeup to the way presiding officers are appointed and function is needed to ensure Indian democracy’s long-term sustainability.
Continue reading >>The Fading International Influence of German Constitutional Thinking
German constitutional thinking has been central in EU law, in ECHR law, and even in some domestic constitutional systems outside of Germany. It is, however, gradually and unstoppably losing influence in Europe. This is largely due to the fact that Karlsruhe has lost its status as the most influential court in constitutional issues in Europe, with this title now belonging to the Strasbourg Court and likely to do so for the foreseeable future. This trend (i.e. the fading international influence of German constitutional thinking) cannot be reversed by German constitutional lawyers, as it is the result of major institutional and structural (“tectonic”) changes that have taken place over the last 20-25 years. German lawyers can, however, somewhat mitigate this trend by constructively participating in the formation of a common European Constitutional Language (in English).
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08 October 2020
Finally: The CJEU Defends Academic Freedom
The CJEU’s judgment against Hungary in the CEU case is the first major judicial pronouncement by a European court on the institutional dimension of academic freedom as a fundamental human right. Infringement action has become the surprise weapon in the Commission’s rule of law toolbox. The initial surprise is a thing of the past: over the years the Hungarian government has built some defenses of its own, using familiar components of the European constitutional architecture in service of illiberal democracy.
Continue reading >>No Member State is More Equal than Others
In my view, three direct implications flow from the principle of ‘equality of the Member States before the Treaties’. First, the uniform interpretation and application of EU law are key for guaranteeing that equality. Second, the uniform interpretation of EU law needs to be ensured by one court and one court only, i.e. the Court of Justice. Third and last, the principle of primacy underpins the uniform interpretation and application of EU law. That law – as interpreted by the Court of Justice – is ‘the supreme law of the land’ as primacy (Anwendungsvorrang) guarantees that normative conflicts between EU law and national law are resolved in the same fashion. Primacy thus guarantees that both the Member States and their peoples are equal before the law.
Continue reading >>‘Sensible and Serious’ – Yet Hardly Supreme
Our focus is a postwar development, namely the European Convention on Human Rights and its interpretation in the case-law of the Court. That case-law evinces the adoption of certain ‘imports’ from the doctrine developed and applied by German domestic courts that, as Judge Wildhaber implied, the concept of German legal thinking must encompass if it has any meaning at all. Without them, the ‘legal world’ inhabited by specialists in the Convention would be entirely different. They accordingly demonstrate the salience of such thinking to the Convention system. But for reasons that we will briefly explore, they do not demonstrate that this thinking is uniquely dominant in the deliberation rooms of the Human Rights Building.
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07 October 2020
LawRules #3: We need to talk about Disciplinary Proceedings
Disciplinary proceedings against judges can be a blunt but efficient way to force the independent judiciary under the control of an authoritarian government. How does this work? What can be done against it? What safeguards can be implemented? This is what we discuss this week with the outgoing Polish Ombudsman ADAM BODNAR, with the Slovenian Supreme Court judge and CCJE President NINA BETETTO and with the Spanisch scholar and administrative law professor SUSANA DE LA SIERRA.
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On the Road to German Hegemony in EU Law?
The influence of the German legal tradition in the European legal community is unquestionable. No other European country has displayed, like Germany has, such an articulate and institutionalized effort of promotion of its own legal system and thinking. The project paid off. EU Law displays an obvious German imprint that is now enforced in twenty-seven Member States. Lawyers throughout the European continent learn German to read the high-quality legal literature produced in German universities and research centers, courts and public institutions. The ultimate sign of intellectual distinction of a European lawyer is to “read the Germans”. No other feature can surpass in pedigree a lawyer’s fluency and ability to dominate German concepts in their very own words.
Continue reading >>The Two Faces German Legal Hegemony?
I write this blog post just as I complete my fourth year as a professor of international law in Berlin. I am, as von Bogdandy calls, a Bildungsausländerin. My university education was first in Turkey and then in the United Kingdom. My academic career has been, for the most part, in the UK and then in Turkey. When I moved to Berlin from Istanbul four years ago to take up the professorship of international law at the Hertie School, I imagined Berlin to be somewhere between Istanbul and London. I hoped that it would be the best of both worlds, I would find a home in a city with a handsome Turkish speaking community at a university that conducts education and research in English. I also hoped that speaking Berlin’s two oft-spoken languages, Turkish and English, I would survive with my basic German, and learn more of it along the way and become a late Berliner.
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06 October 2020
The Plaintiff who turned into a Prosecutor
Readers of this blog are familiar with how the Polish government, led by the Law and Justice party (PiS) and the institutions it controls, is trying to silence Professor Wojciech Sadurski in a coordinated campaign of lawsuits (see here, here, here and here). On Friday 2 October 2020, he was again in court. This time for his third case: a criminal lawsuit brought by TVP, the public but de facto purely pro-government TV-station.
Continue reading >>Vicarious Hegemony
The specter of national hegemony has haunted the field of European law ever since in its emergence in the 1950s in the wake of creation of the European Communities. As the circulation and competition between national and professional models of law have always been central to its dynamics, this transnational field has developed as a reflexive field questioning its own “European-ness” -that is its capacity to produce authentically “European” norms that are not just a mask for new forms of domination, influence or hegemony.
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Status Quo Hegemony?
For over a decade now, the mainstream liberal discourse, also on the Verfassungsblog, has consisted in the incantation of one mantra: ‘populists’ are destroying ‘the rule of law’. What started as an attempt to describe the post-2011 situation in Hungary has gradually become a conceptual master key or, better yet, a jack-of-all-trades.
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05 October 2020
The Paths of European Legal Scholarship
Armin von Bogdandy’s article entitled “German Legal Hegemony?” is an invitation to reflect on the paths of European legal scholarship: what are the conditions of the different national legal cultures today, and what are the conditions under which a national legal culture can become hegemonic (or, on the contrary, is it possible for a common tradition to prevail)?
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German Legal Hegemony?
The German legal discourse on Europe solemnly professes the idea of a Europeanized Germany: Kooperation, Verfassungsgerichtsverbund, Europafreundlichkeit, Integrationsverantwortung. However, some cast doubt on these assertions.
Continue reading >>02 October 2020
Quo usque tandem, Viktorina
On Viktor Orbán, the EU Rule of Law Report, and the difference between risk and damage.
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Too Little, Too Late
On 30 September, the European Commission has finally presented its long-awaited first edition of the new Annual Rule of Law Report, assessing the situation of the rule of law in all member states. In cases like Hungary and Poland, where the rule of law and democracy have been deliberately dismantled over the years, this monitoring approach, however, will hardly help. The report is unfortunately too little, too late. Instead, the EU needs to strengthen its enforcement capacity by linking breaches of the rule of law with actual sanctions.
Continue reading >>The Global Politics of Refugee Protection and Return
Voluntary, safe and dignified return is one of the durable solutions to forced displacement and, thus, hosting states have the responsibility to provide international protection to refugees until the conditions for voluntary repatriation are met. Premature or forced return that is falling short of international standards would mean a violation of the principle of non-refoulement. Current global governance of forced displacement impeding seeking asylum, delaying resettlement, and facilitating return ends up violating the very founding principles of the international refugee regime while exposing refugees and asylum-seekers to violence and higher risks.
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01 October 2020
The Burden of Being “Safe”
Cooperation on migration management has been recently characterised by a process of “informalisation”, most prominently in relation to readmission, which saw the proliferation of informal agreements of a dubious legal nature – particularly from a rule of law perspective. This expansion has been two-fold. First, the use of informal agreements has expanded from the national level to the EU level. Second, the informalisation of cooperation with third countries has extended to include not only migration and border management, but also asylum management. This post aims to analyse both expansive shifts, highlighting their impact on international responsibility sharing mechanisms and the protection of asylum seekers’ fundamental rights.
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Frequent Recourse to the Principle of ‘Effectiveness’ in ECJ Asylum Jurisprudence
An empirical study of all asylum-related preliminary rulings reveals a disquieting trend: the Court has adopted an administrative, passivist role within the area. Its distinguishing features include an overzealous concern for the technicalities of the legislative instruments before it and sparse to no references to human rights instruments or values in the operative parts of the judgments. In light of the symbolic power carried by the Court’s language, this trend risks sending the wrong signal to national judicial instances; namely, that concerns for the system can legitimately trump concerns for the individuals caught in it.
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Today Tuleya, Tomorrow the EU
Igor Tuleya is someone you should know. He is your judge, wherever you live in the EU. More specifically, he is a judge at the District Court in Warsaw. Next Monday, on October 5th 2020, he may lose his judicial immunity as a result of a hearing before the “Disciplinary Chamber” of the Polish Supreme Court. If this happens, he will likely face subsequent criminal charges, and, as a consequence, a very real risk of imprisonment. If this happens, it will affect every independent and impartial judge in Poland. If this happens, it will affect every EU citizen too.
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30 September 2020
LawRules #2: We need to talk about Judicial Nominations
It's easy to agree that judicial independence is important – but who gets to be a part of the judiciary, who gets promoted to which court and who enters the highest ranks is a decision that has to be taken by someone, and a lot depends on who that someone is. Controlling judicial nominations is one of the key elements in all authoritarian takeover strategies which have been implemented in recent years in Poland, in Hungary and elsewhere. This is what we will discuss with the president of the European Network of Councils of the Judiciary, a member of the board of the Polish independent judges’ association IUSTITIA, and a German judge at the Bundesgerichtshof.
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What Happened at the Greece-Turkey Border in early 2020?
Reports have documented allegations about those in need of international protection being physically prevented from entering into Greece, being subjected to severe forms of mistreatment and deprivation of their liberty, property as well as being collectively expelled from the country without having the opportunity to apply for asylum. Thus, it could be argued there are violations of the right to seek and enjoy asylum, right to life, prohibition of torture, right to liberty and security and right to an effective remedy. Yet this blog will only focus on the most relevant rights/issues.
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A ‘Complete’ System of Legal Remedies?
In practice, Member States and the EU increasingly rely on informal instruments for cooperation with third countries, especially in the area of migration control, with important implications for the rule of law. The choice for informality becomes particularly problematic when it affects the legal situation of irregular migrants, including refugees because it makes it very difficult for them to challenge these instruments in front of EU courts. This blog post explores the effects of EU’s recourse to informality on the judicial protection of the rights of irregular migrants by using the EU-Turkey Statement as an example. The Statement, also known as the EU-Turkey ‘deal’, raises serious doubts as to whether the EU legal order indeed provides for the promised ‘complete’ system of legal remedies.
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29 September 2020
No Doubt, Lots of Benefit
The Hungarian government demanded the dismissal of Commissioner Vera Jourová over a quip she made in an interview in the German press. The day before the Commission’s first annual report on the rule of law is scheduled to land, the EU finds itself steeped in a high level inter-institutional conflict — sown by a self-proclaimed illiberal democrat. This is what being stranded by one’s own self-deception looks like.
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The “Contamination” of EU Law by Informalization?
The examples in this post demonstrate that the EU is an autonomous international actor independent from its Member States, but it is tied up internally by its institutional procedures and restrained by its attributed powers. This governance system requires complex and time-consuming negotiations within the Union and with its international partners, which might end up in Court (Singapore, CETA Opinions) or delay ratification (Istanbul Convention). The EU’s painful practice concerning treaty-making (with complicated rules, extensive case law and long negotiations of often comprehensive mixed agreements) is clearly not fit for purpose in times of crisis.
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Parallel Paths that Need to Cross?
The questions raised by the use of soft deals - and soft law more generally - in the Area of Freedom Security and Justice (‘AFSJ’) are numerous and complex. This post focusses on the justification behind the use of soft deals in the field of readmission, in order to develop two reflections: First, in a legal system founded on the rule of law, recourse to soft deals to elude constitutional constraints is questionable tout court. And secondly, if certain constitutional constraints can arguably be side-lined through the use of soft deals, in the name of flexibility and speed, others must necessarily remain operative and frame the conduct of EU institutions. In the author’s view, at least those Treaty principles that govern EU institutional action independently on the legally binding nature of its outcome remain relevant. Among these, a prominent role in framing the use of soft deals can be attributed to the principle of institutional balance, enshrined in Art. 13(2) TEU.
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28 September 2020
What did Amy Coney Barrett say?
Very soon Trump’s new pick for the US Supreme Court will be grilled by Democratic senators about her conservative views on abortion and the Affordable Care Act. They are rightly worried that her appointment will put in place a 6-3 majority of rightwing judges on the Court, especially in the wake of Trump’s explicit disappointment at the fact that even his picks have on a couple of occasions voted against positions he favoured. What assurance does he think he has that this pick will be more compliant, a ‘loyal’ ‘Trump judge’? In February, Justice Barrett gave a comment at an event in London. It would be a great pity in the hearings if the senators did not ask what she said.
Continue reading >>Continuing Violation
Since the failed coup attempt in 2016, lawyers, judges and prosecutors have persistently been subject to illegal surveillance and mass arrests. The latest such arrest of 50 lawyers took place on September 11th, 2020, during police raids in Ankara in the dawn. Arrests of lawyers have become the new normal although legal professionals should enjoy strong protections by law. Turkey’s Court of Cassation, however, has deprived these guarantees of any practical effectiveness by unlawfully expanding the meaning of in flagrante delicto.
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Justice Unlimited
The passing of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg and her replacement by Judge Amy Coney Barrett has led to a spike in interest in imposing term limits for Supreme Court justices. The proposals now on the table are for doing so by statute because amending the U.S. Constitution is so difficult. They face constitutional and political obstacles, which in combination make their adoption unlikely.
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Before It’s Too Late
Dear President von der Leyen, in your recent State of the Union address, you rightly emphasized that “breaches of the rule of law cannot be tolerated.” We are sorry to say we are seeing ample evidence to the contrary.
Continue reading >>The External Dimension of EU Migration and Asylum Policy
This online symposium is being held just before the ACES-Asser conference on ‘Migration deals and their damaging effects’, which will take place online on 8-9 October. The conference and the contributions in this symposium aim to examine the legal and policy implications of the increased informalisation of the EU’s external action in the field of migration and asylum. The use of informal instruments in EU external relations is nothing new. At the same time, the increasing recourse to such instruments in the past few years has been a growing cause of concern over their potential detrimental effects on the rights of migrants and refugees, the EU’s institutional balance, the rule of law, as well as the global regime for protection of refugees.
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25 September 2020
Action and Reaction
On the packing of courts, when one should do it, and when one should not.
Continue reading >>Bad Role Models
Over the past several months, there has been an increase in asylum seekers and refugees crossing the English Channel in small inflatable boats. This prompted the UK government to propose stemming arrivals with an Australian-style approach: ‘pushing back’ boats to France before they can reach British territorial waters. The UK already funds France to prevent asylum seekers leaving French territory through ‘pullback’ measures. Such pushback and pullback practices likely violate several international refugee, human rights and law of the sea obligations.
Continue reading >>24 September 2020
What’s in the Words
It is plain worrisome when judges need to end up at the European Court of Justice on the argument that what they have available at home is no longer a proper court. 22 September 2020 was such a day for two veritable Polish and therefore European judges: Judge Waldemar Żurek and Judge Monika Frąckowiak. More than a legal fight, it is a battle of and for ideas, playing out – literally – in open court.
Continue reading >>23 September 2020
LawRules #1: We need to talk about Constitutional Courts
Constitutional courts are under attack in many countries in Europe and beyond. Why? And why now? What can be done to protect them, and what are the most important conditions for constitutional courts to function? These are the questions we discuss in the first episode of our new podcast with three guests, two of them former constitutional judges with first-hand experience on these matters, and one a scholar who has written an outstanding book on the German Bundesverfassungsgericht.
Continue reading >>22 September 2020
Reinstating Corruption
Since he was elected in 2014, Indonesia’s President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo has incrementally used constitutional and legal mechanisms to undermine democratic values. Last year, on 17 September 2019, the Jokowi administration and the House issued the biggest move to weaken the law enforcement institutions: an amendment to the law of the Anti-Corruption Commission (KPK). The KPK used to be the most trusted law enforcement institution in Indonesia, but the past year has demonstrated clearly that it is no longer able to exercise its authority to effectively prosecute and investigate corruption cases.
Continue reading >>20 September 2020
Lawful composition – the EFTA Court’s approach
On 10 September 2020, the British Advocate General at the Court of Justice of the European Union, Eleanor Sharpston, was replaced by the Greek lawyer Athanasios Rantos. Most of the commentators of the incident, which stirred up a great deal of dust, focus on the question whether the termination of Ms. Sharpston’s mandate on 10 September 2020 was lawful. The following considerations, on the other hand, examine the legal situation in the event that her expulsion from the ECJ was after Brexit in line with EU law. A precedent of the EFTA Court in 2016 may be relevant in this context.
Continue reading >>17 September 2020
Ashen Sunset
Seven years ago today, Pavlos Fyssas was murdered by members of Greece’s Neonazi party Golden Dawn. It was only then, after the death of an ethnic Greek, that the authorities finally took action against the party and its members, having ignored violent acts against migrants, ethnic minorities, disabled persons, LGBT persons and others committed by party members for several years. On 7 October 2020, five and a half years and 453 hearings after the trial against 69 members of Golden Dawn began, judgment will be finally passed.
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Lock-Down to Avoid Lock-Up?
Whether and to what extent public demonstrations can legitimately be limited in times of a pandemic is a challenge many countries are facing these days. In Israel, however, the COVID-19 crisis is intertwined with an ongoing political crisis. Citizens take to the street against a government which uses the pandemic as an argument to restrict those very protests. With a second lock-down imminent, is freedom of assembly in danger in Israel?
Continue reading >>16 September 2020
A Matter of Faith
The purpose of Brexit, we have been told, is to “take back control”. It should hardly come as a surprise therefore that this involves the reassertion by Parliament of its prerogative to determine the domestic effects (if any) of international agreements within the UK legal system. Wresting this power away from Brussels goes to the very root of Brexit’s raison d’être. Moreover, why have this power if you’re not going to use it? It is in this context that the furore concerning the Internal Market Bill, presented last Wednesday by the Johnson government, should be viewed.
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Fear and (Self-)Censorship in Academia
Concerns with media freedom in Hungary go back years and they are also used as the case study for the Reverse Solange proposal presented on this blog. The most recent event is the takeover of the largest online news portal, Index, where the entire staff left as a response. A less documented arena is the academic setting we work in and which influences our work and everyday life. In both fields, takeover and blatant censorship is but the tip of the iceberg: the most visible part and indicative of a larger problem. In this post, I describe the problem through illustrative cases and discuss possible responses.
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15 September 2020
The Crisis of the Organization of American States That is Rocking the Commission on Human Rights
In the last few weeks, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and the Organization of American States' General Secretariat have been involved in a rather undiplomatic public confrontation. The core of the dispute is the renewal of the mandate of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights Executive Secretary, who is the employee in charge of leading the technical staff which supports the work of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. At first glance, said determination might seem like a minor issue, but in reality, it could translate into important repercussions for the protection of human rights in the Americas. Furthermore, this standoff sheds light into some chronic problems within the Organization and could be used as an opportunity for its strengthening.
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That Depends
The controversial debate about Eleanor Sharpston’s position as Advocate General has raised a lot of questions: political as well as legal. Many of the legal questions have not been decided by the Courts, the law is ambiguous, and the circumstances with one Member leaving the European Union are unprecedented. And yet, the Court of Justice treated those questions as if the answers were straightforward and clear-cut. In doing so, the Court seems to have ignored the complexity of the legal questions and thereby undercut the effectiveness of the proceedings for interim measures.
Continue reading >>14 September 2020
“Anti-Politics” in the Name of the People
The current Chilean Constitution is politically dead; it does no longer provide legitimacy and integrity to the political system. In the constituent process, the government’s constitutional proposals can be interpreted as being part of what has been called Chilean populist moment, characterised not only by a distrust in expert opinion, a rejection of the elite’s privileges, or a challenge on representative democracy, but an explicit “anti-politics” stance in the name of the people.
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12 September 2020
On Coins, Parallel Universes and the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism
The European Commission seems to inhabit a universe which is too distant from the realities of Bulgaria and Romania, which are the only EU members subjected to the CVM. Even worse, it is currently attempting to sweep the CVM under the carpet of oblivion for no good reason, as seen in Commissioner Vera Jourova’s presentation on the mechanism before the LIBE Committee at the European Parliament on 10 September 2020. The Commission is attempting to persuade concerned citizens and Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) that it would continue the monitoring of these countries under the new Rule of Law Mechanism. It insists that this be an argument to terminate the CVM, but is this justified?
Continue reading >>11 September 2020
Thug Life
On outlaws, governments and what happens when one turns into the other.
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It’s Urgent III
10 September 2020 was a watershed moment for the Court of Justice’s independence: the Court, through its Vice-President, has agreed to dismiss its own sitting member without even notifying her of the appeal against the suspensory order protecting her tenure guaranteed in the EU Treaties. It did so by arguing, effectively, that the Member States could dismiss members of the Court at will, and that such decisions were beyond judicial review: AG Sharpston’s fight for the independence of the Court, according to that very Court through its Vice-President, had ‘prima facie’ ‘no prospect of success’.
Continue reading >>Preserve the Ashes of Moria
The Kaiser Wilhelm Memorial Church on the Kurfürstendamm in Berlin has famously left in ruins after its bombing during World War II. If Moria too is left destroyed, it will at least provide the semblance of such a memorial for catastrophe. Unlike with the church, this will not be due to a grand political choice and a historical victory, but will nevertheless serve as a reminder, for those of us who look for it, of a torturous bureaucracy and a large revolt against it.
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10 September 2020
In the Name of Peace and Integrity?
Last Tuesday, something rare took place in Westminster. The UK Government officially announced its intention to breach the Withdrawal Agreement that it had signed and ratified a few months ago. Prime Minister Boris Johnson valiantly defended the draft by declaring that such breach is necessary in order ‘to uphold the integrity of the UK, but also to protect the Northern Irish peace process and the Good Friday agreement.’ Is that really so?
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09 September 2020
Why Robert Spano should resign as President of the ECtHR
On 3-5 September 2020, the ECtHR’s new president Robert Spano paid an official visit to Turkey. Spano’s visit is scandalous for multiple reasons and has caused serious damage to the reputation of the ECtHR that warrants his resignation.
Continue reading >>Violation of Freedoms and Judges in Turkey
Sometimes the voice of the president, who cannot be silenced, is one of the few that resound freely to recall the principles and values that are assumed to be typical of Europe. Holding a lecture at one of the Istanbul universities that offered him an honorary degree, the President of the European Court Robert Spano began by saying that he accepted that honour not only because it was a protocol moment, never refused in any member state of the Council of Europe, but also because the ceremony gave him the opportunity to underline the importance of academic freedom and freedom of expression in a democracy governed by the rule of law.
Continue reading >>The Symbolic Downfall of the ECtHR in Turkish Public Opinion
The European Court of Human Rights was considered to be very important in Turkey, mostly because it was perceived as the last resort for the frequent injustices within that State.
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Constitutional Dullness
Should the number of Italy’s Members of Parliament (MPs) be reduced from 945 to 600? Italian citizens will decide on that question in a constitutional referendum that will take place in less than two weeks. While other referendums in Italian history have been vectors of remarkable civic mobilisation, this one fails to capture the constitutional imagination of Italian citizens. What could – and should – be a radical public debate about Italy’s political system and the current order, in fact revolves around pettiness and trivial constitutional engineering.
Continue reading >>08 September 2020
Contested Justice
As the UK and the EU are entering the final phase in the negotiations over a post-Brexit trade deal, it has become clear that there is a fundamental clash of interests not only about fishing and governance issues but also about human rights. For people outside the UK it has often been difficult to comprehend the persistent contestation of the HRA and the European Convention, as well as their lack of public support. There are three main reasons behind this conundrum.
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07 September 2020
Aux armes, comédiens!
Revolutionary spirit in Budapest: students of the University for Theater and Film Arts blockaded the main entrance of their institution. The reason for resistance was another attack on academic freedom by the Fidesz government. It decided to “privatize” the university and to delegate the rights of control to a foundation established by the state - yet another stage in the government's culture war.
Continue reading >>06 September 2020
It’s Urgent II
On Friday 4 September 2020, Judge Anthony Collins of the General Court has ordered the suspension of operation and all consequential effects of the Decision of the Representatives of the Governments of the Member States, in so far as it purports to appoint Mr. Athanasios Rantos to the position of Advocate General of the Court of Justice. The significance of this development for the independence of the judiciary in the EU and the general articulation of the rule of law in Europe is difficult to overestimate.
Continue reading >>04 September 2020
At the Margin of Society
On the marginalized, the marginalizers and a false symmetry.
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Political Economy in the European Constitutional Imaginary – Moving beyond Fiesole
The volume seeks to re-connect law and political economy, both understood in very broad terms. My contribution provides an additional perspective on this theme, and discusses the place of political economy (or rather its conspicuous absence) in the constitutional imaginary of Europe, which has dominated much of the last three decades. It originated, in the words of Antoine Vauchez, ‘in the hills of Fiesole between Badia Fiesolana and the Villa Schifanoia’ (now of course Villa Salviati). Joseph Weiler’s The Transformation of Europe is the foundational piece of this imaginary. I have recently analysed Transformation and discussed it at the place of its birth. This contribution builds on that analysis
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Integrative Liberalism: A New Paradigm for the Law of Political Economy?
The new volume on the Law of Political Economy (LPE) devises a highly fruitful analytical approach for anyone interested in a better understanding of Europe’s current economic and political transformation, and in particular, the role of law in it. LPE has an adequate sensorium if one assumes (1) that society is not static but evolving and that theoretical approaches based on ideas of “equilibrium” (or, in the field of law, on “systemic coherence”) are therefore unable to understand social evolution; (2) that social evolution is not merely determined by individual economic interests or by the evolution of capitalism as a whole; (3) that legal structures are among the factors influencing that evolution; and (4) that law, or, to be more precise, public law and legislation (as the contribution by Emilios Christodoulidis insists), might even hold one of the keys to social integration.
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03 September 2020
It’s Urgent
In a remarkable move, the Member States appointed, on 2 September 2020, an Advocate General put forward by Greece, who will enter into office on 7 September 2020 if Member States get their way. There is a ginormous problem with this move, as the office that this Advocate General will try to fill, as things stand, does not become vacant until October 2021. Eleanor Sharpston, the officeholder presently in situ, remains there until then. Any other reading of EU law is tantamount to the Member States sacking a member of the Court in direct violation of the primary law. This is a wholly unacceptable scenario in a Union grounded and predicated upon the rule of law. Urgent measures are thus necessary to save not only the legitimacy of the Court, but that of the EU.
Continue reading >>What Comes After Neoliberalism?
For some, the term neoliberalism has acquired “such toxic connotations that nobody concerned with their public reputation would identify with it”. At the same time, though, no term better than neoliberalism is reputed to design the ideology prevailing worldwide since the 1980s.
Continue reading >>Banana Republic Switzerland?
Lately, Switzerland’s system of justice has made plenty of negative headlines owing to its Federal Attorney’s failures and misconducts, its Federal Criminal Court’s internal grievances, the Federal Supreme Court’s deficient work as supervisory authority of the former, and the Federal Supreme Court’s president’s sexist verbal abuse made in the same context. These days, reports spread about yet another dubious story: about the election of judges to the Federal Supreme Court, Switzerland’s apex court.
Continue reading >>The Contingency of Governance in the EU
Administrative lawyers are of course aware that the techniques they study and use have existed in different historical periods and have been deployed in different political regimes. But these comparative referents tend to disappear too quickly when it comes to deriving from the governance virtues of the EU, practiced by its institutions and agencies, and the law that may incorporate them, the ability to transform the constitutional characteristics of a political system.
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02 September 2020
The Epic Battle for the Soul of Antitrust
Antitrust is back in the United States, and Big Tech might soon feel it. In July, the House Subcommittee Antitrust, Commercial, and Administrative Law summoned the CEOs of Amazon, Apple, Alphabet, and Facebook to a hearing. With Epic Games, Inc.’s (Epic) complaint against the app store operators Apple and Google, the core of the present antitrust debate has squarely reached the federal courts in the U.S.: what are the legal limits of Big Tech’s monopoly power?
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The Choice of Paradigms in Political Economy: A Primer for Lawyers
What comes after neoliberalism? And why does this matter to lawyers? The backdrop for these questions is Duncan Kennedy’s portrayal of three paradigms of legal thinking, which successively gained influence across the globe. The first was classical legal thought, which rose to prominence in the second half of the 19th century and matched ideas of economic liberalism and laissez-faire. The second was socially oriented legal thought, which developed from the beginning of the 20th century and conceived of law as a regulatory instrument to advance social reforms. The third paradigm, which emerged in the second half of the 20th century, is referred to as neoformalism and could be termed neoliberalism as well, reflecting the related turn in economic thinking, law and policy-making.
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Au revoir to Neoliberalism?
The oscillation between a social or a neoliberal paradigm in law as it appears prominently in this volume brings me back to my dissertation years when, between Trento (Italy) and Cambridge (U.S.), I was trying to map the role of la doctrine in the political economy of EU consumer law from the mid-1980s to the late 2000s. My puzzlement was always: where were European and private law scholars while these struggles were taking place in Brussels, Luxembourg and Barcelona?
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01 September 2020
Court Packing, Indonesia Style
Once, Indonesia’s democracy was hailed as the most stable in Southeast Asia. But recently, the Jokowi government and the House of Representatives proposed a Bill that shall revise the Constitutional Court Law. A successful promulgation will affect not only the Constitutional Court, but also the future of Indonesian democracy.
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The Myth of a Neoliberal European Private Law
Most of the contributions to the excellent collection of essays central to this symposium, refer to neoliberalism, in some cases quite frequently. None of them defines the concept, nor does any of them defend neoliberalism. The term is used mostly in a (very) critical sense, sometimes even dismissively. This book is far from unique in this respect. Indeed, the term neoliberalism is almost never used by politicians or scholars in order to vindicate a political ideal. Instead, during the past decade it has become a standard feature of left-wing political discourse, not only in academia and political activism, but also in mainstream left-wing politics. It is a term used by us to refer to them and their abominable politics.
Continue reading >>The Path Back to the Law
We more than ever need a theory of law which allows us to imagine and, hopefully, to realise the conditions for social progress. This means, at a minimum, a theory which makes it possible to see how law can help address chronic problems of capitalism, including inequality and environmental degradation, which are now at the point of creating existential risks for democracy and, indeed, humanity.
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31 August 2020
Of Dreams, Nightmares, and a Little Bit of Hope
If there is one common if, perhaps, unsurprising thread in all contributions to this book, it is the affirmation that law is not just the epiphenomenal product of an underlying political economy, nor a mere handmaiden of capitalist reproduction, but a central, perhaps the central, element in it.
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Technology and Law Going Mental
On 28 August 2020, Neuralink gave a much anticipated update on their progress to connect humans and computers. In the near future, the activities within our brain will be recorded, analysed, and altered, shaking our conception of inaccessible mental processes. A multitude of legal issues will arise, in particular to what extent fundamental and human rights protect mental processes and neurological data collected by (therapeutic or enhancing) brain-computer interfaces (BCIs) from being accessed by states without the individual’s consent. To date, however, there remains a significant gap as neurological data does not enjoy absolute protection from any interference within the existing European human and fundamental rights frameworks. This gap could be remedied by introducing new mental rights.
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What Comes After Neoliberalism?
What comes after neoliberalism? This is in many ways the question of our time. Or maybe neoliberalism doesn’t really exist at all? And if it does, what is the relevance for lawyers, legal scholarship and legal practice?
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28 August 2020
Der Wahlrechtsbrei köchelt weiter
Mit der Angst im Nacken, dass die nächste Bundestagswahl das Parlament zu einem Volkskongress chinesischer Größe verwandeln würde, konnten die Spitzen der Regierungskoalition nun doch eine Reform des Wahlrechts zum Deutschen Bundestag verkünden. Bei genauerem Hinsehen entpuppt sich diese jedoch eher als zeitschindender Kompromiss.
Continue reading >>27 August 2020
Why Proceduralism Won’t Save Us from Trump
Can procedural rules rein in the Trump Administration? Many people got their hopes up that they can and will, especially after the United States Supreme Court announced its decision on the DACA rescission. Trump's Department of Homeland Security, however, has announced that it intends to begin dismantling DACA yet again.
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26 August 2020
A Momentum of Opportunity for Belarus and a Cautionary Tale from North Macedonia
Belarus has an unprecedented chance to re-invent itself as a new democracy. Only three years ago, in 2017, North Macedonia was in a similar position, transitioning from a 10-yearlong dictatorship of Nikola Gruevski. Some of the mistakes that were made in this process can be avoided in the case of Belarus.
Continue reading >>Fencing Off the Difference
Public statements of high-ranking politicians expressing hostility towards and disdain of sexual minorities have become common in the recent years in Poland. But the problem of “LGBT-Free Zones” has given the topic a new constitutional quality.
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25 August 2020
„Wirtschaftliche Vernichtung“ unter Freunden
Die USA wollen den Bau der Nord Stream 2-Gaspipeline mit aller Macht verhindern. Angesichts der nahenden Fertigstellung drohen sie beteiligten europäischen Unternehmen nun offen mit gravierenden Wirtschaftssanktionen. Dies ist nicht nur politisch, sondern auch völkerrechtlich in hohem Maße problematisch.
Continue reading >>Schrems II Re-Examined
The Court of Justice of the EU’s judgment in Data Protection Commissioner v Facebook Ireland Limited, Maximillian Schrems (“Schrems II”) of 16 July has already received significant attention. Now that the dust has somewhat settled, however, it deserves re-examination in light of its significant implications for the regulation of international data transfers under the EU General Data Protection Regulation.
Continue reading >>24 August 2020
The Italian Government Enforces Gender Parity in Regional Elections
On 23 July 2020, the Italian government formally warned Apulia that if the region did not introduce gender parity election rules by 28 July 2020, it would do so in its place. Apulia failed to adopt a regional statute in that time frame. Thus, on 31 July 2020, the Italian government adopted Decree Law 86/2020 which essentially introduced a mechanism of “double gender preference” for the regional Parliament elections to be held on 20-21 September 2020. What is clear is that this summer’s events around the Apulia election are yet another example of the “irresistible rise of gender quotas in Europe”, where Germany increasingly stands out as the proverbial exception.
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Warum die Reform des Geldwäscheparagraphen ihr Ziel verfehlt
Das Strafrecht tut sich bisher außerordentlich schwer damit, Geldwäsche effektiv […]
Continue reading >>21 August 2020
Beredtes Schweigen
Die Antwort ist da, die eingehende Erklärung fehlt. Containern zu kriminalisieren, verstößt nicht gegen das Grundgesetz, so das Bundesverfassungsgericht. Doch wer gehofft hatte, dass Karlsruhe Licht ins Dunkel der juristischen Unklarheiten beim Thema Containern bringen und sich dazu positionieren würde, der hoffte vergeblich.
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Parteinahe Stiftungen sind Partei-Stiftungen
Erneut ist die AfD vor dem Bundesverfassungsgericht mit dem Versuch gescheitert, eine Berücksichtigung ihrer Desiderius-Erasmus-Stiftung (DES) bei der staatlichen Finanzierung der parteinahen Stiftungen durchzusetzen. Mit dieser Entscheidung im Eilverfahren ist noch nichts gesagt darüber, ob die DES auch zukünftig leer ausgehen wird. Was das Hauptsacheverfahren betrifft, so erscheint dessen Ausgang nicht sehr klar.
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Lebanon, a Captured State
Lebanon is a captured state. It's institutions have been occupied by the same group of people since the civil war. The sectarian power-sharing has established a balanced system of clientelism, nepotism, and corruption.
Continue reading >>20 August 2020
Why the Key to the Past Lies in the Future
A few days ago, Namibian President Hage Geinob rejected the German government’s offer for financial compensation for the 1904-07 genocide committed by the German colonial power in what was then called Southwest Africa against the Herero and Nama peoples. Germany refuses to consider the payment as an act of reparation, arguing instead that it would serve the “healing of wounds”. The Namibian side considers this inacceptable, insisting that such payments should not be considered a mere act of grace. I find this terminological dispute highly intriguing and telling. It prompts me to react with three responses.
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19 August 2020
A Grand National Assembly or Grand Bulgarian Chicanery?
Autocrats have a bag of tricks to control and appease the masses. Bulgaria’s Prime Minister Boyko Borissov plans to pull a long-forgotten constitutional trick out of his bag — the grand national assembly.
Continue reading >>Abortion in Times of Disinformation
It should have been as straightforward as that. A ten-year-old is raped and now is pregnant. According to Brazilian law, she has the right to terminate her pregnancy at will. However, the girl from our tale yet again has her most fundamental rights violated.
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18 August 2020
How to Make Whistleblower Protection in Europe more Effective
In April 2019, the European Parliament adopted the Whistleblowing Directive, which aims to protect whistleblowers in European Union (EU) countries. The directive entered into force on 16 December 2019 and EU Member States have until the end of 2021 to transpose the provisions of the directive into their legal systems. But how effective can and will this directive be? Some recommendations based on the authors’ personal experience as whistleblowers.
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17 August 2020
When International Rules Come in Handy for an Autocratic Regime
Russian law is moving away from the acceptance of international rules in the domestic legal order. Under the thick fog of isolationist rhetoric, however, lay areas where quite a different attitude towards international rules thrives: one of overzealous implementation - for example when it comes to fighting money laundering.
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16 August 2020
Weaponizing the Post Office
In our pandemic-addled moment, many once-normal activities are now considered dangerous. Hugging hello. Teaching in a classroom. Attending a concert. Having friends over to our homes. And now in the US, we have something else to add to the list of once-normal things that are risky in the pandemic: Voting by mail.
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08 August 2020
Blaming the People is not a Good Starting Point
A few days ago a very thought provoking article written by Prof. J. H. H. Weiler was published on ICONnect blog. I very much agree with the core of his argument that we need to pay more attention to the popular support enjoyed by the Orbán government and we cannot blame everything and anything on him alone. However, there are several points in his argumentation which I would like to address.
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07 August 2020
The Kafkaesque Edifice of Law
The current presidential campaign has already been described as a “révolution de femmes” by Le Monde and echoed with “an ordinary Belarusian wife looking after her two children […] posing the greatest threat to an authoritarian rule” by the Financial Times. The improbable presidential candidate Śviatłana Cichanoǔskaja (or Tsikhanouskaya) decided to run in the campaign in place of her husband Siarhiej Cichanoǔski. He and two other increasingly popular alternative candidates – Viktar Babaryka and Valery Capkała – were not allowed to compete for office, all for different reasons. They were unusually hard challengers for the current autocratic ruler Aliaksandar Łukašenka, who is running for his sixth consecutive term following his 26 years in power.
Continue reading >>Whittling Down the Collective Interest
On Friday 31 July, the Cypriot parliament voted against the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) with Canada. This latest development in the ratification process of CETA illustrates perfectly how facultative mixity continuously frustrates our collective interest in seeing the development of a European public sphere by forcing the discussion on European issues in isolated national public spheres.
Continue reading >>04 August 2020
Toto, we are not in Kansas anymore
The massive consequences of the Covid-19 pandemic are felt throughout the world, not the least in our daily work as scholars and practitioners. While the effect of the pandemic upon the political, legal, and economic systems have been widely debated also on this blog (see here, here, here), the last months have also brought about one of the most rapid and encompassing structural transformations in both academia and legal practice. Reflections on its consequences upon academia were so far overshadowed by more imminent concerns such as the reopening of campuses, student mobility, and mass layoffs in higher education. Yet, many of the changes brought about by the pandemic are here to stay on a long-term basis, hence, this post attempts a first sketch of a critical reflection by discussing some of the potentials and challenges posed by the “Zoomification” of our working lives.
Continue reading >>01 August 2020
Strasbourg slams old democracies on elections
On July 10 this year, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights delivered a seminal judgement in the field of elections in the case of Mugemangango v. Belgium. Beyond its implications for Belgium in particular and the interpretation of Article 3 of Protocol 1 of the ECHR in general, the judgement rocks the long-standing distinction in Strasbourg case-law between old and new democracies. The message from Strasbourg is as clear as it is timely: The rule of law applies equally for all.
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31 July 2020
No Need for a New Constitution in Brazil
In two recent articles, published in English and Portuguese, Professor Bruce Ackerman argued that the roots of Brazil’s political crisis, with the rise of extremist factions to power, is the 1988 Constitution and the presidential system it established. Under Ackerman’s account, the best response to such crisis would be to convene a new Constituent Assembly in 2023 in order to set up a parliamentary system, while also allowing the constituent delegates to “reconsider key decisions by the Assembly of 1988”. In this article, we intend to engage in this debate by explaining why the intent to promulgate a new Constitution might make things even worse.
Continue reading >>30 July 2020
Stay Away from Using your Constitutional Rights
The Academics for Peace Petition is a petition signed by over 2,200 academics in and outside Turkey in 2016. It became, however, more than a simple petition. This collection of signatures put in motion mass criminal proceedings, job dismissals and many other forms of administrative and social sanctions against hundreds of academics in Turkey. This reaction is unprecedented in terms of scale and effects in contemporary times.
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Parity Laws in Germany
Recently, the Thüringian State Constitutional Court struck down a new law requiring parity with regard to party lists for state elections in response to a challenge brought by the populist far-right Alternative for Deutschland. Many of the AfD’s and the male-dominated court’s arguments against the law are common worldwide in debates about quotas. In an increasing number of democracies around the globe, however, quotas have not only survived constitutional challenges but have come to be seen as an essential mechanism for achieving political equality. Empirical research has determined many common concerns about quotas are unfounded. Here I provide some responses to the AfD’s and the Court’s worries about the law, drawn from the extensive political science literature on gender quotas.
Continue reading >>The Walk After Bostock
The judgment of the U.S Supreme Court in Bostock v Clayton Country, is a landmark decision in protecting members of the LGBTQ community from employment discrimination on the basis of their gender identity and sexual orientation. Nevertheless, there are hurdles in the implementation of this judgment, particularly in relation with the right to religious liberty and the right to association under the First Amendment to the U.S Constitution.
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Chasing reality
This year, like every year, saw the usual spate of data and publications aimed at tracking and analysing changes in the Rule of Law. This year, unlike every other year, has seen a global pandemic of hitherto unknown proportions. We have seen extreme changes to institutional powers, the balance between institutions, and new innovations in digital courts and parliaments. These changes render much of the painstakingly collected and analysed data on the Rule of Law out of date.
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29 July 2020
Schrems II: The Right to Privacy and the New Illiberalism
This post unpacks the implications of Schrems II for this new, unstable, and in many instances, illiberal political landscape. A number of excellent posts on this blog have already examined the impact of Schrems II on the corporate actors that transfer EU data globally. My focus here is on how Schrems II and the CJEU’s evolving jurisprudence on the right to privacy can be read as targeting the political developments of recent years.
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The Counter-Enlightenment Strikes Back
How does one make sense of the piece of legislation known as the “Constitution” in a political context where there are no effective mechanisms for its enforcement, and where constitutional text and political reality diverge dramatically? For the longest part of the post-1989 era, the majority of Chinese jurists approached this predicament with an avowedly reformist attitude. Using the familiar language of Enlightenment universalism, they called for the gradual overcoming, through an empowered judiciary, of the rift separating political reality from normative ideal: China, it was said, was “marching toward an age of rights”.
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27 July 2020
No Country for Dissent
On July 25, Twitter ‘withheld’ or disabled access to two tweets made by activist lawyer Prashant Bhushan. Prashant Bhushan had posted two tweets in the end of June, criticizing the Supreme Court and especially its current Chief Justice. Based on the Tweets, the Supreme Court initiated suo moto contempt proceedings against Bhushan on July 21 and Twitter’s withdrawal comes two days after the first hearing in the case.
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Electoral Quotas for Women
Electoral quotas for women (‘EQW’) have become a world trend, raising questions about their constitutionality in different legal systems. This short piece attempts to summarize some of the main issues involved in this debate and the courts’ approach to it. The text concludes by offering some general criteria to assess the constitutionality of EQW.
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26 July 2020
Mexico as an example of Gender Parity in Parliaments?
I would like to participate in the debate on gender parity in Parliaments with the experience of Mexico. Mexico for the first time in its history has 48,2% of women in the Deputies Chamber and 49,2% in the Senate. The parity achieved in the Mexican Congress was the result of successive legislative and constitutional reforms which were supported by the Supreme Court of Justice.
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25 July 2020
Schrems II – A brief history, an analysis and the way forward
On July 16, 2020, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) invalidated the EU-US Privacy Shield – a framework that regulated Trans-Atlantic data transfers. Further, even though the court upheld the validity of Standard Contractual Clauses (SCC) - an EU-approved template to safeguard EU citizens’ data-transfer, it put forth important qualifications for data controllers to adhere to when using such SCCs. This article analyses the ECJ’s ruling, now known as Schrems II, in three parts. The first section sets the stage for the analysis by providing a brief history of EU-US data-flow arrangements and the developments leading up to Schrems II. The second section analyses the ECJ’s decision in Schrems II and finally, the third section concludes by exploring the implications of the ruling and evaluating the way forward.
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Diabolical Persistence
As Genna Churches and Monika Zalnieriute wrote here on 16 July, the day on which the Schrems II decision was published, reading the judgment gives more than a simple feeling déjà vu; it rather looks like a full-blown Groundhog Day: One has the impression of being trapped in a time loop that forces us to relive the day – 6 October 2015 – on which the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) adopted Schrems I and invalidated the European Commission’s Safe Harbour Decision (Safe Harbour) adopted on 26 July 2000. More than a week after the Schrems II judgment was adopted, following the hundreds of comments made on the subject, I shall modestly attempt to consider the judgment (and the underlying saga) from two particular viewpoints.
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23 July 2020
Black Lives and German Exceptionalism
Racism is not limited to anti-blackness nor restricted to the context of policing; however, I use policing and blackness as touchstones for this commentary precisely because this constellation of race and law is consistently thought to present a problem exceptional to the United States. It is not. This article examines the case of police brutality. The nature of policing, not only in the United States but in many places in the world, and certainly in Europe, is such that holding police to account for the deaths of innocent people is not only statistically improbable, but it is designed to be legally impractical.
Continue reading >>The Africanization of International Investment Disputes – from Past to Present
The depiction of Third World resistance to investor-state dispute settlement as a homogeneous one is an oversimplification. While the plurality of Third World Approaches to International Law scholarship is emphasized by its name (“Approaches”), descriptions such as ‘Third World’ and ‘Global South’ tend to leave room for generalization and simplification. Such a simplification may easily discourage flows of much needed capital into African states. I will show that African states have been rather instrumental in shaping today’s ISDS regime and outline an African approach to international investment law.
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22 July 2020
Gender Quotas and the Injuries to Electoral Freedom
Last week’s decision by the Thuringia state constitutional court to invalidate parity legislation destabilizes a widespread understanding of the German constitutional law of sex equality as seen from outside. Because Article 3.2 of the German Basic Law (GG) since 1994 has explicitly stated that “the state shall promote the actual implementation of equal rights for women and men, and eradicating disadvantages that now exist,” it was long assumed by jurists and scholars throughout the world that gender parity measures to overcome women’s disadvantage or underrepresentation in positions of power were permitted, if not encouraged, by German constitutional law. By invalidating the parity legislation, the Thuringia constitutional court calls this understanding into question.
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21 July 2020
‘All nations must be considered to be civilized’
Even though Art. 38 (1)(c) ICJ Statute is supposed to remain the starting point for the identification of general principles of international law, Special Rapporteur Vázquez-Bermúdez suggests avoiding the reference to ‘civilized nations’. Getting rid of the explicit reference to the standard of civilization remains merely cosmetic as long as international sources doctrine does not simultaneously reflect the persisting influence of colonial ideas. Decolonizing international sources doctrine requires remedying Eurocentrist conceptions of what constitutes ‘the principal legal systems of the world’ and understanding the role of the idea of a legal system in the standard of civilization.
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19 July 2020
Undercutting Internet Governance in Brazil
On June 30, 2020, the Brazilian Senate approved Draft Bill No. 2.630 of 2020, also known as “The Fake News Bill”. This bill applies to internet platforms with over 2 million users and seeks to address the warranted concerns presented by the recent spread of online disinformation and defamatory content. As it currently stands, the bill does little to address the individuals and organizations who finance the spread of fake news across social media platforms in Brazil. It also poses threats to user privacy, access to the internet, and freedom of association.
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18 July 2020
One day (Vandaag) …
Yes I do ... have a migration background. Yet, due to mere genetic randomness, my “Germanness” has hardly ever been challenged – at least until the moment when it comes to the correct spelling of my family name: “KHan” not “KaHn” – Dschinghis, not Oliver – please! Occasionally, I still get carried away with coquetting in my lectures: “I would be inclined to say – I am a case of successful integration.” Some students may then be slightly embarrassed, in particular after a controversial discussion about immigration policy. But that’s it basically, my personal home story about “racism”! But to be very clear and unambiguous: my father’s story is a much longer and a much more painful one! But that’s another story.
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Parity laws in Germany – Caving in to Gender Backlash or Consolidating Women’s Citizenship Status?
In this contribution we examine the German developments in light of broader European debates. Though we believe that the German Basic Law can support stronger arguments for parity laws in representative political institutions, we do not need to make such stronger arguments here to defend the constitutionality of parity laws. For what is at stake is ultimately a question of legislative discretion: whether German legislatures are allowed to pass parity laws as a matter of state and federal constitutional law. Such legislative discretion is particularly appropriate where the constitutional text itself provides no clear standards, academic commentators disagree and where – as in this case – there exists a significant European trend towards adopting gender quotas with regional and international institutions repeatedly encouraging the adoption of such laws.
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17 July 2020
Changing Perspectives
On Black and White and everything in between.
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Attacking the Bar Associations
In the midst of pandemic, thousands of attorneys-at-law in Turkey have spent days and nights for almost two weeks to protest a bill that prescribes amendments in the Advocacy Law. The bill would reduce the representation of (generally progressive) lawyers from Turkey’s big cities in the national Union of Turkish Bar Associations and furthermore allows setting up new bar associations. It is feared that this might be used to weaken the existing strong bar associations that have repeatedly criticized the government in the past on matters concerning human rights and the protection of the rule of law.
Continue reading >>16 July 2020
Gender Parity in Parliaments – an Introduction
In an ideal world, there would be no laws mandating equal representation of men and women. Candidates for political offices would be selected according to their ability and political programs, representative bodies would roughly represent the composition of society, and the gender of the candidates would hardly be worth mentioning. In the political reality in Germany and elsewhere things are different.
Continue reading >>A Groundhog Day in Brussels
16 July 2020 feels like Groundhog Day in Brussels. For those, who did not see the famous film Groundhog Day, it’s about reliving the same experience again and again until the main protagonist gets ‘why’. Similarly, the much anticipated Schrems II decision, delivered by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) today, is almost a ‘reliving’ of its earlier decision in Schrems I. How many ‘Schrems’ are we going to have — and who is the protagonist that needs to get ‘why’? Let’s look at it all in more detail.
Continue reading >>Hacking Back and International Law: An Irreconcilable Pair?
Imagine you‘re at the onset of a global pandemic, and one of the nation‘s leading hospitals falls victim to a debilitating cyberattack, crippling its medical infrastructure for days. This is exactly what happened to Brno University Hospital on March 13, then home to one of the largest COVID-19 testing facilities in the Czech Republic. Now imagine further that your national security authorities identify a command and control server through which the attackers execute the malicious cyber operation, which would end immediately if you were to hack “back” into that system to render it inoperative (this part is fiction). Technically, that would be feasible. Alas, you realise that the server is located abroad. Shouldn't you be allowed to go ahead and heroically save the nation?
Continue reading >>Are These “Moral Dilemmas” Real?
Yesterday, András Jakab talked about the 'moral dilemmas' that constitutional scholars face when teaching in a country where the rule of law is eroding and illustrated some possibilities to deal with them. WOJIECH SADURSKI disagrees.
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15 July 2020
The Celebration of Extra-Judicial Murders: Who’s Watching India?
Police killing and brutality have become common news in India lately, with various cases where citizens were beaten, and even killed, on account of trivial violations of the nationwide COVID-lockdown. Instead of using its resources and manpower to gather evidence and bring the accused to trial, the police in India seems to prefer the easy way of extra-judicial killings. The incidents of these killings on the very face of it seem fabricated, as eerily similar narratives are given. Since the draconian Indian Criminal Procedure Code allows the police to fatally injure a person ‘forcibly’ resisting or evading arrest, if he is accused of an offence punishable with death or life imprisonment, most of these narratives include the accused trying to evade the police or firing at it. Such killings with deliberately concocted circumstances, are in common parlance termed as ‘fake encounter’.
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Moral Dilemmas of Teaching Constitutional Law in an Autocratizing Country
We often (here and here) talk about the methodological challenges that autocratizing regimes pose to constitutional scholars. However, so far we have not given enough attention to the moral dilemmas that constitutional law scholars face on a daily basis when teaching at universities that are geographically located in autocratizing countries. Constitutional law professors in such regimes are today facing moral dilemmas that they definitely did not sign up for when they originally chose their jobs. Traditionally, in continental legal cultures, university education focuses on doctrinal-conceptual legal thinking (Rechtsdogmatik) which systematizes elements of positive law (legal provisions, judicial decisions) along key concepts, with the help of doctrinal academic writings. All this presupposes a minimum level of the rule of law, and exactly this is fading away in autocratizing countries.
Continue reading >>The Chinese threat we forgot about: Huawei and ISDS
During the era of coronavirus emergency, the words China and threat tend to suggest the origin of our common affliction. The world to emerge from coronavirus however will face both new challenges and the echo of old ones. An old problem is what to do about Chinese involvement in 5G infrastructure development. In light of the recent ban for Huawei equipment by the UK this post addresses the question of whether the Chinese multinational Huawei would have an investment claim against the German government were they to prohibit its participation in 5G deployment.
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13 July 2020
Patching a gap in the EU’s system of judicial remedies
In the judgment in case C-575/18 P last week, the Court of Justice closed a hole in the EU’s system of judicial protection: it ruled that judicial review of a Commission’s claim of own resources under Regulation 1150/2000 could be obtained through an action for damages for unjust enrichment based on analogous application of Art. 268, 340 (2) TFEU. This case shines a light both on the deficiencies in the EU system of legal remedies and on the approach of the Court of Justice in addressing them.
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12 July 2020
The General Prosecutor Unbound
It is no secret that the rule of law in Bulgaria has been fragile for a long time, like in many other post-socialist states. Still, what has been going on in the last days in Bulgaria is extraordinary in a number of ways. It could be seen as an attack against the very constitutional foundations of the state. In this brief post, I will just focus on the last development concerning the disregard of the constitutional principle of the rule of law by one of the highest authorities in the state, namely the General Prosecutor.
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11 July 2020
Court-Packing, Judicial Independence, and Populism
Should the US Supreme Court be reformed? Many advocate for the introduction of term limits and/or other reforms. The new “court reform” movement is interesting no matter what its actual prospects are because it seems – but we think only seems – to fall within a broad category of challenges to constitutional courts brought by populists around the world.
Continue reading >>Ask the Dust
Last week, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) condemned France for violating Article 3 of the Convention, by reducing asylum seekers to destitution in such an intensity that it constitutes a degrading treatment. It asserts that the French authorities failed to fulfill their obligations under national law against three of the plaintiffs. According to the Court, the national authorities must be held responsible for the conditions in which they left the asylum seekers, who lived for months on the street, without any resources, without any access to sanitary facilities, without any means of providing for their basic needs and in the constant anguish of being attacked and robbed
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No more Piecemeal Tactics
The EU’s Whistleblowing Directive is supposed to protect whistleblowers comprehensively – but its strict implementation might do just the contrary: The protection of reporting persons would end up shattered and remain insufficient. Neither national security whistleblowers such as Edward Snowden nor persons reporting sexual offences would be protected under the Directive's provisions – to name only two protection gaps. Therefore, a “1:1 implementation” as discussed by the German Government is the wrong way. Quite contrary the implementation of the Directive should be seen as a chance to enact a comprehensive and all-encompassing national whistleblowing regulation.
Continue reading >>09 July 2020
In Search for an Antidote
In early January 2020, the Chinese doctor Li Wenliang became the first victim of what would soon become a global censorship pandemic. After warning colleagues about a mysterious SARS-like disease in an online chat room, Dr. Li and seven other doctors were arrested for spreading “false rumors.” Li had to sign an agreement warning of consequences if he continued his “illegal activities.” By 31 December 2019, the government forced social media platforms like YY and WeChat to censor content related to the coronavirus, Dr. Li and the government’s handling of the outbreak. Next, the regime cracked down on journalists, commentators and foreign correspondents covering the crisis. On 7 February 2020, Dr. Li died of the coronavirus. There can be little doubt that COVID-related misinformation can cause harm and panic. But censorship is a bad medicine that may well worsen rather than cure the infection of distrust and conspiracy theories.
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08 July 2020
Voting in Times of a Pandemic
Last Sunday, the Croatian parliamentary elections took place. Holding the elections in the middle of a pandemic triggered a broad debate on the restrictions of the right to vote proposed by the State Electoral Commission of the Republic of Croatia (DIP) in order to protect public health. The initial voting instructions of the Commission were substantially changed a few days before the elections after the country’s Constitutional Court got involved. Before the court’s decision people who had COVID-19 were forbidden to vote.
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Wahlstation beim Verfassungsblog
Für kluge und engagierte Rechtsreferendar_innen (m/w/*) haben wir in unserem neuen Büro in Berlin-Kreuzberg ab sofort einen Schreibtisch frei.
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07 July 2020
Strasbourg Steps in
In recent months, the European Court of Human Rights has communicated to the Government of the Republic of Poland several important cases concerning changes in the judiciary. Potential Strasbourg judgements may be important in containing further undermining of the independence of the judiciary and may complement measures taken at the European Union level.
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Practicing Parity
On July 15, the Constitutional Court of the German Land of Thuringia will announce its decision on the fate of Thuringia’s controversial Parity Act, which was passed by Thuringia’s parliament, the Landtag, in 2019. Like Germany’s first Parity Act in Brandenburg, it requires that electoral candidate lists put forward for Landtag elections will have to consist of an equal number of alternating women and men, with the aim of increasing the share of female lawmakers. Several lawsuits challenging the constitutionality of parity legislation have been filed. While not all arguments against the parity acts are convincing, it seems likely that they will be found unconstitutional. Like in other countries, supporters of parity could in this case resort to campaigning for a constitutional amendment.
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To Vote or Not to Vote?
The COVID-19 pandemic poses considerable challenges to democracies across the world. This is particularly apparent with regard to the holding of elections which states have approached in various ways. States face the following tension: On the one hand, the obligation to protect the rights to health and life requires states to limit the spread of the pandemic by reducing human-to-human contact. At the same time, these measures encroach upon the right to political participation. Against that background, an intricate balancing of the various interests in light of international human rights law seems necessary.
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03 July 2020
Minority Power
On electoral law, parliamentary law and other nerdy aspects of contemporary German politics.
Continue reading >>02 July 2020
Farewell to the European Constitutional Tradition
On 1 July 2020, with Russia’s coronavirus cases passing 650,000 and following an elaborate spectacle of public affirmation, the Russian electorate eventually confirmed the constitutional amendments. First proposed by Russian president Vladimir Putin in January, the 2020 Russian Constitutional Amendments were initially planned to enter into force only three months later upon approval in an ‘all-Russian vote’ scheduled for 22 April 2020 but had to be postponed due to the spread of the coronavirus. Although many of these amendments have to be considered mainly symbolic, they constitute the most fundamental changes of Russia’s Constitution in its 26-year history.
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01 July 2020
Children in Lockdown
Medically (while more scientific studies are necessary), COVID-19 largely seems to have little impact on children. However, children have been deeply affected by the lockdowns implemented to protect everyone else’s vulnerability. There is one issue which has so far received scant attention in the Covid-19 English-language constitutional law analysis, namely that of the ramifications of domestic lockdowns for children’s constitutional protections. Using Norway as a case study, we identify a set of issues and propose how a critique could have been articulated.
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SCOTUS Aids Trump’s Drive to Autocracy
The United States Supreme Court just took a big step in that authoritarian direction in Seila Law LLC v. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, in a 5-4 decision. In that case, the Supreme Court created a constitutional rule that the President has the right to fire high executive branch officials for political reasons.
Continue reading >>30 June 2020
New Salt into an Open Wound
The entry ban imposed by the Japanese government on April 3 in the wake of the Covid-19 pandemic has shed a new light on the somewhat “schizophrenic” situation that foreign nationals in Japan often find themselves in. While the Japanese government is slowly trying to open the labor market for foreign talent, launching internationalization campaigns at universities and building towards an international image surrounding the upcoming Olympic Games, the reality of foreign workers’ rights protection in Japan looks bleak in many respects. In fact, foreign residents in Japan still face social and legal discrimination of various kinds.
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29 June 2020
Frankenstein’s Court
Due to Brexit, the remaining 27 EU Member States would like to remove Eleanor Sharpston, an Advocate General nominated by the United Kingdom, from the CJEU. Many have criticized this idea, claiming that a removal would undermine the judicial independence of the Court. This post argues that the position taken by the EU 27 to remove Eleanor Sharpston from the Court is actually well-reasoned and lawful while leaving her in office would lead to strange consequences e.g. that the Judges of the Court are less protected than its Advocate Generals.
Continue reading >>Homophobia Disguised as Children’s Rights in Russia’s Constitutional Referendum
From the 25th of June to the 1st of July, Russia is holding a referendum, in which citizens are asked to vote on a package of amendments to the country’s constitution. The amended constitution could enable President Putin to remain in power until 2036. State officials reportedly played down the resetting of presidential term limits. Instead, they focused on other amendments, especially those concerning faith in god, the preeminence of the Russian language, and the definition of marriage exclusively as a union between a man and a woman.
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28 June 2020
Faithless Electors
As the U.S. Supreme Court term draws to a close, one set of eagerly watched cases could have potential implications for the upcoming presidential election in the United States. The Court is poised to decide two cases that involve so-called “faithless” electors. Electors are the people whose votes select the President of the United States, and the electors in these cases refused to cast their votes for the presidential candidate who won the popular vote in their home states.
Continue reading >>26 June 2020
On Flags, Borders and Crimes
On burning flags, freedom of opinion and why we don't care if foreigners get hit
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No unity in the United Kingdom
The United Kingdom has not achieved a unified approach towards COVID-19. Rather, the crisis has exposed the transformation of the UK into nations pulling in quite different directions. This post will discuss the disunity in the British response to coronavirus, focusing on the Scottish and British governments. COVID-19 illustrates the political and legal instability of the British constitution as the country exits the European Union.
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“Race” and the Constitution: A South African perspective
For a South African constitutional lawyer, watching from afar, the current debate in Germany on the removal of the word “race” from section 3 of article 3 of the German Basic Law, is perplexing. In the South African context, a similar call would widely be viewed as a regressive step aimed at protecting white privilege and reinforcing the social and economic dominance of the white minority. The South African and German contexts and histories differ, and the word “race” might have different connotations in German than it has in English, but it may nevertheless be of interest to consider why the words “race”, “racial” and “non-racialism” are mentioned in several provisions of the South African Constitution.
Continue reading >>25 June 2020
Loyalty vs. Sovereignty
The German Constitutional Court’s Weiss ruling has led to a major debate as to whether a national supreme court may disregard ECJ case law, asserting that the ECJ had acted ultra vires. Similar debates have existed for quite some time in the EFTA pillar of the EEA, consisting of Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. A relatively small but powerful group of lawyers in the Norwegian administration (led by the Government Attorney), orthodox dualist professors and judges loyal to the government has used Norway’s dominant position to attempt to redefine EEA law. One of the most effective strategies is the suppression of the notion of loyalty or good faith and its replacement by a strategy of creating “room for manoeuvre” (“RFM”) for Norway.
Continue reading >>Bringing a Hammer to the Chess Board
In cases where constitutional law is slowly losing its normative force, sophisticated doctrinal-conceptual systems (Verfassungsdogmatik) may even become ridiculous and, to some degree, dishonest. While showing a very few examples of doctrinal absurdities in a judgment of a captured and subservient constitutional court can be meaningful (also in order to corroborate the claim about its captured nature), writing a thorough doctrinal analysis on such a judgment is a futile, frustrating and meaningless exercise. A thorough doctrinal analysis can even legitimize the theater of legalism by taking seriously words which are not worth to be taken seriously. Judicial decisions of captured courts and doctrinal writings of pro-autocracy academics in these countries can be viewed as merely performative acts (as opposed to reasons).
Continue reading >>24 June 2020
If the Message Doesn’t Suit, Shoot the Messenger
The attack on Dimitry Kochenov for being involved in "passport trade" raise a question of academic freedom: When do an academic’s views or actions put them beyond the pale?
Continue reading >>Women’s Europe: Voices in Times of Covid
These are 20 voices of European women and men joining in a video series launched on YouTube with personalities from the academic, political and European associationism world, many of them from EUI alumni and staff. They want to remind European and national institutions that will not let this crisis, like so many others in the past, to be settled with a bill that is disproportionately paid by women.
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23 June 2020
Riga and Venice on a Collision Course
After the judgment on minority languages in public schools more than a year ago, the Latvian Constitutional Court has passed several other judgments regarding the restrictions on using such languages in education. A recent opinion of the Venice Commission raises questions about the quality of analysis from the point of view of international law.
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22 June 2020
Defending the Open Society against its Enemies
On 18 June 2020, in the case of Commission v Hungary (Transparency of associations), the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice held that Hungarian authorities “introduced discriminatory and unjustified restrictions on foreign donations to civil society organisations” when it adopted a new legislation on NGO in 2017. How will the Hungarian government react? Six potential scenarios can be outlined from not doing anything (scenario 1) – an unlikely option due to the threat of pecuniary sanctions – to full and good faith compliance with the judgment resulting in the total repeal of the Lex NGO (scenario 6) – equally unlikely. Between these two, four additional ones may be foreseen.
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The Conviction of Maria Ressa and the Unequal Enforcement of the Truth
The cyber libel conviction of Maria Ressa and Reynaldo Santos Jr. by a regional trial court in Manila last week threw into sharp relief the manifestly different standards of accuracy enforced against citizens and the government. In a country presently governed by an administration that has allegedly been the source of widespread disinformation, private media and citizen reporters are subjected to ever stricter anti-falsehood laws. The case provokes to rethink private and state accountability for the spreading of falsehoods.
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20 June 2020
Apropos Künast-Fall
Die jüngsten Kammerbeschlüsse des BVerfG lassen sich als Kommentar zur öffentlichen Debatte über die Entscheidungen des Landgerichts Berlin zu den Facebook-Postings gegen Renate Künast lesen. Dem Zerrbild seiner Rechtsprechung, das teilweise in dieser Debatte gezeichnet wurde, hat das BVerfG mit diesen Entscheidungen eine Bestätigung und Konkretisierung der tatsächlichen Maßstäbe seiner Rechtsprechung entgegengesetzt.
Continue reading >>19 June 2020
Arbitrary and capricious
On dreamers, Trump, the US Supreme Court and the difference between a Rechtsstaat and an authoritarian regime.
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18 June 2020
Inherited Confusion
Necessitas non habet legem, this ancient maxim meaning that necessity has no law appears to be applicable to Tunisia during the pandemic. The Tunisian authorities rapidly took measures to fight the coronavirus outbreak. But the broad language used in the legal texts ruling the COVID-19 crisis – such as the constitution and the various governmental and presidential decrees – combined with legal doctrine likening Tunisia’s constitutional emergency clause to that of France have added to the confusion of power. This is not only endangering the newly installed democratic government but illustrates how the adoption of a foreign constitutional framework impacts new democracies, making it difficult for the Tunisian constitutional system to evolve.
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Who is ultra vires now?
For decades, and until a few weeks ago, Article 310 TFEU has been seen as prohibiting the EU from borrowing to finance its expenditure. The Commission’s Next Generation EU proposal reverses that interpretation and raises fundamental questions of EU law and its dynamic interpretation. With such a sudden change of heart, are the Member States under a duty to follow? What constitutional limits remain to their membership obligations?
Continue reading >>17 June 2020
Investment Law in Corona Times: How Myths Fuel Injustice
One of the leitmotivs of the discourse around the pandemic is that ‘there cannot be going back to business as usual’ (see here and here). Yet, it is business as usual that is alarmingly looming in Corona times. In this context, at least two developments are worthy of note: the first is the much discussed risk of a wave of Covid-related investment claims. The second, possibly less noticed, is that countries are silently expanding the scope of a system that does not adequately strengthen sustainability in economic relations, despite laconic initiatives to this purpose.
Continue reading >>Workplace Pride
The United States Supreme Court issued a landmark decision in Bostock v. Clayton Countyon 15 June 2020 with major implications for 8,1 million LGBTQ+ workers (1 million of which transgender individuals), that now enjoy protection against discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation and/or gender identity. This contribution delves into the Court’s decision and its consequences, and also discusses its past key LGBTQ+ related rulings that have brought much-needed equality for the LGBTQ+ community in the last 20 years.
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16 June 2020
Judicial Responses to Bolsonarism: The Leading Role of the Federal Supreme Court
Criticism against the Brazilian judiciary, especially the Supreme Court, has been on the rise in the past couple of decades. Under Jair Bolsonaro’s presidency, however, courts are experiencing a more radical and dangerous form of opposition, which transcends the borders of legitimate criticism and undertakes a direct attack on the judicial branch. This must be understood in light of the Federal Supreme Court’s backlash against Bolsonaro’s maneuvers to flame his supporters and violate the Brazilian Constitution of 1988. This article aims at recollecting the most important rulings and procedures that take part in this reaction.
Continue reading >>The French Loi de Vigilance: Prospects and Limitations of a Pioneer Mandatory Corporate Due Diligence
The French Loi de Vigilance is the result of a remarkable mobilization of trade unions, civil society and parliamentarians. It combines hard law with (international) soft law standards on business and human rights and introduces an unprecedented corporate duty of vigilance in French tort law.
Continue reading >>15 June 2020
Ultra vires and constitutional identity control – apples and oranges or two drops of water?
The PSPP decision raised the question of how to deal with competence and jurisdictional conflicts in the EU. Once suggestion is to install a Mixed Appeal Chamber of the CJEU. Apart from ultra vires control, the New Chamber could also engage in constitutional identity review of EU law. In order to do that I will propose, what I call, the “sequential” model of adjudication on Art. 4(2) TEU, which in my opinion can be applied in the current legal setting, but which could be potentially complemented with the establishment of the new chamber.
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14 June 2020
Constitutional Adjudication of International Law Violations
On June 9, 2020, the Israeli Supreme Court delivered its long-awaited decision regarding the 2017 Settlement Law. The Court invalidated the Law by an 8 to 1 majority, determining that it violated the constitutional rights to property, dignity and equality. In addition to the importance of the concrete decision, the ruling raises important issues regarding the applicability of Israeli constitutional law to the Occupied Territories, the role of international law in the context of constitutional review in Israel, and the relevance of the answers to these issues in the case of a possible upcoming annexation of the West Bank.
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12 June 2020
Want a law? Draft one
On Berlin, communizing real-estate behemoths and the power to initiate a law
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11 June 2020
From Legal Fiction to Reality: Securing the Dignity of India’s Manual Scavengers
Manual scavenging is one of the most inhumane and abhorrent sanitation practices prevalent in modern India: broadly, it means deploying individuals to manually clean up drainage systems. ‘Manual scavengers’ (unfortunately, for the lack of a better term) have been denied their humanitarian due for centuries in the Indian sub-continent and their constitutional due for 70 years in the Republic of India – it is high time the Law dismantles the structure that perpetuates their oppression.
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Homosexuality as a Form of Expression
Numerous courts have dealt with the question whether the sexual identity of an individual enjoys constitutional protection as freedom of expression. Recently, Singapore’s Supreme Court has rejected this understanding of the freedom of expression which highlights the different approaches of courts across countries like Singapore, India, Botswana, and Kenya.
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10 June 2020
Liberal Censorship
The clash between Trump and Twitter epitomises a new dynamic that raises important questions and dilemmas for the liberal order: the dilemma of liberal censorship.
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Taming the Karlsruhe Dragon
In order to reconcile the conflicting claims for primacy within the parameters set by the BVerfG and EU law, the German parliament could (and should) amend the procedural rules for the BVerfG: the first, and most fundamental of these changes would provide for an order to conduct a referendum on whether Germany should exercise its right to withdraw from the EU under Art. 50 TEU as the only definitive judicial remedy available if a conflict between EU law and the German constitution cannot otherwise be resolved.
Continue reading >>09 June 2020
Hypocritical and Illegitimate
In March, the German Ministry for Transport and Infrastructure (‘Ministry’) amended a number of ship safety laws. While appearing standard at first glance, they are the latest attempt to obstruct the operations of civil sea-rescue NGOs, which is why this week the affected NGOs went public with their outrage at this development.
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08 June 2020
“Passport Trade”: A Vicious Cycle of Nonsense in the Netherlands
“How can you justify the fact that your work was translated into Russian? This goes against the claim that you engage in academic work. Is Russian not the language of billionaires interested in getting another citizenship?” Following the persistent repetition of this question by a four-person independent investigation committee installed by my home University, my lawyer, seeing that I have no words – indeed, am unable to speak – asks for a break and leads me out of the room. We sit on the steps in front of the beautiful Academy building. This is Groningen, January 2020, I am a Dutch professor of European Constitutional Law and Citizenship here and Russian is my mother tongue.
Continue reading >>To Shoot Down a Judge
Waldemar Żurek, a Polish Judge tirelessly campaigning to preserve the independence of Polish courts, has probably endured every kind of repression that those in power have in their arsenal, save for being suspended as a judge. He was transferred against his will to another division in his court, harassed with anonymous threats over the phone and in emails and is now facing Kafkaesque claims of criminal misconduct.
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06 June 2020
It’s the Autonomy (Again, Again and Again), Stupid!
On the 5th of May 2020, the German Federal Constitutional Court (FCC) delivered its anticipated judgement on the PSPP case. This decision once again reveals the problem of autonomy between constitutional orders and the connection between autonomy and conferral. Conflicting methodologies, however, if understood as a criterion to ascertain competence on behalf of one of the autonomous orders, can never be resolved without the definition of a judicial last word.
Continue reading >>05 June 2020
Quis furor, o cives…
On civil rights, civil war and why one should beware of false associations looking at Minneapolis.
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Lifting Travel Restrictions in the Era of COVID-19: In Search of a European Approach
On 13 May, the European Commission presented a package of guidelines and recommendations to help Member States gradually lift travel restrictions and allow tourism businesses to reopen. With this initiative, the Commission aimed to play a pro-active role in ensuring an orderly and coordinated exit strategy after months of lockdown in virtually all EU Member States. However, few weeks later, it seems that every Member State applies its own rules and timetable for lifting the travel restrictions, leading to a non-transparent patchwork of rules and regulations.
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04 June 2020
The ‘Constitutional Military Intervention’: Brazil on the Verge of Democratic Breakdown
After numerous judicial defeats in the past couple of months, Bolsonaro chose to travel down the path of intimidation and defiance rather than institutional reform: Through dubious constitutional interpretation, he and his supporters are ascribing to the armed forces the role of a "constitutional moderator" in order to undermine the independence of the Supreme Court.
Continue reading >>In Praise of Uncertainty
The Bundesverfassungsgericht's PSPP decision will have immense consequences. I have no reason to doubt the alarm raised by so many informed and respected commentators. But here’s one small thing that has been lost in the debate so far. The Court’s decision to go its own way on a question of European law might be seen as evidence of the influence of the common law tradition in the European legal system. That’s no bad thing, and it’s probably unavoidable in any case.
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03 June 2020
Repression of Freedom of Expression in Poland: Renewing support for Wojciech Sadurski
In pre-COVID19 times we drew attention (here and here) to the fact that our colleague, Professor Wojciech Sadurski, faces multiple civil and criminal cases in Poland resulting from his tweets which were critical of the ruling party. The cases were brought against him by the current government and its associates. Unfortunately, COVID19 has evidently not changed their priorities
Continue reading >>The Faceless Court
The authority of the European Court of Justice (ECJ), the veritable Supreme Court of the European Union, has come under attack. In May 2020, the German Constitutional Court challenged the authority of the ECJ by holding that the Luxembourg court had acted beyond its mandate by allowing the quantitative easing measures issued by the European Central Bank. While many remain fixated on how the German decision has triggered the EU constitutional crisis, the public may have overlooked a more fundamental problem that has long beset the legitimacy of the ECJ—its own institutional failures.
Continue reading >>02 June 2020
The EU Judiciary After Weiss
The damage to the integrity of the EU’s legal order and its rule of law is done, and the toothpaste cannot be pushed back into the tube. So the pressing questions now are two: How to address and mitigate the damage, and how to prevent its repetition. We propose that in the Conference on the Future of Europe serious consideration be given to the establishment of a new appeal jurisdiction within the Court of Justice, strictly and narrowly confined to Weiss type cases, where at issue is the delineation of the jurisdictional line between the Member States and their EU.
Continue reading >>01 June 2020
Five Reasons to Question the Legality of a National Security Law for Hong Kong
On 28 May 2020, the National People’s Congress (NPC) resolved to authorize its Standing Committee (NPCSC) to enact a piece of national security law for Hong Kong. Would this decision be in contravention of the Basic Law? Some people may say that this is a stupid question. Maybe it is. But if the Central Government still claims to be abide by the rule of law, and if the NPC is not above the law, then whether its decision would contravene the Basic Law is a serious question about the rule of law.
Continue reading >>30 May 2020
From Emergency to Disaster
This week, Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s government put before the Hungarian Parliament two draft laws that, if passed, would end the state of emergency and create a new legal framework for handing the pandemic from here on out. In doing so, the government was responding to those who criticized the unlimited power that the government had been given in the law creating a pandemic emergency, the Enabling Act of 30 March 2020. That law allowed the government to override any law by decree, a power that was unlimited in both scope and time and that violated Fidesz’ own “illiberal” constitution the Fundamental Law.
The new laws are no better, and may even be worse. One of the draft laws is less than one page long accompanied by two pages of justification. It purports to repeal the initial Enabling Act (about which, more below). The other one is called the law on “transitional provisions” and at first it seems only to provide lots of technical answers to questions that arise about how to reset deadlines for various legal processes that were delayed when the economy stopped. The new laws are no better, and may even be worse.
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Rights reaching beyond Borders
The German Federal Constitutional Court's ruling on the BND establishes that the German fundamental rights guarantee protections against the interference of a German state authority like the BND also for non-German nationals in non-German territory. The court, however, leaves the question unaddressed of whether the extra-territorial applicability of the German fundamental rights extends to other scenarios as well, and especially to the other dimensions of the German fundamental rights.
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Constitutional Innovation, Democratic Stagnation?
The recovery plan of the Commission entitled “Next Generation EU” proposes a compromise that goes beyond the ominous lowest common denominator. With a package of EUR 750bn in total, comprising EUR 250bn in loans and the rest in grants, the Commission paves the way for both forward-looking public finance and constitutional innovation. The proposals are masterpieces of high-tech legal engineering. Again, European constitutional law evolves through crisis. Yet, again, it stands to reason how far the proposed instruments will shift the European Union towards enhancing solidarity and democracy.
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Trump vs. Twitter
Donald Trump is among the world’s most famous and prolific Twitter brawlers, picking fights — while the sitting President of the United States — with, among others, Greta Thunberg, supermodel Chrissy Teigen, and his former Secretary of State Rex Tillerson. Now he finds himself in a fight with Twitter itself, and he is bringing the power of his high office to bear. After Twitter began flagging tweets from the President under a new fact-checking policy, Trump issued an Executive Order (EO) that threatens actions against platforms engaged in “Online Censorship.” The legal effects of the President’s action are likely to be limited. The broader political effects are harder to gauge.
Continue reading >>29 May 2020
Terrible Order
On Hong Kong, Kompetenz-Kompetenz and the necessity of taking sides.
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The Schrödinger’s Advocate General
We know Brexit means Brexit but should it also mean violating EU Primary Law? Eleanor Sharpston QC, one of the Advocates General of the European Court of Justice, launched an unprecedented legal action "against the EU and her own judicial colleagues after attempts were made to sack her": The national governments of 27 EU Member States decided to terminate her appointment early. Why? Because Brexit ought to mean Brexit or so it seems.
Continue reading >>Unquestioned supremacy still begs the question
Earlier this week, 32 leading scholars of EU law and politics signed the statement that national courts cannot override CJEU judgments, in response to a demonstration by the BVerfG that it actually can. We share the signatories’ concern that Weiss might (and most probably will) be used as a pretext for refusing to comply with the CJEU’s rulings and the EU rule of law requirements in Member States such as Poland or Hungary. We are also critical of the conclusion to which the BVerfG arrived in its decision, though we accept some of its premises (i.e., that the national disapplication of EU acts may be justified in some rare and exceptional cases). However, even though we are not all constitutional pluralists, we take issue with some aspects of the reasoning behind the original statement and question the doctrinal and empirical arguments it invokes in favour of EU law’s unconditional supremacy.
Continue reading >>COVID-19 in Paraguay: Health Success and Constitutional Deficit
Paraguay has been rated as the South American country that has best avoided the spread of COVID-19. This success could have come under the wing of the rule of the Constitution. However, up to now, the Paraguayan response to COVID-19 brought along with it the use of a constitutionally questionable law, kept in force a terrible approach to constitutional interpretation, and missed the opportunity for the branches of public power to collaborate with one another.
Continue reading >>Fighting COVID-19 with Religious Discrimination
The Korean authorities have garnered significant praise for their effective response to COVID-19. However, the country’s experience has not been without controversy. A significant proportion of cases were publicly attributed to a controversial religious congregation, and the authorities’ dealings with its members raise questions about compliance with a number of human rights.
Continue reading >>28 May 2020
VB Live: Judicial Independence – a Public Talk by Robert Spano, President of the ECtHR
Today on VB: In his first public talk since taking over the presidency of the European Court of Human Rights, Judge Robert Spano speaks about "The Principle of Judicial Independence and the Democratic Virtues of Human Rights Law." The talk will be followed by questions from the online audience, chaired by iCourts Director, Professor Mikael Rask Madsen.
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A Motion of No Confidence and Political Power Struggles Amidst a Pandemic
Only in office since the beginning of February, Kosovo’s Prime Minister Albin Kurti did not survive a motion of no confidence in late March. Instead of calling new elections, the President of the Republic has been working towards forming a new government, invoking his right to propose a Prime Minister. This move, however, has no basis in the constitution, and the Constitutional Court is expected to clarify the matter any day.
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27 May 2020
Passive and Unequal: The Karlsruhe Vision for the Eurozone
The decision of the Bundesverfassungsgericht on the European Central Bank’s PSPP program did not come as a shock. All the critical arguments of that decision can be found explicitly or implicitly in the BVerfG’s referral to the Court of Justice of the EU on 18 July 2017. The real object of the decision of the BVerfG is the economic governance of the Eurozone or rather the big bet of European solidarity and European integration, in the midst of a pandemic even.
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26 May 2020
National Courts Cannot Override CJEU Judgments
The European Union is a community based on the rule of law. The EU legal order is the backbone that holds the EU together, and the German Federal Constitutional Court’s ruling in Weiss poses a profound threat to that legal order. This threat goes far beyond the potential consequences of the Weiss ruling for European monetary policy. We write this statement to express our shared view that the German Court’s assertion that it can declare that a CJEU judgment “has no binding force in Germany” is untenable and must be forcefully rejected. We also write to challenge those versions of scholarship on constitutional pluralism and constitutional identity that would defend the authority of any national court to make such a ruling and that helped (even if unintentionally) encourage it to do so.
Continue reading >>Lockdown Fatigue: Pandemic from the Perspective of Nudge Theory
Some governments have responded to the COVID-19 pandemic by developing policies based on ideas from behavioural psychology, especially ‘nudge theory’. But the pandemic has highlighted two important failings of ‘nudging’ – its libertarian opposition to state intervention; and its lack of any theory of psychological interiority.
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COVID-19: Walking the Tightrope of Vaccination Obligations
Normally, outside states of public health emergency, many countries employ some type of vaccination coercion scheme to encourage uptake. The range of possible measures, including monetary incentives, social exclusion, fines, and criminal penalties, fall on a spectrum from voluntary to strictly mandatory. Given the power and efficacy of vaccinations, many nations have adopted varying approaches to compelling vaccination against emergent public health threats. Specifically, this article examines the legal and historical orientation of mandatory vaccination in the US and Germany.
Continue reading >>Can an Unlawful Judge be the First President of the Supreme Court?
Yesterday, the President of Poland appointed Małgorzata Manowska as the First President of the Supreme Court. The Polish Supreme Court, with Manowska as its First President, may from now on have difficulty providing the appearance of independence as required from all national courts dealing with EU law.
Continue reading >>States of Emergency
The fifty days of the ‘COVID-19 and States of emergency’ Symposium covered the height of the global legal reaction to the pandemic, offering a snapshot of countries in collective crisis. It began with a call for a global conversation on the kind of legal norms which should govern the situation of worldwide pandemic. This final contribution aims to trace the central themes, questions and issues raised by the Symposium.
Continue reading >>The European Court of Justice Enters a New Era of Scrutiny
Among the many unintended consequences of the PSPP judgment, the most unforeseen of all was to thrust the Court of Justice of the European Union into the limelight. All of a sudden, the media coverage is no longer limited to what the CJEU decides but how it decides and operates.
Continue reading >>25 May 2020
The Illiterate Democracy
Brazil is suffering under the corona pandemic, while the president (mis)governs the country by denying scientific evidence. Therefore, the COVID-19 pandemic seems a good time to explore the right to science and how it might help in this situation.
Continue reading >>The Bundesbank is under a legal obligation to ignore the PSPP Judgment of the Bundesverfassungsgericht
If there is a situation undermining the rule of law, then it is exactly this: The Bundesbank is under a legal obligation to ignore the PSPP Judgment of the Bundesverfassungsgericht (under EU law), and the Bundesbank is under a legal obligation to follow the PSPP Judgment of the Bundesverfassungsgericht (under German constitutional law). How has it come to this?
Continue reading >>VB Live: “Universally respected but temporarily neglected?” – COVID-19 as a crisis for human rights and multilateralism
Today on Verfassungsblog: Session III of our discussion series on the COVID-19 crisis from a German, European and International Perspective, jointly organized by IFHV and Verfassungsblog - streamed live, Tuesday, 19 May 2020, from 4:00 - 5:45 pm. Don't miss it!
Continue reading >>China’s Response to the Coronavirus Pandemic: Fighting Two Enemies
The reality of China’s coronavirus experience raises distinctive legal-political concerns. The Party has used its vast and concentrated power to fight not only the virus, but also domestic critics of its response, including medical professionals, journalists, human rights activists, a constitutional law professor, and citizens simply speaking up via the social media because they were engaged, or enraged, or both. The fight against one of these ‘enemies’, inevitably, has affected that against the other.
Continue reading >>24 May 2020
Impacts of COVID-19 – The Global Access to Justice Survey
In addition to initiating a humanitarian crisis, the coronavirus outbreak is triggering multiple impacts (social, political, economic, environmental etc.) on the global stage, whose consequences – both negative and positive – were not only unforeseen, but remain unpredictable. We can be sure, however, that they will inevitably touch, one way or another, our justice and legal aid systems.
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The Rule of Law Stress Test: EU Member States’ Responses to COVID-19
By mid-March, all EU member states were in a state of emergency, whether they officially declared one or not. Across the EU many human rights were severely restricted, particularly the right to free movement. Not every state of emergency is the same, however. Some exceed what is foreseen in international human rights law.
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23 May 2020
Showdown at the Last Chance Saloon
As a political slogan, and a guideline in times of crisis, ‘whatever it takes’ undoubtedly has enormous appeal, and may in certain circumstances justify novel and untried forms of action. However, in a polity governed by the rule of law, there are limits to this approach which, if not respected, may cause greater problems than those which provoked the action in the first place.
Continue reading >>COVID-19, Constitutionalism and Emergencies under Ghana’s 1992 Fourth Republican Constitution
Ghana has adopted several measures in tackling the COVID-19 global pandemic, chief among them being the enactment of new legislation to tackle the issue, and the exercise of powers under pre-existing legislation. A formal state of emergency has not been declared in the wake of the pandemic, leading to debates, for instance regarding the impact of the current situation on the 2020 elections.
Continue reading >>Russia – With Scepter and Corona
Since the first cases of COVID-19 were registered in Zabaikalsky kray and Tumenskaya oblast on 31 January 2020, the Russian government has reacted to the challenge of the epidemic by enacting new legislation and introducing some emergency measures. The pandemic is bringing new and unpleasant surprises, creating specific social, economic and legal hardships which is making the unstable life of Russian citizens even worse.
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22 May 2020
Watching the Peacock Dance
Why is Viktor Orbán suddenly making nice with the ECJ and closing the Röszke camp? I don't know. But I have some suspicions.
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Corona Constitutional #28: EuGH, der vertraute Unbekannte
Das umstrittene EZB-Urteil hat mal wieder ein Schlaglicht auf das komplizierte Verhältnis der Karlsruher Richterinnen und Richter zum EuGH geworfen. Auf der Beziehung lastet unter anderem, dass die beiden Institutionen sehr unterschiedlich arbeiten. Aber wie arbeitet der EuGH überhaupt? Darüber unterhält sich Alexander Melzer im heutigen Podcast mit CHRISTOPH KRENN von der Universität Wien.
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Squaring the PSPP Circle
The PSPP judgment made a core problem of the European Union painfully visible as the supremacy of EU law clashed with national constitutional identity. There is, however, a possibility to square this circle: national apex courts could be empowered to issue ‘declarations of incompatibility’ under Article 4(2) TEU as an alternative to the disapplication of EU law.
Continue reading >>States of Emergency without Rule of Law: The Case of Venezuela
Nicolás Maduro, who still holds the presidency, declared a state of alarm on March 13, 2020, invoking the need to counter the pandemic. However, the corresponding decree not only contradicts the constitutional provisions for states of exception but is also being employed to impose abusive limitations on human rights, to aggravate political repression and persecution, to blur the seriousness of certain socio-economic problems, and to contain social protests. The absence of judicial and parliamentary controls that could counteract these excesses of power has resulted in an autocratic shift within a context that was already authoritarian.
Continue reading >>Slovakia: Change of Government under COVID-19 Emergency
The Slovak experience with the COVID-19 pandemic has been affected by the fact that the outbreak took place at the time of a change in government. The new government, because of its relative inexperience and populist tendencies, has committed mistakes, often amounting to an infringement of citizens' fundamental rights and freedoms, especially the freedom of movement.
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21 May 2020
Law or Politics?
Why should a proportionality assessment of an instrument of monetary policy, which no one doubts is at least in part designed to increase money supply and combat deflation, examine that instrument’s effect on economic policy? There are two different answers—one under EU law, the other under German law.
Continue reading >>Can Parliament Exercise Effective Control over the Emergency Legislation?
Despite the enormous delegation of power under the recent emergency legislation, the Hungarian parliament is still able to exercise parliamentary scrutiny and its constitutional prerogatives.
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Cameroon’s Fight Against COVID-19: An Ordinary Legal Framework for an Extraordinary Situation
Cameroon has neither resorted to the exceptional measures that its constitution provides for, nor adopted a new law for the occasion, as many other countries have done. The state has instead relied on already existing provisions, applicable in ordinary times to combat the pandemic. This speaks volumes about the “ordinary” powers of the administrative authorities.
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Romania in the Covid Era: Between Corona Crisis and Constitutional Crisis
In Romania, the sanitary crisis caused by the SARS-COV-2 pandemic started during an existing political crisis and overlapped, at a few crucial moments, with a constitutional crisis. The fact that 2020 is an electoral year had an important impact on the crisis management: on the one hand, the political conflicts increased, but, on the other hand, the fact that the power did not belong to the same political majority hindered potential abuses of one of the actors, especially of the President.
Continue reading >>20 May 2020
From Dialogue to Trialogue
The current clash between the Federal Constitutional Court and the ECJ should not obscure the fact that none of the two courts fits the cliché they are often turned into. A view at some ECJ decisions regarding criminal law makes this clear. Nonetheless, the dynamic between the courts must change – maybe the European citizen can step in and offer help.
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When is a Court a Court?
The PSPP decision is not the first time a national court objected the CJEU. In Ajos, for example, the Danish Supreme Court rebelled against conform interpretation. The PSPP decision is nonetheless different: It is a challenge on a whole new level.
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Czechs and Balances – If the Epidemiological Situation Allows…
In the Czech Republic, the COVID-19 crisis has brought not only a general state of chaos but also a considerable shift of powers to the executive branch. The first shift, impairing the legislative branch, was triggered by the declaration of a state of emergency on 12 March 2020. The second shift, diminishing also the role of the judiciary, was caused by a ruling in which the Constitutional showed its unwillingness to interfere with the government’s steps.
Continue reading >>The State of Denial Amidst a Military Parade: COVID-19 in Belarus
In contrast to the ‘illiberal democracies’ of Hungary and Poland, Belarus in its response to COVID-19 appears to be playing the role of a perfectly ‘liberal’ state with almost a laissez-faire solution, where people’s choice is prioritized and rights are respected as no severe measures are introduced to close businesses or restrict free movement. This image is inevitably misleading, as democratic institutions in Belarus have been brought to heel long ago, and alternative information about the state of affairs in Belarus regarding the virus remains suppressed.
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Lockdown v. Liberty
All around the world, countries have been imposing lockdowns to try to contain the spread of the deadly coronavirus, COVID-19. These lockdowns have severely restricted people’s movement and interaction with family members; they have had a drastic effect on social lives and religious worship; they have directly caused the loss of many jobs and they have plunged the world into a severe economic depression that will take a long time to recover from. Do we accept these restrictions because we do not believe in freedom anymore? Or do we believe that these restrictions do not really disrespect the essence of our freedom?
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19 May 2020
Why Egenberger Could Be Next
Soon, the Federal Constitutional Court will decide on the Egenberger case that raises important questions at the intersection of anti-discrimination law and religious policy. The decision is an opportunity to address critical questions to the European Court of Justice – a court that lacks dogmatic subtlety and sensitivity with regard to religion and cultural policy as an analysis of its case law shows.
Continue reading >>VB Live: “Whatever it takes?” – COVID-19 as an (existential) crisis for the European Union
Session II of our discussion series on the COVID-19 crisis from a German, European and International Perspective, jointly organized by IFHV and Verfassungsblog - streamed live here on Verfassungsblog from 4:00 - 5:45 pm. Join now!
Continue reading >>Chile and COVID-19: A Constitutional Authoritarian Temptation
Due to the pandemic, Chile's 2020 electoral calendar has been modified, delaying the most important political event of the year: the April referendum for a new constitution. While the postponement is reasonable considering the current sanitary situation, recent suggestions that there be a further postponement due to a possible post-pandemic economic crisis threaten the democratic legitimacy of the process. As argued in this post, these measures and opinions, when read together, put the government close to an authoritarian use of the constitution.
Continue reading >>The Last Chance Saloon
To all intents and purposes, Orbán and his government have ceased to be democratically accountable either to the Hungarian Parliament or to the citizens of Hungary. The words in that last sentence are chosen carefully and with meaning. This blogpost suggest that Article 10 TEU may provide a basis for the exclusion of Hungarian representatives from the European Council and the Council of the European Union.
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Emergency Law Amendments to Fight Covid-19 in Egypt: Putting the Poison in the Honey
One could learn a very important lesson from the Egyptian experience as it relates to the state of emergency: A good constitutional text alone is not enough. Although new amendments to the Emergency Law included several public health measures that allow the state to contain the impact of the spread of COVID-19, the absence of a parliamentary and judicial review will remain a huge threat to fundamental rights and the basics of the democratic rule-making.
Continue reading >>18 May 2020
Very Unkind Things about the German Constitutional Court’s Rebellion against the ECJ in the Quantitative Easing Case.
Much has been written about the recent German Constitutional Court (GCC) ruling which has essentially dismantled the 2018 judgement of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) over the legality of the ECB Quantitative Easing Program. Much more will be written. I will limit myself here in analysing what I believe is the “macroeconomic” essence of the ruling.
Continue reading >>Germany’s Failing Court
The German Federal Constitutional Court’s PSPP judgment depends on three intricate principles that the Court says are implicit in the German constitution, to such an extent that they are ‘unamendable’ under the ‘eternity’ clause of Article 79. These principles, however, are unique to Germany and unfamiliar in other European jurisdictions. Thereby the German Court has taken a ultimately illegitimate turn towards a narrow and inward interpretation of its constitution, which inexplicably neglects its European dimension. Given the potential effects of Germany’s apparent defiance of EU law and in light of the current ongoing discussions about the desired increased burden-sharing among the winners and losers of the Eurozone, the internal constitutional argument in Germany is a matter of great significance for the future of the Eurozone.
Continue reading >>Constitutional Impasse in Ethiopia
Covid-19 makes elections hard to hold – and forced Ethiopia to reschedule its general election for the House of Representatives. It is unclear how and when the election will be held instead – a pressing issue as the canceled election was to take place only a month before the current term of office ends. Who will have the mandate to govern after this date until the Ethiopians are able to go to the polls to elect the next House of Representatives?
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When Managed Recognition Turns into Outright Denial
Kalypso Nicolaïdis has referred to managed recognition as an exercise in legal empathy mediated through conditions and limits, and resulting from the ‘eternal dance of law and politics’. The notion lends a useful lens to capture the relation between European top courts. In the version of that relation emerging from the PSPP judgment, this lens magnifies a disruption, a side effect, and an alternative course.
Continue reading >>Fight Against Covid-19 in Serbia: Saving the Nation or Securing the Re-Election?
The Covid-19 epidemic outbreak in Serbia coincided with the beginning of the election campaign for both parliamentary and municipal elections. Soon, it became clear that what was at stake in the fight against Covid-19 was not so much saving the nation as securing the majority re-election of the ruling Serbian Progressive Party, headed by its populist leader and President of Serbia, Aleksandar Vučić.
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Nigeria’s Emergency (Legal) Response to COVID-19: A Worthy Sacrifice for Public Health?
Like many other countries across the world, Nigeria has called upon emergency powers to deal with COVID-19 without, however, having declared a state of emergency. The use of emergency powers in Nigeria in the fight against COVID-19 is not only peculiar but problematic for a number of reasons.
Continue reading >>17 May 2020
Lehren aus Karlsruhe – die EU-Finanzierung weiterdenken
Das Ultra-Vires-Urteil aus Karlsruhe ist ein weiterer Beleg dafür, dass die Europäische Union in der derzeitigen Strukturierung der Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion nicht zukunftsfähig ist. Eine demokratisch nur dünn legitimierte, aus guten Gründen unabhängige Institution, deren Mandat die Preisstabilität betrifft, zum faktischen Garanten für das finanzielle Überleben der Mitgliedstaaten zu machen, und dieses Überleben ausgerechnet durch eine weitere Ausdehnung der Staatsverschuldung sichern zu wollen, die zudem die Unabhängigkeit der Institution gefährdet, weist in die Irre.
Continue reading >>State of Emergency in Estonia
Due to the COVID-19 epidemic the Estonian Government (Vabariigi Valitsus), without consulting the parliament (Riigikogu), declared by Order Nr. 76 on 12 March 2020 a state of emergency (eriolukord), defining the epidemic as an “emergency situation”. This is the first time in our modern history where a state of emergency has been declared. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs subsequently informed the Council of Europe of the Estonian derogation under Article 15 of the European Convention of Human Rights.
Continue reading >>Albania – Some Exceptional Extraordinary Measures
Albania was hit the by Covid-19 pandemic, although it seems not as gravely as some of its neighbours. Starting from 10 March 2020 the Albanian Government adopted several measures aiming to limit the spread of the pandemic in the country. Most of those measures have been continuously reviewed, following the development of the pandemic.
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16 May 2020
Covid- 19: Malaysia and the Return of Rule by Law
Two simultaneous narratives are unfolding as Malaysia responds to Covid-19. The first is the specific character of the ongoing legal response. The second is salient backdrop to any evaluation of this legal response that Malaysia is in political turmoil.
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15 May 2020
Is Egenberger next?
When judges must rely on newspapers to clarify a decision they decided a week before, something seems to have gone wrong. However, while the BVerfG seems to be taken aback by the storm of indignation that burst upon them since last week’s PSPP decision, the judges remain adamant in their criticism of the CJEU. Luxembourg should perhaps even fear another ultra vires decision.
Continue reading >>The liberal elite send their regards
On skewed pictures, failed PR campaigns and the ongoing fallout of last week's ultra vires judgment of the Bundesverfassungsgericht.
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Schönen Gruß von der liberalen Elite
Über schiefe Bilder, schief gegangene PR-Kampagnen und den fortdauernden Fallout des Ultra-Vires-Urteils des Bundesverfassungsgerichts.
Continue reading >>Between Constitutional Tragedy and Political Farce
One of the two basic genres of ancient drama is tragedy – fate thwarts all the intentions and actions of the main protagonist, leading him to his doom. In such terms does the governing coalition in Poland attempt to present what befell the presidential elections in Poland – just a few days before the elections, the leaders of the two coalition parties issued the decision that the elections would not take place on the planned and constitutional dates. Was it indeed the lack of cooperation from the opposition, despite the strenuous attempts and herculean efforts of the government, that made it necessary to postpone the elections?
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Democracy and the Global Emergency – Shared Experiences, Starkly Uneven Impacts
Curating analysis of these developments since early April through the COVID-DEM project, and reading across the 62 published contributions to this outstanding symposium, there are clear commonalities across all democracies affected. Beyond these commonalities, the effect of the COVID-19 response on the democratic system has been – and will be – starkly uneven across democracies worldwide, due to the different democratic ‘starting point’ of each state as the pandemic hit.
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At the End of the Law
The recent judgment of the Federal Constitutional Court needs to be regarded from the perspective of political economy as it highlights that the status quo of the Eurozone is untenable. The merits of the Weiss judgment could be to open up a debate about the requirements of a genuine European Economic and Monetary Union in Germany and elsewhere in Europe.
Continue reading >>The Curious and Alarming Story of the City of Göd
Misusing its extraordinary law-making powers which were conferred to it by the controversial Enabling Act during the epidemic state of danger, the Hungarian government expropriated the city of Göd. Apparently the government did so in order to punish the opposition lead municipality - and it seems to prepare further expropriations.
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14 May 2020
Lithuania’s Response to COVID-19: Quarantine Through the Prism of Human Rights and the Rule of Law
The COVID-19 outbreak constitutes an unprecedented challenge in the history of independent Lithuania, which in its 1992 Constitution embedded a broad list of human rights and freedoms. It seems that so far the emergency powers have been used proportionately and in a time-limited manner, albeit some concerns regarding human rights and the rule of law remain. While it is understandable that the pandemic required a quick response, more attention from the Lithuanian decision-makers on fundamental rights and the required balancing would have been welcome.
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Excessive Law Enforcement in Kenya
Kenya's President is yet to declare a state of emergency and has opted to implement measures that ensure citizens can continue with their lives. Constitutionally, rights may only be limited by law and only to the extent that is reasonable and justifiable in an open and democratic society based on human dignity, equality and freedom.
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13 May 2020
Suing the BVerfG
It is the argument of this blog post that the Commission must activate the procedure of Article 258 TFEU and sue (Germany for the grave breach of EU law by) the BVerfG. As I maintain, this action is constitutionally necessary, legally sound, and it may ultimately help achieve an important integration function – neutralizing the minefield that the BVerfG built around the future of Europe.
Continue reading >>Kill the Chickens to Scare the Monkeys
As the Chinese saying goes, killing the chickens to scare the monkeys, China’s courts were quick to set examples of people who committed offences in relation to the country’s response to Covid-19 in order to deter potential offenders. However, the punishments of ordinary offenders and responsible officials highlight China’s constitutional setting – the dominance of the Communist Party in state affairs, and the political role of courts in times of national emergency. This is consistent with China’s self-proclamation – the centrality of the Communist Party’s leadership and the division of functions among state organs without separation of powers. Under such a setting, ordinary people and officials are subject to different rules and have different fates.
Continue reading >>Is there a space for federalism in times of emergency?
In many legal cultures, federalism is the real “F word”. It stands for inequality, privileges, inefficiency. For many, there seems to be an inherent contradiction between the obvious requirement of a coordinated line of command in case of emergency and a pluralistic territorial structure. A closer look at the comparative practice shows a different picture. Has federalism really been an obstacle to effective decision-making? Or rather the opposite?
Continue reading >>Japan’s Soft State of Emergency: Social Pressure Instead of Legal Penalty
People have been perplexed by the slow and soft approach of the Japanese government in their attempt to bring COVID-19 under control. The first case of COVID-19 in Japan was confirmed on 16 January 2020. On 30 January, the Japanese government set up the COVID-19 Countermeasures Headquarters. It published emergency countermeasures against COVID-19 on 13 February and presented Basic Policies for Coronavirus Disease Control on 25 February. However, none of these measures have introduced drastic measures such as border controls and/or curfews.
Continue reading >>Is it a Dance or is it Chicken?
I cut my teeth studying the German Constitutional Court’s relationship with the European Court of Justice. A recent article in the Financial Times used the metaphor of a dance to explain the GCC’s history of pushing back against the ECJ’s authority. In 2001, I called it a game of chicken. I don’t worry that playing chicken with the ECJ inevitably leads to European disintegration. The GCC’s ECB ruling is, however, the wrong decision issued at the wrong time. Economic policy-makers will and should ignore the ruling, and for this reason I expect the GCC to step back from the brink, once again. But harm is nonetheless being inflicted on a tottering global economy, a fragile European project, and a disintegrating popular support for the rule of law.
Continue reading >>Beyond the State of Alarm: COVID-19 in Spain
The confinements imposed by the Spanish Government in response to the pandemic are among the most intense in comparative terms since they contain a prohibition of going out into the street with only limited exceptions. Given their intensity, especially the strong limits imposed on the freedom of movement, the restrictions are rather suspensions than mere restrictions of fundamental rights and as such go beyond their legal basis of the state of alarm.
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12 May 2020
Serbia and Covid-19: State of Emergency in a State in Disarray
The reaction of the Serbian authorities to the Covid-19 crisis demonstrated a weakness of Serbian state institutions: The measures imposed by the Serbian Government as a response to the Covid crisis, as well as the reaction of the competent bodies, are problematic both from a procedural and a substantive perspective. To make things worse, the judiciary has not been a great help either.
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A Risky Gamble
There may never have been an idea whose time has so obviously come than mail-in voting in the COVID-19 era. However, a major risk confronting the nation as it scrambles at the last minute to move from primarily in-person to primarily mail-in is the risk of leaving logistical and legal details open to political manipulation in highly unpredictable fashion.
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VB Live: “Schaffen wir das?” – COVID-19 as a Crisis for German Law and Politics
Session I of our discussion series on the COVID-19 crisis from a German, European and International Perspective, jointly organized by IFHV and Verfassungsblog - streamed live here on Verfassungsblog from 4:00 - 5:45 pm. Join now!
Continue reading >>Is it the Court’s Role to Save a Country from Itself?
On May 6, 2020, the Israeli Supreme Court rejected eight petitions against PM Netanyahu’s rule as PM and against the unity agreement between Netanyahu and his former contender, Benny Gantz (“the Unity Agreement”). The unanimous decision was delivered by an expanded panel of eleven judges, who emphasized that despite the severity of the allegations against Netanyahu, there was no basis, in Israeli law, for disqualifying him.
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Constitutional Constraints meet Political Pressure
The Finnish Constitutional Law Committee had already in April adopted a critical position towards the COVID 19 crisis measures in the EU. Last week the Committee continued its critical examination. It came to the conclusion that the Eurogroup decision to essentially remove all conditionality from the new loan facility of the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) is incompatible with the Finnish Constitution and expressed serious doubts about its compatibility with EU law. The Committee also repeated its concerns about the accumulation of financial risks deriving from EU membership.
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Human Rights – The Essential Frame of Reference in the Global Response to COVID-19
It is mistaken to conceive of COVID-19 principally as a threat whose eradication necessarily requires rights to be sacrificed. Rather, human rights standards and principles offer a means of transparently balancing competing interests and priorities in the cauldron of COVID-19 decision-making – and rights-respecting measures which secure public confidence are likely to be more effective and sustainable over time than arbitrary or repressive ones.
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11 May 2020
Georgia’s Coronation of an Orwellian Doublethink
On 21 March 2020, Georgia declared a nationwide State of Emergency for one month in an effort to halt the spread of COVID-19. The decree has recently been extended until May 22, 2020. To date, Georgia is among the countries with the least infected population and the mortality rate remains low (635 confirmed cases, 10 deaths, and 309 fully recovered as of May 10, 2020). Despite the relative success within the medical sphere, the rule of law, democracy and human rights are facing an epidemic of unseen scale.
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10 May 2020
Viet Nam: When Non-Emergency Measures Equal Emergency Measures
In Viet Nam, Wthe ‘state of emergency’ clauses are virtually a repetition of measures the government may take when there is no emergency. This means that were the government to declare a state of emergency there would be no reserving policy space for the government to fall back to. Viet Nam should thus seize the opportunity to revise its legislation and clearly distinguish between emergency and non-emergency measure, both in terms of degree and scope.
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09 May 2020
Croatia’s Response to COVID-19: On Legal Form and Constitutional Safeguards in Times of Pandemic
Analysing national responses to the coronavirus, the University of Oxford study found that Croatia was the most rigorous of all the examined countries considering the actual number of infections. Overall, the Croatian response to Covid-19 might not pose an autocratic threat to the rule of law as in certain European countries. This is far, however, from suggesting there have not been significant constitutional challenges, or that we should not require an enhanced constitutional oversight over apparently quite restrictive governmental action.
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Is the BVerfG PSPP decision “simply not comprehensible”?
Upon reading the BVerfG’s bombshell PSPP decision, one cannot but be struck at how little it thinks of the quality of the legal reasoning of the CJEU with regards to the proportionality test. If one is to judge others so harshly, it is wise to make sure that one’s own position is irreproachable. The BVerfG failed to do so.
Continue reading >>Ecuador – Constitutionalism and Covid-19
When referring to the rule of law and constitutionalism we must be extremely cautious: Ecuador was founded in 1830 after the dissolution of Great Colombia, and in just 190 years has adopted 20 constitutions. The current Ecuadorian Constitution dates from 2008. This means that the nation does not possess a strong constitutional tradition nor a culture of promotion of the rule of law. On the contrary, Ecuador has a long history of institutional breakdowns and coup d'états which were caused by political and economic crisis. However, these were nothing compared with the situation all Ecuadorians are currently facing.
Continue reading >>Emergency and Risk in Comparative Public Law
As the entire world is struggling with the Covid-19 pandemic, academics have been rediscovering the debate on emergency in public law. Our post explores whether the theory of disaster risk regulation can infuse the public law’s approach to emergency with new conceptual tools that contribute to mitigating the impact of emergencies. In so doing, we would like to recall how comparative public law has approached emergency and we shall then look at the insights coming from the theory of risk.
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08 May 2020
We Super-Europeans
Judges at war? Judges at dance? Or is it just a tragedy? On the FCC ultra vires decision, its fallout and other topics of this eventful week.
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Health Before Rights and Liberties: Thailand’s Response to COVID-19
On 13 January, Thailand was the first country outside of China to confirm a COVID-19 case. Prayuth invoked the Emergency Decree on Public Administration in Emergency Situation on 26 March 2020. At present, new cases are down to a single-digit figure per day. However, the 2005 Emergency Decree may not be the appropriate tool, as it has misled the public’s understanding of the pandemic and allows the government to employ unnecessarily harsh measures, leading to over-criminalization and arguable abuses of power.
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The Netherlands: Of Rollercoasters and Elephants
The Dutch authorities take a quasi-legal, quasi-rhetorical approach to shape their intelligent lockdown and try to tame the pandemic beast, with questionable constitutional practices as a result. While the reliance on medical and other expertise might be a welcome difference compared to some other countries, overreliance on experts in communication may hide real political and legal choices that have been made.
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07 May 2020
Appeal to the independent Judges of the Supreme Court
Judges of the Civil Chamber,Judges of the Criminal Chamber, Judges of […]
Continue reading >>Sweden and COVID 19: A Constitutional Perspective
The Swedish government’s ways of handling the Corona crisis have drawn a lot of international attention. Sweden has tried to limit the spread of the disease by means of recommendations, rather than quarantines and curfews. There is no provision in the Swedish constitution for the declaration of a state of emergency in peacetime, only in war or where there is an imminent danger of war. Instead, the Swedish approach is to have delegations to the government, and sub-delegations to administrative agencies in a variety of statutes.
Continue reading >>06 May 2020
Fight, flight or fudge?
Karlsruhe’s latest judgement on the PSPP moves the German state closer to a full-fledged fight with either the EU or its own Constitutional Court by threatening to prohibit Germany’s participation in a programme that has existential significance for the euro. To resolve this dilemma, perhaps nothing short of a revolutionary moment would be required.
Continue reading >>The Right Question about the FCC Ultra Vires Decision
Instead of re-opening the old debate on the merits and demerits of constitutional pluralism, the FCC decision should be actually taken up as an opportunity to concentrate on another systemic feature of the EU constitutional governance. The decision of the FCC is not a sign that we have a problem with constitutional pluralism in Europe but warns us that we have a major constitutional problem with the constitutional role of the ECB.
Continue reading >>Expelled from Humanity
The decision of the European Court of Human Rights in M.N. and Others v. Belgium will undoubtedly further propel the debate on the scope of extraterritorial state jurisdiction. More importantly, however, it reveals the necessity of addressing the systemic exclusion of refugees from the international legal order.
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Bangladesh’s Unofficial Emergency: Managing the COVID-19 Crisis by Notifications
It appears that Bangladesh’s legal responses to the COVID-19 crisis are inconsistent, ad hoc, and deficient in transparency and democratic practices. The unprecedented nature of the pandemic requiring exceptionally urgent actions, may be attributed to the sorry state of affairs. A thoughtful, more legitimate approach could nevertheless have been taken.
Continue reading >>Some Preliminary Remarks on the PSPP Decision of the German Constitutional Court
Karlsruhe's PSPP decision will not be hard to address as to its actual legal outcome, contrary to what might seem at first instance. But its market effects may be highly problematic. The uncertainty the decision will generate in the short term and the constraints arising from the obiter dicta of the Court for Germany’s participation in the EU response to the Coronavirus situation will likely have some serious negative effects.
Continue reading >>05 May 2020
Plague President
Between the 16th and 19th centuries, city councils appointed plague doctors to assist those suffering from the Black Death. Now, in the 21st century, we are about to appoint a plague president in Poland. The governing Law and Justice (PiS) party is refusing to postpone the presidential election, scheduled for May 10, even though the COVID-19 pandemic is rampant. This is both detrimental to public health and unconstitutional.
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Dissecting Covid-19 Derogations
Does the pandemic require derogation from human rights treaties? This […]
Continue reading >>04 May 2020
Covid-19 – the Maltese Response: Slow at First but Steady and Effective
Notwithstanding some initial hesitation, the way in which the Maltese health authorities have so far handled the emergency has been well received by the general public. Measures were introduced gradually, with daily press conferences explaining the reason for each new measure or variation thereof, whilst providing statistics on the number of daily swabs, patients infected, patients recovered, and fatalities.
Continue reading >>Something is Forgotten in the State of Denmark: Denmark’s Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic
While the Danish Government’s approach, up until this point, has been successful in limiting the spread of the pandemic and none of the government initiatives seem blatantly unconstitutional – something might be forgotten in the state of Denmark: that the resilience and cultural properties of the Danish society contributed to the success in handling COVID-19 rather than increasing executive power.
Continue reading >>Being a Lawyer in Times of “Constitutional Pandemics”
Engaging in academic discussions aimed at better understanding the rampant anti-constitutional shenanigans and at finding adequate cures – while crucial conceptual work – is no longer sufficient. Much more is needed, no less a constitutional temperament and engagement on the ground that place us and our work in a more general context and explain what and how we respond on a behavioral level. Looking through the prism of temperament invites questions about the necessary virtues that go beyond academic excellence. This is clearly palpable in the evocative concept of constitutional fidelity.
Continue reading >>02 May 2020
Economic Interests and the Rule of Law Crisis in the EU
Legal scholarship needs to be more open to the political reality in order to effectively tackle the rule of law crisis. To go one step further, I argue that without considering the economic interests of all the relevant individual and institutional actors (corporations and governments) we will never fully understand the failures of the EU responses to the rule of law backsliding.
Continue reading >>COVID-19 in Latvia: Precaution Above All
The Government of Latvia adopted the decision on emergency situation due to COVID-19 on 12 March to apply until 14 April. For the time being, this period has been extended once to 12 May. This post considers the applicable legal framework, concrete limitations adopted by the Saeima (Parliament) and the Government are described, followed by an assessment from the point of view of European Union values.
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01 May 2020
The Fight Against COVID-19 in Argentina: Executive vs Legislative Branch
Argentina’s government has been adopting numerous and significant decisions in the face of the coronavirus (COVID-19) crisis. But: Almost all the relevant decisions adopted by the Executive Branch were decisions that belonged to the Legislative Branch: Congress is the only authority legally authorized to adopt them. In other words, the Executive Power is not authorized to do what it has been doing so far.
Continue reading >>With Tragedy Comes Farce
The Italian Prime Minister has recently adopted the the so-called ‘Step 2’ measures. They aim to prudently alleviate the severe limitations on personal liberty imposed so far, but result in obvious uncertainty as for what exactly is forbidden – which adds to their slender ties with parliamentary legislation in exposing the legitimacy deficit of the overall crisis discipline. Particularly, the notion of ‘congiunto’ as a person that one can go visit is likely to cause tragicomic, yet remarkable, turmoil.
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30 April 2020
Orbán is Still the Sole Judge of his Own Law
Our 22 April post on the Verfassungblog about Viktor Orbán’s state of emergency generated a thoughtful reply from Dr. Dániel Karsai, a well-respected Hungarian lawyer. We appreciate the chance to respond to his criticisms, alleging that we made some factual errors about the operation of Hungarian law.
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Concentration of Powers in the Federal Executive: The Application of Emergency Powers in Switzerland
Were we ready for the crisis? I do not mean whether Switzerland had enough hospital beds and ventilators, but whether its Federal Constitution was ready. Arguably, the former are vital, and as regards the latter, Switzerland is under no suspicion of losing its quality as a democracy and a Rechtsstaat. Still, the constitutional questions raised by the Corona crisis are troubling. The federal government is applying emergency powers unheard of since WW2, and which were previously unimaginable for most. Legal scholars are only starting to grapple the full implications of the crisis.
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A Tale of Two: The COVID-19 Pandemic and the Rule of Law in Cyprus
Once the first case of COVID-19 was reported on 9 March 2020, the Republic of Cyprus introduced emergency measures to contain the spread of the virus, as per the powers granted under the Constitution in the event of emergency. Following scientific advice, the Cypriot Government responded quickly by limiting temporarily personal freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution, disrupting once again the constitutional legal order.
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29 April 2020
With Exclusive Competence Comes Great Responsibility
The European Commission supports the Covid-19 crisis-fighting measures through generous exemptions to its EU state aid rules. Although in principle justified, this policy also gives companies in rich member states an immense advantage over their competitors in poorer member states. Until more effective burden-sharing on the EU level is forthcoming, the onus is on European Commissioner for Competition Margrethe Vestager to ensure a fair distribution of state aid between the member states.
Continue reading >>The Protection of Health Must Take Precedence: Testing the Constitutional State of Crisis in Luxembourg
In times of neoliberalism, it is healthy hearing the Prime Minister Xavier Bettel of Luxembourg say that “the protection of health and life takes precedence over economic interests”. But this declaration came in the context of the recourse to extraordinary emergency powers, on the day before the Government declared the “state of crisis” to face the Coronavirus situation. In Luxembourg, this tool to regulate emergencies has progressively found its path into the Constitution while elsewhere in Europe philosophers or public law professors argued that a constitutional state of emergency entails the paradox of “constitutionalising the absence of constitution”. It is therefore important to reflect on the effects of the conjugation of these two discourses into the sanitary crisis and their effect on democracy and human rights protection.
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When Will the EU Commission Act?
When can we expect the European Commission to launch an infringement action against the “muzzle law”? When will the European Commission act to sanction Polish authorities’ refusal to comply with the Court of Justice’s A. K. preliminary ruling of 19 November 2019? When will the European Commission apply for financial sanctions following Polish authorities’ public refusal to immediately and fully comply with the Court of Justice’s interim relief order of 8 April 2020 in respect of the so-called “disciplinary chamber”? When will the European Commission launch an infringement action in respect of the unlawful actions of the so-called “Constitutional Tribunal”?
Continue reading >>28 April 2020
On Doctrinal Contortions and Legal Fetishes
There seems to be a belief – especially persistent among some EU legal scholars – that even the largest political problems can be solved through the law. It suggests that any balance of authority and legitimacy between the EU and the Member States is, in fact, a mere technicality of institutional configuration, and a mere doctrinal sleight of hand would suffice to tip the scale of authority one way or another. This belief also seems to be underlying a recent blogpost by Christophe Hillion.
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The Downfall of a Constitutional Court
The Constitutional Court of Chile faces the worst crisis in its history. It largely stems from the way the Court has exercised its powers in recent years. A blend of judicial activism and an utter disdain for rules has seriously undermined the Court’s reputation and the current shows that the Court has probably risen in prominence for the wrong reasons.
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Cracks in India’s Constitutional Framework
India's constitutional system was conceptualized to share power (although not equally) between the Union and the 29 states alongside an institutionally grounded system of checks and balances between the parliament, the executive and the judiciary. As the world’s largest democracy proceeds into the sixth week of the nation-wide lockdown to address the outbreak of Covid-19, certain cracks in its constitutional framework have been exacerbated that have the potential to structurally alter the constitutional framework of checks and balances in the aftermath of the pandemic.
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Challenges Beyond Public Health – Guatemala and the Covid-19 Crisis
Due to its violent past of a 36 year-long internal armed conflict and the scourge of corruption, the COVID-19 pandemic presents to Guatemala great challenges that goes beyond ensuring healthcare to its population. The excessive use of imprisonment in the enforcement of sanitary measures, the protection of detained persons, ensuring the effective implementation of financial assistance programs, achieving accountability of public servants during the crisis, and the reactivation of the judiciary are some of the issues that demands a proper answer from the Guatemalan state. This post analyzes the “emergency state” implemented in Guatemala and presents some of the measures and effects related to the current crisis.
Continue reading >>Austria: Rule of Law Lacking in Times of Crisis
As the number of infected persons is declining and the overall situation gradually improving, it becomes clear that the measures have proved to be effective from a public health perspective. However, in light of the general retreat of the virus the upholding of many measures also becomes contestable now regarding their proportionality. With the improvement of the public health issues, the challenge for the rule of law has begun. Will the government be able to restrain itself and find a way back to constitutional normality?
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27 April 2020
Poland and Hungary are withdrawing from the EU
The latest developments in Poland and Hungary beg the question of what the EU may, or indeed shall do when a Member State no longer fulfils the prerequisites of membership. Can the Union force that state to meet its duties against its will? Or should it ultimately acknowledge that state’s choice, and proceed with its orderly retreat from the EU legal order?
Continue reading >>Let’s not fool ourselves either!
I read with great interest the blogpost “Don’t be fooled by autocrats!”. However, to my great regret there are some factual errors in the text which require clarification and, consequently, the post’s very dire conclusion about the actual situation in Hungary shall be to a certain extent revised.
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The Future of Handshaking
When asked about handshaking recently, the U.S.’s lead virologist Dr. Fauci said: ‘I don’t think we should ever shake hands again’, referring to how it would prevent both coronavirus and seasonal influenza. In Europe, where the topic of the handshake has been a landmine in recent years, this medical requirement can lead to a much-needed cultural shift.
Continue reading >>Constitutionalism in a Time of Crisis: Botswana’s Reaction to the COVID-19 Pandemic
Botswana, a country with a population slightly over two million, has recently joined countries that took stringent measures necessary to contain the spread of COVID-19. On the 31 March 2020 President Dr. Mokgweetsi E. K. Masisi declared a state of public emergency. This was the second time a state of public emergency was declared since Botswana attained independence in 1966.
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Response to COVID-19 in Ukraine: Legal Pragmatism or Constitutional Outbreak?
All legal measures limiting human rights in response to COVID-19 adopted by the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine are made pursuant with respective clauses of two specific legal acts: the Code of Civil Protection of Ukraine (art. 16) and Law “On the protection of the population from infectious diseases” (art. 3). The said legislation empowers the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine as a key body in the protection of the population against infectious diseases with a broad margin of appreciation. However, more importantly, is that the Ukrainian Constitution envisages a restriction on certain rights and freedoms if these restrictions are prescribed by law in the interests of protecting the health of the population. Ukrainian think tanks and NGOs express deep concern on unconstitutionality of limitations of human rights caused by the Government’s measures to fight COVID-19.
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26 April 2020
Business as Usual, but to the Unusual Extremes: Slovenia and Covid-19
Since the Slovenian declaration of an epidemic on 12 March 2020, a number of measures have been proposed, adopted and rejected in order to stop the spreading of the disease. Importantly, a state of emergency has not been declared. Nevertheless, in the past 6 weeks, interpretations and amendments of the existing statutory framework have also caused concerns from the constitutional point of view.
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Quarantine, State of Emergency, State of Enforcement, and the Pandemic in Peru
The COVID-19 pandemic and the restrictive measures adopted across Latin America have increased insecurity, suffering and hunger for millions across the region. Although restrictions on free transit, freedom of work, and freedom of assembly, among others, are legitimate – given that social distancing is the only weapon against this virus – we must be aware that millions of people in Latin America survive due to their work in the informal sector. It is unacceptable that for many, the only options during this pandemic are to be killed by hunger or by COVID-19. For this reason, following this emergency, the region must resume a debate about the relevance of a new social or welfare state, without corruption, that can provide basic public services including healthcare.
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25 April 2020
The Green Pact and Rule of Law in the EU
The governments of 13 EU member states have signed a letter calling for a "green" way out of the COVID-19 crisis (although the Czech government has asked the EU to "forget" about its Green Pact). Interesting as this initiative may be, the EU must ensure that it does not become an instrument that undermines the fight for the rule of law in the EU. The history advises us to be vigilant because EU funds may become a useful instrument in hands of illiberal governments.
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COVID-19 and the Need for a Holistic and Integral Approach to Human Rights Protection
While the pandemic is global, the challenges the individual regions are currently facing in their combat against COVID-19 are different and specific. In Latin America, the combat is embedded in a context of deep social and economic inequality, systematic violence and poverty. As the crisis is likely to exacerbate these structural inequalities it is clear that its implications must be examined in the light of human rights and in the light of intersectionality.
Continue reading >>International Human Rights Law and COVID-19 States of Emergency
As has been highlighted by other contributors to this Symposium, emergency decrees have already been used to achieve political ambitions beyond addressing COVID-19 in places like Hungary or Bulgaria. While states bear the responsibility of protecting their nations, modern day international human rights law is designed precisely to protect people from governments that abuse their powers. What limits does international human rights law impose on governments during emergencies? Can they be enforced? And how does COVID-19 fit in these conceptualizations?
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24 April 2020
We can do it
On Angela Merkel, her crisis management, the tyranny of goals and the difference between both.
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How Ecuador’s Constitutional Court is Keeping the Executive Accountable During the Pandemic
On 16 April 2020, the Ecuadorian Constitutional Court announced Decision No.1-20-EE/20, allowing it to monitor the impact of its previous judgments on the constitutionality of emergency powers granted to the President in the fight against Covid-19. This decision shows that a Constitutional Court can indeed play an essential role in a country’s response to a catastrophe, whose consequences are painfully obvious in Ecuador, one of the countries in Latin America worst hit by the pandemic.
Continue reading >>It’s not about Bathroom Policies, it’s about Constitutional Principles
The United States Supreme Court is expected to soon deliver its judgment in the first transgender rights case before it. In the absence of federal laws protecting transgender persons from discrimination, the case revolves around the question whether the prohibition of discrimination ‘because of … sex’ transgender discrimination. The US Supreme Court appears to turn this into a question of political deliberation, bathroom policies and dress codes. The ECJ, on the other hand, instead of getting lost in policy discussions, has already in 1996 recognized the protection of transgender persons against discrimination based on the core constitutional principle of equality. The ECJ’s approach does in fact have a foothold under US case law and the US Supreme Court could seize the opportunity to bring transgender persons closer to enjoying the same rights as the general population.
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The Iranian Legal Response to Covid-19: A Constitutional Analysis of Coronavirus Lockdown
In its early stages, the COVID-19 crisis in Iran looked nothing like a crisis. The initial reactions to the outbreak were met by skepticism by both the public and many of Iranian officials – despite the World Health Organization warning of the potential for a catastrophe for weeks. Indeed, in late February Iran’s deputy health minister – Iraj Harirchi who denied accusations that the government was downgrading the coronavirus outbreak in the country – has reportedly tested positive for the sickness.
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An Emergency By Any Other Name? Measures Against the COVID-19 Pandemic in Poland
The measures introduced to prevent the spread of COVID-19 in Poland are among some of the most extensive and far-reaching, affecting many spheres of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights. Few of these measures amount to recommendations and suggestions of specific behaviour, most of them are hard, legally enforceable orders and prohibitions and flouting them incurs the risk of severe financial punishment. Yet the legal framework for these measures causes a significant degree of controversy. This report aims to present a birds eye’s view on the measures in Poland and to highlight some issues legal scholars and experts have taken with both the substantive side of the measures and the means they were introduced.
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23 April 2020
Effective but Constitutionally Dubious
Although the pandemic is far from over, Greece has been praised so far for its fast and firm response to the crisis. The country’s efforts to contain the dissemination of the virus seem to have achieved а flattening of the curve, i.e. the slowing of the spread so that fewer people need to seek treatment at any given time. Greece owes much of its – to date – accomplishment to a number of dubious applications of the rules laid down in the Constitution.
Continue reading >>A “Marshall Plan” for Rule of Law in Europe
In the past weeks, the European judges have been confronted in multiple ways by the Covid19 crisis. The challenges for judiciary were exceptional: the willingness to serve our fellow citizens, providing solidarity and support, in times of plague; the duty to supervise, as broadly as permitted by political authorities, the lawfulness of emergency measures; the emergent call to deal with the negative consequences of judicial lockdowns for the efficiency of courts and, moreover, the anxiety arising from the need to look after one’s own health and that of others, in particular witnesses, litigants or other citizens present in court.
Continue reading >>22 April 2020
Don’t Be Fooled by Autocrats!
On 9 April, Vera Jourová, Vice President of the European Commission for values and transparency with lead responsibility for rule of law, gave an interview to Euronews on democracy in the pandemic. A journalist asked whether she believes that Hungary still qualifies as a democracy after the Enabling Act creating an indefinite state of emergency was enacted by the Hungarian Parliament on 30 March. Her answer was not reassuring.
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The US Supreme Court’s Activism in the Wisconsin Election
United States lawyers may wonder whether President Trump has captured its Supreme Court. One day before a presidential primary and local election in Wisconsin, the Court intervened in an extraordinary way to add a new voting restriction. The decision in Republican National Committee v. Democratic National Committee provides further evidence that the Court has abandoned its high court role in favor of unusual partisan interventions to effectuate results found congenial by its Republican majority. Furthermore, a Court usually sensitive to national security concerns reached its judgment about the Wisconsin election without taking the threat the coronavirus poses to democratic processes seriously.
Continue reading >>Taiwan’s Proactive Prevention of COVID-19 under Constitutionalism
On December 31, 2019, the Taiwan Centers for Disease Control (CDC) sent the above message via email to the International Health Regulations (IHR) focal point under the World Health Organization (WHO). In the meantime, Taiwan also initiated COVID-19 epidemic prevention measures. This article endeavors to explain Taiwan’s emergency command and response system, to summarize Taiwan’s current regulatory actions against the epidemic outbreak, and to provide a few remarks on the emergency measures undertaken from the perspective of constitutionalism.
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Rescuing Human Rights in Mauritius During the COVID 19 Tsunami
In the evening of 18 March 2020, Mauritians learnt the harsh news that their tropical heaven island of about 1.2 million people was also being swept by the coronavirus (COVID 19) tsunami, with three confirmed cases. As of 21 April 2020, the country has recorded a total of 328 cases, with 73 of them still being active and 9 deaths. Initially recording high increases in the confirmed number of COVID 19 cases, the country has been able to flatten its curve, without even a single case being recorded on some days. Depending on the trend of the spread, the government is working on a COVID 19 Bill that will gradually re-open the economy as from 4 May 2020.
Continue reading >>21 April 2020
State of Emergency Through the Back Door
One of the problems for Indonesia’s government when dealing with the coronavirus crisis was its non-transparent approach towards the public. Not least because of that, many people in Indonesia do not trust the government when it comes to handling the pandemic. The government’s attempt to declare the civilian emergency status which would have enabled it to control the flow of information has failed due to public opposition. A move by its police chief, however, is now trying to introduce emergency powers through the back door and in blatant disregard of a Constitutional Court ruling.
Continue reading >>The Constitution as a Bargaining Chip
Despite the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, Poland’s government is refusing to announce an emergency state, presumably in order to go ahead with the Presidential election on 10 May. Instead, the ruling coalition in Poland has been presenting increasingly controversial proposals aimed at ensuring that the country’s PiS-aligned President will remain in office. The most recent one envisages a constitutional amendment which would extend the president’s term of office. This proposal is nothing but an attempt to blackmail the opposition: either vote for a constitutional change or be blamed for the consequences of holding a presidential election during the pandemic.
Continue reading >>The Philippines’ Dalliance with Authoritarianism in Times of National Emergency
The Philippines is remarkably familiar with national emergencies, having faced just in the past three decades alone two global financial catastrophes, a number of coup attempts, a couple of destructive volcanic eruptions, a slew of ravaging typhoons, deadly terrorist attacks, and a devastating earthquake. Notably, the national response at these moments of crisis is to give the President “emergency powers”. Of course, this also comes with the admonition that citizens must fall in line and obey the commands of the government, which usually means temporarily “adjusting” adherence to human rights and respect for civil liberties.
Continue reading >>Belgium and COVID-19: When a Health Crisis Replaces a Political Crisis
The COVID-19 health crisis is happening in the context of a political crisis in Belgium. As the virus was spreading in the EU in early March, political parties were still negotiating the formation of a federal government. The need to provide a unified and strong answer to the situation added another layer to the political crisis and seems to have put the main political disagreements on the backburner. Even though, many institutional and constitutional challenges have been solved without considerably affecting basic democratic principles. This is not true when it comes to fundamental rights, especially fundamental rights of vulnerable groups such as migrants and prisoners, female victims of violence etc.
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20 April 2020
Schmittian Instincts at Odds with Neoliberalism
Carl Schmitt is now regularly referenced in discussions of President Trump’s extraordinary and probably unprecedented claims to unchecked executive power. The President’s knee-jerk hostility to the administrative state, however, has helped spare Americans the worst consequences of his Schmittian legal instincts. Yet that hostility has come with its own high price.
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Iceland’s Rule of Common Sense … and Law?
While Iceland is not under a lockdown, the borders have been closed and wide-ranging measures implemented concerning a ban on gathering, social distancing, closing down or restricting the operation of schools, hair salons, organized sports and so on. When this is written, the current version of the ban on gathering is destined to last until 4th of May but some measures will be in place throughout the summer and maybe even longer. Now, gatherings of more than 20 people are forbidden, including in workplaces, cafés, restaurants and shops but special rules apply to grocery shops and pharmacies. The so-called two metre rule applies in these places. Other places have been shut down completely, such as gyms, swimming pools and pubs. The economic situation is also dire. Businesses are struggling and unemployment is on the rise. The last big depression is still fresh in memory. In what follows, I will focus on measures concerning the health crisis.
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19 April 2020
The State of Emergency Virus
The current pandemic is said to be the worst health crisis the world has experienced for a century. Beyond causing thousands to die and millions to lose their jobs, it has also caused more than ever before governments to declare a state of emergency and, thus, to considerably broaden their own competencies. Previous experience, however, has shown that governments do not use their additional powers to save lives but, rather, to make themselves better off. Considering that more than half of the world’s democracies have declared a state of emergency, the rule of law will be subject to a number of dangers in the following months.
Continue reading >>Critique and Crisis: The German Struggle with Pandemic Control Measures and the State of Emergency
SARS-CoV-2 has hit Germany hard with (as of Easter 2020) more than 120,000 confirmed cases. The entire development of the pandemic has been accompanied by a critical debate about whether the Federal Government and the Länder (states) took the appropriate measures to fight the virus. The first objective of this post is to show which legal measures are available to the Federal Government and the Länder and to briefly report which of those have been applied to. It discusses whether extraordinary times are the right moment for constitutional amendments and why a critical reflection of the current legislative changes is not only necessary but essential for the understanding of our constitution.
Continue reading >>Domestic Courts Pushing for a Workable Test to Protect the Rule of Law in the EU
On 17 February 2020, the Oberlandesgericht Karlsruhe passed a decision in a surrender case that we expect to shape the future of the LM-test. Its decision can be seen not only as a result of Luxembourg’s unworkable LM test but also as an acknowledgement of the effect of Poland’s muzzle law on the independence of its judiciary. Shortly after, Rechtbank Amsterdam engaged with this decision, thus making it more likely that the CJEU will have to move forward and develop its test into a more meaningful one.
Continue reading >>18 April 2020
Testing the Limits of EU Health Emergency Power
Due to their inherent cross-border spillovers, many of the national responses to COVID-19 raise major concerns under EU law. Yet only a few of them have been timidly denounced by the EU Commission as the Guardian of the Treaty. How long will this last?
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Singapore’s Legislative Approach to the COVID-19 Public Health ‘Emergency’
Up till late March 2020, Singapore’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic was the envy of many nations. Its strategy of early testing, rapid contact tracing, and isolating cases and close contacts was praised for its effectiveness. Indeed, for some time, Singapore seemed to be successfully ‘flattening the curve’. And to top it off, the Singapore government managed to contain the spread of the disease while keeping workplaces, businesses, and schools open. This all, however, changed when a sudden spike in cases occurred in the latter half of March.
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Luxembourg’s Unworkable Test to Protect the Rule of Law in the EU
A key rule of law case illustrating the conversation taking place between national judges and the Court of Justice about the how-to of rule of law protection is the CJEU’s LM ruling dealing with the implementation of the European Arrest Warrant. In it the CJEU developed a test to balance mutual trust and individual rights, particularly the right to a fair trial. The Rechtbank Amsterdam and the Karlsruhe Oberlandesgericht applied Luxembourg’s LM test with respect to Polish suspects in a series of recent (interlocutory) rulings. This national case-law is interesting both for its immediate outcome (suspension of surrenders) and its implicit message to Luxembourg: “Sorry, we tried, but your test is unworkable.”
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17 April 2020
Nothing like before
I’m sure you’ve read enough musing reflections on how radically […]
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COVID, Crisis and Change in Global Governance
Crises facilitate change: they remove obstacles which, in normal times, favour the status quo. Crises often strengthen existing trends which may have been slowed down by institutional inertia or political resistance. An event of the magnitude of the COVID-19 crisis is likely to have serious consequences in domestic as well as international politics. What will it mean for global governance? Which tendencies is it going to reinforce, which ones will it weaken? Six conjectures.
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Legitimacy in the Time of Coronavirus
In this post, I want to focus on two issues of the many emergent themes in the constitutional politics of pandemic management: expertise and political accountability and the classic tension between legality and legitimacy in EU governance; and particularly what Max Weber, arguably the greatest theorists of political legitimacy, can teach us about these issues in the context of responses to the coronavirus pandemic.
Continue reading >>Right Restriction or Restricting Rights? The UK Acts to Address COVID-19
The UK initially downplayed concerns arising from the spread of COVID-19: Prime Minister Boris Johnson suggesting Britain should ‘take it on the chin’, pursued a policy which introduced no significant measures beyond encouraging hand-washing for 20 seconds. This changed, abruptly, on 12 March. On the same day schools and businesses were shut in Ireland and France, and three days after Italy was locked down, Prime Minister Boris Johnson announced a move to the delay phase and advised, though did not direct, over-70s to stay home, and travellers to avoid cruises. People should ‘avoid pubs and restaurants’, but they would not be closed. Large gatherings, such as the Cheltenham Festival, would not be prevented from going ahead. On 19 March following the rapid spread of the virus, the government announced that there was ‘zero prospect’ of a lockdown in London which would place limits on peoples’ movement. Four days later, on 23 March, the capital entered lockdown along with the rest of the country. ‘Zero prospect’ had lasted less than four days.
Continue reading >>Pandemic and Executive Powers in Colombia: A Problem and a Modest Proposal
The way in which the events surrounding the pandemic in Colombia have unfolded, and the measures taken so far by the executive branch have led us, once again, to think about presidential powers: their scope, extent and limits. The first question we ask ourselves is: what kind of powers does the executive branch exercise when it orders measures such as national mandatory self-confinement? Perhaps in the midst of uncertainty and fear it seems natural to us that mayors, governors and ultimately the President have decided to confine us to our homes under threat of a fine if we don’t follow the precise guidelines of the various decrees and administrative acts. But such power and restriction of our freedom is a matter of concern that we must examine closely. We must also pay attention to the institutional mechanisms that are being deployed to deal with the crisis. In the current situation, not only does the what in the decision matter (i.e., mandatory self-confinement measures), but also the who and the how (i.e., whether the decisions are adopted by mayors, governors or the President – and, in the latter case, if the President does it through exceptional or ordinary powers).
Continue reading >>16 April 2020
Is the Constitution Law for the Court Only?
According to Chancellor Kurz, this is not the time for juridical sophistry (juristische Spitzfindigkeiten). At the end of the day, it would be left to the Constitutional Court to decide on the legality of the COVID-19 measures which, when it will hand down a decision, will have been already revoked. These remarks betray a certain outlook on the authority of constitutional law. Putting the matter starkly, it suggests that the constitution is law for the Constitutional Court only.
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COVID-19 and Disposable Migrant Workers
Picture this: The world is battling a pandemic, with many countries in lockdown and borders closed. You arrive at a regional airport in northern Romania and wait for hours in the parking lot to board a charter flight. You might end up in Baden-Baden, Berlin or Düsseldorf—it’s hard to know, since no one is telling you what the final destination is. Physical distancing seems not to apply. You are jammed together with 2000 other people waiting to be placed as seasonal workers in the fields of Germany. Asparagus needs to be picked and the new crop need to be planted so the Germans can enjoy uninterrupted production of the spring vegetable through 2020 and 2021.
Continue reading >>The COVID-19 Emergency in Finland: Best Practice and Problems
Finland has a modern Constitution with an ambitious catalogue of fundamental rights. Has this framework, including the constitutional regulation of emergency powers, been able to cope with the COVID-19 crisis? Are there lessons to learn from Finland?
Continue reading >>Mexico: Emergency Powers and COVID-19
As of April 5th, the Federal Health Ministry reported 2,143 confirmed cases of COVID-19 in Mexico. International experience suggests that the country is at the cusp of confronting the full effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. This post provides a description of the constitutional and statutory regulation of emergency powers and a brief commentary on the government’s actions thus far. It starts by offering an account of the constitutional provision of emergency powers, noting from the outset a disinclination to the prospect or desirability of their application. Then, it describes the emergency powers to confront a health crisis contained in statutory form. Finally, it evaluates the government’s response to the pandemic.
Continue reading >>15 April 2020
Data crossing borders
The cross-border sharing of personal data to combat coronavirus raises questions under the EU General Data Protection Regulation 2016/679 (the GDPR) - two of which will be dealt with here. The first question is whether EU data protection law is flexible enough to allow the international sharing of personal data to fight the pandemic. Secondly, data protection law has traditionally been shaped by pivotal events in history (think of the effect that the reaction to the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 had on data protection law), and one can ask what implications the crisis will have on the future development of data transfer regulation.
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Infringement Procedures in the Time of COVID-19
In the last weeks, members of the European Parliament and observers in the legal and academic community have, explicitly or implicitly, criticised the European Commission and the Court of Justice for their handling of ongoing infringement procedures. Put simply, the two institutions have been criticised for moving the existing cases forward, despite the fact that certain countries (first Italy, then followed by almost all other Member States) are in lockdown and, consequently, their administrations are unable to effectively respond.
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The Constitutionalized State of Emergency
The late Giovanni Sartori once said that we lacked a general theory of dictatorship. It is very likely that we are also short of a theory of emergency. As the current pandemic has come to show us, not only we still have difficulties to include emergency into our conception of constitutional law; we seem to differ on what emergency means and necessitates and on what should be its place in the functioning of the democratic State.
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How to protect the Vulnerable?
In the Corona crisis, balancing between containment measures and the protection of fundamental rights becomes even more pressing with respect to vulnerable groups, especially in view of proposals aiming at restricting curfews to high-risk populations. Over-emphasizing their need for protection bears the risk of disregarding their rights and autonomy and one-sidedly imposing paternalistic measures in order to urge a solution and alleviate economic consequences.
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Fighting COVID-19 – Legal Powers, Risks and the Rule of Law: Turkey
In order to ensure a quick and flexible response in fighting against COVID- 19, Turkish presidency and administration preferred to introduce the measures against the pandemic in the form of circulars instead of declaring a state of emergency. This choice is being criticised for opening the way for arbitrariness and undermining the principle of legality.
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Emergency Powers in Nepal: An Ordinary Response?
Compared to many other countries, the known impact of COVID-19 on public health in Nepal has thus far been small. At the time of writing (4 April), only nine COVID-19 infections have been identified. However, as in many low-income developing countries, Nepal is particularly vulnerable to the spread of the virus. The country’s healthcare system is weak and, even at the best of times, hospitals suffer from chronic shortages of oxygen cylinders and ventilators—essential tools to fight the disease. Test kits are limited and the capacity to test samples in large quantities quickly is severely lacking. Moreover, while the existence of the virus within the community is known, the extent of its spread remains hidden The mass migration of workers back to their villages in pre-emption of the looming nation-wide lockdown potentially carried the virus throughout the entire country.
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14 April 2020
Don’t Call a Spade a Shovel
Such concerns are, not only but to a large extent, fueled by the apparent indeterminacy of the terms employed to regulate fake news. This is true for Hungary, but also for France, Russia and several Asian countries, which have already passed fake news legislation. Uncertainties concerning the definition may have discouraged other states from passing similar laws, out of legitimate worries over freedom of expression. In fact, however, many scholars and institutions actually agree on the characteristics of the phenomenon.
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Abstract panic: On fake news, fear and freedom in Southeast Asia
In Southeast Asia, which is the world’s most dynamic laboratory of fake news legislation, the corona crisis has put previously created laws to practice and sparked additional legislative activity. The professed goal is to prevent public panic. Recent enforcement actions, however, demonstrate the complete irrelevance of any panic indicators. A falsehood’s panic potential is simply assumed. In short, an abstract panic threat is fought with very concrete measures: Arrests and criminal prosecutions. Cases from across Southeast Asia prove the trend, whereas two decisions in Singapore deserve particular attention.
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Not a Safe Place?
In an unprecedented move, the Italian government has declared Italy’s ports “unsafe” due to the COVID-19-pandemic. It did so by issuing an executive decree late Tuesday last week, seemingly in response to the rescue of 150 shipwrecked by the Sea-Eye’s Alan Kurdi. This is not the first time that the Italian government has used decrees to close its borders for sea-rescue ships. However, given the extraordinary circumstances of this case in the midst of the on-going Corona-crisis and the novel argument made by the Italian government, the decision warrants closer examination.
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The Coronavirus Crisis-Law in Greece: A (Constitutional) Matter of Life and Death
Each time a crisis emerges, the law is entitled to seize the exceptional moment and contain it, within the limits of democracy and the rule of law. Legal normality, as a vague standard, is usually redefined by the legislator and the courts and rapidly adjusted to reality. The constitutional value of public interest comes into conflict with civil liberties and scholars begin to question the law. The saga of the (Greek) coronavirus crisis-law is, like everywhere, utterly reduced to the proportionality of the exceptional measures of the (Greek) State, but its moral and political implications seem far broader and ambiguous.
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Fear of Unaccountability vs Fear of a Pandemic: COVID-19 in Hong Kong
When news began to circulate about a novel virus in December 2019, Hong Kong was in the midst of protests that had been going on for months. There were (and continue to be) widespread demands for accountability and democracy, accompanied by a significant degree of public distrust and dissatisfaction towards the Government. Pertinently, the Government had just invoked hugely controversial emergency powers to quell the protests. Hong Kong was also one of the hardest-hit regions during the SARS epidemic 17 years ago, and there was a collective determination not to repeat the tragedy.
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13 April 2020
Fighting the Virus and the Rule of Law – A Country Report on Norway
Governments across Europe are quick to limit personal freedoms in the name of fighting the pandemic. The case of Norway, however, reveals how the process of adopting these measures can compromise democratic discourse and procedure. The main rule of law challenges we have seen here are an overreach of the authorities of their legal powers, a lack of transparency and exclusion of the public from public decision-making and battle over jurisdiction to regulate between the central government and local authorities. In the end, it is not just our health, but the rule of law that is under threat.
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12 April 2020
How Political Turmoil is Changing European Constitutional Law: Evidence from the Verfassungsblog
The shockwaves that have rippled through the European political order have exposed the artificial character of the law vs politics distinction, forcing constitutional law scholars to adapt. Contributions to the Verfassungsblog provide evidence for this evolution.
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Coping with Covid-19 in Portugal: From Constitutional Normality to the State of Emergency
As we write this report, it is unclear how the Covid-19 outbreak will unfold in Portugal. The country reacted quickly to adopt measures aimed at reducing social contact, including the closure of schools and a general ban on non-essential movement. Whether that will prove efficient to avoid the collapse of the national health system and prevent thousands of deaths, only time will tell. In this contribution, we describe and reflect on the action taken by public powers to address the Covid-19 pandemic, considering the situation as of April 9.
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Indonesia’s Fight against COVID-19: A Battle Over the Meaning of Emergency?
Indonesia is a perfect example of how poorly a country can handle the spread of coronavirus (COVID-19). In February, when Indonesia’s neighbouring countries such as Singapore were occupied with the restriction of the entry of foreigners into their territory after the announcement of the coronavirus outbreak in Wuhan, Indonesia’s government under the Presidency of Joko Widodo (Jokowi) introduced the opposite policy which made it easier for foreign tourists (including those from the mainland China) to travel to Indonesia. The purpose of this particular policy according to Jokowi’s government was to exploit the economic gaps which would arise from foreigners’ fears of travelling to Indonesia’s neighbours including Singapore and Thailand.
Continue reading >>11 April 2020
Fighting Fake News or Fighting Inconvenient Truths?
Last week, the Hungarian Parliament amended the Criminal Code: it created the new crime of “obstructing epidemic prevention” and amended the already existing crime of scaremongering (rémhírterjesztés). The old version did have some shortcomings but the now adopted modification addresses none of the previously existing problems and makes the crime more susceptible to abuse by the authorities.
Continue reading >>Ireland’s Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic
Like many countries around the world, Ireland has enacted emergency legislation to respond to the coronavirus pandemic. The scope of these powers are vast, impacting on almost every aspect of life in Ireland. Notably, no state of emergency has been declared in accordance with Ireland’s constitutional provisions or under Article 15 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR).
Continue reading >>COVID-19: State of Disaster in South Africa
As COVID-19 spread across the world, the first reported case in Africa was not until 27 February 2020 in Nigeria; six days later the South African National Institute of Communicable Diseases (NICD) confirmed the first case in South Africa. Since then, cases have increased steadily and the first death in South Africa was recorded on 27 March 2020. COVID-19 has shown its potential devastating impact elsewhere, but it is a particular cause for concern in South Africa.
Continue reading >>10 April 2020
Pushing the Boundaries of Legal Normality
The Brazilian Emergency Constitution is still dormant, instead “legislative and executive apparatuses” are used to “enforce measures for protecting public health”. But that does not mean, that emergency powers in Brazil are not yet in reach: While we patiently wait for the Emergency Constitution to wake up from its doctrinal sleep, legislation has already bypassed it and is venturing into uncharted territory.
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Corona and the Absence of a Real Constitutional Debate in Sweden
Despite the horrors of the Corona disease, and indeed in order to combat it efficiently as a society, Sweden requires a robust and healthy constitutional and democratic debate. Corona is a human disaster and the suffering it spreads has yet to be accounted for. It is also an unprecedented challenge to our political and constitutional institutions and our almost nonexistent public discourse.
Continue reading >>Cooperative Federalism, Soft Governance and Hard Laws in Australia’s State of Emergency
To date, in Australia, there have been over 5,350 confirmed COVID-19 cases, 26 deaths and over 275,000 tests conducted. The majority of the confirmed cases were acquired overseas. Australia is a Federation with a national government and state and territory governments. This adds complexity to responding to a national crisis. So far, Australia’s response has been characterised by cooperative federalism, at least nominally, primarily through a newly formed National Cabinet. There has been a staged ratcheting up of border controls and executive powers to prevent and control the spread of COVID-19, and a ‘hibernation’ approach to the conduct of business and exercise of fundamental rights. In this post, we discuss the governance model through the National Cabinet, the hard law response at Federal and State and Territory level and the extensive economic interventions.
Continue reading >>Bulgaria: COVID-19 as an Excuse to Solidify Autocracy?
On 23 March 2020, Bulgaria’s Parliament enacted a Law on the Measures and Actions during the State of Emergency Announced by Parliament on 13 March 2020 (hereby referred to as Law on Emergency for brevity). This was the second attempt to enact this piece of legislation after Bulgaria’s President vetoed some of its provisions. This new Law entered into force retroactively on 13 March 2020 when Parliament declared a state of emergency (izvunredno polojenie) in light of COVID-19. The peculiar situation that Parliament can declare a state of emergency, define its scope and provide guidance on the measures which could be taken later, and apply the law retroactively to justify measures and actions taken by the executive in the period before defining these terms is troublesome from a rule of law perspective. Moreover, some of the measures go beyond healthcare concerns and create opportunities for arbitrariness and human rights violations. B
Continue reading >>Covid-19 and Derogations Before the European Court of Human Rights
Many argue that derogations, permitted under many human rights instruments, provide a useful framework for assessing whether any human rights infringements that arise from emergency provisions adopted in response to Covid-19 are justified. Drawing on jurisprudence from the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR or the Court) in relation to Northern Ireland, this post argues that it is likely that the vast majority of cases exploring derogation will be found in a government’s failure.
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09 April 2020
Protecting Polish Judges from the Ruling Party’s “Star Chamber”
For the third time, the ECJ has intervened in the subjugation of the judiciary in member states. Its injunction against Poland's "disciplinary chamber" is an important step. But unless Ursula von der Leyen's Commission starts facing up reality, winning legal battles will not prevent losing another member state, after Hungary, to autocracy.
Continue reading >>The Need for Clear Competences in Times of Crisis
All Italian institutions established at different levels of government have been at the forefront in the health emergency to fight the spread of the coronavirus disease (see Diletta Tega and Michele Massa). Yet, they had to take action in the absence of a consistent legal framework establishing a clear division of competences and chain of command in the management of the emergency. The resulting legal uncertainties have been delaying the timely adoption and effective implementation of the containment measures which led to the national lockdown.
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From One State of Emergency to Another – Emergency Powers in France
2 years and less than 5 months after the end of the two-year state of emergency triggered on the wake of the 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris, a brand new “state of health emergency” was activated in France on the 23rd March to cope with a new attack led, this time, by a small and invisible enemy, Covid-19. The so-called “state of health emergency” currently constitutes the legal framework and basis of the measures in force to cope with the epidemic, including nationwide lockdown. What is this new regime? Is it a threat to individual freedoms? What are its limits and guarantees? Was it legally necessary?
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Underreaction in a Time of Emergency: America as a Nearly Failed State
Not surprisingly, those of us who write about emergencies have been far more concerned about overreaction than underreaction and we have been far more concerned about politically caused emergencies rather than natural disasters. History is littered with the cautionary tales of overreaction to politically caused emergencies. But the dangers of state failure evident in underreaction are underestimated.
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08 April 2020
Towards Constitutionalizing Global Value Chains and Corporations
There exists a private state of exception that is shaping the current Coronavirus crisis. This private state of exception is negotiated within the doctrines of private law, but this pandemic also reveals how global private orders consisting of contracts allow lead firms in global commodity production to act as private sovereigns that can declare independently the presence of an exceptional situation.
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Solidarity and Constitutional Constraints in Times of Crisis
While important, European solidarity cannot take place at the expense of safeguarding citizens’ economic and social rights under the Constitution of Finland. For this reason, the Finnish Government needs to remain alert to the risks involved in the increasing financial commitments given by Finland. Depending on their exact features, the constitutional problems relating to “corona bonds” might only be overcome by a risky and time consuming constitutional amendment procedure. This is the result of two days of deliberations by the Constitutional Law Committee of the Finnish Parliament relating to the euro group agenda dedicated to the COVID19 crisis.
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Constitutional Crisis in Israel: Coronavirus, Interbranch Conflict, and Dynamic Judicial Review
The Covid-19 pandemic hit Israel in fragile political and constitutional times. After three consecutive national elections and during unprecedented and continuous constitutional crisis, it has deepened an interbranch conflict that has led to the High Court of Justice (HCJ) taking part, in real time, in a dynamic judicial review. The HCJ not only facilitated the functioning of the parliament but also expedited its oversight on the government’s use of emergency powers.
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A Prime Minister in Hospital: the Constitutional Implications
Following the news that the British Prime Minister, Boris Johnson, has been taken to hospital for treatment for COVID-19, there has been much discussion about what should happen if he should die or become incapacitated. Who would take over and how would such a successor be chosen? What is the role of Dominic Raab, the Foreign Secretary, who has been designated to deputise for him in his absence? And how do we find the answers to the above questions, given the UK has no codified Constitution to consult?
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Authoritarianism Without Emergency Powers: Brazil Under COVID-19
One of the few heads of state that insist on denying scientific and epidemiologic facts concerning the spread of COVID-19 is the Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro. For Bolsonaro, politics comes before truth. Since the beginning of the pandemic of COVID-19, he is disseminating doubts on social media (although Twitter, Facebook and Instagram deleted some of his posts) to galvanize his radical supporters while creating a distraction for his government’s inability to implement social and economic aids to the low-income families affected by social distancing. For the moment, the president has failed to gather the public support that he needs for an extension of the emergency powers of the executive, like Orbán did in Hungary. But his authoritarian discourse has not disappeared from the horizon. On 31st March 2020, for instance, Bolsonaro celebrated the anniversary of the Coup of 1964 as a “great day for freedom”.
Continue reading >>Italy’s Coronavirus Legislative Response: Adjusting Along the Way
With one of the highest death rate by population worldwide, Italy has undertaken a series of necessary but very intrusive measures resulting in strong limitations of fundamental rights and liberties. The Rule of Law (ROL) is considered to be “the basis of all genuine democracy” (Statute of the Council of Europe); and in times of emergency, respect for the ROL and adherence to its principles should still prevail. So, what safeguards have been put in place to ensure that the Italian legislative response to COVID-19 provides effective protection of public safety and complies with core Constitutional principles, international law obligations and the ROL?
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07 April 2020
Humiliating the Court?
The Member States, dismissing an Advocate General before the expiration of her term of office on the Court, have demonstrated that they are ready to humiliate the Court of Justice by allowing post-Brexit frustrations take the place of the Primary Law of the EU. The Rule of Law stands replaced with political whim. As AG Sharpston’s tenure is left in suspense, what is the worth of the core aspects of EU Rule of Law and judicial independence, when the Member States are willing to alter the composition of the Court by a political declaration?
Continue reading >>Lockdown Bubbles through Layers of Law, Discretion and Nudges – New Zealand
New Zealand’s governmental response to Covid-19 has been, so far, dramatic and legally curious. As a South Pacific island nation, Covid-19 was late to infiltrate New Zealand, allowing the government time to shape its response in the light of experiences elsewhere. At the first sign of community transmission, the government moved to lockdown the country – shutting the border, keeping people in their household ‘bubbles’ and closing businesses other than those deemed essential. To effect the lockdown, the government relied on some ordinary legal powers and a handful of reserve emergency powers, supplemented by strong messaging from a charismatic prime minister. While providing a stopgap solution for the sudden move, the current legal framework is bit soft and fragile in places. It seems likely the government will move to sharpen and fortify the legal basis for the lockdown and put in place a more bespoke and enduring solution.
Continue reading >>Israel’s Perfect Storm: Fighting Coronavirus in the Midst of a Constitutional Crisis
A notable characteristic of the Israeli management of the crisis is the growing reliance on the military and on national security agencies, with respect to both types of measures. The sections below will examine the measures taken, the concerns these measures raise, and the steps taken to address such concerns.
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06 April 2020
Hong Kong’s Basic Law at 30: A Constitutional Experiment under Stress
On April 4, 2020, the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China (HK Basic Law) turned 30. The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region has been and continues to be confronted with many challenges, including those concerned with the implementation of the HK Basic Law. Ultimately, it will depend on the Chinese Central Authorities and the Hong Kong institutions if the HK Basic Law is to remain the centrepiece in the governance of Hong Kong.
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How Corona Aggravates the Crises of the European Union and Threatens its Existence
The corona virus is acting as a catalyst for the EU's various crises smouldering and burning for years, intertwining with them. The current corona pandemic is not only endangering people in the EU in life and limb but also the European Union as a supranational community. With unprecedented urgency, it raises the question of its legitimacy, of its raison d'être. We need now an awareness of the political and social dimension of European integration – it must result in solidarity-based action by the EU and the Member States.
Continue reading >>Canada the Good?
Canada is in almost full emergency mode in its bid to flatten the pandemic curve. But so far the federal government has not declared a federal state of emergency in terms of the Emergencies Act (1985), although it has discussed publicly the pros and cons of taking this step and has been urged to do so on the basis that such a declaration would enable a nationwide testing program. There are four main reasons for this hesitation to declare a national state of emergency.
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Hungary’s Orbánistan: A Complete Arsenal of Emergency Powers
On 23 March 1933, an act was adopted in Nazi Germany in response to the “crisis” of the Reichstag fire to enable Hitler to issue decrees independently of the Reichstag and the presidency. Article 48 of the constitution of the Weimar Republic made this act possible. Eighty-seven years later, on 23 March 2020, the so-called 'Enabling Act' was put before the Hungarian Parliament. This was drafted under emergency constitutional provisions in Articles 48-54.
Continue reading >>Introduction & List of Country Reports
As states of emergency are declared throughout the world in response to the spread of COVID-19, concerns arise as to the use - and potential abuse - of power in a time of crisis. In this Symposium, comparative country reports examine the use of emergency powers from the perspective of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.
Continue reading >>05 April 2020
The Case for Corona Bonds
Governments, economists and intellectuals have called for common European bonds or increased own EU funds to address the recession induced by Covid19. Unfortunately, the German government, joined by the other members of the “Frugal Four” (Austria, Finland, the Netherlands), has categorically rejected to look into any such measures and favours using the ESM. This reaction created a déjà vu experience for citizens and governments of the heavily affected southern Member States of the EU. The proposal to use the ESM raises fears of another wave of austerity amounting to yet another lost decade for economic, social, and ecological development in Europe.
Continue reading >>04 April 2020
The European Stability Mechanism is a False Solution to a Real European Problem
The conflict opposing the Northern (and Eastern) to the Southern Member States has reemerged with special animosity in the last weeks. European governments have developed deep disagreements over how to distribute the costs not only of fighting the coronavirus epidemics, but also of the socio-economic reconstruction that would be required once the public health emergence has been overcome, and which will require mobilising resources on a scale unknown since the Second World War.
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Schmitten in the USA
We will at some point surface from the current public health crisis. How and when and what the new normal will look like, no one knows. But we do know that autocrats around the world are using the epidemic as a pretext to gather even more power unto themselves. In this light, the fact that a Harvard Law Professor has published an article at this time with this kind of viral load in the pages of a respectable journal is perhaps more scary than the virus itself.
Continue reading >>Not a Police State just yet
On Authoritarians, Libertarians and what both have in common in these Corona times.
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03 April 2020
Corona Constitutional #3: Europa am Beatmungsschlauch
In der Coronakrise bündelt sich wie in einem Brennglas fast alles, was in der EU in den letzten zehn Jahren schief gelaufen ist: Finanzkrise, Flüchtlingsschutz, Rechtsstaatlichkeit. KATHARINA MANGOLD im Gespräch mit Max Steinbeis über das, was jetzt für die europäische Integration auf dem Spiel steht.
Continue reading >>02 April 2020
Against the Apocalyptic Swan Song
Gloomy future scenarios are currently popular. Hardly a day goes by without predictions of the demise of the EU, a spiral of nationalism or the path to an authoritarian, xenophobic surveillance state. However, in the current competition to outbid disaster scenarios, we tend to forget that political developments are just as little inevitable and without alternatives as crisis response measures. The choice between alternatives still exists and is more important today than ever.
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01 April 2020
Wider die apokalyptische Sehnsucht
Nicht nur die aktuell getroffenen Maßnahmen zur Eindämmung der akuten gesundheitlichen Krise beruhen auf politischen Entscheidungen zwischen Alternativen, sondern auch die Gestaltung unserer Zukunft nach Corona. Welchen Schaden unsere politischen Systeme nach der akuten Corona-Krise nehmen werden, hängt maßgeblich von drei Faktoren ab: der aktiven Auseinandersetzung mit den sozialen Folgen der Krise; den Konsequenzen, die wir für die Organisation transnationaler Solidarität ziehen und der Resilienz unserer Verfassungen in der Krise.
Continue reading >>Governing Through Fear in France
The present pandemic affects our ways of life and acts as a magnifying glass: It helps us to see the main features of our political and legal systems better. In France, the Act of Parliament from March, 23 reveals a well-known feature of the French fifth Republic: Parliament is not considered as a major political institution. Furthermore, it reveals yet again that the state of emergency has become common since 2015.
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Before it Spreads “Like Wildfire”: Prisoners’ Rights in the Time of COVID-19
There are more than 10.7 million people imprisoned throughout the world. Prisons are notorious incubators and amplifiers of infections, and the fear among inmates due to COVID-19 is deepening all across the world (France, UK, US and Australia among many others). During the current pandemic, protecting prisons from the ‘tidal wave of COVID-19’ proves to be a challenging issue for States. After all, they have obligations and duties under international law to safeguard the human rights of prisoners, particularly their right to life, health and human treatment.
Continue reading >>31 March 2020
Illiberal Constitutionalism at Work
Hungary’s and Poland’s responses to COVID-19 demonstrate how illiberal constitutionalism works in practice. In both countries, national constitutional or sub-constitutional emergency regimes provide the framework for government action. Different political and constitutional contexts, however, mean that their specific proceedings diverge.
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More than just ,Protecting Veterans’
On 18 March the UK Minister for Defence Ben Wallace introduced into the UK Parliament its promised package of new legislation designed to ‘protect veterans’. the proposed laws would amend the UK’s Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA) in a number of ways that impact on its human rights obligations under international law, particularly treaty commitments under the ECHR.
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Corona-Triage and Human Dignity
Does the duty to protect human life have an essence of dignity? The „triage“ of COVID-19-patients, i.e. their sorting due to scarce treatment capacities, raises this question. The answer is yes: It would violate the state's duty to protect human dignity, for example, if the state gave orders to save not as many lives as possible, but as many young people as possible.
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30 March 2020
Fighting COVID 19 – Legal Powers and Risks: Spain
A global health crisis, broadcasted almost instantly, arguably ensures that most citizens accept health recommendations responsibly, and no coercive measures are needed for them to take precautions. In fact, the first decisions made by the Spanish health authorities with respect to COVID-19 were passed through documents with no regulatory value. However, the rapid spread of the epidemic forced these authorities to increasingly restrict various fundamental rights and freedoms. Three major legal issues arose then: firstly, whether the ordinary provisions of the health legislation were sufficient to deal with this crisis or emergency powers should be triggered; secondly, whether the central government should have powers devolved to better manage the crisis; and, thirdly, under which conditions and to what extent the government may restrict constitutional rights by virtue of these emergency powers.
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Fighting COVID 19: Supportive Measures for Businesses and Workers in South Africa
South Africa has the highest recorded cases of COVID-19 infections in Africa. The Government has acted swiftly after COVID 19 was declared a global pandemic. This blog will discuss the measures that have been put in place by the government, in safeguarding businesses and protecting the rights of workers who are vulnerable to the socio-economic effects of the COVID-19. This will be divided into two sub-topics, namely measures taken during the declaration of national disaster and action initiated during the lockdown.
Continue reading >>29 March 2020
Orban’s Emergency
Orbán’s emergency gives him everything he ever dreamed of: The absolute freedom to do what he wants. Of course, reality does have a way of undermining dreams, and Orbán may find that his are no different. The law hands to Orbán the fully-fledged dictatorial powers he would need in order to cling to office when the full weight of the pandemic hits.
Continue reading >>Ausweispflicht per Corona-Verordnung?
In Berlin und Sachsen-Anhalt regeln Corona-Verordnungen, dass man immer einen Personalausweis mit sich führen muss. Ist das rechtmäßig? Daran kann man mit guten Gründen zweifeln.
Continue reading >>Preparing for the Pandemic Elections
There is no doubt that the essential state institutions should function as effectively as possible in the times of pandemic. It also means finding concrete and fast solutions provided in special statutes, aiming at alleviating social and economic consequences of the coronavirus outbreak. However, even when proceeding the bill known as Anti-crisis Shield (“Tarcza antykryzysowa”) that provides a financial aid for healthcare system, companies and different kinds of workers in Poland, the governing PiS party managed to introduce unconstitutional amendments to the bill.
Continue reading >>27 March 2020
Sancta Corona, ora pro nobis
On elevated temperature, breathing troubles and other symptoms of a crisis of constitutional democracy
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Borrowing Time
When Christine Lagarde announced her first, moderate rescue package, she called upon member states to provide fiscal aid. But the markets showed to have lost confidence in fiscal policy. In the absence of strong monetary policy signals, the slide continued until Lagarde in her second attempt opened the floodgates.
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The WHO After Corona: Discretionary Powers for the Next Pandemic?
Imagine the World Health Organization (WHO) had declared the outbreak of the mysterious lung ailment in the Chinese city of Wuhan a potential public health emergency of international concern already in late December 2019. It might have been just in time to halt the spread of the disease which by now has become a supreme global emergency of unforeseen proportions.
Continue reading >>COVID-19 and the European Central Bank: The Legal Foundations of EMU as the Next Victim?
The ECB announced on the 18th of March an ambitious further roll-out of its asset purchase programme (the ‘Pandemic Emergency Purchase Programme’ or PEPP), promising to invest up to 750 billion euro in Eurozone asset and debt instruments. The PEPP programme signals both the increasing redundancy of the legal framework governing EMU and an opportunity to develop a new one in its place.
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Etat d’urgence sanitaire
In Frankreich stellt die aktuelle Krise Regierung und Verwaltung wie in vielen anderen Ländern vor eine Vielzahl an juristischen Herausforderungen. Die langen Reden des Präsidenten Emmanuel Macron an die Nation legen hiervon Zeugnis ab. Für einen deutschen Beobachter mussten die vielfachen Referenzen an einen „Krieg“ irritierend wirken. Dennoch sind die Maßnahmen in Frankreich als das zu beurteilen, was sie sind: Antworten auf Gefahren, die sich mit den bestehenden Instrumenten des Rechtsstaats nur schwer fassen lassen.
Continue reading >>26 March 2020
The Court gives with one hand and takes away with the other
On March 26, the CJEU released a surprising – if not to say disappointing – judgment on the Polish system of disciplinary measures against judges. While the Court confirmed the ample material scope of Article 19(1)(2) TEU, it simultaneously restricted the procedural possibilities to remedy infringements via the preliminary reference procedure.
Continue reading >>When the Coronavirus Crisis Turns into a Crisis of Democracy
The ongoing political crisis in Israel raises the question of whether the government acts fully in good faith when deciding on measures to fight the spread of COVID-19. The current situation, in which the parliament is hindered from functioning and in which emergency regulations directly benefit the personal situation of the current Prime Minister, raises doubts about this.
Continue reading >>25 March 2020
First Order, then Humanity
While most news platforms are providing up-to-date information on Covid-19, one can easily forget the people trying to enter Greece to seek asylum, waiting at the Turkish side of the border or that are being detained and punished on Greek territory on the grounds of illegal entry. Europe’s response to the situation at the Greek external border does not follow its own rules. It abandons European values and foundational principles. The decision to launch a Frontex activity seems to follow a current trend to perceive human rights as subordinate to the unfettered sovereign rights of States.
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Fighting COVID 19 – Legal Powers and Risks: South Korea
The Republic of Korea (South Korea) was calculated to be one of the countries that are “heavily hit” by the spread of COVID-19 that sprung from Wuhan, China. According to the latest Korea Centers for Disease Control and Prevention data, as of March 23, South Korea has reported just over 8,900 cases and 111 deaths. Whereas many Western countries have reached ever higher numbers of infections, South Korea’s outbreak curve has been beaten back. From a one-day high of 909 new cases on February 29, South Korea has seen its daily case count rise by as few as 74 cases last Monday. And this Monday the number of new cases was 64. South Korea is seeing a "stabilizing trend", as Foreign Minister Kang Kyung-wha told the BBC recently.
Continue reading >>Fighting COVID 19 – Legal Powers and Risks: Belgium
The last weeks, we have witnessed the outbreak of a virus the like of which the world has not seen in a long time. As the epicenter of the crisis moved to Europe, Belgium has not been spared. Upon finishing this blogpost, 4,269 cases of COVID 19 were reported. 1,859 people were hospitalized. In total, until now, 122 patients died. Measures to fight the crisis and its consequences took many forms, including legally. In this post, we focus on three categories: containment measures, the granting of ‘special powers’ to the executive and measures aimed at socio-economic survival and recovery.
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(Rule of) Law in the Time of Covid-19: Warnings from Slovenia
It is beyond question that radical limitations of a wide range of human rights are necessary to limit the spread of Covid-19, keep healthcare systems afloat, and help saving human lives. The aim of this contribution is not to argue against such measures per se. In spite of the gravity of the situation, however, any measures adopted to combat it must be adopted by competent bodies, following the procedure and under the conditions envisaged by law. In other words, rule of law concerns have to be fully respected. It is my concern that Slovenia has been failing this »rule of law in times of emergency« test.
Continue reading >>24 March 2020
Pandemic as Constitutional Moment
Viktor Orbán has finally created for himself a constitutional moment, one where he can use the tools of constitutional democracy to access unrestrained powers to save the nation. This move should be a major concern for friends of constitutional democracy around the globe: in the midst of a global pandemic and a looming global economic crisis, PM Orbán may well be on route to kick start a genuine constitutional pandemic.
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Ukraine’s Presidents and the Judiciary: An Uneasy Relationship
On March 11, 2020, Ukraine’s Constitutional Court issued a decision dealing with the judicial reform of President Volodymyr Zelensky. The Court cooled down the reformist zeal of the presidential office by proclaiming major changes to the legislation on the judiciary unconstitutional. The Court’s decision strengthens judicial independence in Ukraine which is tainted with the legacy of politicization of past presidencies.
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An Election in the Time of Pandemic
In Poland, the Law and Justice (PiS) government has opted not to use its constitutional power to declare a state of emergency due to the COVID-19 spreading. As Wojciech Sadurski explained, its motive is simple: not to postpone the Presidential election in Poland and thus increase the chances of the President-in-Office to win the second term. The question is whether the pandemic may cause invalidity of the election. If the answer is yes, as I suggest, the problem is who should be the judge of it. The chamber of the Polish Supreme Court that is empowered by law to do so does not give an ‘appearance of independence’, following the PiS’s so-called ‘reform’ of the judiciary.
Continue reading >>23 March 2020
Fighting COVID 19 – Legal Powers and Risks: Italy
Particularly in the current month of March 2020, Italian authorities have enacted, and gradually intensified and extended, a lockdown on mobility, assembly and economic activities, currently encompassing the entire national territory. Such measures, unprecedented in democratic countries, have met praise by the World Health Organization. From a legal point of view, a vast array of legal instruments has been employed, and some have been crafted for this very occasion (for a complete list, see the references below). We focus here on national initiatives, but also Regions and Municipalities have employed their emergency powers, occasionally creating problems in coordination.
Continue reading >>Fighting COVID 19 – Legal Powers and Risks: SWITZERLAND
Law secures the stability of societies. In times of the Coronavirus, one is under the impression that law is no longer a foundation of our society but a bed of quicksand. Certainties erode at breathtaking speed. The following contribution looks at the current legal situation in Switzerland from a perspective of constitutional and administrative law. Needless to say that it may be outdated quickly.
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22 March 2020
Fighting COVID 19 – Supportive Measures for Employees and Enterprises in China
Three months after the first case of COVID-19 reported in Wuhan, Hubei Province, China is presumably approaching its final stage of domestic control, and its present policy focus is on restoring the country to its normal running. China’s current relatively stable condition on the virus, undoubtedly, is hard-earned. Restrictive measures to fight COVID-19, typically including traffic restriction, work ban and events cancellation, have brought about profound economic implications on individual employees and enterprises. In this blogpost, I will review the legal basis and scope of these measures, followed by an examination of supportive measures for financially affected employees and enterprises respectively.
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Fighting COVID 19 – Navigating Protections for Businesses and Workers in the United States
Given that COVID-19 has generated unprecedented orders for business closures and social distancing, we must examine what safeguards our legal system can offer. Are there protections for people who cannot go to work because they are sick or under quarantine orders? And if so, who provides the monetary compensation? When businesses are forced to close or events forced to cancel, are there any protections to help businesses recover from extreme losses of income due to an infectious disease outbreak? While our current legal system offers scattered safeguards in select jurisdictions, it is only now becoming obvious that reforms are needed to ensure an economic safety net, everywhere, as part of pandemic preparedness.
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21 March 2020
Taiwan’s Fight against COVID-19: Constitutionalism, Laws, and the Global Pandemic
Taiwan has demonstrated to the world its strength and success in combating the spread of COVID-19 despite decades of exclusion from the World Health Organization (WHO) and ongoing bullying from the People’s Republic of China (China). Given its geographical proximity and close economic exchanges with China, Taiwan was estimated to be heavily hit by the spread of COVID-19 originated from Wuhan, China. Reversing the trend, Taiwan has maintained a considerably low number of confirmed cases, and detected most cases of possible community spread, while Europe, the United States and the rest of the world are struggling with an ongoing global pandemic.
Continue reading >>Fighting COVID 19 – Legal Powers and Risks: The United Kingdom
The United Kingdom’s response to the coronavirus epidemic is still in its early stages, but seems likely to – eventually – involve a wide range of the emergency powers currently available to the state, as well as some which do not yet exist. Nonetheless, it already seems inevitable that the success of the state’s response to Coronavirus will eventually be judged not only by the nature of the interferences with individual liberty carried out, but also – and perhaps primarily – by the sufficiency of the associated economic measures.
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20 March 2020
Using Location Data to Control the Coronavirus Pandemic
In times of crisis like the Coronavirus pandemic strong and decisive measures to save the lives and livelihoods of people across all parts of the world are needed. There is an increased need for governments to monitor and control the public, which might make it necessary to limit individual freedom. The use of location data to control the coronavirus pandemic can be fruitful and might improve the ability of governments and research institutions to combat the threat more quickly. However, the use of data on such scale has consequences for data protection, privacy and informational self-determination.
Continue reading >>Dearth, Plague and Pestilence
On Corona, Europe and a world in a state of emergency.
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Exacerbating the Public Health Emergency in Iran
Iran is one of the hardest hit countries by Covid-19. Responsibility for the scale of the humanitarian crisis in Iran is not limited to the Iranian government, however. Rather, that suffering has been exacerbated by the US blanket sanctions regime currently in place, a regime that was causing serious violations of the rights to health and to life in Iran even before Covid-19 magnified the dangers to public health.
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19 March 2020
Wir ändern unsere Kommentarpolitik / we change our comment policy
Liebe Leser_innen des Verfassungsblogs, wir wollen künftig eine andere Kommentarpolitik […]
Continue reading >>An Open Letter to the Speaker and the Legal Advisor of the Knesset
Following the March 2 election, Prime Minister Netanyahu has the support of 58 Knesset-Members. In contrast, 61 Knesset-Members have come out in support of Benny Gantz. In light of this majority, earlier this week Gantz was tasked by Israel’s President the mandate to try and form a government. Against this backdrop, on Wednesday, Parliament Speaker Yuli Edelstein unexpectedly suspended the recently elected Knesset.
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Travel Bans in Europe: A Legal Appraisal
This blogpost presents a legal assessment in eight steps that concentrates on borders controls and the extraordinary travel restrictions for the internal and the external borders of the Schengen area. It will be argued that unprecedented travel bans and border closures for Union citizens are legally problematic. The Commission and the Member States should strive to establish uniform and proportional practices that enhance legal certainty.
Continue reading >>18 March 2020
Why Bolsonaro Needs to Be Impeached
Brazil’s longstanding political crisis already looked like the worst-case scenario, but it was surmounted by a further explosive element: the COVID-19 health crisis. Populist executive leaders seem to have responded too late to the dangers of this pandemic, but all of them appear be at least aware of the political effects of their policies. Bolsonaro seems to be taking a higher risk, adopting a position that indicates that his institutional support might be vanishing and pushing him towards direct support by his popular sympathizers.
Continue reading >>The Polish Presidential Campaign in the Shadow of the Pandemic
Various types of states of emergency have been, and in all likelihood will be, introduced or at least contemplated in different states of the world to cope with the COVID 19 crisis. Nowhere is this issue more lively than in Poland which is currently in the midst of the presidential election campaign – or rather “a sort of” election campaign of a somewhat bizarre character. It is a one-man campaign, leading up to the election which, by all standards, should not take place in a scheduled time. Except that the incumbent and his party seem not to notice it.
Continue reading >>16 March 2020
Corona Triage
Triage - this is the sorting of patients in groups to be treated preferentially or subordinately when the mass of patients vastly exceeds the available resources. It has always been a delicate and stressful procedure. The Italian Society for Anesthesia, Analgesia, Resuscitation and Intensive Care Medicine (SIAARTI) has recently given recommendations to intensive care physicians who are currently no longer able to provide lung ventilators to all Covid-19 patients in need. The aim of those recommendations was to relieve the practitioners of the burden of taking personal responsibility for the selection decisions and to make the criteria explicit and communicable. The criteria, or so the authors propose, should also be made accessible to those affected and to their families to maintain trust in the public health service. If the criteria are now made public, one must however be allowed to comment on them. This is what I intend to do here.
Continue reading >>12 March 2020
Coronavirus Emergency and Public Law Issues: An Update on the Italian Situation
The emergency caused by the “new” Coronavirus disease (that we discussed here) reached a new peak in Italy in the last few days, since cases have tripled compared to just a couple of days ago. Italy is now the second most affected country after China. This situation induced Italian public authorities to take new, stricter measures to try to contain the expansion of the virus. From a constitutional law perspective, the Coronavirus sheds light on the need to reconsider Italy’s “emergency constitution” .
Continue reading >>Imitating Democracy
Russia is moving fast with its constitutional reform. On 10 March, the State Duma supported an amendment, which, if it enters into force, will allow Putin to participate in the presidential elections 2024. Although the amendment is constitutionally questionable – substantively as well as procedurally – Russia’s Constitutional Court is likely to give its approval.
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Fighting Prison Overcrowding with Penal Populism – First Victim: the Rule of Law
On March 7th, a new Hungarian law came into force, allegedly intended to stop the “abuse” of compensation claims due to inhuman conditions in prison (“abuse law”). Even if this turns out to be yet another populist gimmick, the new legislation has important ramifications for the rule of law in Hungary because it sends the message to the citizens and the courts that the finality of judgements and court rulings are relative.
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10 March 2020
The Island of Hope in a Sea of Misery
On 17 January 2020, the Italian Court of Cassation (‘Court’) ruled that Carola Rackete, captain of the Sea-Watch 3, was not criminally liable for hitting an Italian Guardia di Finanza vessel and allowing 40 shipwrecked to disembark in Lampedusa in July 2019. The judgment is remarkable for its unequivocal stance on the right to disembark.
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A March in the Night
The annual Feminist Night March in Istanbul has been the most cheerful, vivid and peaceful demonstration of Turkey’s civil society since 2003 – dspite the venue restrictions imposed by the government and the use of tear gas during the marches of 2019. Complementing the discussions on the endurance and containment of civic activism, the recent Gezi Park and Kavala cases are conducive for understanding the relationship between human rights defenders and autocratic legalism.
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Commission v Poland: What Happened, What it Means, What it Will Take
9 March 2020. It had been marked in many a Polish diary. Would the EU make steps to finally act to stop the backliding? The electronic board in front of the Grande Salle indicates Case C-791/19 R, Commission versus Poland. A report from Luxembourg.
Continue reading >>09 March 2020
Conclusion to the Symposium “Constitutions of Value”
Here in conclusion, we will not offer a unitary encapsulation of the project as a whole. The contributions are sufficiently diverse, sometimes in disagreement, and any such effort would be premature at this stage. Instead, we are interested to sketch the possibilities going forward for our inquiries into notions of value and value practices, on the basis of what we have assembled here in this symposium. To do this, let us take a step back, to ask a broad question: What makes our questions about value intelligible, and what makes them intelligible now?
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Open Letter to the President of the European Commission regarding Poland’s “Muzzle Law”
The current procrastination is akin to dereliction of duty: Waiting to bring infringement actions and to fail to simultaneously seek interim measures when the rule of law in a Member State is so obviously and blatantly deteriorating on an industrial scale only means that the Commission faces a far more serious and intractable problem to deal with later.
Continue reading >>Hospitality Ltd
But how do jurists and legal theorists read and write Airbnb’s story? Do they narrate it as a Cinderella story, the fairy-tale rise to power and glory of three drudges? Do they recount the story of a rare and fantastic ‘unicorn’, a start-up company that reached a $1 billion valuation? Do they retell the ballad of Robin Hood, a heroic outlaw, who robbed the rich to give to the poor, a model of ingenuity, altruism, and popular justice? Do they adopt the economic rhetoric of competition, describing the relations between Airbnb and hotels, and between Airbnb and states, as David-and-Goliath battles between stodgy giants and an innovative newcomer? Do they warn Little Red Riding Hood against the Big Bad Wolf? Or do they caution the three bears about Goldilocks, the gentrifier? To problematize the valuation of hospitality, this blogpost examines the interplay between different dispositifs that, so to speak, value ‘hospitality’ – tourism, and also migration and citizenship.
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08 March 2020
The EU, Segregation and Rule of Law Resilience in Hungary
The legal and political consequences of the Hungarian government’s campaign against an appeal judgment which ordered the payment of compensation for school segregation can reverberate across the EU, because of the ubiquitous nature of segregation. Should the Hungarian government prevail, the case may negatively impact the integration of minorities in other Member States as well, particularly if the European Commission fails to increase its efforts to enforce the Racial Equality Directive.
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On the Value of Human Rights
Florian Hoffmann analyses the left critique of rights and Marx's account of the function of liberal rights as both a necessary legal infrastructure for the 'free' market exchange of commodified labour – and, hence, as an element of the system underlying the constitution and extraction of surplus value - as well as an ideological configuration that obscures the inequality of the (rights-based) exchange relationship through the semblance of equal rights. Is this really all there is to rights in/under capitalism? And are there sufficiently strong and evident alternatives so as to obviate rights (activism) all together?
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Value as Potentiality – Blockchain and the Age of Institutional Challenges
For many, blockchain’s social value derives from its potential to foster freedom, neutrality, openness and transparency; or simply from the implication that otherwise is within the possible. But Bitcoin and blockchain are not all potential; limitations apply. And if confined to their ‘mainstream’ uses, private blockchain systems boost efficiency in producing value in its monetary sense and reinforcing global value chains.
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07 March 2020
The Constitutional Theory of the Firm and Varieties of Capitalism
In this blog post, Jamee K. Moudud argues that labor relations are conflictual and corporations are fundamentally political creatures who have always attempted to structure the legal and political foundations of the economy so as to further their investment activities. Thus, corporations will generally oppose progressive reforms, especially if they raise costs.
Continue reading >>The Global Forex Market and the Legal Constitution of Money
In this post, I reflect on the relationship between the multi-trillion-dollar forex market in which fiat currencies are traded and contemporary debates over the legal nature and administration of money. Anna Chadwick suggests that the constitutional study of money should be extended to the legal instruments that establish the forex market.
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06 March 2020
Coronavirus, Health Emergencies and Public Law Issues
The outbreak of the “new” Coronavirus disease triggered an epidemic potentially evolving into a pandemic. Italy is one of the most affected areas, with 3.858 cases, confirmed by tests that public authorities are extensively performing on the population. Taking a closer look, this scenario highlights a number of challenging issues that can teach us valuable “public law lessons”.
Continue reading >>So this is what the European Way of Life looks like, huh?
On Greece, Poland, India, Thailand, Armenia, Germany, Europe and Ursula von der Leyen.
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A Valuable Image: The Publicity of Global Justice Actors
Christine Schwöbel-Patel relies on the Marxian distinction between use-value and exchange value to understand how images of global justice are circulated as a form of publicity.
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Law and the “Value” of Future Expectations: Climate Change, Stranded Assets and Capitalist Dynamics
In both direct and obvious ways, but also in ways that are often backgrounded and obscured, recent discussions that fossil fuel assets and infrastructures risk becoming “stranded assets” if legal regulations to limit global warming are imposed makes evident the critical role that law plays in (co-)constituting “value”.
Continue reading >>05 March 2020
Muzzling Associations of Judges
Art 88 a of Poland's so-called "muzzle law" law prescribes that judges must disclose their membership in associations, their functions performed in non-profit foundations and membership in parties before they became judges. The provision applies to memberships in all kinds of associations, including associations of judges. In this form, the provision violates the European Convention of Human Rights as well as the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union.
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We Need to Talk About Valuation in ISDS
There is a remarkably solid consensus in ISDS about how damages should be calculated. But why indeed should we care about the technicalities of valuation? Toni Marzal argues that this is a key question of major legal and political significance, that ought to attract as much attention as the issues of arbitral jurisdiction or investor rights. Beyond the sheer figures awarded against States, there are several major reasons to get interested in quantum-related matters.
Continue reading >>Reform of International Corporate Tax Norms: A Value-Theoretical Perspective
Clair Quentin delivers a brief guide to the various schools of Marxian value theory generally encountered today, and what they would say about the distribution of the global corporate tax base if they were adopted as the theoretical basis for the OECD’s work in this area.
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04 March 2020
The Delhi Killings and the Making of Violence
The recent killings in Delhi, orchestrated by armed mobs with impunity and legitimized through the highest offices of government and the current ruling party, resulted in the death of almost 50 people, mostly Muslims and mostly the poor and vulnerable among them. The sheer scale, design and brutality of the undertaking revived memories of the 2002 Gujarat riots and the 1984 riots in Delhi, that exhibited a certain pattern. That of absolute unrestraint and complicity. Of the state, the executive, the police, the popular media and in many respects the courts as well, in creating and perpetuating a state of terror while fuelling discrimination and disenfranchisement against minorities, especially Muslims.
Continue reading >>Value-capture, Development and Social Reproduction in International Trade Law
Donatella Alessandrini draws from anti-capitalist and post-colonial feminist studies to address the co-existence of technological upgrade and social downgrade in value chain capitalism.
Continue reading >>The Market as a ʻRigged Gameʼ? Economic Value and the Challenge of Ecologically Unequal Exchange
Oliver Schlaudt explains why one dollar is not everywhere one dollar and how that turns the alleged competitive advantage of lower production costs into a structural disadvantage for poor countries.
Continue reading >>03 March 2020
Thailand’s Obsession with Clean Politics Dismantles its Democracy
On 21 February, the already fragile Thai democracy became even more vulnerable as the Constitutional Court dissolved the Future Forward Party, the third largest party and the most active opposition against the government of Prayuth Chan-ocha. This case is the latest in the series of judicial overreach in Thailand. The phenomenon is being fueled by the unhealthy obsession of building clean politics which yields an opposite result.
Continue reading >>Marx, Wertkritik and the Illusions of State, Politics and Law
Klaus Kempter on Marxian Wertkritik, Modern Monetary Theory and the illusion of the state.
Continue reading >>The Constitution of Non-Monetary Surplus Values
What follows are six arguments which rebut the primacy of economic profit in advanced capitalist societies, and submit that the imperative to create surplus value is a function of autopoietic systems generally and not merely a product of economic forces.
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02 March 2020
How About an Anthropological Critique of Value?
What does an anthropological critique of value require? And what is the use, and challenge, of asking this question in relation to the law? The idea of ‘critique’ refers here to a frontal questioning of the notion of value, not to a contribution to a theory thereof: calling it ‘anthropological’ entails a focus on the constitution of meaning, with ‘value’ understood as a key cultural parameter of economic life, best expressed today in the imperatives of finance.
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Constitutions of Value: Introduction to the Symposium
The contributions to this symposium are the first fruits of the research project “Constitutions of Value.” They are based on presentations and discussions at a workshop we convened at the University of Würzburg on 12 and 13 December 2019 (with funds made available by the state of Bavaria for the research network ForDemocracy). We had invited lawyers, an economist, a sociologist, a historian, a philosopher, and a commons activist to think about the role of law (together with politics, economics, technology and science) in co-constituting value and value practices. In this introduction we seek to explain what prompted us to assemble this multidisciplinary group to engage in and contribute to a legal study of value, what we hope to achieve with this project, and the challenges that it needs to face.
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29 February 2020
For Norway it’s Official: The Rule of Law is No More in Poland
The so-called “muzzle law”, adopted by the Polish parliament on January 23, was the last straw. On Thursday 27 February, the board of the Norwegian Court Administration decided to withdraw from its planned cooperation with Poland under the justice programme of the EEA and Norway Grants, due to concerns over the Polish justice reforms.
Continue reading >>Context Matters
On February 9th, the Armenian parliament authorized a referendum that would allow the Prime Minister of Armenia, Nikol Pashinyan, to remove seven of the current nine justices from the Constitutional Court. Pashinyan has called the decisions of the Court a “threat to democracy”. On its face, this seems like yet another example of a populist leader trying to use a referendum to increase his power. Examining the context of the situation in Armenia, however, paints a different picture.
Continue reading >>28 February 2020
Alive until you aren’t
On Poland, France, UK, Germany, Europe, the World and one great and one less great judgment from Karlsruhe.
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The Constitutional Status of Indigenous Australians
In two recent judgments, the apex Australian court, the High Court, decided what intuitively seems obvious: that Aboriginal Australians, as that term is understood in Australian law, cannot be deported from Australia. The case exposed several fault lines that run through Australian law.
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27 February 2020
Ein Parlament der Menschheit
In diesem Jahr zelebrieren die Vereinten Nationen den 75. Jahrestag ihrer Gründung. Damit die Vereinten Nationen den globalen Herausforderungen gerecht werden können, müssen sie insgesamt transparenter, unbedingt handlungsfähiger, aber auch bürger*innennäher werden. Die Einrichtung eines Parlaments der Menschheit wäre ein Schritt in diese Richtung.
Continue reading >>26 February 2020
Class, Identity and “We the People”
The great marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm observed that the “long 19th century” repeatedly posed the question of “who is the people” while the “short 20th century” attempted to answer the question – often in the most bloody and regressive ways. It has been one of U. K. Preuss’s great contributions to grapple with and explain how constitutions have attempted to conceptualize and vindicate “the people” within a liberal and democratic order that can free us from those bloody and regressive ways.
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The Ghost of an Authoritarian State Stands at the Door of Your Home
In the late hot summer of 2033, in the home of a retired judge, a copy of a letter dated 21 February 2020 was lying on a desk. It was a father’s letter to his lawyer son. Here are its contents...
Continue reading >>25 February 2020
Is the UK Government Undermining the BBC?
The independent viability of the BBC from the government of the day has always been significantly a matter of convention. Any Government that took on the BBC was likely to suffer, politically, as a result. But since the last election, the political calculus has changed.
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23 February 2020
Could there be a Rule of Law Problem at the EU Court of Justice?
The Member States’ current plan of replacing the sitting U.K. Advocate General at the Court of Justice Eleanor Sharpston before the end of her six-year term raises a serious question whether doing so may violate the European Treaties. If yes, this would be a troubling intrusion on the independence of the Court and the constitutional structure of the Union – just when the EU should be setting an example for the Member States (both current and former).
Continue reading >>21 February 2020
The Life of Others
On right-wing terrorism, Turkey, Strasbourg, Italy and the fat friar of Budapest.
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19 February 2020
Byzantine Manoeuvres
The case of Osman Kavala, just as that of Selahettin Demirtaş, shows that that a system that breeds Article 18 violations responds to these judgments through yet more Article 18 violations. Bad faith rulings in Strasbourg have so far only received bad faith responses.
Continue reading >>The Elephant in the Room
The ECtHR’s Grand Chamber judgement N.D. and N.T. v. Spain may be perceived as a referral of two migrants from illegal to legal pathways of entry, two migrants who were not in need of protection. Those celebrating the judgement for this outcome miss its unsettling implications for the effective guarantee of the principle of non-refoulement.
Continue reading >>18 February 2020
Private (Transnational) Power without Authority
On 9 September 2019 Facebook banned from its platforms all pages and profiles related to the Italian far-right organization “CasaPound”, for the violation of its Community Standard no. 12 (hate speech and incitement to violence). On 11 December 2019, the Tribunal of Rome (ToR) adopted the precautionary measure ordering Facebook Ireland Ltd. to restore the pages and their content and to pay the losses. The decision raises significant issues in several respects and might serve as a model to courts beyond Italy.
Continue reading >>DEM-DEC Research Update Editorial: Global Democracy and the Fierce Urgency of 2020
Latest Global Research Update Just Issued The first Global Research […]
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17 February 2020
A Restrictionist Revolution?
The immediate response to the ECtHR’s N.D. & N.T.-Judgment on ‘Hot Expulsions’ at the Spanish-Moroccan Border was shock and dismay – but the decision can also be read differently: as defined by a series of inbuilt ambiguities that combine restrictionist tendencies with dynamic elements, which are bound to cause heated debates of both principle and practice in the coming years.
Continue reading >>15 February 2020
The Italian Constitutional Court Opens Up to Hear the Voice of Civil Society
On January 8 2020, the Italian Constitutional Court gave civil society a voice on the issues discussed before it. The Court amended the regulations governing the conduct of proceedings before it and puts itself in a position where it is able take account of expert opinions as well as civil society stakeholders.
Continue reading >>14 February 2020
It’s not about a seat at the table.
It’s about the table.
On Germany, UK, Ireland, refugee protection and a respectful request to Friedrich Merz.
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A Painful Slap from the ECtHR and an Urgent Opportunity for Spain
The Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights shockingly endorses a practice which opposes the core principles of International Law and the protection of fundamental rights. This decision repeals a previous ECtHR judgement of 2017 which had condemned push-backs and which Spain had asked to be referred to the Grand Chamber. But all hope is not lost: The Spanish Constitutional Court will rule on the “rejections at the border” provision in the near future and has the chance to uphold Spain’s international legal obligations.
Continue reading >>“Unlawful” may not mean rightless.
Article 4 of Protocol No. 4 ECHR is short. Its title reads “Prohibition of collective expulsion of aliens”, its text reads: “Collective expulsion of aliens is prohibited.” It comes as a historical disappointment that the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in its decision in the case N.D. and N.T. v. Spain from 13 February 2020 distorts this clear guarantee to exclude apparently “unlawful” migrants from its protection. The decision is a shock for the effective protection of rights in Europe and at its external borders.
Continue reading >>13 February 2020
Paving the Way for Undermining the Independence of UK’s Media
Two stories made the headlines in the United Kingdom last week. One concerns the exclusion of reporters from a briefing at Downing Street, the other a potential review of the BBC's funding model. Both raise concerns over a declining culture of respect of media independence in the United Kingdom.
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12 February 2020
Kolevi: Bulgaria’s 10-Year Cat-and-Mouse Game with the Council of Europe and the Venice Commission
A cat-and-mouse game perfectly describes Bulgaria’s stubborn refusal to comply with Kolevi v Bulgaria, which requires a reform of Bulgaria’s Prosecutor’s Office, and it has been going on for a decade. The latest trick pulled out of the bag is quite original – Bulgaria’s government essentially asked Bulgaria’s Constitutional Court to clarify if some of the concerns raised by the Venice Commission were reasonable, and this court deemed the question admissible.
Continue reading >>07 February 2020
This is not a drill
On Thuringia, the US, Poland, Europe and some extremely odd practices in academic publishing.
Continue reading >>Frontex and the Duty to Respect and Protect Human Rights
This blogpost will look at the levels of human rights protection and suggest a way forward in light of the agency’s extended tasks and competencies.
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06 February 2020
In Defense of Academic Freedom and Autonomy
We, members of the academic community, hereby express our full support to the Editors-in-Chiefs, the Editorial and Scientific Advisory Board who resigned en masse from the European Law Journal, owned by Wiley. The conduct of the publishing house has shown total lack of appreciation of the values of academic integrity and autonomy. The Scientific Board’s brave move seeks not to be praised as heroic, but it firmly posits decency and respect for these principles above all other considerations.
Continue reading >>Frontex goes Africa: On Pre-emptive Border Control and Migration Management
Especially since the migratory pressure of 2015, the agency has discovered the significance of the African pre-frontier area. The rationale behind this reinforced engagement in Africa is one of pre-emptive border control and migration management.
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The Territorial Expansion of Frontex Operations to Third Countries: On the Recently Concluded Status Agreements in the Western Balkans and Beyond…
This blog post first sketches out the agency’s successive mandate expansions allowing for a broader geographic theatre of operations. It then examines the law currently governing the exterritorial activities of Frontex, in particular the recently concluded status agreements with Western Balkan countries.
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05 February 2020
You Can’t Forbid Judges to Think
The Polish judiciary is split apart. One part adheres to the ruling of the Court of Justice of the EU of 19th November 2019, another does not. This legal chaos and catastrophe was caused by the recent judicial reforms and it deprives citizens of the most important right – to be certain what their legal situation in court is.
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Refugee Camps at EU External Borders, the Question of the Union’s Responsibility, and the Potential of EU Public Liability Law
Catharina Ziebritzki argues that responsibilities are effectively blurred by the sheer number of actors operating in asylum processing centres at the EU external borders.
Continue reading >>04 February 2020
Fact Check: Is there a ‘Muzzle Law’ for Dutch Judges in the Making? No!
A few days ago the suggestion was made that a draft law is in the making in the Netherlands to prevent Dutch judges from ruling on politically sensitive issues. Should we worry about this? I think not.
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Wiley and the European Law Journal
We want to believe that no self-respecting scholar will allow himself or herself to be used in any way by Wiley to defeat the principled stand taken by the Editors and Boards of the ELJ. It is we, scholars of European Law, who actually give commercial value to such a journal by submitting and publishing our work in its pages. We should not be complicit in undermining the most basic values of the scholarly world.
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Contextualising Frontex: A Long-Term Perspective on Database Monitoring of Migrants
This blogpost contextualises Frontex by discussing a pioneer database in Europe, the German Central Foreigner Register that presumably served as a model when establishing the European databases, and by drawing some lessons from the German case for the European context regarding the effectiveness of database surveillance.
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What a Journal Makes: As we say goodbye to the European Law Journal
On January 31st, the Editorial and Advisory Boards of the European Law Journal resigned en masse from their positions in protest after the publisher, Wiley, decided that it was not willing to ‘give away’ control and authority over editorial appointments and decisions to the academics on the journal’s Boards. We recount our small act of resistance here because we think there may be lessons for the wider academic community.
Continue reading >>Quo Vadis Frontex: Crossing the Fine Line Between Prevention and Repression?
For many years, Frontex and border control were of little interest to the wider European public. This changed in the wake of the so-called ‘migrant crisis’ as the agency and its various activities were thrust into the limelight due to a steady stream of allegations of misconduct.
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03 February 2020
The Struggle of Strasbourg
This year’s Winter Session of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) saw three distinct yet interrelated developments. On Tuesday, the Assembly decided to open a monitoring procedure with regard to Poland on behalf of the ongoing rule of law backsliding. On Wednesday, the Assembly decided to ratify the credentials of the Russian delegates which had previously been challenged both on procedural and on substantive grounds. Still on Wednesday, the Assembly backed the proposal for the introduction of a new ‘complementary joint procedure’, together with the Committee of Ministers, in response to violations of fundamental principles underlying the work of the organisation.
Continue reading >>A Very Short Introduction to Frontex— Unravelling the Trajectory of one of the EU’s Key Actors
This first contribution to the symposium briefly outlines the genesis, development, and status quo of the agency, while the ensuing analyses will zoom in on specific politico-legal matters that are at the core of the current debate.
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01 February 2020
The Conference on the Future of Europe: an Open Letter
To the Presidents of the European Parliament, of the EU Commission and of the Council: Europe, and your new, yet already contested, political leadership can hardly afford to be associated with an initiative that might soon be perceived as top-down, unauthentic, outdated and out-of-touch with EU citizens’ daily lives.
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31 January 2020
The EU has no National Guard
On Poland. Other places too, but mostly about Poland.
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In Defence of Multilevel Citizenship – A Rejoinder
The twenty-two responses to Rainer Bauböck's proposal for strengthening urban citizenship suggest two general lessons. First, there is more common ground than expected. None of the authors defends a strong statist view that would not leave any space for a conversation about citizenship at the local level. Second, in spite of its long premodern pedigree, the idea of urban citizenship seems still so new that it needs to be fleshed out in more detail. Conceptual confusion makes it hard to distinguish misunderstanding from disagreement, so the most urgent task now seems to be clarification.
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30 January 2020
A Political Promise or a Hollow Hope?
If one accepts the proposition that control of the gates is a core feature of state-centred citizenship, what can be the legal implications of urban citizenship, in addition to the ones that already exist?
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Can Elections be Held under Unconstitutional Electoral Law?
After the collapse of the Slovenian government, a snap election will possibly take place in April. The Constitutional Court, however, had declared the electoral law partly unconstitutional. Could that throw the very constitutionality of the snap election into question?
Continue reading >>Citizenship Federalism and the Ambiguous Promise of Local Citizenship
Kenneth Stahl argues that many countries such as the United States already have a form of “citizenship federalism,” in which local (not specifically urban) citizenship, based on residence, exists alongside national citizenship, rooted in nationality.
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Does Urban Citizenship Promote Inclusion for the Poor, Sick, and Outcast?
The assumption is that nation-states often undervalue potential immigrants and that cities would better value their potential contributions. Because citizenship involves not only inclusion but also exclusion, however, there are dangers to proposals such as Bauböck’s that “cities should determine who their citizens are independently of how states do this.”
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“Judges should be fully insulated from any sort of pressure”
Prof. Koen Lenaerts, President of the Court of Justice of the European Union, explains why mutual trust and judicial independence are of fundamental importance to the EU Member States.
Continue reading >>29 January 2020
‘Urban Citizenship’ in a Multipolar World
On 23 January 2020, the government of the People’s Republic of China imposed a quarantine on the central Chinese city of Wuhan, population eleven million. Stephen Minas reinforces the cautionary trend in this debate over the merits and prospects of ‘urban citizenship’.
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Urban Citizenship – a Status or a Practice?
Helmut Aust reflects on the role of law in this discourse. The answer one might give to the question of decoupling citizenship from the state would arguably also depend on one’s disciplinary perspective. It is easier to think outside of the box from the perspective of political theory, political philosophy, and history than it is from the perspective of the law.
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28 January 2020
A Trial that Wasn’t, an Impact that Was
The handling of the Sadurski cases offers a pars pro toto picture of the dynamics, twists and (sub)plots in a slide to authoritarianism under our very eyes. It speaks for many other similar cases that do not benefit from equally intense coverage. It shows that what is at play in these politically motivated trials is a mixture of obfuscation, an attempt at a long-game strategy facilitated by unlimited resources (paid by the Polish taxpayer) and an expectation that international (scholarly and other) attention spans will break – and support will dwindle accordingly.
Continue reading >>Urban Agglomeration, Constitutional Silence
Urban citizenship is a bold and intriguing idea, regardless of whether we envision it as an alternative or as a complement to extant models of state-based membership. However, this concept seems to be slightly off target in identifying the main issue of city under-representation, namely the constitutional non-existence of cities, and more generally, the great constitutional silence surrounding today’s extensive urbanization and the consequent rise of megacities.
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Is it worth being a Rejtan?
The Rejtan's true gesture – to disagree if something is not consistent with my fundamental beliefs, is it just an act of useless despair? Today I think about it differently. Expressing one's opinion, thoughts, views, even if it does not bring directly any tangible, immediately visible result, it goes far beyond pure symbolism and translates into reality. I have tried to keep this in mind also in my public activity as a judge.
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The Next Step: Coupling City-zenship to Human Rights
Should urban citizenship be emancipated from national citizenship? Barbara Oomen points at the international human rights framework for three reasons: (1) This is where local authorities are already looking for inspiration; (2) the legal framework of human rights offers an added value in meeting some of the underlying objectives of city-zenship; and (3) it could mitigate concerns legitimately raised in earlier contributions.
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27 January 2020
The Hungarian “Lex NGO” before the CJEU: Calling an Abuse of State Power by its Name
On 14 January 2020, Advocate General Campos Sánchez-Bordona delivered his Opinion in Case C-78/18 on the restrictions incorporated into a 2017 Hungarian law on the financing of NGOs from abroad. He makes clear that Hungary’s “Lex NGO” not only restricts the free movement of capital but also violates several fundamental rights, and is therefore incompatible with EU law.
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Local Citizenship Needs Local Sovereignty
What goes underexplored in Bauböck’s commentary is the relationship of citizenship to sovereignty. Alexander Aleinikoff claims urban citizenship is a useful concept only to the extent that urban areas possess legal authority—some form of sovereignty—to rule by and for themselves.
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Climate Citizenship and the Rural/Urban Divide
Along with several other contributors to this Symposium (e.g., Hase and Lenard), Avigail Eisenberg is skeptical that enhancing urban democracy will help meet the global challenges we confront today.
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26 January 2020
The Danger Zone: Charter Cities, Citizenship, and Social Justice
Urbanisation has radically transformed the way that people live, but a corresponding legal and political shift has not taken place. In North America and most of Europe, the power of cities is derived from the sovereignty of the state. Many cities do not have access to the revenue needed to provide for the social welfare and infrastructure requirements of residents.
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What the Bremen Town Musicians Tell Us about Citizenship’s Potential
Contrary to what Warren Magnusson suggests, Luicy Pedroza finds that non-citizen local enfranchisement is highly important.
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25 January 2020
The ‘Sunk Costs’ of Local Citizenship
The urban citizenship discussed in this Forum is not at all new in the Western world; it has a history of at least a thousand years, and when we include Ancient Athens, even much more. This history is relevant because it suggests the scope, as well as the limitations of such alternatives.
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Local or Urban Citizenship?
In this contribution Johanna Hase highlights two aspects: First, she argues that the framing in terms of urban rather than local citizenship is not helpful, and possibly even counter-productive, for the purpose of constructing the new citizenship narrative. And second, she questions the relation between emancipating urban citizenship from nationality, on the one hand, and the growing competences of local polities, on the other hand.
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24 January 2020
Have you noticed that burnt smell?
On Poland, Russia and other "guided democracies", the UK and other not (yet) guided democracies. And on Germany. Oh, and have I mentioned Poland? And on Poland.
Continue reading >>Mean cities: the dark side of urban citizenship
Stadtluft macht frei, or city air makes you free, was a proverb in the Middle Ages. It referred to a legal principle according to which runaway serfs were to become free after living one year in a city. Today, many scholars suggest that urban citizenship still has powerful emancipatory effects.
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From De Facto Urban Citizenship to Open Borders
I will take Rainer Bauböck's closing words as my point of departure and offer an answer that is less predictive and normative, and more empirical. I agree with his assertion that we need a robust urban citizenship. I would suggest that we already have some important examples of urban citizenship that challenge and complement national citizenship in crucial ways and it is important to shine a light on those examples to chart a course forward.
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23 January 2020
EU Rule of Law Dialogues: Risks – in Context
On January 16, 2020 the European Parliament passed a resolution about the state of the Article 7(1) TEU hearings with Hungary and Poland, noting with concern that “the reports and statements by the Commission and international bodies, such as the UN, OSCE and the Council of Europe, indicate that the situation in both Poland and Hungary has deteriorated since the triggering of Article 7(1) of the TEU”. The resolution is a plea for a structured and more meaningful process in which each EU institution would exercise its existing powers in a meaningful and cooperative manner. The resolution emphasizes that the Article 7(1) TEU preventive process is one of risk assessment and one that may have actual – including budgetary – consequences.
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‘Zombie Urbanism’ and the Search for New Sources of Solidarity
How can ‘staged urbanism’ provide spaces of urban citizenship? Under what conditions can urban citizenship “contribute to overall democratic integration within and beyond nation-states”?
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Urban Citizenship: A Path to Migrant Inclusion
Earlier commentaries in this online symposium highlighted various aspects of urban citizenship, such as the exclusion of non-urban populations (Lenard) or the conundrum of multilevel frames of legal authority (van Zeben). Harald Bauder suggests that urban citizenship can be an important mechanism to create inclusive communities.
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Only a Court Established by Law Can Be an Independent Court
In A.K. and others, the European Court of Justice established a detailed method for assessing the independence (or lack thereof) of courts. The judicial independence test laid down by the ECJ, however, may not be entirely fit for the purpose of assessing the lawfulness of courts and judges which are established and appointed on the basis of flawed procedures by bodies arguably violating basic judicial independence requirements as established in EU law. The ECJ appears to limit the required verification under EU law to the issue of independence only. Instead, the reviewing body should, first, check whether the challenged court (judge) is “established by law” and only then, if necessary, follow up on the examination of its independence. Today the Polish Supreme Court has the opportunity to step up and give full effect to that criterion.
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22 January 2020
Urban Citizenship is About Improving the City – not Just About Letting Foreigners Vote
In a way, the question of urban citizenship is easy. If a state were to give non-citizens citizenship rights with respect to local elections or urban affairs more generally, it would be fully within its powers to do so. As Rainer Bauböck and others have argued, there are many good reasons why a state might want to do so – and just as many reasons to protect the state’s authority to uphold the system of rights as a whole. That said, many issues remain. There is no consensus, and perhaps there never can be on the key terms at issue: state, nation, urban, and citizenship.
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What’s the Added Value of Legalising City-zenship?
Josephine van Zeben's response to Bauböck’s reflections on urban citizenship considers some legal implications of the postnational view that Bauböck finds most promising. Specifically, it questions how suited citizenship is – as a legal instrument – for accommodating the concerns raised in Bauböck’s contribution.
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21 January 2020
Urban Citizenship Threatens Democratic Equality
It seems urgent that “urban citizenship” is properly characterised to understand not only the rights and responsibilities citizens of cities may well have, but also their grounding. I have no quarrel with this project. However, so far, accounts of urban citizenship – like Rainer Bauböck’s in the piece that launched this forum – do too little to consider the citizenship that is “left over” for those who do not, or cannot, move to cities.
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City-zenship and national citizenship: complementary and competing but not emancipated from each other
Nir Barak deepens the ambivalence in Rainer Bauböck’s account of urban citizenship and suggests a skeptical but friendly critique towards notions of emancipating urban citizenship from nationality. The relationship between urban and national citizenship should not be seen as mutually exclusive; claims for enhancing city-zenship and decentralizing state power are warranted only insofar as they provide forward-thinking urban response to the decline in democratic participation and civic solidarity at national levels.
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20 January 2020
The Return of Power-Sharing in Northern Ireland
After three years power-sharing government has returned to Northern Ireland following extensive discussions and the recent publication of a document by the British and Irish governments. It is a lengthy text containing many proposals, plans and initiatives; the relative incoherence is evidence of the conflicting challenges faced. At the core of the dilemma is how to encourage the representatives of the two main communities in Northern Ireland (nationalist-unionist) to share power once again.
Continue reading >>Why the Turkish Constitutional Court’s Wikipedia Decision is No Reason to Celebrate
The Turkish Constitutional Court (TCC) recently lifted the ban on Wikipedia and a surge of, in my view, unwarranted optimism has now sprung out of nowhere both among international and Turkish circles following the case closely. I fail to share this optimism. By all means, the lifting of the ban on Wikipedia is something to be happy about. But the timing and content of the TCC’s decision, when especially read through the political context in which it was handed down, do not give much reason to celebrate.
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Thinking Like a City, Thinking Like a State
The city is not only a "densely populated area of continuous settlement, which is organized as a single jurisdiction" (an often used formal definition of a city); the city is also a state of mind, a certain political and social consciousness.
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Personal instead of Institutional Power
The gist of the constitutional reform suggestions in Russia is to cement the power of Vladimir Putin once he leaves the office, and to make this in a safe, controlled environment. The latter aim cannot be achieved within the boundaries established by the Constitution. Thus, the constitutional requirements are thrown into the litter bin of necessity. However, circumventing formal procedures still calls for a sort of justification. That is why the proposed plan relies on substitutes that would mask its deficiencies.
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Cities vs States: Should Urban Citizenship be Emancipated from Nationality?
Since the first decade of the millennium – for the first time in human history – more people are living in urban areas than in rural ones. According to UN projections, in 2050 the share of urban populations could rise to more than two thirds of the world population. Will this demographic change also lead to a decline of nation-states and a rise of cities as the dominant arenas of politics, democracy and citizenship?
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19 January 2020
Junqueras’ Immunity: An Example of Judicial Dialogue
There is no doubt that the criminal prosecution of the "Catalan question" is a stress test for Spanish Justice. One of the last episodes, now with a European dimension, has been the "euro-immunity" of Junqueras. And, in this respect, the political and journalistic readings of the judicial decisions issued by the Spanish Supreme Court and by the Court of Justice of the European Union emphasize the confrontation. However, in my modest opinion, I believe that these decisions are an example of dialogue between courts, necessary to manage the current pluralism where legal orders are intertwined without clear hierarchies.
Continue reading >>17 January 2020
French Law is NOT a Model for the Polish Bill on Disciplining Judges
We, French legal academics and experts in French Law, reject the instrumentalization of French Law by the Polish Government
Continue reading >>Protecting All the Flags but Not the Freedom of Speech
According to news reports, Germany’s governing “grand coalition” now wants to extend protected status to the flags of other nations as well. Oddly enough, the Stars and Stripes might soon enjoy more protection in Germany than in the United States. It is not entirely clear what one should make of this curious possibility. It is rather clearer that, if the proposal becomes law, it likely won’t – and shouldn’t – survive judicial scrutiny.
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16 January 2020
The Case of Mr. Junqueras is a Case of Respect of the Rule of Law
Mr. Junqueras was not an MEP nor had any immunity whatsoever when he was put on trial for a crime committed in Spain in accordance with Spanish law. When the trial was completely over, in June 2019, but before a sentence was given by the Court, Mr. Junqueras was elected to the European Parliament. And that was possible, precisely, because Spain being a most protective country, his presumption of innocence was still complete at that time.
Continue reading >>15 January 2020
Spain has a Problem with its Judiciary
According to the EU Justice Scoreboard of 2019 Spain is among the four EU countries with the worst perception about judicial independence among its citizens. The survey shows a trend that isn’t stopping: the perception about partiality of the judiciary is growing dangerously in the Spanish society. Causes are to be found in three elements: the political situation in the country; the shortcomings in the regulations on judiciary; the behavior of the judges themselves.
Continue reading >>1460 Days Later: Rule of Law in Poland R.I.P. (Part II)
Writing a year ago, we warned that the situation in Poland “has deteriorated further to the point of threatening the functioning of the whole EU legal order and therefore, the future of the EU’s internal market itself.” This is no longer a mere threat but a clear and present danger. Stalling for time would be irresponsible. On current trajectory, it is only a matter of time before Poland’s rule of law default eventually triggers a knock-on process of legal disintegration.
Continue reading >>14 January 2020
The Junqueras Saga Continues
Notwithstanding the clear message from the ECJ, the Spanish Supreme Court has decided that the Catalan separatist leader and MEP Oriol Junqueras will not be released from prison. The contradiction between the logic of the ECJ’s judgment of December 2019 and the decision of the Spanish Supreme Court of 8 January 2020 forms a new challenge for the EU legal order, in the sense that it puts the relationship between EU law and Spanish national law under strain.
Continue reading >>13 January 2020
Kashmir: A Prologue to a Farce or a Tragedy
On 10 January 2020, the Indian Supreme Court delivered its verdict on the ongoing internet shutdown in Kashmir. While the Court did reprimand the government to some extent, at the time of this writing Kashmir is still cut off from the internet. Anyone who had banked on the Supreme Court to make good on the promise of fundamental rights will be disheartened.
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1460 Days Later: Rule of Law in Poland R.I.P. (Part I)
On 13 January 2016, exactly four years ago today, the Commission activated its rule of law framework for the very first time with respect to Poland. This (two-part) post will highlight the main developments, primarily from the point of view of EU law, which took place in 2019.
Continue reading >>10 January 2020
Possibly War
USA, Iran, Germany, Poland, India, Austria, Chile, and a whole lot more
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09 January 2020
The Turkish Judiciary’s Violations of Human Rights Guarantees
On 3 December 2019, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) ruled in the case of Parmak & Bakir v Turkey that the Turkish judiciary’s interpretation of the offence of membership of an armed terrorist organization violated Article 7 of the European Convention on Human Rights, being the absolute right to no punishment without law. Although the case deals with incidents from 2002, it shows how Turkey’s post-coup terrorism trials violate Turkey’s obligations under the ECHR.
Continue reading >>08 January 2020
European Solidarity Statement with Academics and Students in India
We are students, scholars, and academics at European universities who […]
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07 January 2020
Once Again, a Laboratory for What Is to Come
The 1980 Constitution of Chile contained different “locks” that have entrenched some of the core social, political, legal and economic arrangements inherited from the dictatorship. While some parts of the original constitution (those most obviously connected to the authoritarian regime) have been changed in the years following its enactment, almost all the “locks” remain in place. The issue with the legitimacy of the Chilean constitution is twofold: its legitimacy is questionable both in terms of its pedigree and in terms of its capacity to keep open the space for political action.
Continue reading >>06 January 2020
When Violations of International and EU Law Overlap
On 11 December 2019, Advocate General Pikamäe issued his Opinion rejecting jurisdiction of the ECJ in an infringement procedure between Slovenia and Croatia (C-457/18). The case raises the question whether the ECJ may engage with asserted violations of EU law which result from Croatia’s non-recognition of the final and binding Arbitral Award determining the border dispute between both Members. The opinion of the Advocate General appears to be fuelled by political rather than legal considerations and the ECJ should not follow it in order to make clear that the EU is able to protect its autonomous legal system and that it stands on its foundational and common legal principles.
Continue reading >>31 December 2019
The Supranational Rule of Law: Thinking the Future
Writing at the end of 2019 it must be clear that art. 7 TEU is not a viable political option at all. However, the Treaties do contain legal mechanisms to enforce the rule of law against the member states. Art. 7 is not, and must not, be the center of the rule of law world in the EU. Poland’s refusal to obey the Court’s judgments and its readiness to do everything possible to circumvent it strike at the very heart of the EU rule of law. The challenge is to use what is legally available rather than keep finding excuses for not using the mechanisms already in place.
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28 December 2019
An Internal Safety Net for the Council of Europe?
By January 2020, a new complementary joint procedure shall be in place to respond to serious violations by a member state of its statutory obligations. However, several open questions remain.
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27 December 2019
The Supranational Rule of Law: Taking Stock
While a transnational conception of the rule of law requires the engagement of and commitment to the EU project from all actors involved, this begs the question as to what happens when the assumptions underlying art. 2 TEU are no longer applicable? For the rule of law, 2019 has been of fundamental importance because we have been taught important constitutional lessons and started getting answers to some of the most crucial constitutional questions. While much still remains shrouded in mystery and question marks are aplenty, at least the judicial trajectory for the rule of law in 2020 has been set in 2019.
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25 December 2019
A Matter of Representative Democracy in the European Union
With its judgment in the Junqueras case, the Court adopted a functional approach to the election procedure of the European Parliament, proceeding from the principle of representative democracy as one of the core values in the EU legal order. In particular, the Court stressed the need to ensure that the composition of the European Parliament fully reflects the free choice of the Union’s citizens, by direct universal suffrage.
Continue reading >>22 December 2019
Discipline and Punish
The Polish rule of law saga took yet another turn for the worse. The Parliament is working on a bill to prevent judicial review of the previous judicial reforms as well as to neutralize the effects of adverse CJEU judgments. The bill is blatantly unconstitutional but without a functioning Constitutional Court it does not matter much. It is also contrary to EU law.
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21 December 2019
Why Scotland’s Journey to Independence Needs to Include another Stop in Westminster
Much as some of its members might wish it otherwise, the Scottish Parliament is a parliament of limited legislative competence, and it is not unlikely that not having the power to legislate for an independence referendum is among those limits.
Continue reading >>20 December 2019
Citizenship by Religion
India is presently witnessing a country-wide mass uprising against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019, which purposefully aims to grant migrants belonging to six enlisted communities an easy path to Indian citizenship, while denying the same to others – notably Muslims. This Act is unconstitutional as it exploits deliberate omissions on citizenship rules in the constitution while it ignores the constitutional design which is fundamentally based on equality and secularism.
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2019: a Changed Climate
In which I look back on 2019 and the most-read posts of this year.
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Avoiding the next Brexit Cliff-Edge
Boris Johnson wants to legally exclude the prolongation of the extension period of the Withdrawal Agreement. The way to prolong it nevertheless would be an amendment of the Withdrawal Agreement itself. Some argue now that any other way to change the transition period than its prolongation by the JC is legally impossible. Another reading of the legal situation is, however, supportable.
Continue reading >>19 December 2019
Back to the Future?
Although the UK has appeared to move from one constitutional crisis to the next during this year, there has been a clear direction of travel: 2019 saw both the legislature and the courts strengthening their checks over the executive. The Conservative Party Manifesto may be interpreted as an attempt to reverse this direction of travel and reinstate the executive at the centre of the Constitution.
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18 December 2019
Brexit and the CJEU: why the Opinion of the Court Should be Sought as a Matter of Emergency
With the comfortable majority he managed to secure in the Commons, Boris Johnson is now very likely to be able to push through the British Parliament the withdrawal agreement he negotiated with the European Union back in October. Provided that the European Parliament greenlights it quickly enough, it may well come into force by 31 January 2020, deadline of the last extension decision agreed between the EU-27 and the UK. However, one actor of the process seems to have been forgotten: the Court of Justice of the European Union. This could end up being a huge mistake.
Continue reading >>17 December 2019
Democratic (Dis)Armament
On 3 September 2019, the Slovak Supreme Court ruled against an MP of the far-right political party Kotleba – People’s Party Our Slovakia. Due to the conviction, Mr Mazurek lost his seat and another candidate of the PPOS took his place. Depending on the factors considered, the case can be seen either as armament or as disarmament of democracy in Slovakia.
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Shying Away from Strasbourg
Last week, the Italian Constitutional Court published its reasoning on a judgment regarding the so-called ergastolo ostativo (life sentence without parole). The challenged provision excludes persons convicted of serious crimes – primarily mafia-type – from a series of benefits (for example, permits and conditional release) in the event that they do not want to collaborate with the authorities. Italy’s Constitutional Court now held that this provision is not in line with the constitution but missed a chance to give full effect to the case law of the European Court of Human Rights.
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14 December 2019
The Failure of the Left to Grasp Brexit
Thursday’s General Election was a bad day for the Labour Party, it spelled the end of Remainism and signalled a historic defeat for the Left. There needs to be serious reflection on all of this because the repercussions are severe and wide-ranging, and broader lessons must be learned, not just for the UK but elsewhere. It turned out, contrary to much expert assessment, that the 2016 referendum was, in fact, binding. The Left failed to grasp this and the underlying disconnect it signified.
Continue reading >>13 December 2019
The Choice of Our Time
In which I worry an awful lot about the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.
Continue reading >>Constitution Before Administration
On 5 December 2019, Italy’s Constitutional Court nullified regional legislation which made it extremely difficult for religious minority groups to set up places of worship. The provisions in question vested the administrative authorities with nearly unfettered discretion in deciding on the approval of applications. The Constitutional Court has now made clear that the constitutionally guaranteed freedom of religion cannot be circumvented by administrative procedures.
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Toward a Glorious Revolution
In the closing article, Gábor Attila Tóth offers a twofold argument. First, despite all its shortcomings, the 1989 coordinated regime change is a unique success story in the region. It resulted in revolutionary changes in the constitutional system. Second, there is a need again for a peaceful, revolutionary establishment of legitimate government, but without a revolution as such.
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12 December 2019
Burning the Last Bridge to Europe
The Polish legal system is infected by a virulent pathogen, viz. the neoKRS, which spreads its spores with each judicial appointment. The only deduction to be drawn from the recent CJEU verdict and the subsequent ruling of the Polish Supreme Court is that the neoKRS is an illegally constituted body that illegally appoints judges who deliver invalid judgments. The more illegally appointed judges, the greater the number of invalid judgments. Any government that valued the integrity of the nation’s legal system would set about healing such a sick system without delay.
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11 December 2019
Silencing the Opposition in Hungary
On 10 December, the Hungarian opposition MPs got a lovely present from the governing majority for Christmas wrapped in a big legislative package amending both the Act on Parliament and the Rules of Procedure. The amendments to the parliamentary regulation serve the purpose of silencing the opposition parties which have been constantly gaining strength in the last few months.
Continue reading >>Open Letter to the President of the European Commission
Ever since the European Commission initiated a third infringement procedure in respect to the recurrent attacks on the rule of law by Polish authorities last April, the situation has continued to seriously deteriorate. It is now upon the Commission to promptly submit to the European Court of Justice an application for interim measures in the infringement case C-791/19 Commission v Poland now pending before the Court of Justice.
Continue reading >>Causes and Consequences of the “Failure” of the GDR Central Round Table (Dec. 1989- Feb. 1990)
On one hand, I wish to give credit to the Central Round Table which is often seen as not having fulfilled its aspirations. Given the particular structural context in which the round table was operating, it was remarkably successful and achieved more than could have been anticipated given its weak legitimacy and power base, in particular, providing a sense of stability and moral guidance in tumultuous times. On the other hand, my thesis is that it was unable to exert a major influence on what was to follow, neither in the short-term or long-term.
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Round Tables in Czechoslovakia and the Future of Post-Sovereign Politics of Constitutional Change
Petra Gümplová on the Round Table in Czechoslovakia and the potential of round tables as political tools to address current challenges in the Czech Republic and on a global scale.
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Turkey’s Disregard for the Freedom of Movement
Through Emergency Decree Laws and Law no. 7188, the Turkish government has severely restricted the freedom of movement of hundreds of thousands of citizens by cancelling their passports or refusing to issue a new one. These laws and the corresponding practice not only violate the Turkish constitution but also contravene Turkey’s human rights obligations under regional and international law.
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10 December 2019
Anachronisms by Law
In an ongoing effort to combat online hate speech, the German Minister of Justice recently announced to examine the re-introduction of section 88a of the German Penal Code. This law sanctioned the ‘anti-constitutional endorsement of crime’ and was only in force during a brief period between 1976 and 1981. It was supposed to counteract the spread of aggressive opinions and calls for violence. While politicians today are struggling with the issue of harmful online speech, one should refrain from re-introducing a law that was not only controversial back then but also ineffective. Apart from that, resurrecting the law in today’s digital world raises numerous questions.
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Should Round Table Negotiations Serve as a Strategic Device in Poland’s Politics Today?
Karolina Wigura discusses the idea of future round table talks in Poland between the populists and the other political powers, aiming at achieving a broader consensus to repair the judiciary and other state institutions.
Continue reading >>09 December 2019
The Round Tables: Then, Now and in a Possible Future. Ten Theses
What should be the modality of transformation? The lessons of 1989 transcending the reform-revolution dichotomy could become extremely relevant.
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Round Table: An Adept Device for Constitutional Politics
The year 1989 entered history books as the year of the peaceful dismantling of Soviet-type regimes in East-Central Europe. These regimes did not collapse because of classical revolutions; the process ultimately involved round table negotiations between delegates of the undemocratic powerholders and the democratic opposition. Today the people in the Visegrád countries are divided in their opinions regarding the round tables, not least because of the widespread questioning of its achievements.
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08 December 2019
The European Parliament Sidelined
When the Council adopted the first set of procedural rules governing Article 7(1) TEU hearings in July 2019, it unilaterally decided to make the Commission the proxy for the Parliament. This post will show how the Council’s differential treatment of the Commission and the Parliament as activating bodies under Article 7(1) is not compatible with EU primary law and goes against in particular the principle of institutional balance.
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07 December 2019
Truth vs. Free Speech
Southeast Asian governments have been stepping up their efforts to actively manage the truth by combatting false information. Among the main tools are correction orders and state-run “fake news centers” that monitor and “rectify” alleged falsehoods online. In addition, government discourse employs increasingly belligerent language to denounce the perceived threats. The Southeast Asian “war on fake news” thus makes the region the world’s most vibrant laboratory of anti-falsehood legislation. The protection of the truth is becoming an increasingly accepted ground for restricting free speech.
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06 December 2019
Grassroots growing upwards
In which I have second thoughts about primary elections and their benefit for democracy.
Continue reading >>05 December 2019
Access to Menstrual Products is a Constitutional Right. Period.
On 7 November, the German Parliament (Bundestag) passed a legislation which will reduce the sales tax on menstrual products from 19 percent, for those classified as “luxury goods”, to 7 percent. While most international human rights instruments as well as constitutions are silent on the issue of access to menstrual products, the “tampon tax” reveals a deep gender bias in tax systems around the world. This bias is not only detrimental to the socio-economic rights of women but it is also unconstitutional as sex-based discrimination.
Continue reading >>04 December 2019
Time for Strasbourg to Open its Doors to Turkey’s Purged Public Servants
A report by the Turkey Human Rights Litigation Support Project (TLSP) provides fresh evidence that the Commission formed in 2017 to examine the mass dismissals of public servants and liquidation of media outlets and other organisations functions arbitrarily and without transparency. Together with concerns about judicial review by administrative courts and the Constitutional Court, the report casts serious doubt on whether victims of abuses committed under emergency laws have access to an effective domestic remedy – a finding with implications for the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) as it considers the long queue of Turkish applications before it.
Continue reading >>03 December 2019
A Captured State
The need for a rapid EU response in the rule of law crisis in Malta is evident: Every aspect of Daphne Caruana Galizia’s assassination case is susceptible to political interference from the Office of the Prime Minister. The police force is politically controlled, the magistrate is politically appointed, any pardons which may be granted to extract further information are within the gift of the Prime Minister, as are the chief prosecutors’ career prospects. The question of judicial independence, acute as it is, is just the tip of a rather large iceberg.
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02 December 2019
Between Constitutional Romance and Real-World Politics
The Chilean process for a new constitution is a reminder that constitutional processes are not necessarily ideal scenarios of high deliberation, but processes that can include risks, self-interested politicians, the threat of violence, and competing views that try to defeat each other. In Chile, the romantic notion of constitution-building as a sort of new beginning quickly faced the challenges of real-world politics in a situation of institutional fragility.
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01 December 2019
Building on #WithWoj
Just days away from a new Commission taking office that proclaims to put rule-of-law protection centre-stage, this may be a good time to suggest some ways forward based on the energy generated by, and experiences with #WithWoj. I suggest there are three elements, and each may be counterintuitive and/or confrontational.
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30 November 2019
Why We Have Sued the Hungarian Parliament
The President of the Hungarian Parliament has restricted journalistic reporting on the premises of the Parliament to a point where it has become virtually impossible for journalists to do their job. Bea Bakó, chief editor of the news site azonnali.hu, on the limitations journalists have to face in Hungary, and why they are taking the President of Parliament to court.
Continue reading >>29 November 2019
The Great Repression
In which I welcome Jens Söring, the ,Söring v. United Kingdom' Söring, home after 33 years of imprisonment.
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Coup, Revolution, or Negotiated Regime Change
All my Latin American students and not a few radical friends strongly claim that what took place in Bolivia was a coup, focusing on the military role. I hesitate to concede the point, to begin with because the previous extra-constitutional manipulation by President Evo Morales, concerning the most important legal issue under presidential governments, that of term limits, very much prepared his own down-fall.
Continue reading >>The Rule of Law in a European Economic Area with National “Room for Manoeuvre”
The former president of the EFTA Court, Carl Baudenbacher, lashes out at more or less the entire Norwegian legal community in his attempt to explain how Norway’s social security authorities (‘NAV’) have come to misinterpret Regulation 883/2004 on the coordination of social security systems for years, and how public prosecutors, defence lawyers, judges, academics and the EFTA Surveillance Authority all failed to reveal this. This reply challenges his narrative and attempts to explain how use of the “room for manoeuvre” that EU/EEA law leaves to the national legislator can very well be combined with loyal fulfilment of EEA law obligations in an EEA based on the rule of law.
Continue reading >>28 November 2019
Voting for Internal Secession
20 November 2019 might go down in history as one of the turning points for federalism in Ethiopia. It was the day on which the unparalleled clause of the Ethiopian Constitution, which provides ethnic communities with the right to establish their own state (i.e. subnational unit), was put into practice.
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Chinese (Anti-)Constitutionalism
Many (Verfassungs-)blog posts on China, be it on tweets, white papers, or the Social Credit System, criticize legal institutions and realities by highlighting their difference from “Western” or constitutionalist traditions. This makes it rather easy for the explicitly anti-Western and anti-constitutionalist official Chinese system of thought, Sino-Marxism, to reject any criticism – either as Eurocentric, (legal) Orientalist, and “culturally hegemonic” or as ignorant of “theoretical basis” of the Chinese system. Knowing Sino-Marxism, which provides powerful political but only limited analytical tools, is thus crucial for transnational and global constitutionalists in order to defend their values without being accused of a lack of understanding – also in the current case of Hong Kong.
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Supporting Wojciech Sadurski in a Warsaw Courtroom
Last week one of us, together with Gráinne de Burca, again put the spotlight on PiS and allies suing Wojciech Sadurski over some highly critical tweets. It led to a tremendous show of support. This support makes it a statement of the obvious that Sadurski’s trial is a blemish on the EU and every Member States that both so frequently pledge to take the rule of law seriously. And yet. His (first) trial took place yesterday, Wednesday 27 November, at the Warsaw district court. Here is an account of what we both witnessed, live and through live footage respectively.
Continue reading >>27 November 2019
Carte Blanche for Political Abuse
Bulgaria has established one of the most aggressive confiscation regimes in Europe, allowing seizure of assets without a criminal conviction and putting the burden of proof in the procedure on the owner. Bulgarian law, as it stands, has no specific safeguards to prevent misuse, and has been criticized by the European Court of Human Rights in cases like Dimitrovi v Bulgaria. Furthermore, questions have been raised as government opponents and critics seem to be prime targets of these confiscation measures. In a preliminary reference to the Court of Justice of the European Union from Sofia’s City Court on that issue, Advocate General Eleanor Sharpston has recently delivered her opinion which leaves the door wide open for political abuse by Bulgarian authorities.
Continue reading >>26 November 2019
Enforcement of EU Values and the Tyranny of National Identity – Polish Examples and Excuses
Professor A. von Bogdandy in his recent piece published at Verfassungsblog analyzes difficulties regarding enforcement of the EU values. He argues that the application of Treaty provisions relating to EU fundamental values should be cautious in order to avoid controversy or pressure. However, the ‘national identity argument’ is not convincing in the Polish case. It cannot be used by a Member State in an arbitrary or blanket way without being checked and confirmed.
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One Step Back, Two Steps Forward
The Hungarian Government has officially abandoned its plans to reform the administrative court system. However, the plan to subdue the judiciary is pursued as relentlessly as ever: On 12 November 2019, the Hungarian Government introduced an omnibus legislation which would extend political influence over the judiciary and guarantee judicial decisions favorable to the Government in politically sensitive cases.
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The Perils of Passivity in the Rule of Law Crisis: A Response to von Bogdandy
In a recent contribution to Verfassungsblog, Professor Armin von Bogdandy observes, “European constitutionalism is perhaps facing a ‘constitutional moment’. But rather than calling on the EU to stand up to increasingly authoritarian member governments, von Bogdandy concludes that, “Powerful arguments suggest caution.” His admonitions offer a lesson into how scholars can inadvertently propagate what political economist Albert Hirschman described in his 1991 book as The Rhetoric of Reaction.
Continue reading >>The Power of ‘Appearances’
Last week the EU Court of Justice replied to Polish Supreme Court’s preliminary references regarding the independence of judges of its Disciplinary Chamber. The good news is that the ECJ gave to all Polish courts a powerful tool to ensure each citizen’s right to a fair trial before an independent judge, without undermining the systems of judicial appointments in other Member States. The bad news is that the test of appearance may easily be misused or abused.
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23 November 2019
The Battle for Jurisdiction over Hong Kong
Beijing's reaction to the Hong Kong High Court's judgment regarding the constitutionality of the face-mask ban is eerily similar of the approach taken by the German Reichskommissar against the Norwegian Supreme Court during the German occupation of Norway in 1940.
Continue reading >>22 November 2019
The Hong Kong Judiciary and Beijing’s Temper Tantrum
On 18 November 2019, Hong Kong’s Court of First Instance held that parts of the Emergency Regulations Ordinance, and the Prohibition on Face Covering Regulation enacted pursuant to the Ordinance, violate the territory’s Basic Law – its constitutional instrument. Beijing’s response to the ruling was the equivalent of a temper tantrum. Viewed in light of the Court's judgment and Beijing’s lengthy history of undermining the Hong Kong judiciary, Beijing’s latest outbursts amount to nothing less than a declaration of war on the territory’s common law legal system.
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Be Aware or Be Next!
In which I call David Law to ask him to explain to me the situation on the ground in Hong Kong.
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21 November 2019
“Room for Manoeuvre” is the Real Reason for Norway’s EEA Scandal
Hans Petter Graver's explanation of the reasons for the EEA scandal that is currently shaking Norway is not convincing. The total failure of politics, administration, and courts cannot be explained by alleged “conflicts of law” problems, an “extraordinary situation” allegedly created by Norway’s EEA accession, or by a “legal overload” which occurred 25 years ago when EU single market law had to be taken over. Every European country that has joined the EEA on the EFTA side or the EU had to overcome these challenges.
Continue reading >>20 November 2019
This is not the End: What lies ahead for the VDL Commission in terms of Brexit
Brexit is the ‘shock’ that united Europe according to the President-elect of the Commission, Ursula von der Leyen. There’s certainly an element of truth to this. Despite some occasional signs of disagreement, the EU-27 have given every show of maintaining a unified position in all stages of the Brexit process so far. There may be a tempting political expediency of prioritising a unified position on Brexit (no doubt in ‘protection of the European project as a whole’) above holding individual Member States’ governments’ to account for measures which further and entrench rule of law backsliding. This post aims to outline only some of those challenges, and highlight outstanding issues, in the years of the Brexit process ahead.
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19 November 2019
High Expectations
Both sides have declared victory after the CJEU decision on judicial independence in Poland today. Most probably a more general assessment will be provided in the infringement action against Poland submitted by the Commission in October 2019.
Continue reading >>The Quest for Trump’s Taxes Heads to the Supreme Court
Donald J. Trump is an open book in many respects, but not when it comes to his federal income taxes. Every major party presidential candidate since 1976 has released his tax returns, and candidate Trump pledged that he would do so as well – yet the promised Form 1040 has not been forthcoming. It remains to be seen, however, whether President Trump can keep his tax returns under wraps in the face of a number of efforts to uncover them currently wending their way through U.S. courts.
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18 November 2019
Stand with Wojciech Sadurski: his freedom of expression is (y)ours
Just days before the trial against Wojciech Sadurski in Warsaw, we write to seek renewal of your support, and for your help in keeping the PiS strategy of coordinated legal harassment against him, and the threat of a criminal conviction and an award of damages against him as well as hefty legal fees, in the public eye. The party believes that it can ride out the storm, and that by ignoring the protests they will eventually disappear. But they will not.
Continue reading >>16 November 2019
Ursula von der Leyen als Kollateralschaden des britischen Wahlkampfs?
Als designierte Kommissionspräsidentin durchläuft Ursula von der Leyen derzeit einen Schnellkurs in den Untiefen europäischer Politik. Zuerst mussten drei Kandidat/innen während der parlamentarischen Anhörung aufgeben und der ungarische Ersatzkandidat muss weiterhin zittern. Sodann teilte Boris Johnson am Mittwochabend schriftlich mit, dass seine Regierung keinen Kommissar vorschlagen werde. Seither überschlugen sich die Ereignisse. Am Donnerstagabend eröffnete die Kommission ein Vertragsverletzungsverfahren gegen das Vereinigte Königreich.
Continue reading >>15 November 2019
Right-Wing Crits
In which I take issue with the Judicial Power Project.
Continue reading >>Justifying a Coup d’État in the Name of Democracy?
Why is there so much resistance to call the forced resignation of Bolivian President Evo Morales by it's name? To call these events a coup and at the same time to justify and/or being comfortable with them would involve an express rejection of democracy as “the only game in town” and amount to normalizing non-institutional and violent means for the handover of power. The case is a challenge for comparative constitutionalism in general.
Continue reading >>When Journalists Weaken Democracy or How to Better Communicate the Rule of Law
Discussing years of controversies between Polish lawyers and the ruling Law and Justice party, the law professor Marcin Matczak concluded: “We won the legal discussions, but we lost the public debate.” Despite manifest violations of the law, Poland’s ruling party did not lose votes in recent parliamentary elections. In Hungary the situation seems to have been even worse. The public debate was not lost, it hardly took place. That’s a problem.
Continue reading >>14 November 2019
The Impossibility of Upholding the Rule of Law When You Don’t Know the Rules of the Law
On October 28 2019, it became known that the Norwegian Labour and Welfare Administration has been systematically breaching the rule of law for years when it applied the EEA legislation incorrectly in cases of unemployment and sickness benefits and work assessment allowances. According to the Attorney General, at least 48 people have been wrongly convicted of social security fraud, 36 of whom have been sentenced to prison. Later investigations have revealed that the number is much higher. This blatant disregard of the rule of law illustrates what happens when political pressure meets legal professionals, judges and an administration who are blissfully ignorant when it comes to European law.
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The Rule of Law Crisis as the Watershed Moment for the European Constitutionalism
Is a soft law instrument the right object of assessment in a situation where most commentators on the ongoing rule of law crisis summarise previous EU actions with the statement: too late, too long, too mild? This piece offers a look at the July blueprint for action as a political declaration which provides important general statements regarding the concept of the rule of law within the EU legal system in times of democratic backsliding in Member States.
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13 November 2019
The End of Parliamentary Government in Europe
Has parliamentary government, after almost two hundred years of honoured service, come to an end in Europe? The fact that Spain had two elections in seven months and is still nowhere near a stable government is just the latest of many signs that it is indeed so – and I wonder what the ruling classes in the European countries, excluding France, are waiting for in order to take note of the fact and to do, night and day, in order to put in place the necessary remedies.
Continue reading >>DEM-DEC Research Update Editorial: The Power of Protest
October was a month of protest, with large-scale protests everywhere from Chile to Hong Kong to Lebanon, as citizens push for democratic government, removal of corrupt politicians, or a more equitable economic system (or all three). Will these protests produce change?
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From “Nuclear Option” to Damp Squib?
To date, three Article 7(1) TEU hearings have been held in respect of Poland (26 June, 18 September and 11 December 2018) and one in respect of Hungary (16 September 2019). The trouble starts with having to obtain the related documents via repeated freedom of information requests. Analysing those documents, however, reveals further significant shortcomings of the procedure.
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Old friends, new friends? Prospects for EU’s cooperation with intergovernmental organisations in promotion of the rule of law
In its July 2019 blueprint for action on the rule of law, the European Commission has outlined three main avenues of action on the rule of law in the EU: prevention, response and promotion.
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12 November 2019
Fundamentals on Defending European Values
In 2007, the Treaty makers ennobled the former fundamental principles of the Treaty on European Union as European values. Respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, rule of law and the protection of human rights have henceforth transcended the sphere of ‘merely’ legal matters. Today, however, this step feeds a perception of a deep crisis: when founding values appear weak or controversial, the entire house may crumble.
Continue reading >>11 November 2019
The von der Leyen Commission and the Future of the Rule of Law
Ursula von der Leyen’s promotional tour before her election did not turn out well. She failed to point to substantive rule of law issues, rather she traced back the division between Eastern and Western European state to emotional components. This text takes a look beyond the political rhetoric and explores what the new Commission might entail for the rule of law in the EU.
Continue reading >>10 November 2019
A Constitution Borne Out of Actual Bullets
When Sergio Verdugo published his post "The Chilean Political Crisis and Constitutions as Magic Bullets", Chile’s President Sebastián Piñera’s approval rate was at 14%. Less than a week later, polls suggest a worrying and unprecedented 9% support. Although President Piñera has adopted significant measures, people are still protesting. It is not likely that this will change until the people have had the opportunity to participate in constitutional deliberations – and it is now upon the President to act.
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08 November 2019
Competitors for the Majority
In which I respectfully disagree with the large majority of Ministers of Justice in Germany.
Continue reading >>07 November 2019
Threats to Brazilian Democracy Gain Traction
Democracy in Brazil is under attack and facing a significant level of backsliding. The developments in recent years, from Dilma Rousseff’s parliamentary coup to Jair Bolsonaro’s ascent to power, have shown that democracy erodes in an incremental process. Lawmaker Eduardo Bolsonaro has recently taken another step in that direction when he publicly suggested that a 1964-1985 dictatorship’s decree should be repeated in case the Brazilian left-wing movements took a more radical position. His statements are prohibited under Brazilian law and Brazil’s institutions need to hold Eduardo Bolsonaro accountable in order to put brakes on the country’s democratic decline.
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04 November 2019
The Chilean Political Crisis and Constitutions as Magic Bullets
Chile is currently experiencing the most severe crisis since the dictatorship. One of the proposals to solve this crisis is to replace the current Constitution. Proponents of a constitutional replacement should consider two caveats: First, the constitution-making process should not weaken the representative institutions but strengthen them, and second, the promises need to be realistic as Constitutions are not magic bullets capable of instantaneously responding to social demands.
Continue reading >>03 November 2019
Johnson’s Withdrawal Agreement Fails Romanian and Bulgarian Migrant Workers
Romanian and Bulgarian nationals might not be British workers, but they are nevertheless workers. And both the EU and the UK have an ethical responsibility to outline provisions so that Brexit does not further marginalize the very same group of workers who already face discrimination in the British labour market.
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02 November 2019
Scotland, Brexit and Independence
The past month has been important for Brexit developments, with UK Prime Minister Johnson attempting a ‘last minute’ Brexit deal with the EU. In particular, arrangements concerning Northern Ireland have featured prominently. But now, all appears to have been set aside for a December UK general election. However, the UK is composed of four nations, and Scotland’s position in the UK union, often ignored in the Brexit context, now appears near to ‘tipping point’, especially after First Minister Sturgeon’s recent confirmation that Scotland would hold an independence referendum in 2020.
Continue reading >>01 November 2019
1989 and me
In which I mostly deplore my lack of curiosity as a 19 year old in rural Upper Bavaria.
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31 October 2019
The Criminal Conviction of Catalan Secessionist Leaders and European Human Rights Law
In the controversial judgement of the Spanish Supreme Court against the Catalan secessionist leaders, seven defendants were found guilty of the crime of sedition (amongst others) and sentenced to prison terms ranging from 9 to 13 years. An appeal to the European Court of Human Rights is likely but it is doubtful whether it will be successful.
Continue reading >>The Erosion of Italian Regionalism
Elections in the small, peaceful, politically stable region of Umbria in central Italy normally go rather unnoticed. This didn’t change when the direct election of regional presidents was introduced in 1995, making Italy the only European country with a presidential system at regional level. The stunning victory of the right not only brought Umbria into the spotlight of national politics but also cast light on the erosion of regionalism in Italy.
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30 October 2019
„Kinderrechte im Grundgesetz“ – Chancen und Risiken
Eine Bund-Länder-Arbeitsgruppe, die ihrem eigenen Zeitplan um Monate voraus ist, kommt im parlamentarischen Geschäft eher selten vor. Hintersinnig ließe sich fragen, wovon die Große Koalition durch ihren Eifer zum „Gedöns im Grundgesetz“ (Jestaedt) tatsächlich ablenken will. Immerhin ist es positiv zu würdigen, dass der für Ende des Jahres angekündigte Abschlussbericht der Bund-Länder-Arbeitsgruppe „Kinderrechte im Grundgesetz“ schon am 25. Oktober der Öffentlichkeit vorgestellt wurde.
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29 October 2019
“An Idea Whose Time Has Come”
Human rights institutions have long grappled with the question whether established rights could be violated by environmental degradation. For most people, the short answer is, of course, yes. People have suffered for decades from health impacts of air pollution, contaminated water, odors and the like. The latest global issue to have a huge impact on the enjoyment of rights is climate change. Despite the close link between environmental degradation and the enjoyment of rights, international human rights law does not, as yet, recognize a right to a healthy environment as a human right.
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28 October 2019
Article 50 TEU as Legal Basis for Future Relations?
Whatever form Brexit takes (if it takes place), it will have major legal, economic, practical and political consequences. An extension of the withdrawal date will probably provide sufficient time for much needed scrutiny of the new Brexit Deal negotiated between UK and the EU. It is in that light welcome that calls for examination by both the House of Commons and the European Parliament are now raised. An issue that has however not come up yet is whether the Withdrawal Agreement complies with Article 50 TEU – a failure which might have profound consequences.
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25 October 2019
Constitutional Exceptionalism in Kashmir
The move of India's President to abrogate Article 370 has been subject to much academic debate and discourse along the doctrinaire lines and limits of traditional constitutional law. Since the Declaration was passed, however, in a state of exception, the consequent legal vacuum necessitates an analysis in light of both political facts and public law.
Continue reading >>See you around
On Unions, withdrawals and other matters of potentially paradoxical nature.
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Constitutional Conflicts
Can the actions perpetrated by the leaders of the secessionist movement be understood to be crimes under Spanish law? Does the Spanish Constitution or international law protect those actions in the name of fundamental rights, including the right to protest? The Spanish Supreme Court deals with these issues in its lengthy opinion. A reply to José Luis Martí's assessment of that decision.
Continue reading >>24 October 2019
Between Legislative Defiance and Legal Security
In Portugal, a recent decision of the Constitutional Court rejected another legislative attempt to implement a successful system of surrogacy. For the first time in its 26-year history, the Court faced legislative defiance of its previous case law, but asserted its role as the ultimate interpreter of the Constitution with arguments of “legal security” which provided the formal ground to escape the conflict between branches.
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So Why Don’t We Just Call the Whole Rule of Law Thing Off, Then?
Civil society is aware of the dual standards vis-à-vis the rule of law, which emerge when one compares the Commission’s reaction to troublesome developments in Bulgaria to its policies on Poland, Hungary, and Romania. The latest CVM report on Bulgaria not only confirms this, but also leaves the impression that the Commission has given up on Bulgaria’s rule of law.
Continue reading >>Abusive Constitutional Lip Service
Amid Turkey’s heated agenda of constitutional politics during the past few years one issue seems to have received little to no attention: President Erdogan’s repeated call for reinstating the death penalty. Can Erdogan reinstate the death penalty? No, simply because he doesn’t have enough political support. But that isn’t the point. The point is how Erdogan uses the (unfulfillable) constitutional promise to reinstate the death penalty to consolidate his base.
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23 October 2019
Fools Rush Out
Few actions when done quickly are done well – and law-making has certainly never been one of them. Late in the evening of 22 October, the House of Commons was asked to approve of a legislative programme which would only have allowed it three days to consider, debate and amend a law which is bound to radically alter the constitutional, political, and economic foundations of the UK. This programme was rightly rejected.
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Das „Respektierte-Rentner-Gesetz“: eine kurze Replik
Altersarmut ist nicht akzeptabel. Menschen, die ihr Leben lang gearbeitet haben, muss ein ordentliches Auskommen garantiert sein. Das Vorhaben, eine so genannte Grundrente einzuführen, beruht deshalb auf einem ganz und gar legitimen Motiv. Dennoch gibt das aktuell im Raum stehende Regelungsmodell Anlass zu verfassungsrechtlichen Fragen. Eine Replik auf den Beitrag von Thorsten Kingreen.
Continue reading >>21 October 2019
Brexit, Democracy and Peace in Northern Ireland
How to give the people of Northern Ireland a democratic say over the new legal arrangements that will apply to them under the Withdrawal Agreement? Given the deeply divided nature of Northern Irish society, this is a legal, political and constitutional conundrum. The WA, exceptionally for an EU/international treaty, sets out a complex mechanism regulating how the Northern Ireland Assembly may vote in the future to grant or withhold democratic consent to the terms of the WA as it applies to Northern Ireland. However, this mechanism may yet prove to be a recipe for future political conflict.
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Fairness, Trust and the Rule of Law
On October 10, 2019, the European Parliament’s Committees in charge of her proposed fields of responsibility rejected Sylvie Goulard, the French candidate for the position of Commissioner in the new Commission. It was the second hearing she had to undergo, on the basis of another around 60 pages of written Q&A. Several issues should be carefully considered.
Continue reading >>19 October 2019
The Law Can’t Always Fix It
On 14 October, the Venice Commission released an opinion on the scope of the power of the President of Albania to set the dates of elections. In Albania, the President is facing impeachment due to his postponement of the local elections, and the Albanian Assembly’s Speaker requested the Venice Commission to issue its opinion on the President’s actions. While the Commission was clear in its legal conclusions, the reactions of the Albanian public to the report illustrate that a reasoned legal opinion was not suited to calm the ongoing political battles in Albania.
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18 October 2019
Closing Loops, Unclosing Loops
On elections in Poland and Hungary and other constitutional matters of hope and despair.
Continue reading >>The Polish Senate under Opposition Control
The Polish Senate is not going to open with a prayer, but it might well close with an investigation: What the loss of its majority in the second chamber of Parliament could entail for PiS rule and it's attacks against the rule of law.
Continue reading >>An Exotic Right
The Spanish Supreme Court's ruling in the trial against Catalan secessionist leaders will definitely not help to solve the conflict. Quite on the contrary, it will make it intractable in the short run, as we are beginning to see in the riots in the streets of Barcelona. In my opinion, this ruling is unjust and legally wrong. Even worse, it is unconstitutional since it compromises the fundamental democratic rights of protest – the freedom of expression, the freedom of assembly, and the right to demonstrate.
Continue reading >>15 October 2019
The European Ombudsman as an Insurmountable Roadblock?
On 17 September 2019, the European Ombudsman adopted a decision rejecting a complaint against the European Parliament submitted by The Good Lobby, an NGO “committed to giving voice to under-represented public interests and bringing more citizens into the public policy process”. The action was supported by Alberto Alemanno, also co-founder and director of the NGO, and Laurent Pech. In their post of last May 2019 they already described in detail their dealings with the Authority of European political parties and European political foundations (hereinafter the Authority) and with the President of Parliament. The subsequent stages and the Ombudsman’s take reveal the wider consequences of this process and some silver linings.
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‘Ze-Gate’: Excepting Accountability
On September 24, the democrats in the House of Representatives announced a formal impeachment inquiry of President Trump for allegedly having pressured Ukrainian President Zelenskiy during a call to probe Joe Biden, former US Vice-President and Trump’s political rival. The content of the conversation raises questions about the integrity of Ukraine’s President. Impeaching Zelenskiy, however, is not a viable option as Ukraine’s constitution sets a practically unattainable threshold for impeachment.
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Deep Rot in Slovakia
Unlike in Poland and Hungary, the government in Slovakia has not mounted a serious offence against the judiciary in the preceding decade. On the contrary, there is a persuasive argument that a high degree of judicial (and prosecutorial) independence has shielded individuals from being held accountable.
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14 October 2019
Local Elections in Hungary: the Results in Context
On October 13, 2019 local elections were held in Hungary. Even though the opposition parties had to fight an uphill battle, they achieved significant success not only in Budapest, but also in other big cities. The aim of this article is to put the results in context in order to give a more accurate picture of the current Hungarian situation.
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13 October 2019
How an EU Directive on Access to a Lawyer Became a Weapon for Secret Arrests
Directive 2013/48/EU of 22 October 2013 ‘on the right of access to a lawyer in criminal proceedings’ had an unfortunate fate in Bulgaria. In particular, the transposition is troublesome because the government used the Directive as a pretext to revive a totalitarian practice – secret arrests.
Continue reading >>12 October 2019
Is One Offended Pole Enough to Take Critics of Official Historical Narratives to Court?
In a recent interview with Verfassungsblog, Wojciech Sadurski lists his fears accompanying the high probability of the Law and Justice forthcoming electoral victory. He mentions fundamental rules and values, such as the constitutional order, an independent judiciary, fair elections and free press. However, what can also be at stake and what just seemingly may be considered of lesser importance, is the possible conclusion of the process of reshaping the historical narratives and introduction of a state-imposed vision of historical truth.
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10 Anti-Constitutional Commandments
Poland is on the eve of the parliamentary elections to be held on October 13, 2019. This provides a good opportunity to step back for a second to analyse the turbulent years of 2015-2019 and to piece together scattered elements of a new constitutional doctrine that has emerged since November 2015. Such a perspective should help readers of Verfassungsblog to truly understand and appreciate the scale and depth of the change that has happened to the prevalent (and what was presumed to be unshakeable) post-1989 constitutional paradigms.
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11 October 2019
Getting Rid of Them
On impeaching Trump, sacking BoJo and other matters of constitutional reverie.
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Miller/Cherry 2 Goes to Kashmir
There are certain principles which emerge from Miller/Cherry 2 which are meaningful for cases involving judicial review of executive powers. The application of these principles, especially in cases where the line between the executive and legislature is thin (resulting in what Bagehot described as the ‘fusion of powers’), can guide comparative lawyers to hitherto underexplored areas of administrative law accountability of the executive to legislative bodies.
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Creating a Safe Venue of Judicial Review
On 24 September 2019, Advocate General Tanchev delivered his opinion in joined cases C-558/18 and C-563/18. It is his latest involvement in a series of cases which concern the rule of law in Poland and which is questionable from a legal as well as factual standpoint.
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10 October 2019
Why the European Council Must not Reject an Article 50 Extension Request
As a matter of EU law, the European Council is not entitled to refuse the United Kingdom’s request for an extension, in the present circumstances. The decision to ask for an extension emanates from the United Kingdom’s highest authority, its sovereign Parliament. It is a democratic decision which the EU must respect, for else it would be expelling a Member State against its own sovereign and democratic will.
Continue reading >>DEM-DEC Research Update Editorial: Reflecting on 1989
Latest Global Research Update Just Issued The latest Global Research […]
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09 October 2019
Slowing or Stopping the Turn to Authoritarianism in Israel
The elections will not bring any change with respect to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the religious conflict or the growing inequality. But they are important and even crucial for the future of Israel as they are most likely to slow and perhaps block the erosion of the protection of civil rights in Israel and the slow but continuous transition of Israel from a liberal democracy to an authoritarian one.
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08 October 2019
The People Have Voted, Now Let the People Speak
The Brexit stalemate is unlikely to wither. In a smart spin, distracting from the unlawfulness of the Parliament shutdown, the blame for not delivering Brexit is now put on the Parliament. The Parliament and “the establishment” are pitted against the will of the people. Since the 2016 referendum, however, provided for no clear procedural or substantive mandate, no form of Brexit, including remain, can claim its legitimacy based on the “will of the people” unless there is a second referendum.
Continue reading >>When the Judiciary Undermines Judicial Independence
India’s Supreme Court has long sought to protect itself, mostly through an insulated appointment system, from political pressures. Judicial independence seems to be the catchphrase for the Indian Judiciary when it is under pressure or attack. But how far has the Court been successful in navigating and managing the problems caused by judicial hierarchies and politics within its very own walls?
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05 October 2019
Not Madness nor Treason
On old English ladies, indigestible lumps and other matters of delight and disgust in constitutional law and policy.
Continue reading >>03 October 2019
A Judicial Path to Nowhere?
On 25 September 2019, the Constitutional Court of Latvia opened a case on the constitutionality of several provisions regarding pre-school education for minorities. The complainants are not likely to succeed with their appeal, though, as the Constitutional Court has so far used the country’s Soviet history as well as Latvia’s cultural identity as arguments to uphold the restriction of minority rights.
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Digitale Rechtssubjekte? Ja, aber nur teilweise
Gunther Teubner will autonome Systeme als Rechtssubjekte einordnen, allerdings formuliert er deutlich vorsichtiger: Es geht nicht um Rechtspersönlichkeit, sondern „partielle Rechtssubjektivität“ oder „strikt funktional definierte Rechtssubjektivität“. Aber was genau ist damit gemeint? Gibt es einen handfesten Unterschied zwischen der Kategorie „elektronische Person“ und dem Status „partieller“ bzw. „funktionaler Rechtssubjektivität“ – oder handelt es sich nur um Begriffsklauberei?
Continue reading >>02 October 2019
Dealing with a Rogue UK Prime Minister
In the current “Brexit” crisis, the EU should strive to achieve a smooth agreement-based process. This is the only way to ensure that the intricate web binding the UK to the EU is not ripped up without a reliable substitute. Boris Johnson’s priority to withdraw the UK on 31 October "do or die“ is next to impossible to reconcile with that aim. Domestically, it will be difficult to halt Johnson’s no-deal plan. But what about the EU? Indeed, there are several measures the EU could take to deal with a rogue UK Prime Minister and to make a smooth withdrawal more likely.
Continue reading >>Digitale Rechtssubjekte, Handlungsfähigkeit und Verantwortung aus philosophischer Sicht
Gunther Teubner hat mit seinem Artikel „Digitale Rechtssubjekte? Zum privatrechtlichen Status autonomer Softwareagenten“ (AcP 2018) einen wegweisenden Beitrag zur Debatte um die rechtlichen Auswirkungen der Digitalisierung vorgelegt. Im Folgenden werden die grundlegenden philosophischen Voraussetzungen seiner Position und ihre Auswirkungen auf seine rechtlichen Vorschläge diskutiert. Im Zentrum stehen hierbei die Konzepte der Handlungsfähigkeit und der Verantwortung. Diese Überlegungen werden von einem dezidiert philosophischen und nicht juristischen Standpunkt aus angestellt.
Continue reading >>01 October 2019
The Rule of Law, not the Rule of Politics
On 24 September 2019, just two weeks after Parliament had been controversially prorogued by Prime Minister, Boris Johnson, the UK Supreme Court handed down a unanimous judgment holding that such prorogation was ‘unlawful, null, and of no effect’. Parliament was not and had never been prorogued. But this is not likely to be the end of such questioning of the fundamentals of the constitution and – in particular – the limits of executive power.
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Kommunikationsadressen als digitale Rechtssubjekte
Spannend ist an den aktuellen Diskussion unter dem Stichwort "Legal Tech" ist weniger die Frage, wie weit deren technische Umsetzung im Einzelfall vorangeschritten ist, als vielmehr der Umstand, dass die Rechtsdogmatik und die Rechtstheorie die Entwicklung früh aufgegriffen haben und aufmerksam beobachten. Sie eilen damit, wie noch zu diskutieren sein wird, der Soziologie voraus und stellen diese vor Herausforderungen.
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30 September 2019
An Alternative to the Brexit Backstop: An All-Ireland “Common No-Custom Area” under Art. 24 GATT
In order to resolve the current stalemate in the brexit negotiations, we propose to establish a “Common No-Custom Area” in Ireland applicable only to products originating in either part of the island. This special regime conforms to the Frontier Traffic exception of Art. 24 of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT/WTO) and builds on the “precedent” of Cyprus where a similar regime has been in place since 2004. This practical solution takes into account that a major part of intra-Ireland trade is made up of products originating in either part of the island.
Continue reading >>29 September 2019
Is Brexit a Game?
Can Boris Johnson's and Dominic Cumming's Brexit strategy be made plausible by means of game theory? I think not. It seems too simple to present the current situation as a two-party game, with the UK (or Boris Johnson) on one side and the EU on the other. In reality, Johnson faces two opposite players—one being the EU, the other the hard Brexit opponents and the Supreme Court at home.
Continue reading >>28 September 2019
Did Turkey’s Recent Emergency Decrees Derogate from the Absolute Rights?
Following a coup attempt by a small group in the Turkish Armed Forces in 2016, the Turkish Government declared a state of emergency for three months. Although it observed procedural rules laid down by national and international law on declaring a state of emergency, the Government's use of the emergency powers contradicts non-derogable rights laid down in the Turkish Constitution, the ICCPR and the ECHR.
Continue reading >>Impeaching a President: how it works, and what to expect from it
Metaphors abound in discussing how dramatically the issue of presidential impeachment has become central in U.S. political discourse: a simmering kettle boiled over, the Whistle Blower blew the lid off efforts to conceal scandalous (almost treasonous) presidential behavior. And everyone notes that what has been revealed is almost certainly matched by information that will come out sooner rather than later. It’s not possible to summarize the state of play because relevant events occur almost hourly. Here I’ll offer a primer on presidential impeachment in the United States for readers who might not be familiar with the basics, then offer some comments about presidential impeachment in comparative constitutional law.
Continue reading >>27 September 2019
Without the Benefit of Hindsight
On history being written by the winner and other myths of constitutional and unconstitutional nature.
Continue reading >>26 September 2019
“Constitutional Paternalism” and the Inability to Legislate
On 25 September 2019, the Italian Constitutional Court (ICC) has made clear that assisted suicide is not punishable under specific conditions. The judgment came one year after the ICC had ordered the Italian Parliament to legislate on the matter – which it did not do. The entire story is indicative of the inability of Parliaments to respond to social demands as well as the current trend of high courts to act as shepherds of parliaments rather than as guardians of the constitution.
Continue reading >>25 September 2019
A Constitutionally Momentous Judgment That Changes Practically Nothing?
The Supreme Court’s judgment in Cherry/Miller (No 2) that the prorogation of Parliament was unlawful, null and of no effect was a bold move as a matter of public law. It represents a constitutional court willing to assert its authority as guardian of the constitution. But although potentially of long-term constitutional moment, it changes very little with regard to the fundamental constitutional and political issue of Britain’s membership of the European Union.
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The Judgment That Will Be Forgotten
On September 24 2019, the ECJ delivered its judgment in Google vs CNIL (C-517/17) which was expected to clarify the territorial scope of the ‘right to be forgotten’. In fact, the ECJ’s decision is disappointing in several respects. The Court does not only open the door to fragmentation in European data protection law but also fails to further develop the protection of individual rights in the digital age.
Continue reading >>Undemocratic but Formally Lawful: The Suspension of the Polish Parliament
While the attention of many constitutional law scholars has been on the UK Government’s decision to prorogue Parliament and first judicial responses, the Polish Sejm’s plenary sitting has been unexpectedly suspended and postponed until after the general elections of 13 October 2019. The decision has a precedential nature. For the first time since the Polish Constitution entered into force, the ‘old’ Sejm is sitting while the ‘new’ Sejm will be waiting for an opening. Although this decision is formally compliant with the Polish Constitution, it is nonetheless undemocratic and raises some serious questions about the motivation behind this move.
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Voting in Russia: Please Don’t Call it “Elections”
On September 8, numerous Russian regions voted in the framework of a so-called “single voting day”. Most significantly, Moscow voted for the members of City Council (“Duma”), and Russia’s second-largest city Saint Petersburg was to elect its governor. It would be a mistake, however, to draw any conclusions on the sentiments of the Russian people from the results as the voting process was skewed at every stage of the so-called “election”.
Continue reading >>24 September 2019
Boris Johnson’s Strategy of Assured Mutual Destruction: Crazy but not Irrational
One of the frequent equivocal “courtesy” titles that has been awarded to Boris Johnson these days is that of plunger or reckless gambler. Boris Johnson may be many things — his language coarse, his behavior ruthless — but if you analyze his behavior in the current Brexit affair from a decision theoretic angle there is a rational interpretation for his seemingly irrational approach.
Continue reading >>Why the UK’s Government’s Demands on the Irish Backstop Would Violate the Sovereignty of the EU-27
Prime Minister Boris Johnson has asked the European Council President in a letter for reciprocal ‘binding legal guarantees’ not to put in place infrastructure, checks, or controls at the border between Northern Ireland and Ireland. The significance of this has been amplified by the European Parliament’s resolution that it will not consent to any Withdrawal Agreement without an Irish Backstop, in direct contravention to the UK’s position. This post will argue that the EU legal order places constraints on this option. Ireland would be in breach of EU law if it followed this course, and the EU institutions have no discretion to suspend these legal obligations.
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What Difference Does it Make to Fully Annex the Quasi-Annexed Occupied Territories?
Whether or not Netanyahu’s era of prime minister of Israel is coming to an end, his campaign announcement that Israel will unilaterally annex at least parts of the Occupied Palestinian Territories should not be dismissed. First, because this possibility has long ceased to be a political taboo in Israel. Second, and more importantly, because in many ways, a sub-official process of partial annexation is already taking place in Israel, to a large extent, under the radar of the international community.
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23 September 2019
Luxemburg as the Last Resort
A criminal proceeding has been suspended by a Hungarian justice of the Pest Central District Court to ask the European Court of Justice preliminary questions, inter alia, about his own judicial independence. Now, Hungary’s Supreme Court has stepped in and ruled that the reference was illegal, essentially arguing that preliminary references are not the fora to discuss such claims. In fact, however, this preliminary reference reveals that all other means to effectively challenge the rule of law backsliding in Hungary have failed.
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22 September 2019
Italia Viva, Party System Reform Morta
Until a decade ago or even less, Italian politics appeared a matter of its own political idiosyncrasies and was dismissed as a peculiar case which is cause more for an amused smile but serious political analysis. This is not the case anymore. The sad truth is that parliamentary regimes based on a functioning majority in Parliament do not seem to be able to deliver sufficiently stable and effective governments these days.
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21 September 2019
Justiciable but not Necessarily Illegal
The UK Supreme Court is about to decide the fate of the UK Government’s decision to prorogue Parliament. Two are the main issues: First, justiciability – whether the Government’s decision can be subject to judicial scrutiny or whether it lies beyond the Judiciary’s remit. Second, if judicial review is available, whether the Government’s decision is lawful. Although the two issues prima facie appear to be distinct, in this case they are intertwined. I believe that the issue of prorogation in this case is justiciable and that the Government’s decision to prorogue falls within the legal boundaries of the Constitution.
Continue reading >>Difficult Times Ahead for the Facebook „Supreme Court“
Over the past years, Facebook as well as other online platforms faced constant criticism and pressure from civil society, lawmakers, and governments regarding their role in content moderation. As a response, Facebook for the last two years sought a way to handle the decision-making process in a more transparent, accountable, and fair way, while at the same time diverting responsibility from itself and its CEO and sole controller, Mark Zuckerberg. Now, it finally rolls out its plan for an independent Oversight Board, also referred by some, including Mark Zuckerberg, as a “Supreme Court”. Major questions arise as to its mandate, the establishment of global free speech standards and the reactions of national courts.
Continue reading >>20 September 2019
Foreign Ideas about ‘Child Marriage’?
On 4 September 2019, a Frankfurt court ruled that Germany must recognize marriages involving minors that had been concluded within the EU. The case involved a couple who had married in Bulgaria and now resides in Germany. The bride was 17 when she wed. The case throws into sharp relief hidden assumptions within the broader debate about ‘child marriage’ that has occupied German politicians and commentators over the last two years. These assumptions matter because they reflect broader European and international popular and political discussions as well as laws. But they also matter because they ignore a number of important developments over the last century across much of the world in reforming family law.
Continue reading >>A Bug, not a Feature
On empty concepts, blind spots and other matters of constitutional visibility.
Continue reading >>17 September 2019
Protecting the Independence of National Councils of the Judiciary on the EU Level
Councils for the judiciary are one of the main targets in political efforts to diminish the independence of the judiciary in several countries. Since more and more countries in the EU fail to provide a minimum of security as to their independence, it is of the utmost importance that this is dealt with on Union level.
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16 September 2019
Where Power Lies or Where Power Lied?
Tomorrow, on Tuesday 17 September, the UK Supreme Court will be asked to consider appeals from the Court of Session in Scotland, and the High Court in England on the question of whether prime minister Boris Johnson’s advice to the Queen to prorogue parliament was lawful. Such a question will oblige the court to consider foundational questions of the separation of powers and the division between law and politics. It will also have to decide whether the motives of executive decision-making can be judged against principles of parliamentary sovereignty, democracy and the rule of law. If the Supreme Court finds the advice was unlawful, an even more difficult question arises in what sort of order may be given to remedy such a legal wrong: can the court order Parliament to return to a session which has ended, or the Queen to ‘un-prorogue’?
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14 September 2019
The UK Constitution and Brexit – Five Brief External Observations
As a constitutional lawyer one therefore cannot help but ask: What is happening to the British Constitution? What is going on with the political and parliamentary culture of a nation so proud of its parliamentary history? And what about the Queen? In the following, I would therefore like to share five very brief and somewhat unsystematic observations of these recent developments from a German perspective.
Continue reading >>13 September 2019
Get on the Istanbul Express
The answer to authoritarian populism are uneasy alliances of different types of political forces loyal to political democracy, however difficult that may seem under quite different political circumstances.
Continue reading >>12 September 2019
Acquiescing in Refoulement
The judgment of the US Supreme Court issued on Wednesday (Attorney General v. East Bay Sanctuary Covenant) purports to be simply procedural: It overturns a lower court injunction that prevented President Trump’s unilateral “safe third country” rule from coming into force before its legality is tested on the merits. But in truth, the Supreme Court knowingly acquiesced in the refoulement of refugees arriving at the US southern border.
Continue reading >>11 September 2019
Norway’s Heureka Moment?
Norwegian elections are usually quite boring. While the government changes between different parties, the party structure has been remarkably stable for more than 80 years. And for decades, constitutional lawyers have been denied juicy electoral scandals. The electoral system runs smoothly without major hiccups. Monday’s local election brought at last a glimmer of excitement for Norwegian constitutional lawyers. Not only did a newly-formed protest movement shake up the traditional party landscape. It also came to light that Norway's public broadcaster attempted to manipulate students in the non-official school election.
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Recognizing Court-Packing
There is near scholarly consensus that President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has successfully packed the Turkish Constitutional Court (TCC). Court packing is commonly understood as expanding the membership of the court, appointing judges with long tenures that extend beyond a couple of election cycles, and who are ideologically committed to the executive’s constitutional vision. These elements, however, are still foreign to Turkey’s political elites.
Continue reading >>07 September 2019
The Age of Constitutional Barbarism
We need to rediscover the force of normative arguments in order to better understand the autocratic rivals to liberal democracy. Geburtstagskind Verfassungsblog provides a vibrant and openly accessible forum for discussions.
Continue reading >>06 September 2019
Fighting Fire with Fire
At the first sight, the likely nomination of Věra Jourova as Commissioner for rule of law and dropping Frans Timmermans out of the portfolio appears to be a significant victory for the Visegrad Group. However, considering Jourova’s track record, her nomination might be a clever, but hazardous move by Ursula von der Leyen that may deepen the cleavage among the Visegrad countries, put an end to their coordinated acting in sovereignty related issues, and cause more headache in Budapest and Warsaw than expected.
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A Matter of Confidence
On lying without expecting belief and other harbingers of constitutional doom.
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05 September 2019
The Commission’s Rule of Law Blueprint for Action: A Missed Opportunity to Fully Confront Legal Hooliganism
In its first Communication entitled “Further strengthening the Rule of Law within the Union” published on 3 April 2019, the Commission offered a useful overview of the state of play while also positively inviting all stakeholders to make concrete proposals so as to enhance the EU’s “rule of law toolbox”. A follow up Communication from July 2019 sets out multiple “concrete actions for the short and medium term”. This post will highlight the most innovative actions proposed by the Commission before highlighting what we view as the main weakness of its blueprint: a reluctance to fully accept the reality of rule of law backsliding.
Continue reading >>04 September 2019
Schroedinger’s Backstop
Weiler, Sarmiento and Faull suggest that the best way to avoid a no-deal Brexit, even at the 11th hour, would be to adopt “a regime of dual autonomy”. EU officials said that this proposal was "inadequate and nowhere near the landing zone". But we can also entertain the thought that reciprocity or symmetry is indeed a necessary if not a sufficient condition for the backstop compass to lead us to a landing zone. Six ingredients need to be added to the mix, however.
Continue reading >>02 September 2019
The Next Few Days Will Reveal where the Heart of Power Lies in the British Constitution
Were the UK government to ignore a Supreme Court judgment finding the advice to prorogue illegal, or even refuse to recognise an Act of Parliament directing action to prevent a no-deal Brexit, this would be a constitutional crisis. This will bring all institutions into conflict – most immediately the crown, which may be obligated (one way or another) to make an extremely polarising political choice.
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01 September 2019
”A Supervisory Agency of Its Own Making”?
In December 2019, the recently constituted European Parliament will elect the European Ombudsman. The current European Ombudsman, Emily O’Reilly, already announced that she will seek a new mandate when her term expires. Her performance during the last five years, however, raises serious questions about her understanding of the mandate.
Continue reading >>31 August 2019
Boris and the Queen: Lessons from Canada
UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s advice to the Queen that she prorogue Parliament for several weeks has sparked vociferous controversy. The unfortunate situation, which threatens to do real damage to constitutional, political and social relationships, has some analogues in former British dominions such as Canada.
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30 August 2019
Brexit as Fate
On Boris, the seven plagues of Brexit and other matters of constitutional myth-making
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Backstop Alternatives: Examining the “We Cannot Trust the Brits” Excuse
Last week, together with two colleagues, Daniel Sarmiento and Sir Jonathan Faull, we published a plan which could avoid a no-deal Brexit. It is to one reaction, attributed in the Press to anonymous Commission sources that I wish to react. And I do not do this solely or even mainly in order to defend the viability of our particular Proposal. I do so because I fear that this same reaction of these anonymous EU officials will meet any proposal for "alternative arrangements" to be put on the table by the UK government.
Continue reading >>29 August 2019
Prorogued until October?
The British government yesterday secured a prorogation of Parliament from the Queen. Parliament will stand prorogued no earlier than Monday 9th September and no later than Thursday 12th September 2019 to Monday 14th October 2019. For many commentators the weeks from now until 12 September and from 14 October to 31 October (the day the United Kingdom exits the European Union) were crucial. It tipped the balance of the prorogation from blindingly unconstitutional to constitutionally dubious, but permissible. Regardless of whether one finds this line of reasoning convincing, there is a threat that this prorogation can be extended indefinitely that has been largely overlooked: the Prorogation Act 1867.
Continue reading >>27 August 2019
Pseudo-Legal Justice
On the morning of his thirtieth birthday, Josef K., a member of the Council of the Anti-corruption Agency of Montenegro, was dismissed of his duties, by the very same body that appointed him: the Parliament of Montenegro. This could be the first sentence of a novel written by Franz Kafka if he was with us today. While Kafka’s Josef K. was arrested and left to roam free through a court building to find a courtroom in which his destiny would be determined, Josef K. in this story is in a similarly peculiar situation: He does not know which court in Montenegro he should appeal to and present his grievances. This Kafkaesque reality is the result of a questionable interpretation of the law by Montenegro’s Supreme Court – just another piece in the demise of the country’s rule of law.
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26 August 2019
An Offer the EU and UK Cannot Refuse II: FAQ
We have received many comments and questions to our Proposal on avoiding a No-Deal Brexit. The following are the most frequently asked questions with our replies.
Continue reading >>22 August 2019
An Offer the EU and UK Cannot Refuse
The EU reasonably expects a guarantee that Brexit will not compromise the integrity of its customs and regulatory territory. Hence its insistence on the Backstop. The UK reasonably expects a guarantee that it will not be locked into a permanent Customs (and regulatory) Union with the EU. Hence its rejection of the Backstop. The resulting deadlock is hurling both parties into a No-Deal Brexit. This proposal, which includes features which have never been discussed, will guarantee the integrity and autonomy of the EU’s and UK’s respective customs and regulatory territories, and will require neither a Customs Union between the two nor a hard border between Northern Ireland and the Republic.
Continue reading >>21 August 2019
In Rights We Trust
Cases concerning the execution of the European Arrest Warrant (EAW) provide seemingly endless material for new questions of fundamental importance to the relationship of the multiple constitutional layers in Europe. In a barely noted judgment in the case of Romeo Castaño v. Belgium, the European Court of Human Rights has now added an important piece to this puzzle. The judgment indicates that, in the light of other recent jurisprudence of both the Court of Justice of the EU and the ECtHR, both Courts are on their way to find a workable framework to address some of the issues in this field.
Continue reading >>20 August 2019
Article 370: Is it a Basic Feature of the Indian Constitution?
The move of India’s Government to nullify Article 370 of the Constitution not only broadened the legislative powers of the Union Parliament over the Jammu & Kashmir but also demoted J&K to the position of a Union Territory. Apart from doubts about the Government's power to bring about these changes and their legitimacy, it is an open question whether Article 370 is a basic feature of the Constitution of India. Given the sacrosanct political arrangement it encapsulates as well as its role as an exemplar of Indian federal asymmetry, it is now upon the Supreme Court to formally acknowledge the constitutional basis of India’s delicate distribution of powers.
Continue reading >>18 August 2019
What happens after the Polish Elections?
What would become of what's left of Polish constitutional democracy in the case of another PiS victory in October? And what if they lose the elections? How could the damage done by them be undone?
Continue reading >>17 August 2019
The Constitutional Siege on Article 370
On August 5, India revoked Article 370, a controversial provision in the Indian Constitution, which happened to be the only link between the State of Jammu & Kashmir and the Indian Union. After its revocation, the Union parliament passed a bill to reorganise the State into two federally administered Union Territories, a move which some have labelled as “illegal occupation” of the State.
Continue reading >>15 August 2019
Resentment, Populism and Political Strategies in Italy
After Matteo Salvini announced his plan of holding snap elections, the former Italian prime minister (Presidente del Consiglio), Matteo Renzi launched the idea to postpone elections by forming a transistional government supported by the Partito democratico and the MoVimento 5 stelle, amongst others. Renzi knows that, according to the polls, Salvini’s political party (the Lega) could win the elections and form a government with Fratelli d’Italia, a post-fascist and still far-right party or with Forza Italia, the party created by Silvio Berlusconi. But would this move prevent a populist government?
Continue reading >>08 August 2019
Of Constitutional Subterfuge and the ‘Integration’ of Kashmir
In what was nothing short of a Constitutional heist, the Indian government has effectively extended the entirety of the Indian Constitution to the state of Kashmir.
Continue reading >>07 August 2019
A Hungarian Judge Seeks Protection from the CJEU – Part II
In 2012, Hungary introduced a unique system of judicial administration that was criticized by domestic and international actors. This criticism has been validated by events since then which have shown that the National Judicial Council, the highest collective body of judges, is practically unable to counter-balance the broad powers of the President of the National Judicial Office (NJO). This has caused tensions between judges and the judicial administration, something that was predictable in 2012 when the system was introduced and has led to what can only be described as a ‘constitutional crisis’.
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04 August 2019
On the Rule of Law Turn on Kirchberg – Part II
The times of constitutional crisis call for a more robust approach to institutions and their respective spheres of competence and expertise. Courts of law are in the business of enforcing the rule of law. The European Court of Justice must currently rely on the unwritten and implicit understandings of the constitution to fulfill its task.
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03 August 2019
On the Rule of Law Turn on Kirchberg – Part I
What came to be generically known as “the rule of law crisis” in the European Union has led the European Court of Justice to add a new chapter to its own jurisprudential tradition. Since 2017, the Court has been laying the foundations for a jurisprudential paradigm shift in order to defend the integrity of the EU legal system and it can thereby rely on the functions that the EU Treaties confer upon it.
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29 July 2019
DEM-DEC Global Research Update – July 2019
Twelfth Global Research Update since DEM-DEC was launched This twelfth […]
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28 July 2019
A Hungarian Judge Seeks Protection from the CJEU – Part I
For the first time, a Hungarian judge stayed proceedings to ask the CJEU preliminary questions about the independence of Hungarian courts. The questions concern the appointment of court presidents and the low salary of judges. The response of Hungarian authorities was quick: Within a week, the Prosecutor General requested the Kúria (Hungary’s Supreme Court) to review the reference with the possible effect of deterring other judges from asking similar questions.
Continue reading >>24 July 2019
Strengthening the President – Betraying Maidan?
Last Sunday's parliamentary elections resulted in a composition of the Verkhovna Rada – the Ukrainian parliament – which guarantees a solid majority to the President's party. The circumstances leading to the prematurely held elections, however, were more than doubtful from a constitutional law perspective. The Constitutional Court (CC) confirmed the dissolution of Ukraine’s parliament as constitutional in a controversial decision which strengthens the position of the president and thereby ignores the intentions and objectives of the Maidan revolution of 2014.
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21 July 2019
A Judge Born in the USSR
The Sofia City Court which is notorious for its corruption is currently dealing with its latest scandal which involves the citizenship of the court’s President Alexey Trifonov. There are rising concerns that he is not a Bulgarian citizen – holding Bulgarian citizenship, however, is a requirement to serve as a magistrate in Bulgaria. The answer to a question, which appears to be simple at first glance – what is judge Trifonov’s citizenship? – requires the study of USSR and Bulgarian citizenship law applicable in 1972. The issue has already reached Bulgaria’s Supreme Administrative Court and illustrates the deplorable state of Bulgaria’s rule of law.
Continue reading >>19 July 2019
Response: Critiquing in the Light of The ABC of the OPT
Interwoven across the contributions to this symposium are two central themes: first, the use of conceptual frameworks as critical tools, and second, international law’s relationship with state violence. In what follows, we will reflect on the contributors’ comments regarding each of these themes.
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18 July 2019
Prorogation is a Paper Tiger, but Time is the Elephant
There are 15 weeks left until the UK’s scheduled departure from the EU. A new leader of the Conservative party, and so de facto Prime Minister, will be chosen by party members and presented to Parliament just before it plans to rise for summer recess on 25 July. A point of distinction between the two candidates for Conservative leadership is on the exercise of a power to prorogue Parliament in order to ensure the UK’s withdrawal on 31 October 2019: Jeremy Hunt will not use the power, Boris Johnson will not rule it out. The threat of prorogation, if serious, could prove a catalyst for constitutional crisis.
Continue reading >>‘Say My Name’: The Politics of Not Naming
Despite the many nuances academics employ to draw a picture of Israel’s “complicated” rule over the Palestinian people, this review takes issue with the hesitance displayed when looking for a much needed epistemological shift and concepts in understanding how law creates injustice in Israel_Palestine.
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17 July 2019
The ABC of the OPT: The Broken Promise of Belligerent Occupation Law
The ABC of the OPT, the award-winning new publication by three outstanding Israeli scholars and jurists - Orna Ben-Naftali, Michael Sfard and Hedi Viterbo –demonstrates, in a masterly fashion, the use and abuse of the laws of belligerent occupation as a masquerade for raw power and as a tool for oppression. The authors illustrate, using the format of a legal lexicon dedicated to specific legal terms and rhetorical devices (or newspeak), how the distorted application of the laws of belligerent occupation by Israeli lawyers and judges has conferred an aura of decency and legitimacy upon the long and open-ended occupation of the West Bank. This approach draws its intellectual roots from classic insights of critical legal studies – e.g., that law is chronically malleable to abuse and that law constitutes politics through other means.
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16 July 2019
Phantom Sovereignty and the Imaginary Version of International Law
In this brief review, I will explore two aspects of the legal cartography offered in the book in the entry on nomos and the entry on military courts. The entry on nomos, authored by Orna Ben-Naftali, takes on a thematic thread of the entire book and explains how Israel created an alternative legal universe of international law. The entry on the military courts, written by Hedi Viterbo, looks at the institutions that have intervened in the lives of most of the Palestinian population: Israel has arrested and detained over three quarters of a million Palestinians. In 2018 alone, the military arrested 6500 Palestinians, 1800 of whom were children.
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15 July 2019
The ABC of the OPT: Mobilizing the Untapped Capacity of International Law
The point I wish to make here comes through loudly and clearly in the ABC book: the Israeli occupation of Palestine embodies a fateful and troubling paradox regarding international law that we must acknowledge and think our way through.
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From ‘Assigned Residence’ to ‘Zone’: Introduction to the Book Review Symposium on The ABC of the OPT
Israel's half-a-century long rule over the West Bank and Gaza Strip has been the subject of extensive academic literature, also in international law. Yet, there had been no comprehensive, theoretically informed, and empirically based academic study of the role of various legal mechanisms, norms, and concepts in shaping, legitimizing, and responding to the Israeli control regime. The ABC of the OPT. A Legal Lexicon of the Israeli Control over the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the most timely and award-winning new book by Orna Ben-Naftali, Michael Sfard and Hedi Viterbo (Cambridge University Press 2018) fills this gap and offers a comprehensive and yet detailed study of law’s role in constructing and maintaining this protracted and highly institutionalized regime.
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13 July 2019
The First Decade
A stroll down memory lane after 10 years of matters constitutional on Verfassungsblog.
Continue reading >>12 July 2019
Pre-Modern Understandings of Rule-Making
Since his entering into office a year ago, Italy’s Minister of Interior Matteo Salvini has proved to be the true leader of the governmental coalition between the Five Star Movement and the Lega, run by Salvini himself. His populist approach looks far closer to that of Orbán than to the confused ideology of the Five Star Movement. Contrary to the latter, Salvini always gives the impression of knowing exactly what he wants. Being far more predictable than his allies, he has succeeded both in seizing control of Italy’s political agenda and in gaining a huge electoral consent, not least because he knows how to fuel the popular anxiety.
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10 July 2019
Judges Depending on Judges
Since the beginning of 2018 the CJEU has finally been putting flesh on the bones of the EU principle of judicial independence. Most recently, the Court has been widely praised for its ruling against the Polish attempt of removing the, presumably, disloyal judges by a general measure of lowering their retirement age from 70 to 65. While the decision is indeed praiseworthy, it is nevertheless necessary to emphasize its notable doctrinal lacuna with potential negative practical implications – particularly in those EU member states with a weak democratic and rule of law tradition, a low degree of legal and political culture as well as with a small and tightly-knit legal elite.
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09 July 2019
Empty Seats in the European Parliament: What About EU Citizenship?
The European Parliament started its new term with three empty seats. The Catalan politicians Carles Puigdemont, Antoni Comín and Oriol Junqueras got elected in the European Parliamentary elections of 26 May 2019 but the Spanish Central Electoral Commission did not include their names in the list which was notified to the European Parliament on 17 June 2019. The reason is that that they did not appear in person to swear or affirm allegiance to the Spanish Constitution, which is a formal requirement under the Spanish election legislation. The President of the EU General Court dismissed an application of Carles Puigdemont and Antoni Comín for interim measures by referring to the Spanish electoral law. Thereby, however, he completely ignored the EU citizenship dimension of the case.
Continue reading >>07 July 2019
The protection of labour rights in professional football under the ICESCR
In this blog, I argue that the global operations of FIFA affecting the labour rights of individuals fall under the scope of the ICESCR and that FIFA’s responsibility for potential violations of these rights can be engaged. It could also form the basis for Switzerland’s international legal responsibility for a possible violation of a state’s obligation to protect.
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FIFA for Women or Women for FIFA? The Inherent Tensions of FIFA’s Women’s Football Strategy
How does FIFA purport to address and overcome its historical and ongoing record of institutional disregard for, and discrimination against, women? Its primary weapon appears to be the recently adopted Women’s Football Strategy, designed to “empower the organisation to take further concrete steps to address the historic shortfalls in resources and representation, while advocating for a global stand against gender discrimination through playing football”. This may seem an ambitious compound goal, seeking to advance gender equality within FIFA, football and beyond. But what promise does the Women’s Football Strategy actually hold in this regard?
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06 July 2019
The European Court of Human Rights and FIFA: Current Issues and Potential Challenges
The aim of this post is to address the relevance of the European Court of Human Rights and the European Convention on Human Rights for FIFA.
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The Bursting of a Constitutional Bubble
On stunts, bluffs, confidence tricks and other mind-boggling matters constitutional.
Continue reading >>Is Bauer the new Bosman? – The implications of the recent jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the European Union for FIFA
In its Bauer ruling the CJEU confirmed that the fundamental rights enshrined in the Charter might under certain circumstances become horizontally applicable. This post argues that this development of judgments has implications also for sport federations such as FIFA.
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05 July 2019
Throwing the EU Off Balance
The battlefield after the European Council summits is still coated with dust, but damages to Central and Eastern Europe and more specifically the Polish and Hungarian government are already visible. There will be no representative of the new Member States (those that entered the EU in and after 2004) among the top jobs. This result is also the consequence of the Spitzenkandidaten model which works to the detriment of smaller Member States and parties and undermines the EU’s basic pillars.
Continue reading >>Shared International Responsibility for Human Rights Violations: The 2022 World Cup in Qatar
Since Qatar won the hosting rights for the 2022 FIFA World Cup in 2010, recurrent human rights violations of migrants working on building or refurbishing new infrastructure for the tournament have been denounced. As football’s governing body, FIFA should have been aware of the risk that the organisation of the 2022 World Cup could entail human rights violations in the country. In this blog, I investigate how a migrant worker could engage the legal responsibility of the different actors involved in the organisation of the FIFA World Cup 2022.
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FIFA’s Eigen-constitutionalization and its limits
We argued that the explicit inclusion of human rights in FIFA ́s Statutes since April 2016 exemplifies how transnational sports law (lex sportiva) can undergo processes of eigen-constitutionalization that contribute to the protection of human rights. Yet, this protection can be effective only when coupled to regimes of reflexivity and enforceability.
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Overruling Roe v. Wade?
Following President Trump’s appointment of Justices Gorsuch and Kavanaugh the question has arisen as to whether, in the coming years, the U.S. Supreme Court will overrule its seminal judgment in Roe v. Wade. Roe established a woman’s fundamental right to choose to have an abortion before the viability of the fetus. The question of Roe’s destiny appears more pressing today than ever before because reversing the case has formed part of President Trump’s successful political platform.
Continue reading >>04 July 2019
Has the Spitzenkandidaten System Failed and Should We Care?
The nomination of Germany’s Defence Minister Ursula von der Leyen is both a beginning and an end. It begins a new chapter for the European Commission with its first woman president. But also appears to mark the end of the Spitzenkandidaten approach to the selection of European Commission presidents. Indeed, all of the ‘lead candidates’ of the European political groupings were left empty-handed. If this is to be the demise of Spitzenkandidaten, will its passing be mourned?
Continue reading >>‘We need to talk about the kids’: FIFA’s children’s rights obligations
This blog explores children’s rights violations connected to FIFA’s activities and discusses the slightly disjointed approach taken to this area in the past which tended to be piecemeal, reactive and uncoordinated.
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FIFA and Human Rights: Introduction to the Symposium
In this blog we provide a brief introduction to the symposium by going through FIFA’s human rights impacts, policies, and responsibilities.
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01 July 2019
Timid Restraint
What the “partisan gerrymandering” case teaches us about the Supreme Court: it demonstrates that the Court continues to display the hallmarks of a private-law, first-generation constitutional court, albeit one that is well aware it is part of a wider, “vertically differentiated” constitutional system.
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29 June 2019
A Matter of Intent
On constitutional jurisdiction in the EU and the US and other ways to check or boost the right-wing project.
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28 June 2019
Demise of “One Country, Two Systems”?
Hong Kong's existence as a liberal pocket within a socialist party state has been a risky experiment from the outset. The substance of the dispute about extradition to mainland China does not pertain to the viability of the “one country, two systems” governing model. The way in which the saga unfolded, however, reveals flaws in Hong Kong’s political system that, if unrectified, may prove fatal to the model.
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A Déjà Vu? The Social Credit System and fajia (Legalism)
While it is certainly beneficial to contrast the SCS to emerging governance mechanisms in the West or principles of civil liberties, it is equally important to connect it to traditional Chinese thoughts which may have influenced the policy-makers. In view of the tendency of associating the SCS with Confucianism, this blog post concentrates on fajia (legalism), a traditional school of political and legal thought that had shaped the mode of governance in imperial China.
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27 June 2019
Untrustworthy: Social Credit Isn’t What You Think It Is
Posing questions about how technology can be used to shape citizens, and change what it means to be a citizen, is of critical and immediate importance, but using China as a blank slate on which we project hypotheticals causes more confusion than clarity. It can distract us from more pressing concerns regarding China, technology or both.
Continue reading >>26 June 2019
Scoring Systems: Levels of Abstraction
One of the contested issues in this debate relates to similarities and differences between scoring systems in China and in the West – how unique is China? In this post, we will try to reconcile the different perspectives, arguing that both commonalities and differences exist, depending on the adopted level of abstraction. Thus, we shall zoom in the Chines Social Credit System (SCS), examining the features it shares with other systems and point to related issues: it is a scoring system, it is formal, it is ICT based, it is surveillance based, it is opaque and unaccountable. This enables us to distinguish commonalities and differences.
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25 June 2019
Data Diets and Democracy: The Chinese Social Credit System From a Machine Learning Perspective
The Chinese Social Credit System trends against democracy. It is being built by a competent and motivated anti-democratic system with social control as one stated goal. The more important question though is whether the Chinese machine learning data diet will make Chinese AI stronger than Western AI, and whether the realities of machine learning will undermine Western-style capitalism and liberal democracy. As this essay argues, I think there is a real chance that both will occur.
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Is a Social Credit System Good for Women?
In a capitalist economy, the value of goods tends to be tied to their exchange value. A Social Credit System is, in principle, able to integrate a wider set of behaviours and characteristics that merit reward than the price mechanism. It could hence turn out to be better at valuing feminine-coded tasks, such as care-work. Yet, I argue, feminists should be sceptical with regards to the emancipatory potential of a Social Credit System, as such a system might turn out to merely reproduce dominant forms of valuing rather than promoting real change.
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Where Citizenship Law and Data Protection Law Converge
Becoming a citizen of a country is a noteworthy event. But in light of increasing concerns over the protection of personal data, states face questions regarding the necessity of formal publication of the personal data of their new citizens. A closer look at Member States' practices reveals radical discrepancies between the national approaches taken across the EU.
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24 June 2019
The Social Credit System as a New Regulatory Approach: From ‘Code-Based’ to ‘Market-Based’ Regulation
To what extent does the Social Credit System comply with the fundamental principles of democratic legal systems and human rights values?
Continue reading >>Turning the Lights Off
On 14 June the Bulgarian minister of justice finally took the step to present to the public its long-awaited draft of the new accountability mechanism intended to ensure independent investigation for to the top three Bulgarian magistrates. The draft legislation proves that the concerns regarding the consequences for Bugaria's judicial independence were entirely justified.
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22 June 2019
France Criminalises Research on Judges
In March, France made a controversial move and became the first country in the world to explicitly ban research on individual judicial behaviour. It is now a criminal offence to ‘evaluate, analyse, compare or predict’ the behaviour of individual judges. The result is a flagrant violation of the freedom of expression, represents an affront to basic values of academic freedom, and disregards basic principles of the rule of law.
Continue reading >>21 June 2019
Mini-BOTs, complementary currencies and the European monetary malaise
On May 28th, the Italian Chamber of Deputies approved a resolution requiring the government to issue the so-called mini-BOTs. Under such a name, reference is made to Treasury bills issued in small denominations (in Euros), bearing no interest, with no expiry date, and which the Italian Exchequer would accept as a means of payment of taxes. The proposal has been predictably met with marked skepticism by European institutions and by the Italian Minister of Economy and Finance. However, the wisest move, in prudential, political and economic terms, would be that European institutions would embrace experimentation with complementary currencies, in genuine federal spirit.
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Putting ‘Good Citizens’ in ‘The Good Place’?
In this contribution, I will aim to answer the question as to whether a Social Credit System will be more likely to lead a society to a ‘digital republic’ or a ‘digital dictatorship’. After analysing how the Chinese Social Credit System exhibits an enormous gap between policy-making and policy-execution, I argue that instead of a utopia or dystopia, such a system is more likely to lead us to a future of ‘digital bureaucracy’.
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20 June 2019
The Citizen, the Tyrant, and the Tyranny of Patterns
Good citizenship cannot be captured or fixed by an algorithm, because: (1) people genuinely disagree about what good citizenship is; (2) there are limits to how any conception of good citizenship can be enforced in states that uphold the rule-of-law; and (3) even the best scheme of algorithmic citizenship would fail to achieve its objectives due to the inherent weaknesses of applying algorithms to social affairs.
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An Illusion of Western Democracies
The thesis I propose is that the reason why the Social Credit System so scandalises Westerners is not because it is contrary to ‘our’ Aristotelian and Arendtian liberal political tradition. Rather, it is precisely because it shows the illusion upon which this tradition is founded. This consists in believing that there is a void at our disposal between people as ‘free’ citizens and the political as a set of laws.
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19 June 2019
A Perfect Storm
On 9 June 2019, Hong Kong became the focus of international attention as hundreds of thousands of demonstrators marched on Hong Kong Island to oppose the imminent enactment of a bill that would introduce a rendition arrangement, inter alia, as between Hong Kong and other parts of China (including mainland China, Taiwan and Macau). This legislative proposal has not only led to the largest protests in the history of postcolonial Hong Kong but has also brought about one of the greatest crises of governance in post-1997 Hong Kong.
Continue reading >>Seeing Like an Authoritarian State
It is analytically problematic and perhaps amoral to proceed as if the Social Credit System concept is a purely technocratic initiative that exists at some metaphysical separation from the regime that spawned it.
Continue reading >>The Docile Minds of Perfect Societies
I ardently oppose the use of surveillance mechanisms in regulating the relationship between individuals and governance structures. As a result of three interrelated dynamics, rather than creating ‘perfect’ citizens, social credit systems are more likely to create calculated and passive subjects.
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18 June 2019
Social Reproduction and Social Credit Apparatuses
John Cheney-Lippold removes China from the analysis. Abstracting a social credit system allows him to ask more general questions: What do all social credit systems purportedly want? And most importantly: What is the 'social' in social credit?
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Treating China as a ‘Normal’ Country
This blog post suggests that it is preferable to regard China's Social Credit Systems as a specific instance of a wider phenomenon. In this respect, China may be considered as a 'normal country' experimenting with rating-based forms of governance.
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17 June 2019
The Most Dangerous Branch
On 7, 8 and 9 June 2019, from Friday to Sunday, the Moldovan Constitutional Court delivered six rulings which were rather atypical, to say the least. The court ordered the dissolution of the new parliament and declared all parliamentary acts unconstitutional, then invalidated the nomination of the new prime minister and the appointment of the government, and lastly, removed the Moldovan president from office and replaced him with the former prime minister as interim president. One week later, however, the situation became even more bizarre when the court announced a new judgment repealing each of its six rulings. What was going on in Chișinău and why?
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Rewarding Virtuous Citizens
The Chinese Social Credit System, in particular as presented by Western media, is widely seen as the height of technological dystopia. But is that intuition well founded? Wessel Reijers has sought to identify features that he takes to justify a rejection of the Chinese Social Credit System but forgoes an equally critical consideration of the alternatives. Relying on the market, the default solution of Western societies, is not obviously more just.
Continue reading >>How to Make the Perfect Citizen?
The Chinese Social Credit System gets easily likened to dystopian science fiction scenarios in the West, which at least in part seems to be related to the authoritarian character of the Chinese state. But we should assess the Social Credit System in its own right, asking: is the implementation of a Social Credit System leading to a dystopian political system?
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16 June 2019
CVM Here, CVM There: The European Commission in Bulgaria’s Legal Wonderland
On 13 June 2019, Bulgaria’s Minister of Justice Danail Kirilov declared that he would resign unless the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism to which Bulgaria was subjected was lifted before the end of the Juncker Commission’s term. This statement comes in the middle of a highly controversial reform proposed by Kirilov. The reform is one of the key arguments Bulgaria intends to use to persuade the European Commission that the CVM should be terminated this year.
Continue reading >>15 June 2019
Being a Good Dictator is not so Easy
On investigative journalists, homeless people, aberrant academics and other sources of civic unrest and discomfort.
Continue reading >>14 June 2019
Producing Legal History
Iustitia dilata est iustitia negata is a famous legal maxim meaning that “justice delayed is justice denied”. It goes without saying that it represents a universal truth. This truth is particularly relevant to the European Court of Human Rights which - on average - takes several years to deliver a judgment.
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13 June 2019
„No one has the right to be homeless…”
The Hungarian Constitutional Court's decision on the homelessness ban is not only devastating in terms of outcome, but also in terms of quality of the Court’s reasoning. This poor quality does not stem from the justices’ intellectual inability to adequately address the issues involved in this case, but from unacceptable political considerations spread among the members of the Court.
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11 June 2019
Human Dignity for Good Hungarians Only
On 4 June 2019 the packed Constitutional Court of Hungary issued an astonishingly inhuman decision: The criminalization and eventual imprisonment of homeless people, the Court declared, is in line with the 2011 Fundamental Law of Hungary. According to the majority, “ (…) nobody has the right to poverty and homelessness, this condition is not part of the right to human dignity.”
Continue reading >>09 June 2019
A Bad Workman Blames His Tools
On caulking walls, laying oxygen pipes and other matters of constitutional craftsmanship
Continue reading >>03 June 2019
The puissance of infringement procedures in tackling rule of law backsliding
In this blog post Petra Bárd and Anna Śledzińska-Simon propose the CJEU to introduce “rule of law infringement procedures”, having both a fast-track and a freezing component, as part of a wider “EU rule of law toolbox”.
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This is how Bulgarian Judicial Independence Ends…Not with a Bang but a Whimper
Bulgaria notoriously ranks at the bottom of all judicial independence and corruption indexes in the EU, even lagging far behind Member States such as Hungary and Poland. Under the guise of implementing EU recommendations and the case-law of the European of Human Rights, a reform proposal by Bulgaria’s Ministry of Justice is about to threaten Bulgaria’s judicial independence even further.
Continue reading >>Entering into New Constitutional Territory in Austria
10 days after the “Ibiza Video” scandal a vote of no confidence in the Austrian Parliament removed the Austrian government from office. While international media focused – in light of the exceptional circumstances – primarily on the “Ibiza Video” scandal, the constitutional dynamics were mostly neglected. It is therefore necessary to explain the events of the last days as well as to analyse the constitutional dynamics of the situation in Austria.
Continue reading >>01 June 2019
Lies in Politics
On Boris Johnson, Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer and other active or passive issues of constitutional truthfulness.
Continue reading >>31 May 2019
Living on the edge – how the Poles hang in there whilst the Court deliberates
This piece offers a brief overview of such anticipated implications of the judgement, firstly, from the perspective of the European Union and its rule of law, and, on the other hand, from the perspective of Poland.
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30 May 2019
No Going Nuclear in Strasbourg
Mammadov v. Azerbaijan, the much anticipated judgment handed down by the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights yesterday, is no ordinary judgment. It is the first time the Court has ruled in an ‘infringement procedure’ – the most serious form of political pressure that members of the Council of Europe can exert on one of their own short of expulsion from the club.
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Should the EU Think Twice Before Dumping its Spitzenkandidaten?
With the dust barely settled from the European elections, the horse-trading for the most important EU-level positions has begun. Much of the analysis has focused on one aspect of the election result: the fragmented European Parliament it leaves in its wake. This will be a ‘coalition’ Parliament, with the support of several pro-European groupings necessary for the EU’s legislative agenda to progress. In this sense, the result gave ammunition to those eager to dump the 2014 Spitzenkandidaten system. Another aspect of the election result, however, seems just as important.
Continue reading >>Commission v. Poland – A Stepping Stone Towards a Strong “Union of Values”?
Commission v. Poland gives the Court not only the opportunity to put ASJP into practice but also to clarify the doctrinal framework for finally addressing the developments in “backsliding” Member States under EU law. This contribution will shed some light on these two uncertainties, suggest ways of how the Court could resolve them and explore the potential repercussions for the EU legal order.
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29 May 2019
The legal vs. political route to rule of law enforcement
The outcome of C-619/18 Commission v Poland will affect the current rule of law discourse on three grounds: First, it might exert pressure on the Council to finally act in respect of the Art. 7(1) TEU procedure against Poland. Secondly, the prospect of pecuniary sanctions in light of an Art. 260 TFEU procedure would create an incentive for Poland to (partially) redress the situation. And lastly, the effective functioning of the preliminary ruling procedure could be endangered.
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How to Address Rule of Law Backsliding in Romania
In this post, we will first summarise the situation in Romania before examining Frans Timmermans’ reaction to the latest evidence of rule of law backsliding there. This post concludes with a possible solution considering the diagnosis offered below: an infringement action based on Article 325 TFEU.
Continue reading >>The first judgment of the ECJ regarding a breach of the rule of law in Poland?
While the judgment in C-619/18 Commission v. Poland is unlikely to deliver a surprise as to the assessment of the Polish ‘reforms’, interesting issues are emerging in relation to the effects of the judgment for the Polish authorities. This piece starts from a brief discussion why the case seems lost for Poland, proceeding then to analysis whether and how the judgment should be implemented.
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28 May 2019
Who’s Afraid of Voters Abroad
Low election turn-out in contemporary societies has been the subject of worries for the defenders of participatory democracy and even a topic of research to find ways of improvement. In this context, what happened on 26 May 2019 with Romanian voters all across Europe seems surreal.
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Age is the limit? Background of the CJEU case C-619/18 Commission v Poland
Next month the Court of Justice of the European Union will make a decision that is likely going to feature in the future textbooks on European Union law. In the case C-618/19 Commission v Poland, the Court will tackle the topic of judicial independence and the question of whether the standards of the rule of law were violated by the Polish government and parliament and thus address a critical element of European Union’s legal system.
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On Wearing the Kippa in Public – and in Public Service
The kippa, the Jewish skullcap, is again in the news after the admission of Felix Klein, Germany's Commissioner for Jewish Life and the Fight Against Anti-Semitism, that he cannot recommend that Jews wear a kippa everywhere in Germany. The statement has been harshly criticized as an official surrender to antisemitism. Such criticism is woefully misplaced. Klein certainly intended no surrender and was merely recognizing the existing reality.
Continue reading >>27 May 2019
A Do-Over for Istanbul: Gripping Electoral Law and Democratic Resilience
On 31 March 2019, Turkey’s municipal elections resulted in a shock defeat for the ruling AK Party of president Erdoğan in the overwhelming majority of metropolitan cities. The Supreme Electoral Board canceled the Istanbul election soon after by announcing its reasoning on 22 May. The entire process illustrates how the AK Party has been adjusting the electoral law in a way that has now resulted in the cancellation and re-run of Istanbul’s mayoral election.
Continue reading >>25 May 2019
Talking about the Weather
On young protesters, old constitutions and other matters of epochal significance.
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Interoperability of Databases and Interstate Trust: a Perilous Combination for Fundamental Rights
On 14 May 2019, the Council adopted two regulations, Regulation 2019/817 and Regulation 2019/818, establishing a framework for the interoperability between EU information systems in the Area of Freedom, Security, and Justice. The new rules on interoperability, upon which the European Parliament agreed in April 2019, will allegedly provide for easier information sharing and ‘considerably improve security in the EU, allow for more efficient checks at external borders, improve detection of multiple identities and help prevent and combat illegal migration’. All this, according to the press release of the Council, ‘while safeguarding fundamental rights’. It is questionable whether this commitment made by the EU legislator is justified.
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24 May 2019
#DeniedMyVote too: Brits in France, the European Elections and the Council of State
European Elections Day in the United Kingdom has been stained by revelations that many EU citizens were unable to vote due to various clerical errors, widely reported on Twitter with the hashtag #DeniedMyVote. It seems that something along the same lines, though on a smaller scale, happened to UK citizens residing in other Member States of the European Union, for example in France.
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23 May 2019
Is a Microstate about to Provide EU Rule of Law with its Van Gend Moment?
In fifteen years of EU membership, Maltese courts have been remarkably reluctant to refer questions of interpretation to the CJEU. This could be about to change in litigation which could have far-reaching consequences for the direct effect of member states’ rule of law and human rights obligations. The dispute raises important, novel questions concerning the extent to which EU law of a classical constitutional nature could be democratised in much the same manner as the law of the internal market was democratised through Van Gend.
Continue reading >>22 May 2019
DEM-DEC Global Research Update – May 2019
Tenth Global Research Update since DEM-DEC was launched This tenth […]
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Unfinished Business for the European Parliament: The EU Terrorist Content Regulation
A new EU Regulation aims to prevent online platforms from being abused to spread terrorist content. Unfortunately, the misguided draft gravely threatens freedom of expression. It is up to the newly elected European Parliament to do necessary damage control.
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18 May 2019
Constitution without Qualities
On constitutional jubilees, Alexander Gauland and other matters of what works and what doesn't.
Continue reading >>What to expect when you’re not expecting- Abortion backlash in the US and constitutional standards
Roe v Wade- the US Supreme Court Case that has been on everyone’s lips since the appointment of Justice Brett Kavanaugh, if not since the assumption of presidency by Donald Trump. The case from 1973 is known for having established the right to an abortion and is now the center of legal and political debate around the reproductive health of those, who are able to get pregnant. The debate is being fueled by a number of states passing so-called heartbeat bills and other restrictive legislation, whereas Alabama has not only joined in on the trend but has introduced the harshest bill yet, criminalizing abortion altogether. In light of these current events, the following takes a look at the constitutional development of the right to terminate a pregnancy and its implications for current laws.
Continue reading >>15 May 2019
Holding European Political Parties Accountable – Testing the Horizontal EU Values Compliance Mechanism
The rather obscure horizontal EU values compliance mechanism shall give groups of EU citizens the possibility to hold European political parties accountable for non-compliance with EU values. Actually trying do so, however, may turn out to be just as unsuccessful as the Article 7 TEU procedure.
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14 May 2019
Offence Intended – Virgin Mary With a Rainbow Halo as Freedom of Expression
The news that a 51-year-old activist, Ms Elżbieta Podleśna, was detained and interrogated by Polish authorities shocked the public in Poland. She is charged under Poland's "blasphemy law" for allegedly putting up posters of the Virgin Mary with a rainbow halo. This latest example of Polish authorities prosecuting cases of religious insults illustrates the incompatibility of Poland’s “blasphemy law” with European human rights guarantees, in particular the freedom of expression.
Continue reading >>13 May 2019
Autonomy in Decline? A Commentary on Rimšēvičs and ECB v Latvia
In the world of European central banking, the corruption case against Ilmars Rimšēvičs, Governor of the Central Bank of Latvia, is a major issue. Ordinary European lawyers like the present author could be excused for having missed the Rimšēvičs case pending before the EU Court of Justice (Cases C-202/18 and C-238/18). In its judgment of 26 February 2019, the Court of Justice for the first time had the opportunity to define the scope of the review conducted in an infringement proceeding pursuant to Article 14.2 of the Statute of the ESCB and of the ECB (‘the Statute’) and to determine the legal effect of a judgment rendered in this context. The latter gives the case a constitutional significance far beyond the field of central banking.
Continue reading >>12 May 2019
Hello – and Goodbye! How Royal Powerplay aborted Malaysia’s ICC Membership
On 5 April 2019, the United States revoked the visa of the ICC chief prosecutor because of her attempts to investigate allegations of war crimes in Afghanistan, including any that may have been committed by American forces. On the same day, Malaysia’s Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad announced that his country was withdrawing its signature from the Rome Statute, just one month after having signed it. Did the Malaysian drama just coincide with Washington’s move? The most likely answer is yes. Rather, it reflects long-existing tensions between Malaysia’s federal government and the country’s royalty.
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11 May 2019
Ranks and Titles
On being a professor, running for MEP and other matters of legal and constitutional entitlement.
Continue reading >>Administrative Court of Munich on Seehofer Push Backs: No Protection of Interim Legal Protection?
Last summer's Asylstreit – the controversy about push backs of asylum seekers at the Austrian-Bavarian border called for by Minister of Interior Seehofer –, resulted in take back agreements with a few Dublin member states. Is such a bilateral Dublin bypass lawful? In a case of precedence, the Administrative Court of Munich now issued an interim decision.
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10 May 2019
„Der III. Weg“ in Plauen und das Militanzverbot des Versammlungsrechts
Lag die sächsische Polizei mit ihrer Auffassung, man habe den Fackelmarsch der Partei "Der III. Weg" in Plauen mangels Verstoßes gegen das Uniformverbot nicht verbieten bzw. auflösen können? Nahe liegt, dass sie es sogar hätte müssen.
Continue reading >>Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, the European
Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde’s work has received extensive scholarly attention beyond Germany in recent years, with incisive discussions of his legal and constitutional theory, his theorization of the relation between politics, law and religion, and his intellectual mentors. But amid Brexit and the run-up to the European elections in May 2019, it is worthwhile returning to some of the finest moments of Böckenförde the public intellectual.
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Eurofederalists under Threat: The Latvian Supreme Court’s Ruling on Independence
On 10 April 2019, Latvia's highest criminal court confirmed a judgment of the Riga Regional Court which convicted the accused for publicly inviting to take action against the national independence of the Republic of Latvia. This decision of the Senate not only contradicts European and international human rights law but is also inconsistent with the case law of Latvia’s Constitutional Court.
Continue reading >>09 May 2019
Böckenförde, the state of emergency and Carl Schmitt: What Böckenförde learned from Schmitt – und what Schmittians should learn from Böckenförde
Whenever Carl Schmitt is discussed, Böckenförde’s reading of him should be taken into account.
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08 May 2019
Modernisation in Continuity. Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde´s most famous ideas and the Depolarization Paradox in Representative Democracy*
The current surge of populist movements, the anti-democratic reflections of a wide-spread feeling that something is going fundamentally wrong (even) in democratic societies – are they symptoms of fundamental deficits in representative democracy? Can Böckenförde`s theory of democracy help us understand what is going on?
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06 May 2019
Open Letter in Support of Professor Wojciech Sadurski
A call for an end to the repressive use of litigation by the Polish government and its supporters to punish freedom of speech.
Continue reading >>05 May 2019
Ze-Situation: A Constitutional Law Perspective on Ukraine’s Elections and What is Coming Next
On 21 April, 41-year-old actor and comedian Volodymyr Zelenskiy, who entered the political scene only in January 2019, won the second ballot of Ukraine’s presidential election with 73 percent of the national vote. Ukrainians are placing high hopes on their new President to improve the country’s politicial and economic situation. But political games and Ukraine’s constitution will make it difficult for Zelenskiy to bring about the change he was elected for.
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04 May 2019
Mine and Your’s
On socialism, libertarianism, constitutionalism and a fellow named Kevin Kühnert.
Continue reading >>Independent Journalism v. Political Courts: The Cumhuriyet Trial in Turkey and Strasbourg
Shortly after Turkey’s ruling AK party lost control of metropolitan cities in the local elections of April 2019, a crucial verdict of the regional appellate court in a major case of journalism was brought forth in the national judicial network system. This case is known as the Cumhuriyet trial. Through silence, delay, or selective responsiveness, not only the Turkish Constitutional Court but also the European Court of Human Rights are playing their part in the ongoing demise of Turkey’s freedom of the press.
Continue reading >>02 May 2019
A Dangerous Precedent for Minority Rights: the Latvian Constitutional Court’s Ruling on Minority Schools
On 23 April 2019, the Constitutional Court of Latvia delivered its judgment in the case on minority schools. This judgment might become a dangerous precedent for the rights of persons belonging to minorities under the Union values enshrined in Article 2 TEU.
Continue reading >>01 May 2019
Administrative Judicial Reform in Hungary: Who Gives a Fig about Parliamentary Process?
In the past few months, the Fidesz government has been working on the reform of the administrative judiciary at full speed. The Constitutional Court recently had the opportunity to slow down the process of undermining judicial independence by invalidating the reform legislative act on the basis of procedural irregularities. Even though the law had been adopted as a result of a chaotic parliamentary vote, the justices did not find a violation of the Fundamental Law. The outcome is not surprising, as the Court cannot be accused of exercising a particularly strong control over the parliamentary legislative process in general. What is puzzling, however, is the massive amount of hypocrisy manifested in the reasoning.
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30 April 2019
A Failed Attempt to Dissolve a Political Party in Slovakia
On 29 April 2019 the Supreme Court of the Slovak Republic (SCSR) refused to dissolve the political party Kotleba – Ľudová strana Naše Slovensko (People’s Party Our Slovakia). A five-judge administrative senate essentially found insufficient evidence to ban the party and in a press release pointed the finger at the plaintiff, the General Prosecutor’s office, for mishaps in how the case was argued.
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27 April 2019
Confidence and Trust
On some unexpected ramifications of the judicial independence issue and other constitutional mischief.
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23 April 2019
Is Bulgaria’s Rule of Law about to Die under the European Commission’s Nose? The Country’s Highest-Ranking Judge Fears So
On 17 April 2019, the President of Bulgaria’s Supreme Court of Cassation Lozan Panov was the keynote speaker at a yearly event dedicated to court independence. In his speech, Panov painted a vivid, yet gruesome picture of Bulgaria’s rule of law which is about to die like an oblivious frog in a pan of hot water reaching tipping point. Sadly, EU institutions have been turning a blind eye to the troublesome developments in Bulgaria for far too long.
Continue reading >>22 April 2019
“Twenty Years of Selfless Service”: The Unmaking of India’s Chief Justice
India's Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi has been accused by a former staffer of sexual harassment. In a glaring transgression of judicial procedure, Gogoi staged a 23-minute suo motu hearing, in which he presided over a bench made up of Justices Arun Mishra and Sanjiv Khanna. Gogoi feels justified to adjudicate his own case because of extraordinary circumstances.
Continue reading >>20 April 2019
Towards the 8th Decade of the Grundgesetz
On constitutional jubilees, narratives, books and other causes for celebration and concern.
Continue reading >>A Ministry of Truth in Singapore? Reflections on the Anti-Fake News Bill
On 1 April, the government of Singapore introduced the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Bill. Often referred to as the Singaporean anti-fake news law, it is expected to be enacted with a few changes in the coming weeks or months. A closer look at the bill’s context, its most powerful elements and its possible regional impact as a model for legislation in other countries reveals that it is most likely to have a chilling effect on freedom of expression.
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19 April 2019
Brexit and the Politics of Law-Making
Should MPs be able to legislate contrary to the wishes of the government of the day? The Cooper Bill has raised fundamental questions over the relationship between law and politics in the United Kingdom.
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22 Years of Polish Constitution: Of Lessons not Learnt, Opportunities Missed, and Challenges still to be Met
The Polish constitution, unlike the German which will celebrate its 7-O on 23 May of this year, has no big birthday scheduled this year. Nevertheless, the 22. anniversary of the Polish constitution on 2 April offers a good opportunity to ponder about the Constitution’s performance so far, to appreciate its resilience, to celebrate its many achievements and, last but not least, to map out its possible future trajectory.
Continue reading >>17 April 2019
DEM-DEC Global Research Update – April 2019
We’ve Had a Name Change! The Democratic Decay Resource (DEM-DEC) […]
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16 April 2019
After the Second Brexit Extension: What Now?
Unless the Withdrawal Act is adopted after all, the UK will need to elect MEPs in May. It is unlikely, however, that European Parliament elections will help to resolve the political impasse in Westminster. Hence, something else will have to move.
Continue reading >>A Juncture of Transitional Justice: Ukraine’s Constitutional Court and the National Lustration Law
The presidential race and upcoming second round of elections currently take all attention in the news coverage on Ukraine. Meanwhile there is a case pending before the Constitutional Court that challenges the constitutionality of the 2014 lustration law. The outcome of these proceedings could shatter the post-transition constitutional law order in Ukraine in a profound way.
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15 April 2019
The CJEU (Unintentionally) Opens New Avenues of “Free Choice” in Asylum Law
With the CJEU judgment H & R of 2 April 2019, the never-ending story of clarifying the preconditions for Dublin transfers took a turn that will again entail needs for clarification. The CJEU’s interpretation was essentially motivated by the aim to keep, or render, the Dublin system efficient and to lessen the time and effort involved in handling secondary migrations. Was it successful?
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13 April 2019
Special Edition: South of the Border
On one of the world's most rotten constitutions and other things we learned travelling in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
Continue reading >>11 April 2019
Three Steps Ahead, One Step Aside: The AG’s Opinion in the Commission v. Poland Case
In the infringement case about forced retirement of Polish Supreme Court judges, the Advocate General has delivered his much-awaited opinion. The AG proposed that the Court should declare that Poland failed to fulfil its obligations under Article 19 TEU. I do agree with this conclusion. I do not share, however, the Advocate General's view that the complaint of the Commission should be rejected as inadmissible as far as it is based on the right to an independent judge under Article 49 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights.
Continue reading >>06 April 2019
What Does the Spring Bring for the Rule of Law in Europe?
The Hungarian minister of justice requested the opinion of the Venice Commission on two bills establishing a new administrative court system in November 2018. Yet, before the Venice Commission got to have its say, the twin laws were adopted in December 2018, with the new courts expected to commence their work in January 2020.
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Unconstitutional Prorogation
On 1 April, the British Parliament again failed to agree on a plan for withdrawal from the European Union. It has now been suggested that the government should prorogue Parliament until after 12 April in order to terminate the current parliamentary debate. This would effectively silence Parliament to achieve its preferred version of Brexit without regard to principles of democracy and representative and responsible government.
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05 April 2019
The Tjebbes Fail: Going Farcical about Bulgakovian Truths
In the case of Tjebbes the European Court of Justice has agreed in principle with stripping EU citizens residing abroad of their EU citizenship status and EU democratic rights based on non-renewal of the passport. The judgment showcases the dangerous limits to the understanding of the concept of citizenship by the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice.
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03 April 2019
Court-Packing On the Table in the United States?
Surprising many Establishment-oriented commentators and legal scholars, several candidates seeking the Democratic Party’s presidential nomination have endorsed – or at least have expressed willingness to think about – “Court-packing,” that is, increasing the number of Supreme Court Justices to offset the control Republicans gained by what Democrats regard as unfair tactics.
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31 March 2019
How to Defend the Integrity of the EP Elections against Authoritarian Member States
The elections to the European Parliament will take place in a few weeks’ time. There is a clear danger that some of the new MEPs will gain their mandates in elections organised by Member States that are not up to democratic standards. The European Parliament should try to defend itself from being infiltrated by MEPs with questionable democratic mandates. It already possesses the competence which is necessary for it, in the form of mandate validation.
Continue reading >>Elections in Thailand: A Tale of Kings, Coups and Constitutions
Same same but different: After last week's general election in Thailand, chances are high that the distribution of political power in the country follows this popular saying. The junta stays in charge but can repackage its authority with democratic labels: same authority, different disguise.
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30 March 2019
After Defeat
On the hammering of Britain, EU triumph and the danger of excessive constitutional rigidity.
Continue reading >>From Defensive to Assertive: China’s White Paper on Human Rights
On December 12th 2018 the State Council Information Office of the People's Republic of China (PRC) published a white paper (WP) titled ‘Progress in Human Rights over the 40 Years of Reform and Opening Up in China.’ The paper, which seems to be targeting more foreign audience than a domestic one, reflects upon the progress China has made in the field of human rights since Deng Xiaoping’s liberalization and opening up reforms that began in 1978.
Continue reading >>Two Become One? On the Civil–Military Amalgamation of the CSDP
Stories on the civil–military interface in the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) rarely have a happy ending. They tell us that bureaucratic efficiency and operational effectiveness could be enhanced if the civil and military branches of EU security and defence were better streamlined. This blogpost challenges this negative narrative and argues that a significant civil–military nexus—that is the interconnectedness of civilian and military elements in the CSDP—has already materialized.
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29 March 2019
‘Our Precious Union’: The Backstop and the Constitutional Integrity of the UK
The decision of the Prime Minister Theresa May to stand down if the Parliament approves the Withdrawal Agreement has led a number of passionate proponents of Brexit including Boris Johnson to change their view of the deal. Still, the Democratic Unionist Party said on Wednesday that the Brexit deal and in particular the backstop posed ‘an unacceptable threat to the integrity of the United Kingdom.’ This is significant not only because the DUP is in a confidence-and-supply arrangement with the Government but also because a number of ardent Brexiteers such as Jacob Rees-Mogg have said that their stance towards the deal depends on DUP’s position. In light of another meaningful vote, one has to wonder whether the DUP’s fears concerning the threat of the backstop to the constitutional integrity of the UK are justified.
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Protecting the EU from a Kill Switch: Why EU Law Does Not Require EP Elections in the UK
According to the EU, postponing Brexit beyond May 23 legally requires UK elections for the European Parliament. If no elections are held, the argument goes, the new European Parliament would not be legally constituted. Yet, on closer inspection, this conclusion is not as legally convincing as it appears.
Continue reading >>Rule of Law Implications for Supranational Military Cooperation
The intergovernmental component based on international law principles remains quite strong in this policy field. However, the Council appears as a key decision-making body with regard to launching EU military missions, and determining the structural details (command and control). This certainly raises the question on which level of the multi-level legal system effective rule-of-protection mechanisms are in fact embedded.
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28 March 2019
Is This President Erdogan’s Last Term in Office? A Note on Constitutional Interpretive Possibilities
Recep Tayyip Erdogan was elected as president in 2014. In 2018, he was elected to the same position for a second term. The Turkish Constitution, aside from one exceptional case, is clear in its command that no-one may serve as president for more than two terms. Is this, then, President Erdogan’s last term in office? The short answer is maybe.
Continue reading >>Fundamental Rights as Bycatch – Russia’s Anti-Fake News Legislation
On 18 March, following approval by President Putin, Russia’s controversial anti-fake news legislation entered into force. While Russia is not the only state to address the issues of hate speech or fake news with legislative means, its new legislation raises serious constitutional concerns, particularly due to its imprecise and overly broad scope of application.
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The EU’s New Defence Policy – Beyond the Distinction Supranational / Intergovernmental
While most legal scholarship and the Bundesverfassunsgericht hold that Member States remain self-governed in the field of military policy, the New Defence Policy illustrates that this is not the case. PESCO shows how the New Defence Policy is subjecting the Member States to regulatory measures which are generated and enforced through EU political processes that clearly leave behind the intergovernmental form.
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27 March 2019
A New Defense Policy Yet to Come. Two Remarks on the Current State of CSDP
This blog post wants to raise two objections against politico-integrative euphoria: first, I agree with the view that the current initiatives are marginal in comparison to the EU’s needs for becoming a flexible, ready, and willing autonomous security and defense actor; and second, I will expound that autonomy still matters though in a different way than it did before, posing a particular challenge to EU actorness.
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26 March 2019
Lithuania Introduces Individual Constitutional Complaint
On 21 March 2019, the draft constitutional amendment introducing individual constitutional complaint to the Lithuanian legal system passed the second vote in the Parliament of Lithuania (Seimas) and was finally adopted. As of 1 September 2019, individuals (natural and legal persons) will have the right to directly apply to the Constitutional Court of Lithuania claiming that a law or other legal act of the Parliament, the President, or the Government are not in line with the Constitution and is breaching their rights.
Continue reading >>It’s Not Just About CEU: Understanding the Systemic Limitation of Academic Freedom in Hungary
Recently, there have been great disputes about the state of academic freedom in Hungary. As the country moved from democracy to electoral autocracy, its government started to limit individual and institutional academic freedom at a systemic level. This blog entry wants to explain how systemic limitation of academic freedom works in the higher education of the country, and how the general attack against check and balances affect the academic system.
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Distinctions Matter: Supranational vs. Intergovernmental Rules of the EU’s Defence Game
To what extent does PESCO suggest novel ways and rules of decision-making that are neither supranational nor intergovernmental? While I share the general view that the differentiated integration of PESCO shapes a certain middle ground between the two forms of policy-making, I argue that we should preserve the distinction between supranational and intergovernmental rules since it still makes a difference in political life.
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25 March 2019
The Historical Development of EU Defence Policy: Lessons for the Future?
Grand labels like a “European Defence Union” are rather misleading. In particular, there is no “European Army” in sight. For the foreseeable future, there is no return to the European Defence Community of the 1950s. A more realistic solution is a cooperative network of national armies, systematically using the concept of pooling & sharing.
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23 March 2019
Towards the Cliff
On Brexit, the Westminster model and other precipitous matters constitutional.
Continue reading >>Systemic Error – On Hungary’s Extension of European Voting Rights to Non-Resident Citizens
Last December, the Hungarian legislator adopted a rule that allows non-EU-resident Hungarian citizens to vote at the European Parliament elections. This rule is in line with a 2018 Council decision. Implementation done, EU conformity secured, nothing to see here. Or is there?
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22 March 2019
The Bercow Bombshell: Political Constitutionalism in Action
In this post, I defend the constitutional logic of Speaker's intervention. In a constitutional system such as the UK, which largely depends on political institutions and norms to check the executive, it is entirely appropriate – indeed, desirable – that the Speaker identify, interpret and enforce such norms to defend the institutional interests of the House of Commons and basic values of parliamentary democracy.
Continue reading >>21 March 2019
The Role of Citizen Emotions in Constitutional Backsliding – Mapping Out Frontiers of New Research
Liberal, constitutional democracy is decaying in Eastern Europe. Important liberal institutions and norms face threats even in stronger and more stable democracies in Western Europe, and perhaps especially in the United States. the assault on key liberal institutions by populist movements has been as successful as it has because those groups have been able to harness – and fuel – the anger and anxieties of citizens.
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19 March 2019
The Birth of Political Europe
With just 90 days to go before the European Parliament elections, the EU political and societal landscape is undergoing a profound and historical shake-up. This goes well beyond the reductionist and highly-polarized depiction of the pro-EU vs anti-EU / open vs closed society debate championed by our political class and magnified by the media. The effects of EU policies on citizens’ lives as further amplified by the Brexit collective journey have gradually led to the emergence of a timid, yet evolving, common pan-European debate. Yet, as epitomized by Emmanuel’s Macron multi-lingual op-ed unparallelly addressed to the whole EU electorate, this Europeanisation of the political conversation is unveiling an inconvenient truth.
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Romania – Another Brick in the Wall Fencing the Fight against Corruption
On 4 March 2019, the Romanian Constitutional Court published its decision on two protocols of cooperation between the Romanian Intelligence Service and the National Prosecutor’s Office. This much-awaited decision is the latest but not the final step in a saga which started more than 15 years ago.
Continue reading >>17 March 2019
Fight Fire with Fire – a Plea for EU Information Campaigns in Hungarian and Polish
In the current crisis of democracy in the EU, we should not put too much pressure on the judiciary to fix the rule of law and democracy. Neither should we put too much hope for positive developments on (European) party politics. Rather I suggest that the EU should start speaking directly to the electorate via EU information campaigns in Hungarian and Polish. The 2019 European Parliament elections might provide an adequate framework for such campaigns.
Continue reading >>16 March 2019
A Glimpse of the Future?
On Venezuela, Hungary, Poland and other risky but interesting parallels in constitutional law and policy.
Continue reading >>15 March 2019
Of Red Lines and Red Herring: The EPP’s Delusions about Restraining Orbán
This post will offer an overview of the main EPP’s ‘red lines’ since the EPP leadership first demanded from Prime Minister Orbán that he immediately comply with EU laws and EPP values nearly two years ago, in April 2017. We will show that, contrary to Weber’s claims about EPP values being non-negotiable, Orbán has repeatedly crossed the EPP’s supposed red-lines with impunity. And rather than being restrained by the EPP, Orbán has sought to transform it.
Continue reading >>12 March 2019
Children of Men. Comments on the ECtHR’s Judgment in Khan v. France
The Jamil Khan case illustrates the lack of care unaccompanied foreign minors face in France. As the département of Pas-de-Calais did not do everything they could and should have done to comply with their positive care obligation, the judges of the Strasbourg Court concluded unanimously that France had violated Article 3 of the European Convention of Human Rights.
Continue reading >>10 March 2019
How to Save a Constitutional Democracy: a Comment by SUJIT CHOUDHRY
Tom Ginsburg and Aziz Huq’s "How to Save a Constitutional Democracy" is a terrific book. In this comment, I address three issues: the important moment the book marks on the value of the comparative method to the study of American constitutionalism; the insights offered by this method to the risk of democratic erosion in the United States and how those risks might be mitigated; and the need to give greater weight than Ginsburg and Huq do to the role of federalism to counter democratic erosion.
Continue reading >>09 March 2019
Answering Macron
On politics and constitutional politics and the difference between both.
Continue reading >>06 March 2019
Countering the Judicial Silencing of Critics: Novel Ways to Enforce European Values
The Polish government is stepping up its repression. The freedom of political speech is a main target. A national judge has not just the right but an outright duty to refer a case to the CJEU whenever the common value basis is in danger. Thus, a Polish judge faced with a case concerning the silencing of critics, must refer the matter to the CJEU and request an interpretation of Article 2 TEU in light of the rights at stake.
Continue reading >>05 March 2019
EU Citizenship Enigma Variations, Mushrooming Historical Time and Emancipation
The Eurozenship debate has generated a wealth of ideas and […]
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Stop Soros Law Left on the Books – The Return of the “Red Tail”?
On 28 February, Hungary's Constitutional Court found the so-called Stop Soros legislative package constitutional. Shocking as it may seem at first glance, this case reminds us how difficult it is to evaluate the judgments of a constitutional court operating in an illiberal political regime.
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04 March 2019
Crossing the Baltic Rubicon
Last week, a constitutional moment took place in the European Union. In a rather technical area of law, the Statute of the European System of Central Banks, the Court of Justice ruled for the first time in a case that ensued in the annulment of a decision of a Member State. The Court did not declare that a Member State had failed to fulfill its obligations under EU Law. What the Court did was much more ambitious.
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Parallel Justice: A First Test for Kosovo’s Specialist Chambers and Specialist Prosecutor’s Office
In 2015 Kosovo established judicial bodies to investigate and try alleged crimes in connection with the Kosovo war. Having hardly taken up its work, the Specialist Prosecutor’s Office was already put in its place for disregarding the fundamental rights of one of the accused.
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02 March 2019
The Rules of the Game
On coalitions, conventions and other matters for constitutional pharisees to wrap their head around.
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27 February 2019
Not to be Pushed Aside: the Italian Constitutional Court and the European Court of Justice
A few days ago, with the decision no 20/2019, the Italian Constitutional Court (ICC) has set a new cornerstone in its relationship with EU law and, in particular, with the judicial treatment of issues covered by both national fundamental rights and the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. In so doing, the Consulta shows the intention to act as a pivotal institution in the field of judicial protection of fundamental rights.
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From Constitutional to Political Justice: The Tragic Trajectories of the Polish Constitutional Court
The Polish Constitutional Court, once a proud institution and an effective check on the will of the majority, is now a shell of its former self. The constitutional scars of the capture affect not only the legitimacy of the institution, but also the very constitutionality of the “decisions” rendered by the new court in 2017-2018.
Continue reading >>26 February 2019
The House of Commons’ Last Chance at Taking Back Control?
On Wednesday 27 February, MPs will have another opportunity to debate an amendable motion on the Government’s approach to Brexit. The debate on Wednesday is likely to focus on the plan put forward by Yvette Cooper MP (Labour) and Oliver Letwin MP (Conservative). They want MPs to have a legally binding say on whether the Prime Minister seeks an extension to Article 50’s two-year negotiating period. The opportunity to approve or reject the Cooper-Letwin on Wednesday represents the most important Brexit decision that the Commons has taken since the deal was rejected on 15 January.
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23 February 2019
Our Own People
On stripping Germans from being Germans and other more or less existential matters constitutional.
Continue reading >>Politics and Criminal Law: The Trial against the Catalan Independence Leaders
On February 12th, the criminal trial against twelve Catalan independence leaders has started before the Spanish Supreme Court. It is surely the most important trial in the history of Spanish democracy for its political implications.
Continue reading >>22 February 2019
New Challenges against the Judiciary in Romania
After a year 2018 dominated by conflicts between the President and the Government and marked by the adoption and entry into force of major changes of the judiciary legislation, the first part of 2019 brought new challenges to the rule of law in Romania, especially as regards the judiciary. All these changes aim at increasing the power of the executive over the prosecutorial part of the judiciary and at removing virtually all checks-and-balances in decision-making on the top prosecutorial offices.
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20 February 2019
Tracking Anti-Values MEPs: EP Seat Projections and Rule of Law Protection
On 18 February the European Parliament published its first projections for the EP2019-2024 seat allocation. The framing of ‘bad guys on the rise, but likely to remain on the fringes’ is tempting and dominant but it is deeply misleading.
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19 February 2019
The ECtHR as a drowning ‘Island of Hope’?’ Its impending reversal of the interpretation of collective expulsion is a warning signal
The outcome of the case ND and NT v. Spain currently pending before the Grand Chamber may determine the future course of the Court in other migration policy cases. It will show whether the ECtHR still deserves its title as an ‘island of hope in stormy times’ or whether this island is drowning under the pressure of some of its Member States.
Continue reading >>18 February 2019
President Trump’s ‘Get it Done Faster’ Emergency
President Trump’s declaration of a state of emergency is constitutionally dubious as well as politically irresponsible. But perhaps its most astonishing feature is Trump’s perversion of the traditional temporal justification for executive-centered emergency government.
Continue reading >>17 February 2019
Trump’s Non-Emergency Emergency, Part II
Trump evidently declared an emergency just because he wanted to do it. But, as I will show here, the emergency may never come into effect. That doesn’t mean that we should think that the constitutional system of the United States is out of danger.
Continue reading >>16 February 2019
Points and Vectors
On reasons of last resort, final cigarettes and other matters of constitutional ultimativity.
Continue reading >>15 February 2019
Trump’s Non-Emergency Emergency
The US has entered a state of emergency that is almost surely unconstitutional. But it says something about the state of US constitutional law that it is hard to see how the president can be stopped.
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In Search of a Role for the Member States and the EU to Establish an Investment Screening Mechanism
Investments in enterprises, which are relevant for public security and services, are an important source of growth, jobs and innovations. But such investments can be detrimental to the security of supply for the community members – for example, when a state owned enterprise, which is located in a third state, gets control over the only electricity station in a Member State.
Continue reading >>What Powers at What Level?
How to allocate the powers to collect information, surveil and restrict investment between the EU and the Member States? This question has far reaching ramifications for the underlying political relationship between the EU and its Member States.
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The Political Economy of Capital Controls and Liberalization
In the face of rising global tensions the free flow of direct investment capital across borders is in dispute. The self-evidence of free capital movements since the start of the euro can no longer be taken for granted. Concerns have emerged about the intentions of foreign investors acquiring domestic key industries.
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A National Emergency on the Border?
Declarations of emergency are in bad odor in modern constitutional democracies. the U.S. Constitution makes no provision for emergency declarations. And while the Constitution’s guidance is cryptic at best on many separation-of-powers issues, it couldn’t be clearer that Congress—not the President—has the power to appropriate funds. So: can he really do that? The better argument is that he cannot, but it’s not so open-and-shut a matter as you might suppose.
Continue reading >>11 February 2019
The Spanish Model of Democracy Facing Trial
Tomorrow, the trail against nine Catalan separatist leaders will start. Without doubt, this trial will shape the future of the Spanish Constitution.
Continue reading >>National Security and Investment Screening: the UK proposal and its problems
In its white paper published in July 2018, the government has acknowledged the key role of foreign investment for the UK’s growth and development, whilst also noting that ‘a small number of investment activities, mergers and transactions in the UK economy pose a risk to our national security.’ The aim of the proposed reforms is to ensure that in these cases the UK government is able to intervene in order to prevent or mitigate such risks.
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Inter-institutional Agreement Reached on Framework for Screening of Foreign Direct Investments
The EU has one of the world's most open investment regimes, and collectively EU Member States have the fewest restrictions in the world on foreign direct investment. A proposal for a Union Act on the Screening of foreign investment in strategic sectors was tabled by ten Members of International Trade Committee (INTA) at the European Parliament (EP). The inter-institutional “provisional” agreement is going to be voted by the full House of the EP on the 14th of February 2019.
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10 February 2019
Why Referendums in Ireland Work Better than in the UK
Former UK prime minister Gordon Brown has recommended the Irish innovation of the citizens’ assembly to inform and guide public opinion. Theresa May, too, included a glancing reference to the notion in her recent House of Commons speech. They are mistaken, though, if they believe that this formula has much to offer in the UK.
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09 February 2019
Brother’s Keeper
On European judges looking out for one another, and other glad and less glad constitutional tidings.
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08 February 2019
Access to Legal Redress in an EU Investment Screening Mechanism
The proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and […]
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A Part of the Constitution Is Unconstitutional, the Slovak Constitutional Court has Ruled
The 30th of January 2019 will undoubtedly be remembered as a milestone day in the development of Slovak constitutional law, signaling the start of a new, second, stage of development. The first stage started on 1 September 1992 (the day of adoption of the Constitution of the Slovak Republic) and lasted until 30 January 2019. The second stage started with the Slovak Constitutional Court decision, of 30 January 2019, that an amendment to the Constitution is invalid for violating the material core of the Constitution.
Continue reading >>07 February 2019
Disastrous Stability: Brexit as a Constitutional Crisis
The reason Continental Europe so often misunderstands what is happening in the UK is that it views events there either as developments in an international negotiation or as a crisis of the Tory party. The reality is that we are witnessing a constitutional system in crisis. One of the oldest constitutional systems in the world is trying to digest three paradigm shifts – and it is trying to do so in one gulp.
Continue reading >>Investment Screening in the Defence Industry – News from the Bermuda Triangle of EU Law
The national investment screening mechanisms for the defence and security […]
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06 February 2019
Transitional Justice in Colombia Under Attack: An Interview with GABRIEL ROJAS
Colombia is the first country in the world with a peace agreement that includes the Rome Statute obligations of the International Criminal Court in its new transitional justice system. But after a change of government last year, the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (SJP) is already coming under attack before it has barely started.
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Rebuilding the Berlin Wall?
On 19 December 2018, the German government has passed amendments […]
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05 February 2019
Avenues in European Company Law to Screen Foreign Direct Investment
Screening of foreign direct investments could take place through European […]
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The First Live-Broadcast Hearings of Candidates for Constitutional Judges in Slovakia: Five Lessons
In 2019, Slovakia selects nine out of thirteen constitutional court judges and the hearings of the candidates for the nominees for the vacant seats were publicly broadcast. The atmosphere of the hearings and the overall context of the 2019 appointment process, however, yield at least five, and not that optimistic, lessons.
Continue reading >>04 February 2019
Debate: A Common European Law on Investment Screening?
Volvo Personvagnar AB, Kuka, Aixtron, OSRAM Licht, Daimler, Saxo Bank, […]
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02 February 2019
Among the Free and Equal
On parity, parties, parliaments and other particularities of the constitutional week that was.
Continue reading >>30 January 2019
The EU Regulation on Terrorist Content: An Emperor without Clothes
The draft EU Regulation on preventing the dissemination of terrorist content online constitutes a grave threat to freedom of expression. It could be applied in respect of journalists, non-governmental organisations, political parties, trade unions, indigenous peoples, scholars of history or social sciences, novelists, cartoonists, photographers and filmmakers. Its cross-border application makes it a dreadful tool in the hands of authoritarian regimes or rogue officials.
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A Citizenship Maze: How to Cure a Chronic Disease?
European Union (EU) citizenship is in crisis. If the Eurozenship debate, composed of experts on EU citizenship, is analogized to a doctor’s diagnosis, the outcome is more extensively polarized than initially thought—a chronic disease, not just a temporary disorder. As I follow the debate, it is no longer clear what the problem is—there seem to be too many, real and imaginary—or how to heal it. Some issues seem to be “genetic,” part of the EU’s DNA, yet others resemble a concrete illness that may be cured, so the argument goes, by a “doctor's prescription,” which in law means a legal design.
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29 January 2019
Member State and EU Citizenships Should be Strengthened Rather than Disentangled
While perhaps appealing as a gesture towards addressing problems such the anticipated deprivation of rights following Brexit, statelessness, or wide variation in Member State naturalization and denaturalization policies, these proposals are impracticable in the absence of international recognition of EU citizenship (which would normally require recognizing the EU as a state, which in turn should normally mean that the Member States cede competence over citizenship), challenge deeply rooted national stories of peoplehood with an emerging story of European peoplehood, and risk undermining fragile public support for EU rights.
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Citizenship Revocation in Italy as a Counter-Terrorism Measure
A 2018 Italian Decree Law allows the revocation of citizenship based on a decision of the Minister of the Interior when a person has been convicted for terrorist offences. However, this provision specifically addresses immigrants and their children who became Italian citizens.
Continue reading >>28 January 2019
EU Citizenship as an Autonomous Status of Constituent Power
I would argue, however, that Kostakopolou’s argument for a “co-determined Eurozenship” would not go far enough in realising the potential of the status. This post develops this argument first by grounding the normative appeal of autonomous EU citizenship in the context of Member State withdrawal. Next, it is suggested that the co-determination of the status by Member States and the EU institutions would be incompatible with the current legitimacy foundation of the EU. The post concludes by considering the more radical alternative of EU citizenship being made autonomous so that individuals can exercise constituent power to re-establish these foundations of the European Union constitutional order.
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Rival Governments in Venezuela: Democracy and the Question of Recognition
Venezuela is divided into two opposite sets of institutions with competing claims to power. States all over the world face now a choice between two parallel regimes. Only one can be recognized as legitimate. This article argues that, against the backdrop of a split society and rival institutions, coupled with massive protests and widespread civic resistance, democratic legitimation provides a solid criterion for recognition.
Continue reading >>More Suffocating Bonds?! Conceptual and Legal Flaws of the Unnecessary Proposal
In this brief contribution I turn to Kostakopoulou’s text and briefly show that her proposal: 1) ignores the core aspects of EU citizenship’s added value; 2) is entirely unnecessary; 3) is not legally neat; and 4) is dangerous for the very nature of EU citizenship today as it essentially pleads for the recreation of the ‘suffocating bonds’ the EU was created to ease, only at a scale much more scary than Greece, Ireland or France, when taken one by one. Besides, it ignores every single outstanding problem actually posed by EU citizenship law as it stands.
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Not the Meaningful Vote: a Guide to the Role of the Commons on Tuesday
On 15 January, the Commons rejected the Government’s Brexit deal. On Tuesday 29 January, the Commons will consider the Government’s response to this rejection. This will be in many respects an unusual constitutional event.
Continue reading >>26 January 2019
Minister of Civil Resistance
On law, politics and a fellow named Herbert Kickl.
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25 January 2019
Demystifying the Democratic Transition in Venezuela
Transition from autocracy has begun in Venezuela, and misconceptions and misunderstandings about this process abound. Some talk of a coup d'état, others blame US interventionism. It's neither - but what is it?
Continue reading >>Eurozenship: always a bridesmaid?
I would be most happy if Dora Kostakopoulou’s vision of an autonomous EU citizenship came into being. However, there are two key normative and practical pitfalls of her proposal. First, the decoupling of statuses that she proposes poses the risk of ‘free riding’ on EU citizenship rights for those who had, at some point enjoyed, and then lost, this status. Second, having in mind the different definitions of residence across the Member States, linking the acquisition of EU citizenship to this status is like putting a roof on a house with uneven walls.
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24 January 2019
On the Risk of Trying to Kill “Seven at a Blow”
I agree with Dora that political theorists should not be afraid of radicalism, as long as the proposed reform effectively achieves clearly defined and desirable goals (the utilitarian test) and is consistent with fundamental norms (the principled approach). Richard Bellamy already pointed to the potentially negative consequences of what he describes as a form of “mushroom reasoning” on some of the core principles underlying the European project, such as that of reciprocity. While I broadly share Richard’s conclusion, my main concern here is that Dora’s proposal may not entirely satisfy the utilitarian test requirements. In other words, instead of killing seven flies at a blow, it may end up killing none.
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23 January 2019
Ethiopia’s Ethnic Federalism: Part of the Problem or Part of the Solution
Unlike other federations, where geography or administrative conveniences have been used to organize the federation, Ethiopia has opted to take ethnicity as the point of departure for the remaking of the Ethiopian map. In light of growing tensions, however, it is time to rethink this model of federal structure.
Continue reading >>A Dysfunctional Eurozenship? The Question of Free Movement
A European citizenship model autonomous from Member States’ nationality cannot work within the context of free movement. Should we end the debate, then, and take Richard Bellamy’s side? Not necessarily. Dora Kostakopoulou’s Eurozenship can be both improved and approved, and below I offer a few options for doing it.
Continue reading >>22 January 2019
Let Third-Country Nationals Become Citizens in Host Member States and of the European Union
I agree with Dora’s diagnosis, and I agree that the EU – and EU Member States – should act to rectify shortcomings of the Union citizenship construction that largely unconstrained allows inequality in regard to access to Union citizenship and Union citizenship rights. However, I cannot subscribe to Dora’s solution. In my opinion, the suggested reform is not the right cure to the shortcomings of the present Union citizenship practice.
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21 January 2019
If You Want to Make EU Citizenship More Inclusive You Have to Reform Nationality Laws
Dora Kostakopoulou rightly spots some deficits in the current construction of EU citizenship, but she asks the wrong questions about these deficits and her answers would therefore aggravate rather than resolve the problems. She asks: “Why should statelessness lead to the loss of Eurozenship?” The better question would be “Why should the EU tolerate that Member States produce stateless people?” She proposes “that all children born in the EU, who might not be able to inherit a Member State nationality, would automatically be EU citizens”. The better proposal would be to make sure instead that all children born and raised in a Member State become citizens of that state and thereby EU citizens.
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19 January 2019
As You Like It
On Brexit, the ultimate question of Life, the Universe and Everything and other constitutional and unconstitutional conundra.
Continue reading >>18 January 2019
The Case Against an Autonomous ‘EU Rump Citizenship’
In the debate between Dora Kostakopoulou and Richard Bellamy, I agree with most of the propositions put forward by Dora in her introductory paragraphs: that EU citizenship allows former enemies to meet and live in harmony; that nationalistic populism should be rejected; and that the prospect of Brexit remains depressing. Nonetheless, I disagree with her proposal to move towards an autonomous EU citizenship.
Continue reading >>17 January 2019
A relative dissociation of Union citizenship from member States nationality needs to mean something more than long term residence status
Dissociating Union citizenship from Member States nationality law recognizes and consolidates the assumption that people holding a genuine link to the EU have the right to possess its citizenship, regardless of whether their state of residence is willing to offer it to them. I believe that granting the status of European citizenship beyond Member State nationality, in a period noted by the emergence of far-right populism targeting migration as the major threat for European civilizational unity is a win-win solution both for its bearers and the EU itself.
Continue reading >>16 January 2019
On Mushroom Reasoning and Kostakopoulou’s Argument for Eurozenship
Dora Kostakopoulou makes a spirited case for an autonomous status of European Union citizenship – one that is not related to the possession of citizenship of a Member State. However, while I sympathise with some of the concerns lying behind this proposal, I regard it as a misguided way of addressing them that is based in its turn on a misunderstanding of the nature of citizenship and of the EU and its achievements – albeit one shared by a number of the EU’s prime actors as well as certain of its foes.
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Who Should Be a Citizen of the Union? Toward an Autonomous European Union Citizenship
Refusing to believe that political constraints outweigh political possibilities in the present historical conjuncture, I argue that the time is ripe for the disentanglement of Eurozenship from Member State nationality. Since the mid-1990s I have defended this reform. But my argument for an autonomous Eurozenship in this debate unfolds in two steps which are presented in the subsequent two sections. In the first section, I explore the incremental disentanglement of EU citizenship from the nationality law of Member States, while in the second section I reconstruct Eurozenship, that is, I present the configuration of an autonomous EU citizenship law which can co-exist with EU citizenship cum Member State nationality.
Continue reading >>12 January 2019
Piercing the Hull
On the rocking of boats, the weathering of storms and other matters of constitutional seafaring.
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11 January 2019
Rationalising political representation within the European Parliament: the Italian Constitutional Court rules on the threshold for the European elections
In December 2018, the Italian Constitutional Court found the national 4% threshold for elections to the European Parliament to be constitutional. Unlike the Bundesverfassungsgericht, which focused in-depth on the European state of affairs at a given stage, the Corte costituzionale has pointed to a gradual evolutionary development towards “a rationalisation of the representation of political forces within the European parliamentary assembly”. According to this interpretation, both the national parliaments and the European Parliament face similar challenges.
Continue reading >>09 January 2019
Capturing Bulgaria’s Justice System: The Homestretch
While focusing on other EU members facing challenges in the area of rule of law, foreign commentators may not realize that the situation in Bulgaria is critical. Bulgaria’s executive is now headed into the homestretch of capturing the entire justice system. The current unprecedented proceedings against the President of the Supreme Court of Cassation would complete the capture if the plan that shows through – remove him from office – works.
Continue reading >>02 January 2019
An Advanced Course in Court Packing: Hungary’s New Law on Administrative Courts
The design and establishment of the new Hungarian administrative judiciary provides insight into a new style of engineering illiberal constitutional democracy through dialogue with European constitutional actors. It is not simply the case that Hungary is undertaking judicial reform while the Article 7 TEU process is on its way. Rather, a new phase of judicial reform is passed under European supervision despite the clear threat it presents for the rule of law.
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19 December 2018
Distracting from the Actual Crisis: The Proposed Asylum Ban
On November 9, 2018, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security and the U.S. Department of Justice issued a joint interim rule in conjunction with a proclamation from the White House seeking to restrict the eligibility of persons applying for asylum protection in the United States. This interim rule, which is currently stayed by federal court litigation, is yet another attempt by the Administration to remove humanitarian protection for the most vulnerable in direct violation of both domestic and international legal obligations.
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18 December 2018
The Democratic Backsliding and the European constitutional design in error. When will HOW meet WHY?
When is the constitutional design of any (domestic, international, supranational) polity in error? On the most general level such critical juncture obtains when polity’s founding document (treaty, convention, constitution) protects against the dangers that no longer exist or does not protect against the dangers that were not contemplated by the Founders. While discussion of the evolution of human rights and international actors in response to social change (LGBT, euthanasia, abortion) is well documented, such evolution with regard to political change (transition from one sort of government to another) is less well documented. Constitutions not only constitute but should also protect against de-constitution. For supranational legal order to avoid a deadlock of „being in error” in the above sense, the systemic threats coming from within the polity’s component parts must be recognised and constitutional design be changed accordingly.
Continue reading >>16 December 2018
A Look behind the Fake News Laws of Southeast Asia
In Southeast Asia, attempts to regulate the fake news phenomenon can be broadly categorized, on the one hand, in cases where fake news laws are conceived at least also as the government’s weapon to silence critics and dissenters, and on the other hand, cases where the discourse is lead more open-ended. Under the first category, Malaysia springs to mind, Cambodia and Vietnam possibly too. Thailand is a somewhat mixed case. Much more open-ended are the fake news discourses in Indonesia, the Philippines and Singapore.
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15 December 2018
A Christmas Wish
On this crazy year of 2018 and how to move on with the Verfassungsblog project.
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14 December 2018
The Tale of Two Citizenships
August 2018: Two reports make the rounds in Austrian media. One discusses data protection issues for persons on the so-called citizenship “Promi-Liste”. It tells a story of a Chinese investor, who offered a donation to a public university dean in exchange for assistance with receiving the Austrian citizenship. Meanwhile, another paper breaks the news with a related dicey topic: about 70 Austrians have received notice they are to lose their citizenship. The reason? They allegedly reacquired their native Turkish citizenship as evidenced by their alleged participation in a Turkish referendum.
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Democratic Decay Resource (DEM-DEC): Fifth Monthly Bibliography Update-December 2018
DEM-DEC Launch Podcast The panel discussion to formally launch DEM-DEC […]
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13 December 2018
How can a democratic constitution survive an autocratic majority?
Can the democratic constitutions of Hungary and Poland survive an autocratic majority? Hardly. Hungary and Poland seem to be lost for liberal and democratic constitutionalism. At least for the time being, the next question is how democratic constitutionalism can prevent an autocratic majority. The task is to make it difficult for an autocratic parliamentary majority to capture the institutions of critique and control of government and to undermine separation of powers.
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12 December 2018
No Case for Legal Interventionism: Defending Democracy Through Protecting Pluralism and Parliamentarism
Being a democrat means accepting that the law is not a very durable sword against authoritarianism. Democratic law bends and submits to the majority. When push comes to shove, it lacks the capacity to defy anti-democratic, authoritarian majorities. Of course, this does not mean that legal mechanisms and instruments are meaningless in this context. They can work against and impede the rise of anti-pluralist, illiberal and anti-democratic political movements. But it is important to acknowledge that legal interventions and prohibitive measures that target anti-liberal, anti-democratic political platforms also pose risks. They may undermine what they are supposed to protect: a free and egalitarian political process that is based on open political competition, pluralism and a free public discourse.
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The Strange Case of the Publicity of the Brexit Legal Advice
One of the most remarkable episodes of the most remarkable Brexit saga is the strange case of the publicity of the Brexit legal advice. The actions of Theresa May’s government seem to aim at reducing both popular and democratic sovereignty to an empty shell before the incumbent Prime Minister and her cabinet are kicked out of power. However, the case of the publicity of legal advice is indeed strange not only on account of what has transpired on the British isles, but also of what has not happened on the continent.
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11 December 2018
Combatting TINA-Rhetoric through Judicial Review: Dealing with Pay Cuts in Times of Financial Consolidation
Recently, the German Federal Constitutional Court has decided that certain cuts on wages for civil servants in the Land Baden-Württemberg are unconstitutional. The judgment establishes a constitutional answer to the so-called “there is no alternative” (TINA) rhetoric that has largely dominated the political discourse on budgetary consolidation in the past. From this perspective, this line of jurisprudence allows for opening up a political and constitutional discourse that has become somewhat colonized by purely economic and financial considerations.
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Constitutional Resilience to Populism: Four Theses
Let us make a plea for modesty. Constitutional democrats need to be clear-eyed and realistic about what good constitutional design can do. We need to steer a middle course between constitutional idealism and nihilism. Constitutional idealists argue that thoughtful and intelligent constitutional design can largely eliminate the risk posed by populism; constitutional nihilists respond by arguing that there is little, if anything, that constitutional design can do in the face of the populist challenge that secures victory at the ballot box and captures the state from within.
Continue reading >>10 December 2018
Sovereign Choices: The CJEU’s Ruling on Exit from Brexit
In today’s Wightman judgment, the CJEU has ruled that a Member State may unilaterally revoke its notified intention to withdraw from the EU prior to that withdrawal taking effect. The Court is clearly signalling that membership of the European Union, and the rights and responsibilities which come with it, is voluntary. As political messages go, that is a pretty big message.
Continue reading >>How to Abolish Democracy: Electoral System, Party Regulation and Opposition Rights in Hungary and Poland
When it comes to Poland and Hungary, everyone is talking about the judiciary, about the independence of the courts, about the rule of law. But hardly anyone talks about parliaments. Yet they are at the heart of our democracies. And they are no less at risk. This became clear in the third panel of our workshop, which dealt with the electoral system, party regulation and opposition rights in Hungary and Poland. What may sound technical at first glance are surprisingly effective instruments in the hands of autocrats. It is precisely with these instruments that the governments of both countries have set the course for a “democracy” that primarily benefits the ruling parties and undermines political plurality.
Continue reading >>Europe’s Shameful Silence – An Open Letter to EU Leaders from Jean Monnet Chairs
In tomorrow's Council meeting the CEU eviction from Hungary will be a point of discussion. But what is required is taking some action. An open letter to Presidents Juncker, Tajani, and Tusk.
Continue reading >>The Meaningful Vote on Brexit: the End of the Beginning or the Beginning of the End?
Tomorrow, the House of Commons will, barring a last minute delay, be the stage for the conclusion of the most dramatic parliamentary debate of the Brexit process so far: the meaningful vote on the Brexit deal. In strict constitutional terms the question is simple: will MPs decide to approve the motion that is legally required (by the EU (Withdrawal) Act 2018) to enable the Withdrawal Agreement to be ratified before exit day? However, the political and procedural reality is, as one would expect, less simple.
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Of Rhetoric and Reality: The Nobel Peace Prize and Conflict-Related Sexualized Violence
Tonight, Denis Mukwege and Nadia Murad will jointly receive the Nobel Peace Prize in Oslo, Norway, “for their efforts to end the use of sexual violence as a weapon of war and armed conflict”. This event provides a good opportunity to take a look at the development of narratives and the legal treatment of conflict-related sexual violence.
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09 December 2018
“Constitutional Resilience – How Can a Democratic Constitution Survive an Autocratic Majority?”: Freedom of Speech, Media and Civil Society in Hungary and Poland
Freedom of speech, media freedom and the freedom of civil society are the lifeblood of democracy. As far as the threats to freedom of speech, media and civil society are concerned, from a normative perspective, the problems of Hungary and Poland are decidedly not external to western democracies. The question arises of how resilient constitutions are or can be made in this matter, whereby political viewpoint discrimination takes a center role in the conetxt of not only constitutional resilience but also our European values.
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The Census in the USA and Germany: It’s all about sampling
In Germany disputes over the 2011 census have finally come to an end in the “census judgment” by the Bundesverfassungsgericht. In the United States of America, in turn, disputes over the 2020 Census questionnaire are currently before the federal courts that raise related issues of the accuracy of the count. In contrast to the German Grundgesetz, the U.S. constitution requires a census every ten years to determine representation in the House of Representatives and the Electoral College. Accurate population data are the underlying goal of the Constitution’s decennial census requirement. We argue that in the twenty-first century accuracy requires modern statistical techniques, including sampling and adequate pre-testing of questions.
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08 December 2018
How Can a Democratic Constitution Survive an Autocratic Majority? A Report on the Presentations on the Judiciary
European institutions and governments have come in for a lot of critique over the past few years. Sometimes such critiques have seemed unfair and hypocritical, in particular where those who criticize are no role models either (e.g. the European Union). And judging on a case-by-case basis, some the actions of the Polish or Hungarian governments seem perhaps not that extraordinary. Yet, once we look at the whole, a different picture emerges. As Tom Ginsburg and Aziz Huq have argued in their recent book How to Save a Constitutional Democracy, democracies can erode where we see changes with regard in the three fields key to preserving democracy: free and fair elections, the sphere of public discourse and the rule of law and the institutions enforcing it, i.e. courts and the administration. In Hungary and Poland, we see changes in all of these areas and this should worry us.
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This Time it’s Serious
On burning barricades, shifting balances and other riotous matters of constitutionalism.
Continue reading >>07 December 2018
Laws, Conventions, and Fake Constitutions
Does pure majoritarian decision making have intrinsic value or offer better consequences for society? The case of Hungary is not isolated but is an integral part of a global phenomenon. In contrast with earlier waves of democratization that spread across the globe, more recent tendencies have led to the disintegration of democracies. Not only Hungary and Poland (two EU Member States), but also Russia (probably the first regime of this kind), and many other countries from Azerbaijan to Venezuela epitomize this phenomenon, in which the country in question adopts — apparently in a democratic manner — a legal transformation that moves it ever further from, rather than toward, democratic principles. Given that today democracy counts solely as a legitimate constitutional system, the most salient new feature is that authoritarianism must play at being democracy.
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Beyond Electoral Mandates—Oversight and Public Participation
Those who win elections want to remain in power after the next election. They have an incentive to undermine the credibility of the opposition and to use the tools of political power to do so. Incumbents who aggrandize power and demonize opponents can produce situations where office holders are less and less threatened by credible organized opponents. The opposition, in turn, seeks to gain power not only by espousing alternative policies but also by questioning the integrity and competence of incumbents.
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Can an Art. 50 TEU withdrawal notice be revoked? How Advocate General Bordona offered a legal Trojan horse to Union law
In his opinion given in the Case Wightman et. al., Advocate General Bordona pleads for the possibility to revoke the notification of withdrawal. Although it may be politically and economically desirable to keep the UK in the Union, this does not justify the introduction of a “legal Trojan horse” into the European law order by interpreting the European treaties in a one-sided manner.
Continue reading >>06 December 2018
Constitutional Resilience
Resilience of a body in general describes the ability to cope with an attack on its immune system. What is undisputed in psychology or biology is also valid for legal bodies, in particular for states. The term “constitutional resilience” obviously refers to the abilities of constitutions to cope with attacks and in the end to cope with a real crisis. In searching for answers on what constitutional resilience is, this article asks three questions: Where are the vulnerable parts of a democratic state governed by the rule of law? How can one protect the vulnerability of the state or some of its features? If vulnerable parts of a Constitution are properly protected – are the democratic state and its constitution safe?
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How populist authoritarian nationalism threatens constitutionalism or: Why constitutional resilience is a key issue of our time
The problem with movements and parties spearheaded by “populist” leaders such as Putin, Erdoğan, Orbán, Kaczyński or Trump is not that they happen to embrace more nationally focused policies that metropolitan elites widely condemn as unjust, ineffective or otherwise misguided. Nor is the problem that they embrace a confrontational political style and uncouth rhetoric at odds with the mores of reflexively enlightened society in political capitals across liberal constitutional democracies. Neither of those features would constitute a constitutional threat justifying sustained reflections on constitutional resilience. The problem with electoral successes of populist authoritarian nationalists is that they pose a fundamental threat to liberal constitutional democracy.
Continue reading >>Introduction: Constitutional Resilience and the German Grundgesetz
What lessons does the plight of the Polish and the Hungarian democracy hold for a seemingly stable constitutional state like Germany? How resilient would the German constitutional setup turn out to be in the case of an authoritarian majority taking and successfully holding on to power? What kind of legal or institutional changes may be helpful to make that event less likely and/or less hard to prevent? These were the questions we aimed to address in a debate jointly organized by Verfassungsblog and WZB Center for Global Constitutionalism, generously supported by Stiftung Mercator.
Continue reading >>05 December 2018
The CEU Leaves – Hungarian Students are Left in the Lurch
For 27 years Central European University has operated in Hungary’s capital. That era has come to an end. The forced move of the CEU to Vienna signals to Hungarians and other citizens in illiberal democracies that vulnerability is their future. They are left to the wayside by the international community, abandoned by the European Union, and left questioning who will ever defend liberal-democratic values in practice.
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Lessons Learned? Fifth Anniversary of Euromaidan
On the fifth anniversary of the Euromaidan, during an escalation of Russia’s undeclared war, the first days of martial law in Ukraine, and on the threshold of Ukrainian presidential elections, this post seeks to analyze the main results and lessons of the Revolution of Dignity.
Continue reading >>03 December 2018
Brazil in the Dock: The Inter-American Court of Human Rights Rulings Concerning the Dictatorship of 1964-1985
On July 4th 2018, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights […]
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Why the EU Commission and the Polish Supreme Court Should not Withdraw their Cases from Luxembourg
The forced retirement of Polish Supreme Court judges has been reversed by the Polish legislator. Should the EU Commission and the Court of Justice now end their infringement procedure against Poland, too? There are several reasons why they should not.
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01 December 2018
Into the Open
On voting for the bad guys, rooting for the good guys and other matters of constitution and compromise.
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30 November 2018
The Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration – Hope for our Constitutive Commitments?
Next month, on 10 and 11 December 2018, the Intergovernmental Conference to Adopt the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly, and Regular Migration will be held in Marrakech, Morocco. The draft for the compact has been highly contested and many states have already announced they would not sign it. However, the compact has something to say about fundamental commitments of our societies, especially about human dignity.
Continue reading >>Will the ECtHR Shake up the European Asylum System?
Are European embassies abroad obliged to issue visa to particularly vulnerable asylum seekers under European human rights? This question is at the core of the case of Nahhas and Hadri v. Belgium currently pending before the Grand Chamber of the Strasbourg Court. Too accustomed have we often become to the limits of state obligations to note how they can make the promise of universal rights fade into hypocrisy. It is crucial that in light of concrete cases the drawing of boundaries is reconsidered – to ask what the law requires, and to render visible the responsibility we have to mitigate shortcomings of the law.
Continue reading >>29 November 2018
Iceland’s Ongoing Constitutional Fight
Six years ago, the reform of the Icelandic constitution drafted by a directly elected Constitutional Council and approved in a national referendum was shelved by Parliament. But the problems with democracy in Iceland which prompted the reform back in the day still exist: a lack of electoral equality, of fair access to natural resources, and of transparency.
Continue reading >>28 November 2018
Episode 5 of the Celmer Saga – The Irish High Court Holds Back
On 19 November 2018, Donnelly J gave her fifth judgment in the Celmer saga concluding that the real risk of a flagrant denial of justice has not been established by Mr Celmer and ordered that he be surrendered on foot of the European Arrest Warrants issued against him. Given that Donnelly J had initially found that there were ‘breaches of the common value of the rule of law’, this came as some surprise.
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27 November 2018
Affirmative Action in Malaysia: Constitutional Conflict with the ICERD?
Four days ago, Malaysia finally decided not to ratify the United Nations International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. This was preceded by massive protests against ratification. Why, one might ask? Is it really an unreasonable thing to hope for racial equality? An answer could lie in what Thomas Sowell once stated: “When people get used to preferential treatment, equal treatment seems like discrimination.”
Continue reading >>24 November 2018
Law Rules!
On backpedalling Poles, diesel-guzzling Bavarians and other matters of constitutional pro- and regress.
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All Bark and no Bite? A Domestic Perspective on a Possible Russian Withdrawal from the Council of Europe
The prospect of Russian withdrawal from the Council of Europe has been actively discussed during the past two months, including two excellent contributions on this blog. However, as often in cases of state backlash/pushback against international courts, the focus has mostly been on the external dimensions. States, though, are rarely ‘black boxes’, where different political actors have a uniform approach. Russia, despite its highly centralized appearance, is no exception. This post outlines the domestic state of play and contrasts the positions of interested parties.
Continue reading >>22 November 2018
Europe’s Rule of Law Dialogues: Process With No End in Sight
The cause for concern is not that violators of the rule of law are strategic political actors or that they are disingenuous. Rather, the real problem is the unspoken premise on the basis of which defenders of the rule of law are more and more inclined to accept these developments as the very features of the EU’s rule of law safeguards. This acceptance is based on the flawed premise that so long as a procedure is in place one cannot really do more to defend the rule of law.
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Opportunism on the Bench – The Maldivian Supreme Court’s Decision Upholding the 2018 Election Result
In October, the Maldives Supreme Court delivered its judgment upholding the Presidential Election of 2018. The President had lost that election to the opposition parties, claiming that they had committed electoral fraud. What may seem like a fairly ordinary occurrence is in fact a story of longstanding battles for political power, bizarre allegations and flawed legal reasoning of Maldives’ Highest Court.
Continue reading >>17 November 2018
Constitutional Metastasis
On Hungarian elections not being exclusively Hungarian and other news from the constitutional cancer ward.
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16 November 2018
Sweet Like Sugar, Bitter Like a Lemon: Bulgaria’s CVM Report
On 13 November 2018, the Commission published the latest reports on Bulgaria and Romania under the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism. Bulgaria’s report is full of praise. Not surprisingly, the Bulgarian government was overjoyed. The civil society, on the other hand, was clearly upset. Why? The short answer is that the picture painted by the CVM report does not correspond to reality and only pours water to Bulgaria’s autocratic mill.
Continue reading >>15 November 2018
On Thin Ice: the Role of the Court of Justice under the Withdrawal Agreement
Her alleged red line of bringing “an end to the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice in Britain” was always going to be a problem for Theresa May: After all, the UK’s commitment to comply with certain EU rules would inevitably mean that the ECJ’s interpretations of these rules would have to be binding on the UK. It is thus no surprise that the Withdrawal Agreement provides for the jurisdiction of the ECJ in various places. What is perhaps more of a surprise – and surely a negotiation win for the UK – is the EU’s legally problematic concession of an arbitration mechanism to resolve inter-party disputes over the interpretation of the Withdrawal Agreement.
Continue reading >>Safety Net, Trap or Trampoline – Will the Backstop Lead to a No Deal Brexit?
Following yesterday’s announcement that the UK and the EU have agreed a revised text of the draft Withdrawal Agreement, the political fallout in the UK has begun with the UK Brexit Secretary Dominic Raab’s resignation from the Government. In his resignation letter, it is the so-called ‘backstop’ arrangements to avoid a hard border on the island of Ireland that appears to be the primary cause of discontent.
Continue reading >>13 November 2018
Combining Justice with Power: How to Challenge the Narrative of Democratic Authoritarian Populism
Israel's Nation-State Law can be seen as an expression of the kind of democratic authoritarian populism that appears to be spreading globally. But it is no time to give up the game and there are examples that show how it is possible to counter the narrative of democratic authoritarian populism.
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12 November 2018
The Politics of Language in the Nation’s Law – Between Bialik and Orwell
Much has been, and will be, written about what the Basic Law – Jewish Nation-State does, but attention is also due to how it does what it does. . The use of language in the Nation’s Law is so troubling in its sophist concealment of the meanings of the norms it encodes, that it creates, perhaps, injustice of the second order.
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Never Missing an Opportunity to Miss an Opportunity: The Council Legal Service Opinion on the Commission’s EU budget-related rule of law mechanism
Regrettably, we need to add the Council’s Legal Service to the list of key EU actors that seem intent on ignoring the existential threat to the Union posed by the spreading rule of law rot amongst EU member governments. In a (non-public) opinion on the proposed regulation of the Commission to create rule of law conditionality in the multi-annual financial framework adopted on 25 October 2018, the CLS indeed put forward multiple unpersuasive legal arguments to claim that the Commission’s proposal cannot be adopted. With this opinion, the CLS is advising the Council to actually prevent other institutions of the EU from doing their job to uphold and defend the set of common values on which the EU is based.
Continue reading >>11 November 2018
Democratic Decay Resource (DEM-DEC): Fourth Monthly Bibliography Update-November 2018
DEM-DEC was formally launched on Monday 22 October with a […]
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The Origins of Racism and the new Basic Law: Jewish Nation-State
The opponents of Israel's Nation-State Law can be roughly divided into two camps. The first camp views the law and especially its Article 1 as racist while the second camp cosiders it as conflicting with basic democratic values because it does not include the right of equality. This group also views Article 1 as simply declarative, as from the moment of its establishment the State of Israel has defined itself as a Jewish state. How does Israeli law perceive racism? And how tenable is the proposition of the Law being merely declaratory?
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10 November 2018
Constitutionalizing Facebook
On public space, private autonomy and other matters of who owes what sort of justification to whom.
Continue reading >>Responding to the Nation-State Law: Norms and Narratives of Solidarity in Israeli Constitutional Law
The Nation-State Law saga revealed in Israel’s constitutional politics three constitutional narratives while only two are conventionally recognized. . This third narrative is usually disregarded by the Israeli Jewish public and perceived as marginal or even as an existential threat. But in the debates about the Nation-State Law the force of this narrative became apparent and it is about time to shed light on the presence and the value of this alternative narrative.
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09 November 2018
Israel’s Nation-State Law – What Now for Equality, Self-Determination, and Social Solidarity?
The enactment of Basic Law: Israel as the Nation State of the Jewish People on July 19th, 2018, triggered an intense public debate, not only in Israel. But what are the implications of this law? In particular, how is it likely to affect minorities, the right of Israel’s Arab-Palestinian minority to internal self-determination, and the possible development of all-encompassing social solidarity in Israel?
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06 November 2018
Between a Rock and a Hard Place: The Dilemma of Continuing or Ceasing Russian Membership in the Council of Europe
Last week the Washington Post reported that top Russian officials are contemplating withdrawal from the Council of Europe. This latest development illustrates the growing tensions between Russia and the Council of Europe which could ultimately lead to the cessation of Russia's membership. Both Russia and the Council of Europe, however, face a dilemma when it comes to deciding what steps should be taken.
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05 November 2018
Murder in the Name of Allah: Asia Bibi and Pakistan’s Blasphemy Law
The Pakistani Supreme Court’s release of Asia Naureen, a mother of five from Pakistan’s shrinking Christian community who was imprisoned nine years ago on trumped-up blasphemy charges, has riled up the religious right and spiralled into scorching new waves of violence. The Supreme Court, however, had no qualms with mandatory death sentences for insults against the Prophet.
Continue reading >>03 November 2018
Confessions of an Ex-Neoliberal
On past mistakes made and future mistakes to be avoided and other matters of constitutional penitence.
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Birthright Citizenship and Presidential Power
The Halloween season is traditionally a time for scares and surprises in the United States. This year, President Trump got in on the act, floating a truly shocking idea on October 30. In an interview with Axios, the President declared that he intended to sign an executive order ending birthright citizenship in the United States. Before diving into the law, it is worth pausing to consider what a breathtaking idea it is that the President could unilaterally determine who counts as a citizen.
Continue reading >>02 November 2018
Playing the chicken game: The conflict over Italy’s draft budget reveals a construction flaw in the EMU
The next period of nightlong European summits and standoffs between the European institutions and one of its member states is looming: Italy and the EU are at odds about its new budget proposal. This is a result of the setup of the Economic and Monetary Union, which will continue to produce such stalemates as long as dominant countries make common rules for their own sake and others try to circumvent them.
Continue reading >>31 October 2018
What Being Left Behind by the Rule of Law Feels Like, Part II
By now it must be clear to all that the Hungarian and Polish governments do have a plan that is built on staying within the Union, and changing it from the inside, (ab)using its institutions, resources and weaknesses to their own benefit. Every round and every step where European institutions falter in preventing moves to this effect is an opportunity for the offending member states to pursue their strategies even further.
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Guilty of Homelessness – The Resurgence of Penal Populism in Hungary
In Hungary, “residing in public spaces as habitual dwelling” constitutes a petty offence punishable by community service work or confinement. Even though the constitution had been amended to provide a basis for that, it is not inconceivable that the criminalization of being homeless is found unconstitutional.
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30 October 2018
Iudex calculat: Why Constitutional Scholars Should Surmount their Allergy to Numbers
Law students often mention poor math scores as a reason to elect their course of study. Refugees of a world increasingly dominated by numbers and number-crunchers, jurists often wear the adage “iudex non calculat” as a badge of honour. Surmounting the discipline’s allergy to numbers could do some good not just to constitutional judges but also to the scholarship that concerns itself with the discussion of the constitutional texts they are supposed to apply but also with the decisions they churn out.
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29 October 2018
What Being Left Behind by the Rule of Law Feels Like, Part I
On October 25, 2018 Central European University (CEU) made international news again. President and Rector Michael Ignatieff announced that CEU is moving to Vienna, unless the Hungarian government makes progress by December 1, 2018 on the international agreement it is meant to sign with the State of New York under Hungarian law. In the last few hours many readers of this blog, friends and colleagues, took to asking how I felt about this. Disappointed, frustrated – but most of all: betrayed.
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27 October 2018
Viewed from Without
On constitutional holism, colliding trains and other matters of constitutional catastrophe.
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The Italian Budget Drama – Brussels and Rome on Collision Course
The EU Commission has, for the first time, rejected a budget plan of a member state. While the Italian government drums its chest and the markets get increasingly nervous, the situation remains deadly serious. It is moreover deeply symptomatic of the potential, limits and fundamental shortcomings of the current architecture of Eurozone fiscal governance.
Continue reading >>26 October 2018
Though this be Madness, yet there’s Method in’t: Pitting the Polish Constitutional Tribunal against the Luxembourg Court
At the beginning of October 2018, Poland’s Prosecutor General submitted a request to the Constitutional Tribunal to examine the compliance of Article 267 TFEU with the Polish Constitution, so far as it allows the referral of preliminary questions regarding the organization of the national judiciary. Despite the relatively easy identification of motives underlying the application, there is need for analysis and evaluation of the contents of the application as well as the argumentation used as justification for this task, not least because there is a lot at stake.
Continue reading >>Slovenia’s Supreme Court rejects the European Court of Human Rights
On Wednesday 24th of October the Supreme Court of the Republic of Slovenia made a striking, indeed unprecedented, announcement. After a rather uncontroversial and routine ruling by the ECtHR, the Supreme Court has declared – in a mere press release and without any justification – that it respects only the rulings of the Strasbourg Court that it finds persuasive. In so doing, Slovenia hints at joining the regimes of Russia and Turkey.
Continue reading >>Expanding the Franchise – another Sleight of Hand by the Hungarian Government?
The Hungarian government plans to expand the right to vote in the upcoming European elections to Hungarians living outside the EU. Is the aim of this plan simply to comply with EU law? Or is this another part in the long history of Fidesz trying to manipulate the franchise in their favour?
Continue reading >>25 October 2018
On the Brink of Joining Poland and Hungary: The Night of Surprises in the Slovak Parliament
The relatively short political history of the Slovak parliament has already witnessed several dramatic sessions. The latest drama unfolded during the night of 23 October in a parliamentary session to discuss and vote on an amendment of the Constitution and a new Act on the Constitutional Court that could have put Slovakia on a direct path to follow Hungary and Poland. The night turned out to be full of surprises.
Continue reading >>What does a Bolsonaro Presidency mean for Brazilian Law? Part 2: the Reforms and the Court
Jair Bolsonaro, an extreme right-wing former army officer who has spent the last 20 years as a representative in Congress, is at this point likely to be the next president of Brazil. But what are the implications for Brazilian law in case of Bolsoaro's victory? Part 2 looks at the probable scenarios before Brazil's Supreme Court if any of the reforms are challenged.
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24 October 2018
What does a Bolsonaro Presidency mean for Brazilian Law? Part 1: Reforms from the Far Right
Jair Bolsonaro, an extreme right-wing former army officer who has spent the last 20 years as a representative in Congress, is at this point likely to be the next president of Brazil. But what are the implications for Brazilian law in case of Bolsoaro's victory? Part 1 outlines which of the policies he has proposed so far are most likely to be enacted.
Continue reading >>23 October 2018
Constitutional Pluralism between Normative Theory and Empirical Fact
It has been recently floated in legal academia and the blogosphere that it is high time for constitutional pluralism to bow out of the European scene. The reason? It has been alleged to be (1) “fundamentally flawed and unsustainable” for allowing the application of EU law to be selective and unequal and (2) prone to abuse by autocrats, as demonstrated by the ongoing dismantling of democracy and the rule of law in Hungary and Poland where national (“constitutional”) identity is invoked all too often to justify patently illiberal policies. Is constitutional pluralism really to blame? What is this beast anyway?
Continue reading >>22 October 2018
Interim Revolutions
With the Order against Poland to suspend its "judicial reform", the European Court of Justice has entered a terra incognita, forcing a sovereign Member State to choose between its membership to the club of European integration, or to walk away and follow the path of authoritarian illiberalism. To do this in an Order of interim measures, is quite a gamble on the part of the Luxembourg court. However, the stakes are so high that the Court was left with hardly any other choices.
Continue reading >>New Cuban Constitution: Towards a System Without a Single Leader
Ten years after the retirement and subsequent death of Fidel Castro, Cuba is going through an extensive constitutional reform process to transform the political system. Whereas the previous system was designed to be headed by a single leader, the future constitutional setup will distribute power among several people.
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Indian Democracy at a Crossroads
The Indian Supreme Court's ruling on LGBTQ rights signals a court willing to play an unabashedly partisan role in the ongoing battle over the idea of India. The Indian Supreme Court, however, remains a complicated, polyvocal, court, and cannot be attributed any coherent ideological or jurisprudential worldview. This, at a time when the defining role of inclusive pluralism to India’s constitutional identity is at stake and majoritarian nationalism is waging a spirited battle, not just for continued political relevance but for reshaping the very idea of India.
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20 October 2018
A Ghost Story
On the German Reich, Polish judicial reforms and other uncanny phenomena of paraconstitutional law.
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The Bakery as battleground
How should the modern liberal state reconcile the demands of equality and religious belief? It appears that the new battleground is not at the pulpit or the ballot, but at the … bakery. In Lee v Ashers Baking Company Ltd the UK Supreme Court has delivered an artificial reasoning riddled with conceptual confusion.
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19 October 2018
The Dutch Climate Case Judgment: Human Rights Potential and Constitutional Unease
The Dutch climate case has reached a new high. Last week, The Hague Court of Appeal upheld the 2015 verdict which ordered the state to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 25% by 2020. The Court did so on the ground that the current actions of the Dutch government to combat climate change are insufficient in the light of the state’s human rights obligations. Has the Court gone too far?
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18 October 2018
Poland’s Supreme Administrative Court recognizes Same-sex Parents
Poland is one step closer to the full legal recognition of birth certificates that include same-sex parents. In a landmark court ruling of 10 October 2018, the Supreme Administrative Court in Warsaw (SAC) found that registry offices in Poland cannot refuse the registration of foreign birth certificates of children based on the sexual orientation of their parents.
Continue reading >>17 October 2018
Will Poland, With Its Own Constitution Ablaze, Now Set Fire to EU Law?
The Polish justice minister and Prosecutor-General Zbigniew Ziobro has asked the Constitutional Court to declare Art. 267 TFEU unconstitutional "to the extent that it allows referring to the Court [of Justice] a preliminary question … in matters pertaining to the design, shape, and organisation of the judiciary as well as proceedings before the judicial organs of a member state". If the Court adopts Ziobro's arguments, that will have drastic implications for the integrity of EU law.
Continue reading >>13 October 2018
Cakes that Speak
On anti-gay pastry, discrimination darkrooms and other matters of constitutional and unconstitutional confectionery.
Continue reading >>Some Thoughts on Facultative and Obligatory Mixity after Singapore and COTIF, and before CETA
The conclusion of agreements as ‘mixed’, that is jointly by the European Union and its Member States, is a legal phenomenon peculiar to the EU legal order. Notwithstanding the almost complete silence of the Treaties on the point, mixity quickly became common practice for the Union and was, in most instances, readily accepted by its contractual partners. That does not mean, however, that mixity has not given rise, to date, to lengthy and often heated debates within, between and before the EU institutions.
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12 October 2018
The Elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Means for Change or Consolidation of Paralysis?
On October 7th, general elections were held in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Its Constitution was meant to be an interim solution, setting up a complex structure of division of power between the three major ethnic groups leading to political paralysis. Constitutional reform is thus a pressing issue but the recent elections appear to reinforce the deadlock situation instead of paving the way for much needed change.
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11 October 2018
A Pyrrhic Victory? Iran obtains Provisional Measures against the United States
Last week Iran scored what has widely been reported to be an important legal victory over the United States. The International Court of Justice ordered provisional measures that prohibit key elements of the new administration’s efforts to wage economic warfare against Iran. The ruling is noteworthy for the clarity and stringency of its argument, but also because nobody expects it to alter the existing dispute between the parties in the slightest.
Continue reading >>10 October 2018
Should the ECtHR Consider Turkey’s Criminal Peace Judgeships a Viable Domestic Avenue?
Turkey has seen an erosion of democracy in recent years, particularly since the July 2016 coup attempt. The European Court of Human Rights has received over 33,000 applications from the country. However, more than 90% have been rejected, many on the basis that they have yet to exhaust viable domestic avenues. This is a conundrum when there is no viable domestic judicial system that is independent from the state. Of notable concern is the Criminal Peace Judgeships (CPJ).
Continue reading >>09 October 2018
Managing the Backlash? The PACE and the Question of Participation Rights for Russia
The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe is currently meeting in Strasbourg for its autumn session. Today, its 306 members eligible to vote had to face a crucial choice: Should they approve the amendment on the participation rights of national delegations, thus allowing Russia’s delegation to regain at least some participation rights, and hopefully resolve the looming financial crisis faced by the Council of Europe – or not?
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08 October 2018
Can An Article 50 Withdrawal Notice be Revoked? The CJEU is Asked to Decide
The legal issue of whether the United Kingdom can change its mind and revoke – unilaterally – its notified intention to withdraw from the European Union has been a matter of academic and professional conjecture since the 2016 referendum. An authoritative interpretation of the issue may be delivered by Christmas following the lodging on 3 October 2018 of a request by the Scottish Court of Session for a preliminary ruling in Case C-621/18 Wightman and Others.
Continue reading >>07 October 2018
Democratic Decay Resource (DEM-DEC): Third Monthly Bibliography Update-October 2018
DEM-DEC is Having its Formal Launch on 22 October DEM-DEC […]
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“Existential Judicial Review” in Retrospect, “Subversive Jurisprudence” in Prospect. The Polish Constitutional Court Then, Now and … Tomorrow
Does anybody still remember what has happened to the Polish Constitutional Court – the first institution to be razed to the ground by the Polish counter-revolution? The “new court” that has emerged from the rubbles of the rule of law has more than readily embraced a new role of serving its political masters. The transformation of a once-proud and respected institution into a pawn on the political chessboard painfully reminds us of how deep off the cliff Poland has fallen in just three years.
Continue reading >>06 October 2018
Men Like Them
On frat boys, men of honour and other phenomena of constitutional masculinity.
Continue reading >>05 October 2018
“For the Court, it could be…”: Electing Constitutional Judges in the US and Germany
With the nomination of Brett Kavanaugh, President Trump will shape the U.S. Supreme Court for decades. A comparison with the legal framework for the appointment of constitutional court judges in Germany shows the respective weaknesses of the US system in safeguarding judicial independence.
Continue reading >>The Sixtieth Anniversary of the French Constitution: Toward the Death of the Fifth Republic?
The defining feature of the French constitution, which celebrates its 60. anniversary these days, is the extreme concentration of powers in the hands of the President. Will the debate which has been sparked by the powers of Emmanuel Macron lead to a Sixth Republic?
Continue reading >>04 October 2018
Open Secrets, Private Freedoms – The South African Constitutional Court Legalizes Marijuana Use in Private
Two weeks ago, the South African Constitutional Court legalized marijuana use under certain circumstances. Apart from its immediate impact, this ruling may signal shifts in the Court’s institutional self-conception.
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02 October 2018
Executive and Legislative Organs of Hungary Disobey Court Rulings
Freedom of information is a heavily used tool of journalists and NGOs in Hungary, and a right protected by the courts and the Constitutional Court – but in some cases, even in very high profile cases, the process stops there. The judgement is not enforced, and the right to know remains theoretical and illusory, rather than practical or effective. Enforcement is increasingly eroded, which demonstrates the weakness of the Hungarian rule of law state.
Continue reading >>29 September 2018
The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly
On the role of the media and good and bad journalists according to the spokesman for the Ministry of the Interior in Vienna.
Continue reading >>27 September 2018
Transplant Pains: What’s at Stake in Guatemala’s Constitutional Showdown?
The Guatemalan Constitutional Court has ordered President Jimmy Morales to allow the head of the UN-backed International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) to return to the country. The President, his son, and is brother are under investigation by the Commission, and he seems unwilling to yield. What are the implications of this constitutional showdown?
Continue reading >>25 September 2018
Unconstitutional “Constitutional Questions” – How Kosovo’s Constitutional Court Expands its Jurisdiction
The “Qeska” case has marked the beginning of a series of misuse of Kosovo’s Constitutional Court from political bodies in the Republic of Kosovo to avoid their constitutional responsibilities. The last two referrals from the President of the Republic of Kosovo submitted to the Court are putting Kosovo’s constitutional justice into question.
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22 September 2018
Fool me once
On last-minute delays for Poland, last-ditch attempts to fire Maaßen and other ways of overtaxing our constitutional patience.
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The Polish Judicial Council v The Bulgarian Judicial Council: Can You Spot the Difference?
On 17 September 2018, in Bucharest, the General Assembly of the European Network of Councils for the Judiciary (ENCJ) voted to suspend the membership of the Polish National Judicial Council (KRS) due to growing fears of lack of judicial independence in Poland. It was reported that 100 representatives voted for suspension, 6 were against (the Polish delegation), and 9 abstained. The Bulgarian delegation was among the abstainees, so Western commentators may wonder what the motivation for this position was.
Continue reading >>18 September 2018
The Four Elements of the Autocrats’ Playbook
There is truth in the old maxim proclaiming the imperative to try to get to know your enemies well. We outline four key techniques deployed by the autocratic regimes in Poland and Hungary in order to consolidate the constitutional capture and massive assault on European values and take a look at some of the elements of each of the four.
Continue reading >>Big Brother Watch and others v. the United Kingdom: A Victory of Human Rights over Modern Digital Surveillance?
The European Court of Human Rights delivered its long-awaited judgment in Big Brother Watch and others v. the United Kingdom. While this landmark decision marks a victory for the fundamental rights to privacy and freedom of expression over surveillance, it is also a missed opportunity for the Strasbourg Court.
Continue reading >>17 September 2018
Mango Scented Sovereignty: Pakistan’s Chief Justice Saqib Nisar and Baba-justice
Politicization of the judiciary is a global trend. Pakistan’s Supreme Court is a particularly worrying example. With an ad-campaign, the Court is currently collecting donations for an ambitious dam project to resolve Pakistan’s looming water crises. Chief Justice Saqib Nisar would certainly prefer, as he convincingly repeats, a more pliant courtly existence. But the catastrophic shortcomings of the executive and legislature force him to take on big infrastructure projects – the failures have also pushed him to tackle school curriculums, fees for private medical school, pension of bank employees, random quality-checks in hospitals, surprise inspections of lower courts and ordering the arrest of a high ranking police officer who shared indecent images of his estranged wife on Facebook.
Continue reading >>Beyond the Spectacle: The European Parliament’s Article 7 TEU Decision on Hungary
Emotions were high and voices loud while and after the European Parliament adopted its decision to trigger an art. 7 TEU procedure against Hungary this week. Once the dust settles, it might be helpful and disillusioning to look at the possible consequences, the collateral damages and the side-effects of the European Parliament's art. 7 TEU decision.
Continue reading >>16 September 2018
Fixing the Refugee Crisis: Holding the Commission Accountable
In that 2015 State of the Union address, Juncker famously asserted that his Commission would be ‘very political’. ‘Political’ in Juncker’s words, meant facing up to challenges, not just ‘business as usual’. Rather, it was ‘time to speak frankly about the issues facing the European Union.’ In spite of this apparent rhetorical and institutional commitment, our central argument is that the Commission’s weakness during the refugee crisis meant it underperformed not only when measured against the aim of being more ‘political’ (in particular if this means correctly identifying and dealing with the sources of real political problems), but even if we envisage for it a more modest technocratic role.
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15 September 2018
Thanks for the Clarification
On clear lines for Orbán, murky pools for Maaßen and other matters of constitutional translucence and opacity.
Continue reading >>14 September 2018
How likely – and dangerous – is a Kosovo/Serbia “Land Swap” ?
The presidents of Kosovo and Serbia have recently considered an exchange of territories (“land swap”) between their two countries which would lead to Serbia’s formal recognition of the independence of Kosovo. In view of legal and politcial hurdles, one can envisage at least three distinct scenarios of international response to a bilateral treaty between Serbia and Kosovo, concerning specific synchronized border changes.
Continue reading >>WTO Option in Practice: How a No-Deal Brexit Would Seriously Damage Key UK Industries
Whilst a no-deal Brexit seemed unrealistic in the immediate aftermath of the UK’s referendum, it seems that now the UK is bracing itself for a Brexit without a withdrawal or transition agreement. What would that mean for the UK's trade relations with the EU and other countries and how would it affect some of the UK's key industries?
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13 September 2018
Toward Political Economic and Euro Governance? Assessing the Political Performance of Moscovici and Dombrovskis
The Juncker Commission began its mandate in the aftermath of a deep crisis affecting the Euro-zone. But was his political Commission able to open up economic and monetary policies to political accountability?
Continue reading >>12 September 2018
Trump, Mueller, and the U.S. Constitution
A dominant story in American politics since early 2017 has been, of course, Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation of potentially criminal connections between Donald Trump’s presidential campaign and Russia. What does all of this have to do with the United States Constitution?
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Barnier, Bureaucracy and Brexit – a Test for Juncker’s ‘Political’ Commission
At first sight, it may neither be easy nor obvious to assimilate the conduct of the Brexit negotiations to the idea of a ‘political Commission’. A closer look, however, reveals that Juncker's personnel and organisational choices regarding the Brexit negotiations fit that pattern more readily.
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Regime Collision between EU Law and Investment Law: New Developments in the Vattenfall Case
EU law and international investment law are on collision course. The bone of contention is which court shall decide intra-EU investor-state disputes. While the ECJ indicated in its Achmea judgment that only itself and the domestic courts of the member states may decide such disputes, the Investment Tribunal in the Vattenfall case has now decided in the context of the Energy Charter Treaty that Achmea does not preclude its jurisdiction. How did this clash of courts arise and how can it be resolved?
Continue reading >>Self-Protecting Democracy and Electoral Rights
On October 6 the Republic of Latvia will hold its general election. The air is already sparkling with emotions: populism, fake news and other nowadays much discussed components of election campaigns are all part of it. Even the Constitutional Court of Latvia had its say in the upcoming events by delivering a judgment on a law denying access to stand as a candidate in the election.
Continue reading >>11 September 2018
False Accountability, Elusive Rule of Law
The tale of the ‘political Commission’ is not only bound to weaken the Union’s ability to meet the outstanding challenges touching upon its institutional core but has fundamentally undermined the EU’s action in an area of most fundamental concern: the unfulfilled promise of democracy and the rule of law for all European citizens.
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Better Regulation: Holding Martin Selmayr Accountable
This time was supposed 'to be different', at least this was the motto of the 2014 European Parliament elections campaign. With less than a year before the next European elections, the time is ripe to examine how different this EU political cycle has actually been.
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On the Fragility of Detainees’ and Prisoners’ Rights in the EU
The further east in the EU one goes, the more one is overwhelmed by the state of prison conditions and the violations of prisoners’ and detainees’ rights. The situation in Bulgaria is particularly challenging because of the scale of the problem and the local authorities’ denial that it exists.
Continue reading >>10 September 2018
Evaluating Juncker’s Political Commission: The Right Idea in the Wrong Hands?
The idea of a political European Commission may be the defining idea of the Juncker Presidency. It was the idea that gave Mr. Juncker the Presidency in the first place. As he stated in 2015, he wanted a 'very political Commission'. This ambition raises many questions, particularly: What does the political Commission mean? Did it work and should it be repeated?
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How to Stop Funding Autocracy in the EU
The EU finds itself in the perverse situation of providing some of the largest transfers of funds precisely to those governments who most prominently thumb their nose at its democratic and rule-of-law norms. The legal debate about this misses the fact that the EU already has a sufficient legal basis to suspend the flow of funds to states in which rule-of-law norms are systematically violated. The real problem to date has not been the lack of adequate legal tools, but the lack of political will on the part of the European Commission to use the tools that already exist.
Continue reading >>09 September 2018
Decriminalising Homosexuality in India as a Matter of Transformative Constitutionalism
What worth is a Constitution if it does not seek out the emancipation of a society’s most marginalized and excluded? Indeed, what vision ought a Constitution espouse if it isn’t a commitment to basic fundamental rights and freedoms? Ultimately, what polity must a Constitution nurture if it isn’t towards imbibing the widest and most deepest sense of inclusion and pluralism in society? All these searching questions and much more came to form a distinct part of the decision of the Indian Supreme Court (Court) when it was called upon to rule on the constitutional validly of Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code, 1860.
Continue reading >>08 September 2018
Silence means Dissent
On abstention, abstaining and other ways of staying clear of constitutional and non-constitutional sin.
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07 September 2018
Talk to me like Lawyers do – Celmer returns to the High Court of Ireland
The Celmer case is back before the High Court of Ireland, which gave a further judgment on 01 August 2018. The decision provides a first insight into the practical application of the CJEU's ruling, most notably its encouragement of executing judicial authorities to enter into dialogue.
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05 September 2018
Shedding Light or Shooting in the Dark – How to define Fake News?
A proposed legislation against the “manipulation of information” is currently under consideration by the French parliament in order to tackle the problem of fake news. A sufficiently precise definition of fake news is a necessary preliminary condition to have a political or legal debate on the issue. The attempts of the French parliament have some significant shortcomings in this regard, but they can serve as a basis to elaborate a better definition.
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04 September 2018
Democratic Decay Resource (DEM-DEC): Second Monthly Bibliography Update – September 2018
DEM-DEC aims to provide useful information to academics and policymakers concerned with the creeping deterioration of democratic rule worldwide. Updates to the Bibliography will be issued on the first Monday of each month, based on new publications and suggestions from users of DEM-DEC.
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03 September 2018
My Body, the Majority’s Choice? A Comparative Overview of Abortion Laws in Ireland and Argentina
Both Argentina and Ireland have tried to move forward in the fight for the decriminalization of abortion. In Argentina, even though the approval in the Chamber of Deputies represented a very important step, the Senate majority followed the religious standards and rejected the bill. In Ireland, the referendum resulted in a victory for women. The next step is to enact the new law and, of equal importance, to create all the practical conditions to implement the new rules.
Continue reading >>Spanish Jurisdiction at Stake: Puigdemont’s Judge to be Judged by a Belgian Court?
Tomorrow, a new weird chapter opens up in the „affair Puigdemont“: The Spanish Supreme Court Judge Pablo Llarena, who unsuccessfully issued the European Arrest Warrant against former Catalan premier Carles Puigdemont, is cited before a Belgian court. He is object of a civil lawsuit filed by Puigdemont who accuses the magistrate of a lack of impartiality and violating the presumption of innocence as well as his right to reputation. What is the most astonishing about this lawsuit is the fact that it is a Belgian court which shall judge the professional actions of a Spanish judge.
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01 September 2018
Now let him enforce it
On powerless judges, unforthcoming Poles and other constitutional matters of who gets to force his will on whom.
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30 August 2018
Schengen Entry Bans for Political Reasons? The Case of Lyudmyla Kozlovska
On 13 August 2018, Lyudmyla Kozlovska, an Ukrainian national and the President of the Open Dialog Foundation (ODF) in Poland, was detained at Brussels airport on the basis of a Polish entry ban reported into the Schengen Information System (SIS II). One day later, the Belgian border authorities deported her to Kiev, Ukraine. This case raises questions on the discretionary power of states to use the SIS II for entry bans on ‘unwanted migrants’ and the obligation of executing states, in this case Belgium, to check the legitimacy or proportionality of these other states decisions. Furthermore, this case illustrates the necessity of effective remedies against decisions reported in large-scale databases such as SIS.
Continue reading >>Fighting the Backlash – The South African High Court on the Suspension of the SADC Tribunal
Today, the South African Constitutional Court may have the last word on a case concerning South Africa's suspension of the Southern African Development Community Tribunal. On 1 March 2018, the South African High Court found that this foreign policy decision violated substantive human rights. Even though it is easy to criticize the judgment for its scarce reasoning, the decision entails intriguing ideas for building a more principled foreign relations law in the South African context.
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Prosecuting a Judge that Enjoys Diplomatic Immunity: the Case of Judge Aydın Sefa Akay
After the coup attempt on 15 July 2016, more than 80,000 people have been detained in Turkey. One of the most interesting incidents was undoubtedly the arrest of International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals’ (MICT) (former) Judge Aydın Sefa Akay. The main problem in this situation was whether Judge Akay enjoyed diplomatic immunity even from his own State’s jurisdiction. What happened with Judge Akay has manifested the deficiency of international rules regarding the immunity of international judges and, moreover, that said rules must be so articulated that they leave no room for similar incidents in the future.
Continue reading >>29 August 2018
Disenfranchised by Accident: the Brexit Initiative and Brits abroad
On the 23rd of July 2018, the European Commission registered a European Citizens’ Initiative called “Permanent European Union Citizenship”, with the objective, in the context of Brexit, to ask the Commission to “propose means to avoid risk of collective loss of EU citizenship and rights, and assure all EU citizens that, once attained, such status is permanent and their rights acquired”. The aim of this initiative is, for British citizens, to retain European Union citizenship post Brexit. However, paradoxically enough, a considerable number of British expats, who are the main concerned, are legally unable to support this initiative (or any other as it turns out) because of a legal conundrum.
Continue reading >>26 August 2018
Constitutional Democracy in Crisis? The Right-Wing Populist Surge
Right-wing populists now govern in Turkey, Poland, Hungary, India, South Africa, Israel, and the United States. They are gaining ground in almost every European nation outside of Scandinavia, most notably in Germany, France, the United Kingdom, Italy, the Netherlands, and Austria. Right-wing populists are weakening the European Union. Even Australia has not been immune to the siren call of a more ethnic and religious nationalism. When empowered, right-wing populists take aim at the inclusive, secular and cosmopolitan commitments of contemporary constitutionalism, and the independent courts designed to foster those commitments.
Continue reading >>25 August 2018
Law and Sentiment
On public opinion, private feelings and other sensible and sentimental matters constitutional.
Continue reading >>24 August 2018
New German Intersex Law: Third Gender but not as we want it
The new German draft law to introduce a third option in personal status law has overwhelmingly been decried as a missed historical opportunity, or even as counterproductive, for a variety of reasons. The main criticisms are that the third option does not fully recognize gender diversity as it will only be available to those with a medical diagnosis of an intersex condition, and that the government failed to genuinely consider the alternative option presented by the Constitutional Court – that of scrapping sex/gender registration altogether.
Continue reading >>23 August 2018
Why the Polish Supreme Court’s Reference on Judicial Independence to the CJEU is Admissible after all
On August 2nd 2018, the Polish Supreme Court has referred questions to the European Court of Justice about whether or not the forced retirement of most of its senior judges and other infringements of judicial independence are compatible with EU law. That decision is a landmark step in the serious constitutional crisis in Poland that has been going on for several years. One issue is of fundamental importance: Is the SC’s preliminary reference to the CJEU admissible?
Continue reading >>17 August 2018
The 2018 French Asylum and Immigration Act
As many others in the European Union, the French government attempts to tackle the so-called “migrants crisis”. A new bill aims at reducing the length of asylum proceedings and fighting against irregular migration. Despite disagreements between the two chambers, the National Assembly has adopted the last version of the bill on August 1st. Left-wing Members of Parliament have brought an action before the Constitutional Council. The bill may not be enacted before the Council has given its decision, at the beginning of September. The text will no longer change, unless some provisions are deemed unconstitutional.
Continue reading >>Facebook’s Efforts to Squash Scrutiny of the EU-US Privacy Shield
Currently, Facebook is before the Supreme Court in Ireland asking to curtail judicial powers that allow courts to refer questions on the EU-US Privacy Shield Agreement to the CJEU. This is part of an ongoing litigation of Max Schrems, who was still an Austrian law student at the start of the litigation, against the Irish Data Protection Commission (DPC) in the jurisdiction of Ireland where Facebook currently holds its EU headquarters for tax and company law purposes. The litigation has the capacity to change the face of the transatlantic relationship, not least now, at a critical juncture of fragility and uncertainty and represents an extraordinary step.
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15 August 2018
Secessionism, Federalism and Constitutionalism in Ethiopia
On the morning of 4 August 2018, troops were seen taking over key positions in Jijiga, a capital city of the State of Somali, one of the constituent units of the Ethiopian federation. Heavily armed military vehicles were stationed outside the state parliament, the offices of state government and the state TV station. It was not an invasion by a foreign force. It was a federal intervention.
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08 August 2018
The Rule of Law Crisis in Poland: A New Chapter
The current controversies on the Polish Supreme Court resemble the conflict over the Constitutional Tribunal in 2015-216 to some extent. However, the Supreme Court took new steps on August 2, when it referred five questions to the Court of Justice of the EU and requested a preliminary ruling. All five questions relate (more or less directly) to the principles of (1) independence of the courts and (2) the judicial independence under the circumstances of the rule of law crisis in Poland and thus have a potential of becoming a key aspect in the Polish rule of law crisis.
Continue reading >>Democratic Decay Resource (DEM-DEC): First Monthly Bibliography Update-August 2018
The DEM-DEC Bibliography presents a global range of research on democratic decay. It has a strong focus on research by public lawyers – spanning constitutional, international and transnational law – but also includes key research from political science, as well as policy texts. First monthly update since DEM-DEC was launched. Updates to the Bibliography will be issued on the first Monday of each month.
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07 August 2018
Open Letter
We, the undersigned, have learnt that Chief Justice of the […]
Continue reading >>03 August 2018
Drawing Red Lines and Giving (Some) Bite – the CJEU’s Deficiencies Judgment on the European Rule of Law
The illiberal turn in Europe has many facets. Of particular concern are Member States in which ruling majorities uproot the independence of the judiciary. For reasons well described in the Verfassungsblog, the current focus is on Poland. Since the Polish development is emblematic for a broader trend, more is at stake than the rule of law in that Member State alone (as if that were not enough). If the Polish emblematic development is not resisted, illiberal democracies might start co-defining the European constitutional order, in particular, its rule of law-value in Article 2 TEU. Accordingly, the conventional liberal self-understanding of Europe could easily erode, with tremendous implications.
Continue reading >>02 August 2018
Bulgaria’s Constitutional Troubles with the Istanbul Convention
On July 27th Bulgaria's Constitutional Court ruled that the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence, also known as the Istanbul Convention, contradicted Bulgaria’s Constitution. The decision may cause a stir among Western commentators not only because of its result, but also because of its peculiar legal arguments and untidy, repetitive narrative.
Continue reading >>The CJEU Has Spoken Out, But the Show Must Go On
In a nutshell, I argue that despite several conceptual problems in CJEU’s understanding of judicial independence, it showed a healthy dose of judicial statesmanship in Celmer. As neither the preliminary reference procedure nor the fundamental right to the fair trial are good “vehicles” for addressing the Polish structural judicial reforms, there is a limit what the CJEU could do. The foundations of judicial independence are political and thus the real constitutional moment will be the combo of the next Polish parliamentary and presidential elections.
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31 July 2018
Shifting towards a democratic-authoritarian state: Israel’s new Nation-State Law
The 'Basic Law: Israel as the Nation-State of the Jewish People' was passed by the Knesset on July 19, 2018. The Basic Law purports to entrench the identity of the state as a Jewish state. As this Article is being written several petitions against the Basic Law are being prepared and will be submitted to the Supreme Court. The Court however may find it very difficult to declare the Basic Law void.
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30 July 2018
Drawing Red Lines With No (Significant) Bite – Why an Individual Test Is Not Appropriate in the LM Case
It can be argued that the individual assessment required by the Aranyosi judgment is not the proper test in the LM case due to three reasons. Firstly, regular control reverses the logic of the mutual trust developed by the CJEU. Secondly, there is a substantial difference between fundamental rights and the independence of judiciary. Infringements of the latter require other legal mechanisms of protection. Thirdly, the Polish institutional changes affecting judicial independence may influence all 26 EU acts providing for mutual recognition of judgments. A broader perspective should be taken.
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29 July 2018
The CJEU in the Celmer case: One Step Forward, Two Steps Back for Upholding the Rule of Law Within the EU
Surrender cases are litmus tests for the EU’s approach towards the enforcement of the rule of law in the Member States. Without judicial independence and other elements of the rule of law concept, EU law will cease to be operational, whether in the context of the single market or outside of it. Aranyosi and LM are the beginning of a long journey. In a more general sense, these cases demonstrate that ultimately – as in all incomplete constitutional systems – it is the courts which play a crucial role in carving out and applying rule of law and fundamental rights exceptions.
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28 July 2018
Rule of Law Retail and Rule of Law Wholesale: The ECJ’s (Alarming) “Celmer” Decision
A craving for the rule of law can be satisfied in two ways. You can invoke it legally through a case-by-case checking of its presence in any particular instance (though of course, retail assessment means you’re at the mercy of the court near you) or you can better guarantee a steady and plentiful delivery by contracting wholesale, thus providing a legal constraint on the supplier’s ability to deviate. This week’s decision of the European Court of Justice in the “Celmer” case (Case C-216/18 PPU, Minister for Justice and Equality v LM) tells us that the rule of law is now available retail in the European Union, but it is not now – and probably can never be – available wholesale.
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How to Assess the Independence of Member State Courts?
Immediately after it was published, the judgment in Case C‑216/18 PPU Minister for Justice and Equality v. LM generated many varied assessments in Poland. Some commentators treated the judgment as a general vote of no confidence against the Polish judiciary whilst others (including the Minister of Justice) found it to be a defeat of the Irish court. The judgment is used as an argument in current political disputes. Leaving aside, however, the aforementioned determinants, it is to be concluded that because of its approach to certain significant issues, the judgment does not yield to an unequivocal interpretation, and its actual consequences are still hard to anticipate.
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Individuals and Judges in Defense of the Rule of Law
In many ways, this case illustrates EU constitutionalism at its best: despite not being obliged to do so, the Irish judge made a request under Article 267 TFEU, bringing together concerns raised by the pending Article 7 TEU procedure and the more technical and narrow issue of fair trial under Article 47 EU Charter. While the ECJ follows the path opened in Aranyosi for assessing the ‘real risk of breach’ under Article 47 EU Charter, in interpreting that provision it manages to weave in the wider Article 7 TEU contextual concerns as well, thereby considerably strengthening the constitutional status of the right to a fair trial.
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27 July 2018
The Deficiencies Judgment: Postponing the Constitutional Moment
Much was at stake in the LM / Deficiencies decision. The Court of Justice was called to strike a complex balance between different interests, a balance that was bound to be controversial. While the ruling was not the defining ‘constitutional moment’, this moment might be only postponed. The Court made it clear that ‘red lines’ already exist in European constitutional law, and that it is willing to operationalize them. Nonetheless, it should not be forgotten that the Court should not replace the ‘political game’ – a game that is clearly on.
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We Still Haven’t Found What We’re Looking For
The diagnosis is grim. So, the CJEU should have done something! If the political class is reluctant, the law in the hands of the CJEU must be put to play. The conventional narrative has it that this has always been the case. This was the gist of the hope laid in the anticipated LM case. The CJEU has not lived up to those high expectations. This is not a landmark ruling and neither will its impact be of seismic constitutional proportions. The reason for that is, as we shall see, not the reluctance of the CJEU to address the problem seriously, but a plain fact that the expectations have been simply too high. While this is, most likely, as good as it can judicially get, the LM decision has still not brought us what we have been looking for. Nevertheless, we might be at least an inch closer toward that goal.
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A new chapter in Israel’s “constitution”: Israel as the Nation State of the Jewish People
In the very last day of the Knesset’s summer session, on July 19th 2018, the Israeli Knesset passed a new Basic Law stating that Israel is the Nation State of the Jewish people. Supporters of this Basic Law claim that it simply states the obvious: Israel was established as a refuge and a homeland for the Jewish people. Still, the Basic Law is very problematic. Not because of what is included within it, but mainly for what is missing from it: the idea of a democratic state and the principle of equality.
Continue reading >>A Clever Compromise or a Tectonic Shift? The LM Jugment of the CJEU
The LM judgment is certainly not the end, rather the beginning of a development. Its teaching is not that systemic deficiencies of the judiciary do not matter. Rather, such deficiencies shall be addressed systemically. Such systemic solutions may force the respective member state to adjust without making its participation in the EU abruptly impossible.
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26 July 2018
Afraid of Their Own Courage? Some Preliminary Reflections on LM
The much-awaited judgment in the case LM (also known as Celmer) is a landmark decision. The European Court of Justice acknowledged for the very first time that the essence of the right to a fair trial prohibits, under certain circumstances, the surrender of individuals from one EU Member State to another. Against the backdrop of the rule of law crisis in Poland and elsewhere, this acknowledgment is certain to be seen as a big step towards strengthening the rule of law in Europe. At the same time, the decision falls short of the expectations of those who wanted the Court of Justice to assess the independence of the Polish judiciary in substance.
Continue reading >>24 July 2018
„Do not go. Do not vote“: an Interview with WOJCIECH SADURSKI
The Polish President Andrzej Duda has announced a referendum about the reform of the Polish Constitution of 1997. According to Wojciech Sadurski, the questions he intends to ask the Polish people are either meaningless, redundant or downright detrimental - with one important exception.
Continue reading >>23 July 2018
Sandu and Others v Russia and Moldova: The High Costs of Occupation
On 17 July 2018, the European Court on Human Rights reminded again that occupation of foreign lands and support of separatist regimes is a costly affair. This cost is not only calculated in terms of monetary repercussions but also in terms of reputational losses. On that day the chamber of the Court delivered a judgment in the case of Sandu and Others v Russia and Moldova. This judgment is a new one in the line of cases dealing with a breakaway region of Moldova – the self-proclaimed Republic of Transnistria.
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21 July 2018
Break from the Break
On the epic fight about Prawo and Sprawiedliwość that is going on in Poland and other estival reasons for constitutional alarm.
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20 July 2018
Are National Governments Liable if They Miss Their Relocation Quota of Refugees?
Last week, the Spanish Supreme Court declared that between 2015 and 2017 the Government of Spain had failed to relocate 19.449 refugees from Greece and Italy. The Court considered in its Judgement of 9th July of 2018 that Spain was bound by two Council Decisions of May and September 2015 establishing an EU Emergency Relocation Mechanism aimed at distributing some of the refugees that arrived at their coasts during the so-called ‘refugee crisis’. The relocation mechanism included a table with the number of refugees Member States were obliged to accommodate in their own international protection systems (‘quota’).
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The Curious Case of Article 299 of the Turkish Penal Code: Insulting the Turkish President
Judgments by the Strasbourg Court are binding on Turkey and furthermore are the primary source for interpreting the European Convention of Human Rights, a treaty to which Turkey is party and which, according to Article 90 of the Turkish Constitution, prevails over national laws such as Article 299 of the Turkish Penal Code on insulting the President, in the event of conflict. ECtHR jurisprudence clearly indicates such a conflict between Article 299 and the Convention. But are Turkish courts aware of this?
Continue reading >>18 July 2018
Germany’s Moral Responsibility to Support a Treaty on Business and Human Rights
In a massive conglomeration called the Treaty Alliance, leading human rights NGOs around the world together with many luminary academics are calling for a treaty between states on business and human rights that would seek to prevent human rights violations by businesses from occurring and ensure they do not go unpunished, or at least uncompensated. Such a treaty is necessary given the need to address a number of problems in international law that have prevented victims of human rights violations from being able to gain remedies against errant corporations.
Continue reading >>17 July 2018
The ECtHR and Post-coup Turkey: Losing Ground or Losing Credibility?
Since Turkey’s coup attempt in July 2016, human rights violations have been abundant. With a broken Turkish justice system, the ECtHR has received over 33,000 applications from the country, with 30 to 40 more incoming each week. Shockingly, more than 90% of these applications have been dismissed. This is often on dubious grounds, causing experts and Turkish citizens alike to condemn its response.
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16 July 2018
Neues vom Glossator (14): Kämpfen, kommentieren, durch Texte kämpfen
Von Organen und Maschinen, Gesetzen und Polypen, Rudolf Jhering und Roger Caillois.
Continue reading >>15 July 2018
Being Gay under India’s Constitution
Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code penzalizes "carnal intercourse against the order of nature". The Indian Supreme Court heard a case last week that could finally lead to the end of this residue of British colonial rule.
Continue reading >>14 July 2018
Seven Long Years
On staring into abysses, the passing of time and what we all want to be remembered for.
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13 July 2018
Order in the Eurozone: MAURIZIO FERRERA and CLAUS OFFE in Conversation
A German-Italian exchange on the dysfunctionalities of the European Monetary Union and the ongoing social and political crisis particularly in Southern Europe.
Continue reading >>11 July 2018
The Disheartening Speech by the President of Bulgaria’s Supreme Court Which Nobody in Brussels Noticed
While many foreign commentators focus on the endangered democratic values in Poland and Hungary, the situation in Bulgaria is equally deplorable. If the President of the Supreme Court contends that there is no separation of powers and that his family is facing abuse because he turns down orders by the executive, then surely ordinary citizens, especially critics of the government, have no means to protect themselves from the rage of those who have captured the Bulgarian State.
Continue reading >>09 July 2018
Neues vom Glossator (13): Vom Treiben
Mir fällt in dieser Woche, in der nicht nur im Netz darüber diskutiert wurde, was eigentlich gefährlich sei, Menschen in Schlauchbooten oder die Lifeline, und in der darüber diskutiert wurde, ob man nicht lieber ein paar absaufen lässt, damit die anderen gewarnt seien, nicht viel mehr ein, als in die Gründe und Abgründe Europas zu schauen.
Continue reading >>07 July 2018
What You Did This Summer
On legal entanglement, brotherly love and other matters of constitutional fiction and non-fiction
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The Polish Counter-Revolution Two and a Half Years Later: Where Are We Today?
The Polish Constitutional Court is gone. The ordinary courts have been captured. The National Council of the Judiciary brought to the heel and replaced with the loyalists. Two and a half years after the fateful elections of 2015 there are important lessons to be learnt from the way the democratic backsliding has progressed and the liberal democracy has been overpowered. In order to fully understand the Polish counter-revolution, we must start by revisiting 1989.
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06 July 2018
The Solidarity Offense in France: Egalité, Fraternité, Solidarité!
On July 6 2018, the French Constitutional Council ruled that the commonly called “delit de solidarité” or “solidarity offense” which criminalises any person who facilitates the irregular entry or stay of a foreigner in France is partially unconstitutional. Even if the legislator has to reconcile the constitutional principle of fraternity with the safeguarding of the public order, the former implies the “freedom to help others, for a humanitarian purpose, without considering the legality of their residence on the national territory”.
Continue reading >>05 July 2018
Polish Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Under Pressure: What Now?
These days mark the capture of the second-last central institution not yet fully under the control of the Polish Law and Justice party, namely, the Supreme Court (the last remaining one being the Ombudsman office). Having captured the Constitutional Tribunal, the National Council of Judiciary, electoral commissions, media regulation boards, prosecutorial offices and presidents of all local, regional and appellate courts, the illiberal revolution is eager to devour the highest court of the land.
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The AG Opinion in the Celmer Case: Why the Test for the Appearance of Independence is Needed
In this post, I focus on what I believe is the most important question in the Celmer case: what kind of a test for the rule of law/fair trial, and with how many prongs? I argue that the rule of law/fair trial test that the Court should apply is the test for the appearance of independence, known from the practice of the ECtHR. I also argue that the Court should not leave the application of this test to the referring court but carry it out by itself.
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04 July 2018
CETA’s Investment Court System and the Autonomy of EU Law: Insights from the Hearing in Opinion 1/17
On 26 June 2018, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) held its hearing in Opinion 1/17, which concerns the compatibility of CETA’s Investment Court System (ICS) with EU law. Due to the depth of the substantive issues covered and the length of hearing, this post only addresses the first of four questions posed to the ECJ by Belgium, which relates to the principle of autonomy. It is fair to say though that autonomy-related questions and arguments featured the hearing most prominently and may therefore be particularly contentious.
Continue reading >>03 July 2018
FATA’s fate in Pakistan
On May 25th 2018, Pakistan’s senate passed a constitutional amendment that merges the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) – a patch of mountainous land snaking along parts of the Afghan border – with Khyber Pakhtun Khwa, a province that sandwiches it. This means that for the first time the constitution’s jurisdiction stretches all the way to the frontier region. In popular culture FATA mostly pops up as a lawless abode where thugs and criminals hide to avoid detention.
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How PiS Plans to Tip the Electoral Scales in its Favour
It is summer, the vacation season is near, and the football World Cup is on everybody’s mind. It is hard to think about politics these days... It is not a coincidence that the party ruling in Poland has just now submitted a draft amendment to the Polish law on the elections to the European Parliament.
Continue reading >>02 July 2018
The AG Opinion in the Celmer Case: Why Lack of Judicial Independence Should Have Been Framed as a Rule of Law Issue
On 28 June 2018, Advocate General Evgeni Tanchev delivered his Opinion in the Case C‑216/18 PPU Minister for Justice and Equality v LM on the surrender of a crime suspect to Poland. The issue is whether Mr. Artur Celmer, referred to by the Opinion as LM, should be surrendered from Ireland to Poland when there are serious doubts as to whether he would receive a fair trial, due to the alleged lack of independence of the judiciary resulting from recent changes to the Polish judicial system.
Continue reading >>30 June 2018
Fight these People!
On the need to fight these people, and the need to fight these people. And the need to fight these people.
Continue reading >>29 June 2018
Fidesz and Faith: Ethno-Nationalism in Hungary
“The protection of Hungary’s self-identity and its Christian culture is the duty of all state organizations” says one of the new provisions that were adopted on 20 June to change the country’s Fundamental Law of 2011. Besides its potential to limit fundamental rights, what are the possible consequences of this constitutional change, in legal, cultural and political terms?
Continue reading >>28 June 2018
Is the U.S. President Above the Law?
On June 4, President Trump tweeted that the President has the absolute right to issue pardons, even to himself. The President’s claim came close on the heels of the New York Times’s publication of a letter two White House attorneys had sent months earlier to Robert Mueller, the Special Counsel appointed to investigate links between Trump’s election campaign and the Russian government. The lawyers argued that the President’s firing of FBI Director James Comey could not constitute obstruction of justice, because the President is the chief law enforcement officer of the nation, and can fire the FBI Director for any reason at all. Can it really be the case that the President of the United States is above the law?
Continue reading >>27 June 2018
The Phantom Insurrection: how Counter-Insurgency Theory Became a Paradigm of Governing
We are constantly struggling to make sense of the politics of our time, to understand what links various developments and phenomena that we witness. Bernard E. Harcourt has written a book that offers such an interpretation. In "The Counterrevolution" he explains how the massive collection of data and the increasing militarization of police go together, how the changes in military and foreign policy relate to domestic US politics since 9/11, and where to place President Trump in this picture. At the occasion of his visit in Berlin, Bernard Harcourt was willing to give this brief interview and speak about the theses of his book.
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In Praise of Limiting Democracy: a Defense of ISDS
With the UK Parliament debating CETA and the CJEU hearing arguments on the compatibility of EU law with the dispute resolution provisions, investor-state dispute resolution (ISDS) is very much in the news again. Many seem to be concerned about the integrity of the nation state, the ability of the people (within national boundaries) to order and determine their fates. Why should we not view ISDS as a threat to national wellbeing? The reason is that sometimes we need constraints on sovereign discretion.
Continue reading >>25 June 2018
Announcement: Launching New Online Democratic Decay Resource (DEM-DEC)
The incremental deterioration of democratic rule worldwide is one of the most pressing global challenges today, and public lawyers are indispensable to the search for greater understanding of this phenomenon, and to the search for potential solutions. This challenge is now the focus of one of the most rapidly expanding research areas in public law: every week more research appears and more events and projects are announced as scholars push to grasp the unfolding and intensifying rollback of democratic progress globally. Yet, much of this global effort is scattered as scholars are cut off from one another by research field boundaries, geographic boundaries, and network boundaries.
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23 June 2018
The Tide is Turning: Elections in Turkey
Will the elections tomorrow change the course of the country in an equally abrupt and infinitely more dramatic manner? Is the seemingly limitless power of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party) about to crumble? It’s too early to say. But it is definitely possible.
Continue reading >>Bavarian Curses
On geography in Europe, on the firmness of the ground underneath us and other matters of constitutional disorientation.
Continue reading >>20 June 2018
Towards a Reform in Lebanon? Interview with the President of the Constitutional Council ISSAM SLEIMAN
The Lebanese political system, based on the principle of confessional parity, is notoriously complex and rigid. In May, after years of gridlock due to sectarian strife, a new parliament was elected. But the fundamental problems remain unsolved. Issam Sleiman, the President of the Constitutional Council, has proposed a reform of enable the Constitutional Council to settle conflicts about the interpretation of the constitution.
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18 June 2018
The Italian President and the Security of the European Project
In a previous post, I have argued that the recent decision of the Italian President Mattarella to refuse to appoint as Finance Minister Paolo Savona, was constitutional. Many have argued either in favour or against Mattarella’s decision, either from legal or political perspective, or both. My argument is as follows: (a) the decision to refuse Savona’s appointment is not only legal, but also legitimate, as confirmed by the legal-historical context, in which the Italian form of government has developed; (b) the reasons behind Mattarella’s decision are deeply linked with the “security of the European project”, a rationale which has been a constant feature of European integration. Yet conflicts and contradictions have been concealed for too long and should be addressed more directly.
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17 June 2018
Das Flüchtlingsrecht steht einer Änderung der Asylpolitik nicht entgegen
Die Forderung der CSU, Migranten, die bereits in einem anderen EU-Mitgliedsstaat als Asylsuchende registriert wurden, direkt an der Grenze zurückzuweisen, ist zum Teil auf scharfe Kritik gestoßen. Dana Schmalz schreibt in ihrem Beitrag „Weshalb man Asylsuchende nicht an der Grenze abweisen kann“ unter anderem, dass der Zurückweisung von Flüchtlingen an der Grenze auch die Genfer Flüchtlingskonvention (GFK) entgegenstehe. Insbesondere solle sich aufgrund der rein deklaratorischen Natur der Anerkennung als Flüchtling und dem Refoulement-Verbot aus der GFK eine Verpflichtung ergeben, selbst solche Personen vorläufig aufzunehmen, bei denen sich später herausstellt, dass sie keinen Schutzanspruch als Flüchtling haben. Dieser Ansicht soll im Folgenden eine etwas andere – mehr positivistische – Lesart der Konvention gegenübergestellt werden.
Continue reading >>16 June 2018
A Tale of Two Unions
On Christian Democrats, Europe and other unifying and disuniting matters constitutional.
Continue reading >>15 June 2018
Reden wir erneut über Geld: Wir brauchen ein Parteistiftungsgesetz!
Auch heute ging es im Bundestag wieder um staatliche Zuwendungen, diesmal für die parteinahen Stiftungen. Anlass war ein Gesetzentwurf der AfD-Fraktion über deren Rechtsstellung und Finanzierung. Ihre nahezu vollumfängliche staatliche Finanzierung gibt Anlass, nach ihrer rechtlichen Grundlegung zu fragen. Ein Stiftungsfinanzierungsgesetz sucht man vergeblich.
Continue reading >>14 June 2018
Die prozedurale Seite des Rechts auf Rechtfertigung: eine Erwiderung auf ALON HAREL
Unter welchen Bedingungen sollten wir verpflichtet sein, uns der Autorität des Staates zu beugen? Die Frage so zu stellen, heißt schon, den Menschen als Rechtfertigungswesen (Rainer Forst) zu begreifen: Wenn jemand behauptet, Autorität ausüben zu dürfen, dann muss diese Autorität dem gegenüber, der ihr unterworfen ist, rechtfertigbar sein.
Continue reading >>Robuster Konstitutionalismus, Bindung des Gesetzgebers, richterliche Normenkontrolle
Der Konstitutionalismus befindet sich in einer Krise. Er ist harscher Kritik bekannter liberaler Theoretiker ausgesetzt (just jenen, die stets seine größten Verteidiger waren) und, wichtiger noch: Er wird in Frage gestellt durch Parlamente, Politiker, Aktivisten und manchmal gar durch Richter. Die wesentlichen Zielscheiben des gegenwärtigen Populismus sind die Verfassung und die Richter, die sie zu interpretieren haben. Dennoch gehen Angriffe auf den Konstitutionalismus nicht nur von Populisten aus. Dieser Beitrag verfolgt daher die Absicht, den Konstitutionalismus zu verteidigen und ihn auf ein neues theoretisches Fundament zu stellen.
Continue reading >>13 June 2018
“Academics for Peace“ and their Freedom of Expression
The ‘Academics for Peace Petition’, published in January 2016, was signed by around two thousand academics from both Turkey and from abroad. The petition raised concerns, using strong language, about the conduct of Turkish security forces in their counter-terrorism operations carried out in response to violent actions by the PKK terrorist group and their supporters in south-east Turkey in the summer of 2015. One signatory, Füsun Üstel, professor of political science, was found guilty of committing the crime of terrorist propaganda under Article 7(2) of the Turkish Counter Terrorism Law and now faces fifteen months of imprisonment. The constitutional protection of Üstel’s freedom of expression has not been respected by the court in its judicial reasoning.
Continue reading >>12 June 2018
Dusting off the Old Precedent – Why the Commission Must Stick to the Art. 7 Procedure Against Poland
Here we go again. The reports are resurfacing that the Commission is ready to back away from the Article 7 procedure that was initiated against Poland last December. Should we be surprised? For anybody who vaguely follows the Commission’s vanishing act, the answer must be a resounding „no”. Instead, the analysis that follows offers a journey back in time and argues that the past teaches us some important lessons and … rhymes.
Continue reading >>Völkerrecht klar benennen: Deutschland im Sicherheitsrat und der Einsatz für die „regelbasierte internationale Ordnung”
Am Freitag ist Deutschland für eine zweijährige Amtsperiode in den Sicherheitsrat der Vereinten Nationen gewählt worden. In ihrer Kampagne hatte die Bundesregierung unter anderem für eine Stärkung der Völkerrechtsordnung geworben. Dafür ist es zentral, dass Deutschland seine Rechtsauffassung im Sicherheitsrat deutlich artikuliert.
Continue reading >>Suffering from Withdrawal – Controversy in the UK EU (Withdrawal) Bill
Beginning today, the EU (Withdrawal) Bill (EUWB) will return to the UK House of Commons, where all 15 amendments made to the EUWB by the House of Lords will be debated over only two days. The EUWB is arguably one of the most contentious and complex pieces of legislation to be presented to the British Parliament in this century. The amendments are a response to the concerns regarding the broad discretion across an unknown expanse of law with an almost-unfettered use of legislative power by the executive.
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11 June 2018
Refugees in Orbit – again!
Matteo Salvini, Italy’s new far-right home secretary, tweeted “Vittoria!” after news broke that the 629 persons stranded aboard the M.S. Aquarius would be forced to proceed to the Spanish city of Valencia rather than being allowed to disembark at much closer ports in Sicily. But for whom was it a “victory”?
Continue reading >>Neues vom Glossator (9): Erkenne Dich selbst, aber sprich nicht darüber
Über Gesetz und Recht, Fabian und Steinhauer, Bobbio und Grimm, Luhmann und Foucault (und Steinhauer), und warum deutsche Staatsrechtslehrer so selten in der ersten Person Singular schreiben.
Continue reading >>10 June 2018
Is the Reasoning in “Coman” as Good as the Result?
The Court of Justice of the European Union has not always enjoyed the reputation of being particularly LGBT-friendly, but its standing among those pushing for the better protection of rights of same-sex couples is likely to have improved considerably following Coman. While I agree with the substantive result of the decision, I am uncertain if the CJEU’s reasoning is equally convincing. My two main points of critique concern the interpretative techniques applied and the relationship between national identity and fundamental rights.
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09 June 2018
Money is Time
On revenues and expenditures and other entries in the constitutional balance sheet.
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Open Letter to Vice-President Frans Timmermans
If the law on the Polish Supreme Court enters into force in the beginning of July, as is currently planned, a large number of sitting judges of that Court will see their tenure unconstitutionally extinguished. In combination with an increase in the number of seats on the Supreme Court, this means that the newly politicized National Council of the Judiciary, elected by the governing party, will be in a position to appoint a majority of the judges on the Supreme Court. 23 legal and constitutional scholars have signed an open letter to urge the Vice President of the EU Commission to initiate an infringement procedure against Poland.
Continue reading >>Lithuania and Romania Complicit for Hosting CIA “Black Sites”
On 31 May 2018, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) confirmed in two simultaneously published judgments, Abu Zubaydah v. Lithuania and Al Nashiri v. Romania, that Lithuania and Romania were involved in the running of secret detention facilities of the CIA, so-called “black sites”, on their territories as well as their “complicity” in the execution of CIA’s secret extraordinary rendition programme for suspected terrorists.
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08 June 2018
If ‘Vote Leave’ Broke the Law, Could Brexit be Void?
Could Brexit be declared void by a court, and article 50 revoked, if there were major irregularities in the vote? Evidence is emerging of possible fraud, and criminal acts by Vote Leave, Cambridge Analytica, and Aggregate IQ: illegal overspending, psychologically profiling and targeting people with online ads, based on stolen data. Now, the legal opinion of three barristers has become public on how Vote Leave, and its organiser Dominic Cummings, committed criminal offences.
Continue reading >>The Hungarian Constitutional Court betrays Academic Freedom and Freedom of Association
On 5 June the Hungarian Constitutional Court issued two injunction decisions, almost identical in their texts, which suspend the constitutional review procedures against two laws enacted in early April, 2017 by the Hungarian Parliament, outside the normal legislative process. The first, an amendment to the Act on National Higher Education known as „Lex CEU“ was challenged by a constitutional complaint, the second, the Act of the Transparency of Organizations Receiving Foreign Funds by 60 opposition MPs of the Hungarian Parliament with an abstract norm control notion. The handling of these two petitions by the Constitutional Court was odd in more than just one respect.
Continue reading >>New Paradigms for the European Parliament
Without strong leadership Europe’s right-wing movements will remain a disparate band at next year’s European Parliament elections. There is one man who knows this: Viktor Orbán. The real battle next year will not be centred on Potemkin-like Spitzenkandidaten, but will polarise around Emmanuel Macron and Viktor Orbán.
Continue reading >>07 June 2018
Bumps on the Roadmap towards the Republic of Northern Macedonia?
Greece and the Republic of Macedonia are one step closer to re-naming R. Macedonia into the “Republic of Northern Macedonia” or “Republic of Upper Macedonia”. On 28 May 2018, the Foreign Ministers of both countries have announced significant progress towards the bilateral treaty regarding the name issue. At the same time, a road map for the name change of the Republic of Macedonia was announced that includes a binding referendum by the Macedonian people. But what happens if the treaty is already signed and binding, and the people of Macedonia vote against the name change in the referendum?
Continue reading >>A Crisis Made in Italy
The recent crisis surrounding the Italian President’s refusal to appoint a Finance Minister considered likely to pursue an agenda of ‘Italexit’ has sparked a great deal of constitutional commentary. Two particular threads of opinion are identified here and some doubts cast about them. On the one hand, there are those who consider legitimate the President’s discretionary use of power, partly in light of the pressure that would be brought to bear by the financial markets should Italy opt for exiting the single currency. On the other hand, there are those who doubt its wisdom, and offer a broader indictment of the pressure brought to bear on the Italian government as a result of being in an overly rigid Eurozone. This gets closer to diagnosing the condition, but in its ambiguity about the pressure point, fails to underscore that this is essentially a crisis made in Italy, and, if at all, to be resolved there, including a full and frank debate about membership of the single currency and even the European Union.
Continue reading >>06 June 2018
Who Controls a Facebook Page?
Days after the General Data Protection Regulation has entered into force, data protection and social networks are in the news again: Last Tuesday, the ECJ has decided that the administrator of a Facebook page is jointly responsible, along with Facebook itself, for processing personal data of Facebook users and persons visiting the page hosted on Facebook via web tracking.
Continue reading >>The Taming of the Court – When Politics Overcome Law in the Romanian Constitutional Court
The Romanian Constitutional Court has backstabbed the Romanian President in his efforts to protect the independence of the chief anti-corruption prosecutor. On 30 May 2018, the Constitutional Court ordered the President to dismiss the chief anti-corruption prosecutor via presidential decree. Before, the President had refused the proposed dismissal by the Minister of Justice based on an Advisory Opinion of the Superior Council of Magistracy that stated that the reasons brought forward against the chief prosecutor were not substantiated enough to justify a dismissal.
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Hic Rhodus, hic salta: The ECJ Hearing of the Landmark “Celmer” Case
The highly anticipated hearing in the Celmer case took place on 1 June 2018 before the Grand Chamber of the ECJ. The stakes are undoubtedly high. On the one hand, the efficiency of the European Arrest Warrant mechanism is clearly at risk — a risk which could lead to broader consequences for the whole architecture of mutual trust and recognition. On the other hand, the Celmer dispute goes to the heart of the problems surrounding the current Polish judicial reforms, and to the ensuing concerns about judicial independence. Taking into account the present negotiations between the Polish government and the Commission, Celmer is unquestionably both political and delicate in the extreme.
Continue reading >>05 June 2018
The Federal Rainbow Dream: On Free Movement of Gay Spouses under EU Law
After a pretty disappointing and self-contradictory judgement on the wedding cakes delivered yesterday by the US Supreme Court, the CJEU came up today with the long-awaited decision in the Coman case – putting a thick full stop on a long debate about the interpretation of the term ‘spouses’ under the EU Free Movement Directive. In short, the Court held that the term does cover spouses of the same sex moving to an EU Member State where a gay marriage remains unrecognized. This simple YES is a huge step forward in federalizing the EU constitutional space in a time of multiple crises.
Continue reading >>Two Courts, two Languages? The Taricco Saga Ends on a Worrying Note
The epic story of the confrontation between the Italian Constitutional Court (ICC) and the European Court of Justice (ECJ) that has become known under name Taricco has come to an end at last – somewhat different than expected, but nevertheless. On May 31 the ICC has handed down its final judgment. The hatchet between the Courts is buried. But the way it was done by the ICC is by no means conciliatory.
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02 June 2018
Festa della Repubblica
On elevating one government and toppling another and further topsy-turvy matters constitutional.
Continue reading >>31 May 2018
The “Savona Affaire”: Overconstitutionalization in Action?
As is well known, Italy is undergoing an institutional crisis sparked by President Mattarella’s veto on the composition of the prospective Italian government. Following Dieter Grimm, we claim that the events here analysed reveal the extent to which the EU legal framework is overconstitutionalised and the democratic costs and risks inherent in this legal and political order.
Continue reading >>28 May 2018
Why the Italian President’s Decision was Legitimate
The new Italian government is unlikely to find a majority in Parliament; it will probably be a short-term, neutral caretaker, until the new elections, which may take place as soon as next autumn. The impeachment procedure against the President – should it start at all – will end in nothing, although it might stir the electoral propaganda.
Continue reading >>The People vs. the Elite: Italian Dialectics and the European Malaise
Has the Italian President power of veto over the choice of the ministers of the government? Some argue that the Constitution does not allow Mattarella to go against the indications of the winning parties and should respect the will of the majority of the electorate, and should abstain from interfering with the political choices of the future Prime Minister. These considerations are not correct and follow from a superficial reading of the Constitution.
Continue reading >>“A Bad Workman always Blames his Tools”: an Interview with LAURENT PECH
Constitutional capture in Poland and Hungary and what to expect from the European Commission, the Council and the Court of Justice: an interview with Laurent Pech.
Continue reading >>26 May 2018
Hitting the Right Person
On kicking the one and meaning the other and other straight and crooked constitutional shooters.
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25 May 2018
Transnational Partisanship vs Transnational Democracy
The European Parliament has called for he creation of a European cross-border constituency, a transnational list of candidates from across the continent. This idea, recently popularised by French president Emmanuel Macron, has been gutted by the European People's Party, though – a move which could itself be seen as a powerful manifestation of the importance of transnational partisanship in the EU.
Continue reading >>23 May 2018
Caviar, Corruption and Compliance – New Challenges for the Council of Europe
Compliance with judicial decisions often poses challenges, all the more so when international courts such as the European Court of Human Rights are involved. How to react to a failure to abide by judgments of the ECHR has been a question for the Council of Europe for some time. But the suspicious background of a currently unfolding episode involving Azerbaijan may offer an unusually clear justification for a strong reaction even to a single case of non-compliance.
Continue reading >>Crossing the Rubicon
During the last weeks, a group of Greek anarchists that go by the name of Rubicon has attacked the Council of State and a number of other public buildings. So pervasive is the activity of this group of disruptors that it has become the background to a new normality in Greece. Rubicon is not a terrorist group, it is not a political party, it is not a group of vigilante Robin Hoods. It is the symptom of a disease. The disease is the brutalisation of a frustrated, enraged society that hates everyone and also hates itself.
Continue reading >>22 May 2018
Ethnocentric Mambo in Catalonia
Catalonia is a fragile object. As in many other places, history has assembled fragments without completely fusing them, leaving behind scars that remind us of the effort required to join what is diverse. These scars demand special attention because, contrary to societies where the wounds that produced them are old and almost forgotten, in Catalonia many of the wounds were still suppurating just a few decades ago. As they do now. For months, we have been at risk of tearing them open.
Continue reading >>21 May 2018
Save the Constitution!
India's oppositional Congress party wants to impeach Dipak Misra, the Chief Justice of India, who stands accused of allocating cases to the respective benches at his own, politically right-leaning whim. In its fight against the governing BJP party, the Congress party has launched a "Save the Constitution!" campaign. Unfortunately, its leader Rahul Ghandi's family has a history of entanglement with the constitution of its own.
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18 May 2018
There is No Such Thing As a Particular „Center and Eastern European Constitutionalism“
After a new landslide electoral victory by the Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, a fresh perspective on constitutional developments in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) has started taking shape. It could be described as constitutional appeasement. The argument goes that given a widespread popular support for the constitutionally backsliding regimes in Hungary, Poland as well as elsewhere, we should start examining our own theoretical premises from which we have been observing and evaluating the developments in CEE. Perhaps, there is not everything wrong with CEE political and institutional developments?
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17 May 2018
The Białowieża case. A Tragedy in Six Acts
In the judgment of 18th of April 2018 the European Court of Justice has ruled (unsurprisingly) that by carrying on logging activities on the UNESCO-protected Białowieża Forest, Poland has failed to fulfil its obligations under EU law. In the Białowieża case the process of judicialization of the EU governance called for a concerted action and dual commitments: from the Court and the Commission. The Court did its part, Commission failed and reverted to its bad ways from the past: negotiating with the government who has been giving short shrift to the Commission and to the core values of the EU law for two years and will continue doing that under the pretense of striving for a compromise with the EU. The Commission continues to be missing one crucial element: the politics of resentment are not just one-off aberration.
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15 May 2018
From DNA Tracing to DNA Phenotyping – Open Legal Issues and Risks in the new Bavarian Police Task Act (PAG) and beyond
Is Germany facing a tidal shift in police powers? Does the border between the prosecution of criminal offences and the prevention of looming dangers, which has so far been regarded as self-evident and constitutionally necessary, fall? Will people who are suspected of maybe committing crimes in the future only on the basis of statistical data or non-individualized investigative approaches be preventively restricted in their fundamental rights and even imprisoned in the long term? Is Germany on the way to comprehensive predictive policing, for which considerable risks of discrimination will be accepted? These questions arise from the critics of the draft act on police tasks, which the Bavarian state government intends to pass this week. Beside drones and online seizure one of the crucial investigative issues is the so called “DNA phenotyping”.
Continue reading >>The Israeli Override Clause and the Future of Israeli Democracy
The recent proposals to enact an override clause to the Israeli Basic Law; Human Dignity and Liberty has triggered a fierce public debate in Israeli legal and political circles. Under this proposal, the Knesset could reenact a statute that was declared void by the courts. As is characteristic of such debates, the proponents and opponents of the override clause claim to defend democracy, strengthen the protection of rights and defend restore the proper balance between different branches of government. The purpose of this post is to explain the background of this debate and evaluate the pros and cons of the override clause in the Israeli context.
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14 May 2018
Judges under Attack in Hungary
Judges seem to irritate the Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán who likes to talk officially about “the judicial state” and irresponsible judges. Despite many problems with judicial autonomy and practice, judicial independence itself has remained relatively intact from overt political influence so far. More precisely: the governing party and its friends could not completely rely on the courts to get favorable decisions. For example, governmental bodies have regularly lost cases initiated by civil legal organizations for the release of public information. That, however, might change after Orbán’s latest electoral victory.
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13 May 2018
10 Facts on Poland for the Consideration of the European Court of Justice
In June, the European Court of Justice is to decide whether, despite massive legislative changes, the Polish judiciary is still independent and therefore able to ensure a fair trial to people extradited to Poland on the basis of a European Arrest Warrant. Marcin Matczak, a Polish lawyer, uses the old tradition of the amicus curiae letter – a letter from a friend of the court – to depict the situation of the Polish judiciary in 2018.
Continue reading >>12 May 2018
Show your Fetish
On superstition, substitution and other super-duper matters constitutional.
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11 May 2018
“Passive Indoctrination” as a Terrorist Offense in Spain – A Regression from Constitutional Rights?
Spanish counter-terrorist legislation was originally aimed at fighting local terrorism of a nationalist nature. In Spain, the phenomenon was so present during the constituent process that the Constitution itself included a provision that allows certain fundamental rights to be suspended for specific persons, “in relation to the investigations corresponding to the actions of armed bands or terrorist elements” (art. 55.2 EC –Spanish Constitution-).
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The Case Law of the Bundesverfassungsgericht on Counterterrorist Measures
Ever since 9/11, a multitude of laws against terrorism have been adopted, both on the federal level and on the level of the Länder (which in Germany are mainly responsible for the police). The 2002 “Law on suppression of international terrorism” was only the first of many to follow: immediately after 9/11, the Federal Ministry of the Interior seized the opportunity to introduce counterterrorist measures that had been on its agenda for quite some time.
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10 May 2018
Excesses of Counter-Terrorism and Constitutional Review in France: The Example of the Criminalisation of the Consultation of Websites
In the span of three years, France has adopted no […]
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09 May 2018
China’s Constitution and the People’s War on Terror
When HU Bo posted his tweet in July 2014, he […]
Continue reading >>The State of Emergency, Non-Refoulement and the Turkish Constitutional Court
There is almost not a day that passes without terrorism […]
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08 May 2018
State Secrecy in Counterterrorism: Different Judicial Standards of Review – The Abu Omar Case before Italian Courts
State secrecy provides an interesting viewpoint on national and supranational […]
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Is Travel to Syrian Warfare a Terrorist Crime? The Finnish Case
On 24 January 2018, the Helsinki District Court of 24 January 2018 ruled on an alleged plan by three Muslim men, all Finnish nationals, to travel to Syria and join the ongoing armed conflict there. The prosecutor chose to base the charges on Section 2, Preparation of an offence to be committed with terrorist aim, under the construction that joining the armed opposition forces in Syria so as to engage in hostilities against the official army of the al-Assad regime, could have resulted in death or injury to members of the Syrian military forces.
Continue reading >>07 May 2018
The Right to Fair Trial and the Rise of Sensitive Intelligence Evidence: Responses from the Dutch and UK Courts
Writing extra-judicially, Lord Justice Brown once described the typical court […]
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Courts and Counter-Terrorism: the Last Line of Defence?
Terrorism is all over the news these days but not […]
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A Constitutional Referendum to Delegitimize the Constitution
President Andrzej Duda has just announced that on 10 and 11 November a referendum will be held in Poland on the need to amend the Constitution, in which he will put to the Polish people numerous questions arising from ongoing public consultations. This consultative referendum is an attempt to delegitimise the Constitution, on which the referendum’s own legitimacy is based.
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06 May 2018
Choosing between two Evils: the Polish Ombudsman’s Dilemma
The Polish legislator has adopted several controversial anti-terror and surveillance laws recently. Ombudsman Adam Bodnar had had applied for constitutional review before the Constitutional Tribunal – but the cases were assigned to panels that included unconstitutionally elected "anti-judges". Therefore, he decided to withdraw the application. But that is not the end of the story.
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05 May 2018
A Hymn to the Rechtsstaat
On the busting of myths, the rottenness of Denmark and other constitutionalist examples of not singing along
Continue reading >>04 May 2018
Deflection of Asylum Seekers to Ghettos in Third Countries?
One of the reform ideas of the Common European Asylum System is to enforce the deflection of asylum seekers to non-European countries. The designation of a third country as a safe third country may be made with exceptions for specific parts of its territory. That could cover the transfer of asylum seekers to an unstable third state, when a protection zone of the size of a refugee camp has been brought under control and asylum seekers are held there with their subsistence secured. This post aims at questioning the compatibility of this new scheme with the Geneva Convention and at eliciting a debate on it.
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The Danish Institute for Human Rights and the Copenhagen Declaration – a Reply to Helga Molbæk-Steensig
In her blog post “Is Something Rotten in the State of Denmark?”, Helga Molbæk-Steensig analyses the making of the Copenhagen Declaration; the most important outcome of the Danish chairmanship of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe. Molbæk-Steensig agrees with most commentators that the declaration does not reflect the Danish government’s “strong discourse of sovereignty and democratic deficit in the Danish debate“. We certainly agree on this point, but we cannot agree with Molbæk-Steensig when she claims that we – Denmark’s national human rights institution – played a passive, or even negative, role during the making of the declaration. We especially disagree when Molbæk-Steensig implies that we somehow legitimise a far-right narrative designed to limit the system of human rights protection in Europe or subscribe to a reductionist concept of democracy.
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02 May 2018
Corporate Liability for Extraterritorial Human Rights Violations – the US in Retreat?
Last week, in Jesner v. Arab Bank, the United States Supreme Court decided that foreign corporations cannot be sued in federal court for human rights violations that occurred outside the US and have no substantial link to the US. The decision is the latest piece of an ongoing debate around the question: just how far can the US meddle in affairs of other countries? More pragmatically, it makes international human rights litigation - a successful counterpart to diplomatic intervention in the past - much more difficult today.
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01 May 2018
Has Parliament Taken Charge of Brexit?
The UK House of Lords has adopted amendments to the European Union (Withdrawal) Bill that would make the conclusion of a withdrawal agreement contingent on parliamentary approval. It is not at all clear which, if any, of the Lords amendments will survive in the House of Commons, and we may not find out for a while. It may be premature to conclude that Parliament is now fully in charge of the Brexit process. What the amendments show, however, is that Parliament can assert control if it chooses to do so.
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28 April 2018
Bavarian Krampf
On the cross, the kippah and other constitutional and unconstitutional uses of religious symbols to make refugees feel bad.
Continue reading >>(Not) Striking Down Surrogate Motherhood in Portugal
Last Tuesday, the Portuguese Constitutional Court declared unconstitutional several provisions of the regime on surrogacy, as well as the prohibition to disclose the identity of gamete donors and surrogate mothers. The most striking aspect of this decision, however, is not what the PCC ruled unconstitutional but rather what it expressly accepted as being constitutionally valid. The clear messages sent by the PCC to the legislature show a careful self-repositioning of the Court in its role as a constitutional interpreter in a democracy.
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26 April 2018
Something Rotten in the State of Denmark?
The final version of the Copenhagen Declaration has turned out to be a lot less dramatic than the original draft led many observers to believe. This leaves several questions of why. Why did Denmark, traditionally a frontrunner country, create a draft declaration so regressive it gave rise to harsh critiques from the Council of Europe Assembly, from academia and from civil society? Why was the Danish Minister of Justice glossing over the content of the declaration? Why has the Danish Institute of Human Rights been so relatively quiet throughout the whole debacle?
Continue reading >>25 April 2018
Harnessing Artificial Intelligence the European Way
Will 10 April 2018 be remembered by many as the day of Mark Zuckerberg’s testimony before the US Senate? The hearing was covered by the media in all aspects down to the tie he was wearing. But that was not the only important event taking place on that day, and maybe not even the most important one: I am talking about the Declaration on Cooperation in Artificial Intelligence, signed on the same day but hardly noticed. And yet its impact in the long term might exceed that of the current scandal about Facebook and Cambridge Analytica by far.
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24 April 2018
The Draft Amendments to the Serbian Constitution: Populism before Judicial Independence
Serbia is currently abuzz with draft constitutional amendments that should enhance judicial independence and move the country one step closer to EU accession. On 12 April 2018, the Serbian Government adopted the draft amendments and sent them to the Venice Commission. However, while at present the political influence on the judiciary comes from the political institutions, in the future this influence will come from the ruling majority.
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Gerrymandering and Judicial Review in Malaysia
On 28 March, the Malaysian Parliament passed new electoral maps. The re-delineated boundaries create an imbalance in constituencies, prompting allegations of mal-apportionment and gerrymandering. They remain largely unchallenged, not only through ouster clauses in particularized elections legislation, but also through the unwillingness of the judiciary to recognize the importance of the constitutional question relating to fair and equitable electoral management.
Continue reading >>23 April 2018
What’s (still) Wrong with Glyphosate? On Pesticides, Public Trust and Parliamentary Scrutiny
The Glyphosate saga that had been troubling farmers, regulators, activists and corporations for almost seven years, finally came to an end with the renewal of the authorization for the infamously notorious pesticide in December 2017. Or did it? Reacting to the widespread institutional and societal concern generated by the uncertainty over Glyphosate’s safety, the European Parliament has set up a special committee on the authorization procedure for pesticides, which held its first working meeting in Brussels on April 12th, 2018. With this, the first renewal of Glyphosate’s authorization became a major case of politicization of science in the European Union.
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21 April 2018
The Good Thing about Being German
On not bombing Syria, not saving Europe and other con- and destitutional opportunities to feel smug about ourselves.
Continue reading >>17 April 2018
Selmayr’s Appointment: Why this Juncker Crisis is Much More Dangerous for the EU Commission than the Santer Crisis in 1999
The promotion of Jean-Claude Juncker's chief of cabinet Martin Selmayr to secretary general of the EU Commission has caused quite a stir in some parts of the press, but rather little critique in the EU Parliament, among EU lawyers and in the eurobubble in general. This episode will come back recurrently during the populist campaign against the EU institutions in 2019. And later it will still be used to weaken the Commission. 2019 will sadly be far from the end of this story.
Continue reading >>16 April 2018
Bad Response to a Tragic Choice: the Case of Polish Council of the Judiciary
A few days ago, the courageous and intelligent Chief Justice of the Polish Supreme Court, Professor Małgorzata Gersdorf, announced that, after some agonizing due to important legal and moral dilemmas at stake, she decided after all to convene the first, inaugural meeting of the National Council of Judiciary. The meeting is to take place on 27 April. The decision was met with dismay on the part of some lawyers and relief on the part of others. Generally, however, it did not prompt any particularly strong responses on either side. But the decision is momentous, both in its practical consequences and as a matter of principle.
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15 April 2018
The Pisciotti Saga: A Duel in Karlsruhe as Finale?
The arrest of the Italian businessman Romano Pisciotti at Frankfurt Airport on 17 June 2013 has been the cause of many judicial decisions. The latest, if not last, was rendered this week by the Court of Justice of the European Union. Considering the reasoning of the Court, the last decision on this matter might actually come from the German Federal Court of Justice: The German supreme court might get to answer the thorny question whether or not the German Federal Constitutional Court had violated EU law by not referring the case to the CJEU. Such an unprecedented clash between federal courts would surely be a worthy coronation of a long saga.
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14 April 2018
Syria and the Humanitarian Reprisal – President Trump’s Poisonous Gift to International Law?
Among the many unwanted gifts Donald Trump has given international law as of yet, this may very well prove to be the worst: the humanitarian reprisal. Forcible countermeasures, so-called reprisals, were standard practice in order to enforce violations of international obligations at least until World War I and continued to be used and accepted even in the inter-war period. Not infrequently, they led to wider military conflicts. Thus, under the post-1945 international legal order established by the UN Charter, reprisals do not constitute licit countermeasures and in fact are covered by the prohibition of the use of force in Article 2(4) of the UN Charter.
Continue reading >>To Pick an Argument
About courtesy, courts and other catalysts of constitutional combativeness.
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12 April 2018
The Charming Smile of Viktor Orbán
The political campaign leading up to the recent Hungarian general elections was deeply flawed. One of the constitutionally suspicious steps of the party in power (Fidesz) was to blur the lines between the official communication of the Government (as a constitutional organ) and the campaign messages of Fidesz (as a candidate party). Unfortunately, none of the state institutions involved in the adjudication of the case could adequately address the constitutional issue.
Continue reading >>11 April 2018
The Strange (German) Case of Mr. Puigdemont’s European Arrest Warrant
The decision by the Oberlandesgericht of Schleswig in the Puigdemont case is a flawed ruling that seriously undermines the effectiveness of the European arrest warrant, and I would even say its future survival. It is also a manifest example of mistrust between courts of Member States, the type of conduct that destroys the foundations of mutual recognition and judicial cooperation.
Continue reading >>10 April 2018
Judicial Independence as a Precondition for Mutual Trust
The Celmer case calls for us to reflect on the question what role judicial authorities can and should play in ensuring compliance with democracy, the rule of law and fundamental rights (DRF) in other EU Member States. In our view, judicial authorities ultimately have an independent responsibility to put a halt to surrenders, in case the wanted person’s fair trial rights are put in peril due to a general lack of judicial independence in the issuing state. At the same time, the political responsibility for balancing diverse EU constitutional principles needs to be borne by democratically elected institutions. Therefore, the court of the executing state should not only halt or suspend judicial cooperation in the event that persuasive pieces of evidence point to a violation of the values shared by the EU and the Member States in the issuing state, but it should also freeze the case awaiting a resolution of the matter from political actors.
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07 April 2018
Piercing the Second Reality
On legal monsters and monstrous lawyers and other gothic tales of contemporary constitutionalism
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05 April 2018
The Consensus Fights Back: European First Principles Against the Rule of Law Crisis (part 2)
For the EU to have a chance against the rising politics of resentment, the language, and perspectives through which the EU looks at the member states, must be challenged and change. “Essential characteristics of EU law” must go today beyond traditional “First Principles” of supremacy and direct effect, to embrace the rule of law, separation of powers, independence of the judiciary and enforceability of these principles as part of the ever-evolving consensus.
Continue reading >>The Consensus Fights Back: European First Principles Against the Rule of Law Crisis (part 1)
The referral to the Court of Justice by the Irish judge that questions how the capture of the Polish judiciary affects her duties under the European Arrest Warrant regime has dramatically changed the landscape of the European rule of law crisis. We are witnessing a switch from the classic paradigm of EU law of «judges asking judges» (dialogue via preliminary rulings) to a more demanding « judges monitoring the judges ».
Continue reading >>04 April 2018
Complexities of Constitutional Change in the Philippines
President Rodrigo Duterte assumed office in July 2016, His party, PDP-Laban, had campaigned under the slogan: “No to Drugs, Yes to Federalism”. Duterte thus is committed to shepherding the Philippines towards a federal form of government; an undertaking that would require an extensive overhaul of the country’s constitution. The future of constitutional change under Duterte in any event is uncertain for a series of constitutional and political reasons. Critically, some of the most pressing of these concern the process of constitutional change itself.
Continue reading >>31 March 2018
“Only Fidesz” – Minority Electoral Law in Hungary
Hungary is holding parliamentary elections on 8th April. While the systemic deficiencies of the Hungarian electoral system have received international attention, the present Hungarian regulation and the practice of minority and extraterritorial citizen voting also create several possibilities for abuse. Hidden behind the façade of multiparty elections, nation building and minority rights, the current system serves as an instrument to keep the government in power.
Continue reading >>27 March 2018
A Love Letter from Strasbourg to the Turkish Constitutional Court
We can all breathe a sigh of relief: Turkey’s constitutional complaint mechanism is an effective domestic remedy. Said the European Court of Human Rights in its March 20th rulings, speaking for the first time on the issue of prolonged pre-trial detentions since the July 2016 coup attempt in Turkey. These judgments reflect the ECtHR’s continuing preoccupation with its docket crisis despite the rapid consolidation of authoritarian rule in Turkey.
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26 March 2018
High Treason in Germany – Rebellion in Spain
Carles Puigdemont, the fugitive former President of Catalonia wanted by Spanish law authorities, has been arrested in Germany. The German equivalent to his alleged crime of rebellion is high treason.
Continue reading >>The Authoritarian Regime Survival Guide
This text was published in social media in January 2017 in a series of improvised, spontaneous tweets, which reached 3 million views within one month. Their common element was their trademark signature, “- With love, your Eastern European friends”, and the accompanying hashtag #LearnFromEurope. Excerpts and summaries were published by various on-line media, but this is the first time it is published as a whole.
Continue reading >>24 March 2018
Having the Pudding and Eating It
On empty bowls, full mouths and other cases of distitutional crapulence.
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23 March 2018
‘The Place of the Constitution Is Empty’: Chinese Political Aesthetics of Commanding Constitutional Faith
‘The document emblazoned with the Chinese characters the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the constitution in its material form, was gingerly held and escorted by a military guard of honour onto the lectern at the centre of the podium of the Great Hall of the People in the First Session of China’s 13th National People’s Congress on 17 March, 2018.’ This is the snapshot of a video cap about the inauguration of the PRC’s (new/amended) constitution, which was part of the so-called core leadership’s constitutional oath-taking ceremony before the audience of the members of the National People’s Congress for the first time in the PRC history. Watching that video, I cannot help but attempt an aesthetic read of the unsubstantiated Chinese political order in the light of Claude Lefort’s famous ‘empty place’ thesis.
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20 March 2018
A Constitutional Court Silencing its Critics
After twenty years of operation, the Thai Constitutional Court has finally got its first statute that lays out details of procedural rules. The Organic Act on the Procedure of the Constitutional Court B.E. 2561 (2018) is long overdue. A decade of political chaos had prevented the Parliament from passing the law until the military took power in 2014. The junta-appointed National Legislative Assembly expected it to facilitate the Court through the foreseeably turbulent future. Ironically, turbulences might come from the law itself.
Continue reading >>17 March 2018
A Whiff of Thuggery
On white papers, dark arts and other matters of different degrees of constitutional shadiness.
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16 March 2018
Lebanon – Plaything of Regional Powers: The Case of Saad Hariri
The forced temporary resignation of the Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Harari under pressure from Saudi-Arabia has raised not just political, but also legal questions. Saudi-Arabia violated the principle of non-intervention, Hariri’s personal inviolability and his human right to personal liberty. Maybe this time the Lebanon escaped a new political crisis, but the situation remains tense. Living in fear of a new conflict seems to be Lebanon’s destiny.
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15 March 2018
Bye bye, ICC! The Philippines’ farewell put into perspective
On 14 March 2018, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte announced that the Philippines will withdraw from the International Criminal Court (ICC, the Court) “effective immediately.” Duterte’s intention to reject the ICC’s jurisdiction exemplifies the Court’s fragile foothold across Southeast Asia. Cambodia and the Philippines have been the only two ICC members among the ten ASEAN countries. Thailand signed the Statute in 2000, but not yet proceeded to ratification. An explanation of this Southeast Asian hesitation may be found in distinct attitudes and principles within and between the ASEAN countries.
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14 March 2018
Constitutional Rights First: The Italian Constitutional Court fine-tunes its “Europarechtsfreundlichkeit”
Only a few days after the Court of Justice of the European Union buried the hatchet in the so-called Taricco saga, the Italian Constitutional Court issued a decision that may inaugurate the most significant shift of its jurisprudence in European affairs since 1984, when the Constitutional Court fully accepted the principle of primacy of EU law and blessed the disapplication of national legislation incompatible with EU law.
Continue reading >>13 March 2018
CJEU Opens the Door for the Commission to Reconsider Charges against Poland
In the Associação Sindical dos Juízes Portugueses judgment the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) deemed that on the basis of Article 19(1) TEU it is competent to evaluate the guarantee of independence of judges if only they sit in a national court that may apply and interpret EU law. In light of this ruling, the European Commission in the infringement proceedings against Poland does not have to restrict itself to the slightly modified “Hungarian scenario” (hitherto preferred by it). It may instead once again analyse the scope of charges with regard to the Common Courts System Act (the CCS Act), and may even lodge a new complaint concerning i.a. the Act on the Supreme Court.
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10 March 2018
Rise together, fall together
On Turkish coffee, Western spaghetti and other treats and mistreatments of constitutional relevance.
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Is There A Better Way Forward?
Poland and Hungary have governments that are systematically undermining constitutional checks on the power of their leaders and deliberately turning all state institutions into arms of the party. Those cases demand that the EU’s full powers be urgently directed to averting a full-blown autocracy within the EU. What can be done?
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09 March 2018
The Limited Immediate Effects of CJEU’s Achmea Judgement
It seemed that Court of Justice of the European Union wanted to make it short and sweet: It took the Grand Chamber in its Achmea Decision less than fifteen pages to conclude that Investor-State dispute settlement (ISDS), as we know it, shall belong to the past, at least in an intra-EU context. Finito della musica? Not quite!
Continue reading >>Didn’t the EU Learn That These Rule-of-Law Interventions Don’t Work?
When Hungary first starting doing down the path to autocracy after 2010, EU officials were quick to recall the “failed” case of Austria in 1999. Didn’t the EU learn from its experience?
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08 March 2018
The Court is dead, long live the courts? On judicial review in Poland in 2017 and „judicial space” beyond
How should Polish judges respond, now that the Constitutional Court is being used in the day-to-day politics, and keeps delivering goods for its political masters? We have to be unequivocal here. Any future decisions taken by the „fake Court” with the “fake” judges sitting on the cases will be marred by invalidity. The ordinary judges will have a valid claim not to follow these rulings. Should they decide to follow decisions made with the participation of, or made by, “fake” judges, their own proceedings will be vitiated by invalidity.
Continue reading >>Why Poland and not Hungary?
According to Frans Timmermans, speaking on 17 September 2017, “the situation in Hungary is not comparable to the situation in Poland” implying that Poland is far worse off than Hungary in the rule of law department. But is that true?
Continue reading >>07 March 2018
Was the Commission Right to Activate pre-Article 7 and Article 7(1) Procedures Against Poland?
Despite the Commission’s best and repeated efforts, the rule of law situation in Poland has indeed been going from bad to worse under the stewardship of Poland’s de facto leader and its “Law and Justice” governing party.
Continue reading >>06 March 2018
Pakistan’s Supreme Court to Purify Parliamentarians
Only a good Muslim makes a parliamentarian. That seems to be the line the Pakistani Supreme Court has taken in disqualifying the disgraced former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif as president of his own party and person entitled to nominate candidates for the upcoming Senate elections.
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Is Article 7 Really the EU’s “Nuclear Option”?
Why have some EU officials called Article 7 the EU’s “nuclear option” – and is Article 7 really that powerful?
Continue reading >>05 March 2018
Climate Change and Freedom of Assembly: Some Human Rights Questions for COP24
A little over a month ago, the Polish parliament passed a law on organizational issues related to the Conference of Parties (COP24) of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), which will meet next in December in Katowice, Poland. While the law has not received much international media attention, it has caused quite a stir amongst environmental non-governmental organizations and human rights activists. It prohibits participation in any spontaneous assembly in Katowice during the entire COP24 meeting; and authorizes the Polish government to collect participants’ personal data for reasons of public safety.
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Does the Commission have the Competence to Monitor Compliance?
Does the Commission have the competence under the Treaties to monitor compliance with the rule of law in countries suspected of rule of law backsliding, even in the event of a breach in an area where the Member States act autonomously?
Continue reading >>04 March 2018
Is the Organisation of National Judiciaries a Purely Internal Competence?
On 26 January 2018, Jarosław Kaczyński, Poland’s de facto leader (which in itself is a rather unhealthy sign in a democracy), claimed that what he refers to as judicial “reforms” would not be an EU matter but rather an “internal competence guaranteed by EU law”.
Continue reading >>03 March 2018
Italian Conditions
On staying uncompromised, staying neutral and other matters of constitutional purity and putrification.
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Should the EU Care About the Rule of Law at Member State Level?
What would happen to the principle of mutual trust? Take requests for extradition under the European Arrest Warrant: Member States would be required to send anyone on their territory (including their own nationals) to a non-rule-of-law abiding Member State.
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02 March 2018
What is Rule of Law Backsliding?
The notion of backsliding implies that a country was once better, and then regressed. How does that happen? Turns out, it follows a well-organised script that can be summed up in 8 steps.
Continue reading >>A Line in the Sand: The ‘Strict Observance’ of International Law in the Western Sahara Case
When the EU makes international agreements and implements them, its scope is not only limited by the competence allocation and procedures in its own primary law but also by fundamental features of the international legal order. In the Western Sahara judgment, the CJEU has drawn lines in the sand not only geographically but also constitutionally.
Continue reading >>Cryptocurrencies: A ‘Sandbox for Regulators’?
By thinking loudly about putting the regulation of cryptocurrencies on the agenda of the G20, governments seem to have managed to keep the Bitcoin bubble from inflating into a systemic risk, so far. In a tongue-in-cheek sense, this behavior of supervisory and regulatory authorities can be described as the distributed ledger technology of financial supervision. It is distributed because it does not have a clear center. The G20 seems to be the common reference point for many actors, but it does not speak itself. It is like a shared code.
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01 March 2018
Is the Rule of Law Too Vague a Notion?
Is the rule of law too vague a notion to be enforced by the EU against its Member States? Discussing possible sanctions against Poland over its rule of law issues, the Bulgarian prime minister recently claimed that the rule of law is too “vague” to be measured before adding: “Every time you want to hurt someone’s feelings, you put [on the table] ‘the rule of law’.”
Continue reading >>Misguided ‘Associate EU Citizenship’ Talk as a Denial of EU Values
Guy Verhofstadt is famous for articulate ‘The answer is more Europe’ positions on all issues European. Jan-Werner Müller might be right: should there have been no Verhofstadt, Eurosceptics would have had to invent him. This is particularly so given his position on EU citizenship for UK nationals after Brexit as the chief European Parliament Brexit negotiator. In this contribution, I explain why playing with any kind of ‘associate EU citizenship status’ for the Brits after Brexit is a terrible idea undermining all what should be cherished about the project of European unity.
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The Rule of Law in Poland: A Sorry Spectacle
With political appointments to its National Council of the Judiciary, Poland is now seeing the next step in the dismantling the rule of law. The change in the procedure for appointments to the Council was one of the reasons thousands of Poles took to the streets last summer to protest in the name of independent courts. Their fears have turned out to be well founded.
Continue reading >>28 February 2018
Has the CJEU just Reconfigured the EU Constitutional Order?
On 27 February 2018 the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) handed down a judgment in Associação Sindical dos Juízes Portugueses v Tribunal de Contas. The case concerned a legal challenge of the Portuguese association of judges against austerity measures temporarily reducing the salaries of public sector workers. The CJEU may have used it to potentially reconfigure a long-standing compromise underlying the EU constitutional order, and to send a signal to Poland (and others) and preparing for future engagement with what could possibly be independent Polish courts.
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Will Finance Policies solve the EU “Refugee Crisis”?
The German government is floating the idea of restructuring EU funds to benefit member states that take in migrants and refugees. What seems like a selfish move by the country that hosts the largest number of refugees in Europe may be an step towards resolving the lingering EU political crises.
Continue reading >>26 February 2018
History, Memory and Pardon in Latin American Constitutionalism
Do pardons have an effect on crimes against humanity? For the last few days, Peruvian society has been debating the pardon of its former president Alberto Fujimori, who has been convicted of crimes against humanity in 2009. On February 20 at the Max Planck Institut für europäische Rechtsgeschichte, the Legal Historian and member of the Constitutional Court of Peru, Dr. Carlos Ramos Núñez, presented a crucial intervention on the problems that face the current constitutionalism in Latin America.
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Who will Count the Votes in Poland?
In the shadow of an international outcry concerning a grotesque and speech-restrictive Polish law which would punish anyone attributing to Polish nation co-responsibility for crimes during the 2nd World War, a much more dangerous change has been quietly brought about, and just completed. A change which gives the ruling party Law and Justice (PiS) necessary mechanisms to “control” the election outcomes. To put it bluntly – a change of the electoral system which will make it possible for PiS to commit electoral fraud allowing it to stay in power, regardless of the voters’ preferences.
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25 February 2018
EU Leaders’ Agenda: Who’s Afraid of Reforms?
Last Friday’s ‘informal’ meeting of the European Council was a key moment in what its President, Donald Tusk, proudly calls his Leaders’ Agenda. Tusk wanted the event to prove that the heads of government are in charge of the EU constitutive process, and to prevent either the European Parliament or the Commission from seizing the initiative. As such it misfired.
Continue reading >>24 February 2018
Game without Rules
On one-way streets, two-way deals and other matters of constitutional duplicity and triplicity.
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20 February 2018
Think Twice before Speaking of Constitutional Review in Turkey
German journalist Deniz Yücel has been freed from the Turkish prison he was held captive for a year. That the partial undoing of an unjust judicial decision had nothing to do with human rights, and everything to do with “diplomacy” – as Gabriel admitted – became all the more evident a few hours later. While one court in Istanbul released Yücel, another sentenced seven Turkish journalists to aggravated life in prison on charges of involvement in the failed coup attempt on 15 July 2016. In addition to being the first conviction of journalists in relation to the putsch attempt, the ruling is also remarkable due to its implications for Turkey’s constitutional regime.
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17 February 2018
Doors Will Open on the Liberal-Hand Side
On right and left and straight ahead and other matters of constitutional balance or polarization.
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15 February 2018
Converging Human Rights and Economics?
The adequacy of pensions, equality, mitigating impact on the poor, and protecting vulnerable persons and groups currently seem to rank high on the agenda of both economists and human rights lawyers. If this is a sign of convergence between the two regimes, it would be more than welcome as that may be the only way of overcoming the hegemonic struggle over which vocabulary to frame the discussion in.
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12 February 2018
The Emerging Trend of Parliamentary Performance: Freedom of Expression in the Hungarian National Assembly
Laurent Fabius, the former President of the French National Assembly, once called the parliament, rather poetically “a theatre of shadows”. It was a harsh criticism of the mostly formal and insignificant role of parliament in the legislative process under the excessive dominance of the Executive. A few years ago Hungarian opposition MPs decided to turn their own “theater” into something more meaningful, or at least more amusing. They have been using all kinds of creative techniques to express their opinion in the hemicycle. It seems, however, that the Speaker and the parliamentary majority do not really appreciate this new trend of performing arts for they constantly impose heavy penalties on the MPs. This practice is a reminder that the principle of parliamentary autonomy needs to be reconsidered in light of contemporary political realities.
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10 February 2018
Thank God I am not like other People
On dimly lit butcher shops, federal feelings of being at home and other constitutional non-starters
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09 February 2018
Memory Wars: The Polish-Ukrainian Battle about History
Recent events show that the conflict between Ukraine and Poland over the interpretation of controversial historical events of World War II has reached a point to be classified as ‘memory war’. These political initiatives from the both sides have destroyed the first achievements of the Ukrainian-Polish dialogue on mutual repentance, forgiveness and commemoration of the innocent victims killed during the conflict in 1940s.
Continue reading >>08 February 2018
The German NetzDG: A Risk Worth Taking?
While the NetzDG is unlikely to resolve all challenges surrounding social media and freedom of expression, and undoubtedly presents a certain risk of stifling expression online, I believe it is nonetheless a significant step in the right direction. Rather than undermine freedom of expression, it promises to contribute to more inclusive debates by giving the loud and radical voices less prominence. In any case, it appears reasonable to let this regulatory experiment play out and observe whether fears over a ‘chilling effect’ on free expression are borne out by the evidence.
Continue reading >>Ireland’s 8th Amendment: Repeal or Retain?
2018 marks the 35th anniversary of the passage of Ireland’s ‘8th Amendment’ which effectively constitutionalises the exceptionally restrictive Irish law on abortion. It may also quite possibly mark its demise.
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07 February 2018
Reviewing the Holocaust Bill: The Polish President and the Constitutional Tribunal
President Duda decided to sign off the controversial law allowing to punish those who publicly accuse the Polish nation and the Polish state of taking part in the Holocaust and in any war crimes. The law will now come into force – a circumstance which is unlikely to calm the international discussion it has generated. Having decided to sign the law, the President announced that he will file a motion to the Polish Constitutional Tribunal to check its constitutionality. If the president is aware that the law may be unconstitutional and has at his disposal legal tools to check it yet allows it to come into force, he can be accused of constitutional recklessness.
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06 February 2018
The Hierarchy of Hate: Mixed Signals in the Combat against Hate Speech
There is a number of varying thresholds to free speech regulation set out by relevant legal tools which can do nothing but confuse countries. Moreover, anti-hate speech legislation developed on an international and European level is marred by what I refer to as the hierarchy of hate, namely the arbitrary focus on particular types of hate speech, such as racist speech, and the simultaneous disregard for other genres such as homophobic speech.
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03 February 2018
The Deed, not the Doer
On populist pluralism, pluralist populism and other dazzling and dizzying matters constitutional.
Continue reading >>02 February 2018
With a little help from Henry VIII
There are few legislative assemblies in Europe which can call themselves with proud sovereign. The Principle of Parliamentary Sovereignty is the most important part of UK constitutional law. It implies that all legislation derives from the superior legal authority of Parliament and hence it is the job of the Members of Parliament to create, abolish and change the law. Well, since Henry VIII this principle is no longer entirely true, and it is currently challenged again by the future “Great Repeal Bill”.
Continue reading >>01 February 2018
Calling Murders by Their Names as Criminal Offence – a Risk of Statutory Negationism in Poland
On the eve of the Holocaust Remembrance Day on 27th of January, the Polish Sejm approved a law on the defamation of the Polish State and Nation, causing extremely harsh reactions from Israel, Holocaust survivors and international organizations. While the attempt to ban the use of the word "Polish concentration camp" seems fully justified, the scope of the law goes way beyond that and is a threat to the freedom of speech and academic research.
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“Anticipating the Third Republic of China”
Qianfan Zhang, constitutional lawyer from Peking, came to Berlin to study German federalism – a model that might help to invigorate China’s 2000-year-old centralized system.
Continue reading >>31 January 2018
Failing to Struggle or Struggling to Fail? On the New Judiciary Legislation Changes in Romania
Like never before in the last 28 years in Romania, huge protests have started against the ‘assault against the judicial independence’. Awareness has been raised as regards the importance of a truly independent judiciary and the disastrous effects of political corruption on the very existence of a liberal democracy.
Continue reading >>29 January 2018
Drama or Serenity? Upcoming Judicial Appointments at the Slovak Constitutional Court
2018 is shaping up to be one of the most important years in the history of the Slovak Constitutional Court (SCC). Nine of the currently sitting 13 judges will see their non-renewable terms expire in February 2019. The new appointments have the potential to be shrouded in drama, as they will take place against the background of a constitutional and political power struggle over SCC appointments between the President and the government, as well as broader judicial malaise in the country.
Continue reading >>27 January 2018
Is the Turkish Constitutional Complaint System on the Verge of a Crisis?
Last week, the Turkish Constitutional Court delivered two decisions on the constitutional complaints of two journalists, finding their detention to be unconstitutional. The Courts of Assize declared the decisions as void because of “usurpation of competence” and refused to enact them. A constitutional crisis seems to be deepening - at least in the short term.
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Project Waterproof
On the weathering of storms, the patching of roofs and other elements of constitutional durability.
Continue reading >>26 January 2018
Free Men and Genuine Judges will Remember about Free Courts
The story of Judge Stanisław Zabłocki of the Supreme Court, told by Ombudsman Adam Bodnar – a cenotaph to judicial indepenence in the Republic of Poland.
Continue reading >>24 January 2018
Sunshine through the Rain: New Hope for Decriminalization of Gay Sex in India?
Gay sex is still a criminal act according to the Indian Penal Act. In 2013, the Supreme Court had quashed a judgment by a Delhi Court to decriminalise consensual gay sex. Now, there are signs that the Supreme Court might reconsider.
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22 January 2018
Will Legalism be the End of Constitutionalism in Turkey?
On 11 January 2018, Turkish constitutionalism entered a new phase of decay. This phase was not triggered by criticism of its judgments by the government nor by the retreat of constitutional protections by the Turkish Constitutional Court (TCC) nor by constitutional court packing as seen in Hungary or Poland. Instead, first instance courts became the newest actors to challenge the authority of the country’s constitution and how it is interpreted by the TCC. The new rebels against Turkish constitutionalism are ordinary judges.
Continue reading >>The German Network Enforcement Act and the Presumption in Favour of Freedom of Speech
The Network Enforcement Act (NetzDG) violates the presumption in favour of freedom of speech. This does not mean that social networks should not be regulated. However, such regulation must not only combat "underblocking", but has to counteract "overblocking" as well.
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20 January 2018
It can happen here
On German militant democracy, Indian militant Supreme Court Justices and other phenomena of pugnacious constitutionalism.
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18 January 2018
Four Indian Supreme Court Judges Accuse the Chief Justice of Wrongdoing
The judges should have been more considerate towards the institutional damage their actions have caused. They have hurt the court for decades to come. Institutional reform proves healthy when it comes from the inside; and one would like to think, that four senior judges wield a hefty amount of institutional power to transform the procedural mechanism without having to 'call upon the people' to intervene.This was little more than a political act in a country where politics and the law only function along the simple logic of institutionalising antagonism.
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15 January 2018
Final Thoughts on Mnemonic Constitutionalism
Twelve scholars from eight countries have offered their critical perspectives on the legal governance of historical memory, categorised under the common heading of “memory laws”. One aspect crystalized by this symposium is that despite their multiple forms (punitive and declarative, constitutional and administrative, legislative and judicial, etc.), the adoption of such memory regulations has been on a tremendous rise in Europe.
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14 January 2018
Memory Politics and Academic Freedom: Some Recent Controversies in Greece
An important area where law and historical memory intersect is the use of memory laws to express collective disapproval of crimes against humanity. These laws, although based on a compelling need to use the symbolic dimension of the law in order to condemn the lowest points of history, can have dangerous unintended consequences for freedom of speech.
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13 January 2018
So much Love
On inter-judicial romance, same-sex love in Romania and other heart-warming matters constitutional.
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Remembering as Pacting between Past, Present and Future
The past has not been spared from the “politics of resentment” engulfing Poland for the last two years. The peculiar (mis)understanding and political instrumentalization of history by Polish rulers provide an important cautionary tale against one-sided partisan historical debate as it impacts how we remember the past and see ourselves today.
Continue reading >>12 January 2018
The Kundera Case and the Neurotic Collective Memory of Postcommunism
History is a battlefield of present politics. Dealing with the past reveals the power struggles and strategies of the present. Past events are both denounced and glorified by political agents of the present hoping to weaken their enemies. However, the past also contains injustices and political crimes and any decision not to deal with them in the present only reaffirms them and confirms the unjust status of their victims. Not to contend with the past injustices thus compromises the legitimacy of the present system of positive law. To deal, or not to deal with the past, indeed, is an important question. However, it is also inseparable from questions of which past is to be dealt with and how.
Continue reading >>11 January 2018
Memory Wars of Commercial Worth – The Legal Status of the Red Star in Hungary
With this blogpost for the T.M.C. Asser Institute – Verfassungsblog joint symposium, I would like to draw attention to another facet in the legal governance of historical memory, that regarding the use of totalitarian symbols of the past. This issue remains particularly pertinent in the region of Central and Eastern Europe in parallel to the widely discussed decline in the rule of law.
Continue reading >>10 January 2018
Memory Politics in Hungary: Political Justice without Rule of Law
After the 1989-90 democratic transition, Poland and Hungary were the first to introduce the institutional framework of constitutional democracy and of transitional justice. For a number of reasons, including a lack of democratic traditions and constitutional culture, after the 2010 parliamentary elections, liberal constitutionalism became a victim of the authoritarian efforts of Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party. In April 2013, the government as part of the Fourth Amendment to the Fundamental Law adopted Article U, which supplements detailed provisions on the country’s communist past and the statute of limitations in the body text of the constitution.
Continue reading >>09 January 2018
30 days, six months… forever? Border control and the French Council of State
For Christmas 2017, the French Council of State – the Supreme Court for administrative matters in France – gave a nasty present to those attached to the free movement of persons in the Schengen area. In a ruling issued on 28 December (see here, in French), it upheld the decision of the French Government to reintroduce, for the ninth time in a row, identity control at its “internal” borders, i.e. borders with other Schengen countries – even though checks at internal borders are not, in fact, systematically performed. This decision, issued without even bringing the matter to the Court of Justice of the European Union for a preliminary ruling, sets aside, probably unlawfully, the time limit set by the Schengen Borders Code.
Continue reading >>Decommunization in Times of War: Ukraine’s Militant Democracy Problem
The Ukrainian parliament Verkhovna Rada adopted four ‘memory laws’ shortly after the Maidan revolution in the spring of 2015: One contains a legislation criminalizing both Nazi and Communist totalitarian regimes, prohibiting the propaganda of their symbols; two laws commemorating, respectively, Ukraine’s fighters for twentieth-century independence movement and the victory over Nazism during the Second World War, and a law guaranteeing access to archives of repressive Soviet-era organs. These laws raise fundamental questions about the legitimate defense of democracy in times of political transformation and war.
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08 January 2018
Memory Laws: Historical Evidence in Support of the “Slippery Slope” Argument
The notion of memory laws emerged as recently as the 2000s, and it can be used in a narrow sense of denoting enactments criminalizing certain statements about the past (such as Holocaust denial) and in a broad sense as including any legal regulations of historical memory and commemorative practices. Such regulations are by no means a recent phenomenon.
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Is the Crime in the Eye of the Beholder?
The French Constitutional Council has, for the second time, struck down a law that prohibits the usual consultation of terrorist websites. There is a higher abstract risk associated to the act of publishing a message than in the isolated act of reading it. Focusing on the prevention of the harm likely to be inflicted by the reader of the websites might not be the only way to deal with this statute, though.
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07 January 2018
Law and Historical Memory: Theorising the Discipline
Recent years have witnessed a surge of studies on law and historical memory, often authored by comparative constitutional scholars. Such scholarship frequently takes ‘particularist’ forms, through studies of dramatic events within specific states or regions. As part of the T.M.C. Asser Institute – Verfassungsblog symposium on memory laws, however, this essay asks: Can the discipline be characterised as a whole? If so, in what ways and with what aims?
Continue reading >>06 January 2018
The Right to the Truth for the Families of Victims of the Katyń Massacre
Recently, Uladzislau Belavusau with his post about a de-communization law in Poland launched a joint ASSER-Verfassungsblog symposium on what he has coined "mnemonic constitutionalism". Aleksandra Gliszczyńska-Grabias followed up on this topic by mapping the landscape of various memory laws in the recent years and unfolding the ongoing challenges to fundamental rights, joined by Anna Wójcik with an exploration of how memory laws affect state security. With this contribution, I would like to discuss how the European Court of Human Rights has failed to offer redress to the families of the victims of the Katyń massacres seeking to receive information about their loved ones. I will compare the Polish case-study with the Spanish and South-American practice concerning the “right to the truth”, thus adding this concept to the array of topics discussed under the umbrella of “memory laws” and mnemonic constitutionalism.
Continue reading >>Beware the Demogorgon
On mock realities, monsters and other contemporary phenomena of constitutionalism.
Continue reading >>05 January 2018
Memory Laws and Security
Recently, Uladzislau Belavusau with his post about a de-communization law in Poland launched a joint ASSER-Verfassungsblog symposium on what he has coined "mnemonic constitutionalism". Aleksandra Gliszczynska-Grabias followed up on this topic by mapping the landscape of various memory laws in the recent years and unfolding the ongoing challenges to fundamental rights. With this essay, I would like to highlight another aspect of mnemonic constitutionalism, affecting various understandings of security.
Continue reading >>04 January 2018
Law and Memory
Recently, Uladzislau Belavusau with his post about a de-communization law in Poland launched a joint ASSER-Verfassungsblog symposium on what he has coined "mnemonic constitutionalism". Drawing on his idea of mnemonic constitutionalism, I would like to join this discussion by mapping the general landscape of how memory laws have recently been manufacturing the socio-constitutional climate in various states.
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03 January 2018
The Commission takes a step back in the fight for the Rule of Law
The European Commission has filed a complaint against Poland with the Court of Justice of the European Union based on Article 258 TFEU, in connection with the Polish Act on the Common Courts System. Fines may be charged on Poland as a result of the case, but the Commission has probably quietly withdrawn some of its charges, apparently opting for the somewhat modified “Hungarian scenario”. The impact of this new approach on the reversibility of the changes introduced to the Polish judiciary will be very limited.
Continue reading >>02 January 2018
Catalonia in deadlock, and why that is a European problem
The Catalan territorial conflict is stuck. No clear solutions are on the table after the elections of December 21st. Catalans and Spaniards are failing so far to find solutions to the problem. But it is our European common problem and our common responsibility to try to help them. More specifically, EU institutions should be doing much more of what they have done so far. I blame them for their passivity in the last couple of months.
Continue reading >>30 December 2017
„A Good Constitution” and the Habits of Heart
Unless we want to complete an obituary for the rule of law in 2018, the challenge should be clear. While improving constitutional safeguards against the excesses of any majority is of utmost importance, it is insufficient. What is needed this time is moving beyond text text and on to building the context in which a constitution will prosper.
Continue reading >>27 December 2017
Some Thoughts on Authoritarian Backsliding
In December I took part in a number of discussions, including at two interesting conferences – one in Nijmegen (the Netherlands) and the other in Berlin. Both of these conferences were on the subject of the return of authoritarianism in Central and Eastern Europe, and I believe the points raised at them are worth sharing.
Continue reading >>23 December 2017
The European Commission’s Activation of Article 7: Better Late than Never?
On Wednesday, the European Commission reacted to the continuing deterioration of the rule of law situation in Poland. The remaining question, of course, is why this argument has been used in the context of 7(1) as opposed of 7(2) given that the situation on the ground in Poland is clearly – in the view of the Commission, the Venice Commission and countless other actors – one of clear and persistent breach of values, as opposed to a threat thereof. The explanation might lie beyond the simple difficulty of the procedural requirements related to the sanctioning stage.
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21 December 2017
Cats, Constitutions and Crises: Dissemination of Research on the Rule of Law Crisis in Poland in a Social Media Age
On "Ceiling Sejm", the Cat, GIF Memes and other ways to fight for the rule of law in Poland in the age of social media and to reach millennials with legal academic expertise.
Continue reading >>What’s in a Name? The Republic of Macedonia at the Crossroads
Forming of the new Government on 31st of May 2017 marked the beginning of the end of one of the most serious political crisis that Republic of Macedonia has lived through from its independence. The country was faced with challenges both on the domestic front – the dissolution of the democratic institutions and backsliding to authoritarianism, and on the international front as well – worsening of the relations with its neighbors. One of the first steps taken by the new government was to renew the ties with its Southern neighbor – Greece and to continue the talks over the name issue. After a period of three years, the representatives from both countries started negotiating again in order to resolve the name dispute and the security implications of this prolonged dispute on the Balkan region. But by all means the renewal of the negotiations is only just a beginning of the lengthy path of rebuilding the trust and solving the issue that has been a huge burden especially to the R. Macedonia’s integration in EU and NATO.
Continue reading >>20 December 2017
Taking the EU-Turkey Deal to Court?
The EU-Turkey deal on the return of refugees is one of the most controversial policy steps taken by the EU in recent years. The EU General Court chose to sidestep the difficult legal questions raised by the deal by dismissing these cases, ruling it had no jurisdiction to review the deal on the ground that the Statement was not an act of Union institutions, but that of Member States. Will the CJEU use this opportunity to set the record straight by establishing who had the competence to conclude the EU-Turkey deal?
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18 December 2017
Next Stop on the Way to Constitutional Disarray in Poland: Electoral Law Reform
Last Thursday, the Sejm has passed another hugely controversial law that might change the constitutional setup in Poland without changing a letter of the constitution itself. The law claims, according to its title, to „increase the participation of citizens in the process of electing, functioning and controlling certain public bodies“ (doc. 2001). In large parts, it consists of amendments to the Polish Electoral Code (E.C). Its adoption is opposed by the parliamentary opposition, by the electoral administration bodies and by many experts. The enactment of this law would violate the principle of a democratic state ruled by law in three ways.
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16 December 2017
Article 7 and us
On constitutional emergencies and emergency constitutions and other boons and banes of European rule of law.
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12 December 2017
A Bridge over Troubled Water – a Criminal Lawyers’ Response to Taricco II
The recent CJEU judgment in M.A.S., M.B. (hereinafter Taricco II) […]
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09 December 2017
Finally a Horizon
Of secular problems, millennial rhetorics and other time-bound and perennial issues of constitutionalism.
Continue reading >>07 December 2017
Belittling the Primacy of EU Law in Taricco II
The Taricco II judgement handed down by the CJEU on 5 December 2017 is a telling and worrying example of a weakly reasoned court decision and the high price at which such weakness comes. It is a judgement that disregards legally problematic questions, seemingly subordinating argumentative consistency to the constraints of legal policy in a climate increasingly critical towards EU law and institutions. The (potential) collateral damage of this approach is considerable.
Continue reading >>06 December 2017
Criticizing the new President of the Polish Constitutional Court: A Crime against the State?
L'état c'est moi. Thus said France’s Louis XIV, and thus seems to think of herself Julia Przyłębska – since the 2016 “coup” against the Constitutional Court in Poland, she is the President of that Court, de facto appointed to the post by the man who runs Poland these days, Jarosław Kaczyński. Last October a Polish oppositional daily, Gazeta Wyborcza, described how she allegedly colluded with the Polish State security in the pursuit of her position at the Constitutional Court. Przyłębska tried to defend herself by using criminal-law instruments otherwise designed to protect the State. "By attacking me, you attack the State,” she seems to suggest.
Continue reading >>What’s in a name? A Brexit we can all enjoy
Northern Ireland will have a ,hard Brexit' as any other part of the UK and, at the same time, be subject to a ,regulatory alignment' with the Republic of Ireland and, hence, the EU. Such is the elegance of this solution, that one might be tempted to mistake it for a genuine policy innovation. In fact, using a made up name for something that you are already doing and calling it ‘new’ has a long pedigree and has been used aplenty.
Continue reading >>05 December 2017
Defusing the Taricco Bomb through Fostering Constitutional Tolerance: All Roads Lead to Rome
As Mauro Cappelletti perceptively wrote in 1986, ‘unlike the American Supreme Court and the European Constitutional Courts, the Court of Justice has almost no powers that are not ultimately derived from its own prestige, intellectual and moral force of its opinions’. In other terms, the Court of Justice (‘ECJ’) cannot take obedience to its judgments by Member States and the respective authorities as granted or constitutionally-mandated since, in Weiler’s words, this is a voluntary obedience which goes hand in hand with the exercise of constitutional tolerance in the Member States. In other words, there is a time for the enforcement of the radical primacy of EU law as in Melloni and Taricco I, and a time for internalizing the counterlimits, as in the Taricco II decision (M.A.S. and M.B. case) handed down today by the ECJ.
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03 December 2017
Merabishvili v. Georgia: Has the Mountain Given Birth to a Mouse?
The wait for those of us looking for much needed answers to understand what direction and coherence the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights would give to its nascent Article 18 case law (also known as ‘bad faith’ case law) has ended. A verdict has been reached in Merabashvili v. Georgia Grand Chamber judgment of the European Court of Human Rights. In a climate of retreat from human rights law and standards under the guise of domestic legalism, answers to the questions of what it means to violate the Convention in bad faith, how we prove it and what responses we owe to bad faith human rights violations have become pressing and urgent. The Grand Chamber gave us answers to the first two questions and passed on the third.
Continue reading >>02 December 2017
Facing the Music
On blogs like this as "new media", sticking your neck out and other matters more or less constitutional.
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29 November 2017
The Politics of Recognition and the Limits of Emancipation through Law
In this post I will call attention to the limits to recognition’s emancipatory potential, the possibility of gender-proliferation ad absurdum, and I will take another look at the privacy argument. I conclude with a reappraisal of the ‘null-option’ and support for scrapping gender registration altogether.
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28 November 2017
Judicial “Reform” in Poland: The President’s Bills are as Unconstitutional as the Ones he Vetoed
Five months ago, the Polish President Duda vetoed the PiS laws on the judiciary as unconstitutional. Currently, the President and the PiS are negotiating about a solution to this conflict. But make no mistake: The Presidential vetoes have not triggered any new proposals which would be qualitatively better in terms of consistency with the Constitution than the initial PiS bills that he vetoed. Both the PiS and the President’s proposals are glaringly unconstitutional, though in different ways.
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27 November 2017
Bialowieza Forest, the Spruce Bark Beetle and the EU Law Controversy in Poland
The battle about logging in the protected Bialowieza primeval forest in Poland puts the rule of law in the European Union in danger – in more than just one way.
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25 November 2017
Careful what you Wish for
On minority government and other causes for constitutional redemption fantasies.
Continue reading >>24 November 2017
Provisional (And Extraordinary) Measures in the Name of the Rule of Law
The showdown was inevitable. At some point, the Court of Justice had to show its teeth and remind the Polish government of its duty to comply with the rule of law and with the values enshrined in Article 2 TEU. For the Member States of the EU, the rule of law is not an option. You either take it or leave it (and thus leave the EU). However, Poland’s late attitude towards EU integration, happily accepting the money from EU funds but showing its back on the fundamental values of the EU, was inevitably going to be confronted, sooner or later, at the Court of Justice. If the showdown was predictable, the surprise has been that it has all happened so quickly, so frontally and… in interim relief procedures in an infringement action against Poland.
Continue reading >>23 November 2017
A Constituent Assembly Only in Name? Part III on Venezuela’s Constituent Assembly
The constitutional assembly in Venezuela is a constituent assembly in name only: First, it does not seem to be a temporary body that aims at performing its tasks within a preassigned and limited time frame. Second, so far it appears as if it is not the Constituent Assembly´s primary goal to draft a new constitution. Rather, its actions and the conscious choice of the Federal Legislative Palace as a meeting place suggest that the aim of this “superpower” is to replace the opposing parliament and silence any dissent.
Continue reading >>A Constituent Assembly Only in Name? Part II on Venezuela’s Constituent Assembly
On the 1st of May 2017, Venezuela’s President Nicolás Maduro called for a constituent assembly invoking the articles 348, 70, 236 and 347 of the 1999 Constitution. This is in alignment with Maduro’s first line of argument that he acted according to the present constitution. However, there are many reasons to believe he is not.
Continue reading >>A Constituent Assembly Only in Name? Part I on Venezuela’s Constituent Assembly
In July 2017, Venezuela’s President Nicolás Maduro convened a constituent assembly. In other words, an authoritarian president under pressure relies on what some theorists have referred to as the origin of all democratic rule. This raises one central question: Is this assembly really a constituent assembly, or is it one in name only?
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22 November 2017
Protecting Israeli Citizens against Discrimination in Germany?
Last week, the district court of Frankfurt/Main issued a verdict that Kuwait Airways was allowed to refuse an Israeli citizen on its flight. The decision gained widespread international news coverage: Amidst concerns about rising antisemitism in Europe, many parts of the public were alarmed by what the mayor of Frankfurt described as anti-Semitic discriminatory practices that violated German law and international standards. In the following we take a close look at the legal issues involved in this case and discuss whether or not it might have been possible to come to a different conclusion.
Continue reading >>21 November 2017
Rule of Law in Poland: Memory Politics and Belarusian Minority
Memory politics and protection of ethnic minorities have not received enough attention in the discussion on the decline of the rule of law in Poland and Hungary. Poland has recently supplied a paradigmatic example.
Continue reading >>18 November 2017
Waiting for Jamaica
On coalition building, feedback loops and other functional and dysfunctional matters constitutional.
Continue reading >>16 November 2017
A Constitution of Fear
A new brand of constitutionalism is on the rise in Poland, defined by a „constitution of fear”. Fear is the leitmotif of the constitution-making process defined by suspicion, exclusion, drive for retribution and settling the scores. As such it reflects the main tenets of populist constitutionalism: distrust in the institutions and rejection of the liberal status quo and culture of self-constraints.
Continue reading >>14 November 2017
Losing to the European Union: A Review of Yanis Varoufakis’ Book “Adults in the Room”
Varoufakis gives a detailed account of a saga that gripped international public opinion two years ago, propelled him to international stardom and ended in economic and social disaster for the Greeks. The book is readable and interesting, even if it is full of the author’s familiar hyperbolic statements. It will be of value to anyone with an interest the Eurozone crisis, and especially to British readers who are concerned about Brexit. The parallels between Varoufakis’ ideologically motivated clash with the EU and the British government’s similarly confrontational attitude with the EU are too obvious to miss.
Continue reading >>11 November 2017
Tertium Datur
On the third sex, double nationality, and a not-so-unique Spanish separatist fleeing to Belgium.
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08 November 2017
On Cockroaches and the Rule of Law
As I awoke one morning from uneasy dreams I found myself transformed in my bed into a gigantic insect. Like Gregor Samsa in Kafka’s Metamorphosis, I had mutated into an enormous and abominable cockroach with no prior warning. It just happened. As I woke up, I could feel how my new legs and antennae moved with sinuous speed. Then I knew what I really had become. I had muted into a Spanish fascist.
Continue reading >>06 November 2017
The Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance: should it be incorporated in EU law?
The five-year deadline of the TSCG, the so-called ,Fiscal Compact' from the days of the Euro crisis, will expire soon. Should the TSCG be incorporated into the EU law? Diane Fromage presents the argument for, Bruno de Witte those against such a step.
Continue reading >>05 November 2017
Still not a Dictatorship: Spanish Law and Judiciary in Times of Constitutional Crisis
I write these lines after Carles Puigdemont, the deposed Catalan President, and part of his Government have fled to Brussels to evade Spanish justice, after eight ex-Consellers of the Government have been sent to pre-trial detention without bail, and after the appeal from the incarcerated presidents of two civil pro-independence associations ANC and Omnium to be released on conditional parole after 18 days of detention has been rejected. The scenario is terrible, also for those of us that believe that the only possible solution for this crisis is by political negotiation, and it could have been avoided. That being said – the assertion that Spain has turned into a repressive state or even a dictatorship is utterly groundless.
Continue reading >>30 October 2017
Prisoner Voting and Power Struggle: a Never-Ending Story?
On 29 October 2017, it was announced that the UK authorities are planning to revoke the blanket ban on prisoner voting and allow those who are sentenced to under a year in prison to go home for a day and vote. This was done to ensure the compliance with the judgment of the European Court of Human Rights in the case of Hirst No 2 which was delivered in 2005. It took the UK government twelve years to come up with a proposal that would put English law in line with the case law of the European Court of Human Rights.
Continue reading >>28 October 2017
What I would like to ask the AfD
How to discern democratic and undemocratic parties and other tough questions constitutional.
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25 October 2017
Seven Steps to Hell: the Catalan Conflict in Full Escalation Mode
Spain, and more specifically Barcelona, used to resemble a paradise. But we are descending into hell. Seven steps towards the inferno have been taken in the last six weeks, all of them of the highest legal and political relevance.
Continue reading >>22 October 2017
The Kurdistan Independence Referendum and Constitutional Self-Determination
Iraq’s Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) held a non-binding independence referendum on 25 September 2017. Voters were asked: ‘Do you want the Kurdistan Region and the Kurdistani areas outside the region’s administration to become an independent state?’ Voting occurred in Kirkuk and the Kurdish-controlled parts of other territories in northern Iraq whose disputed status is recognized in the Iraqi constitution. In retrospect, Kurdish leaders seem to have overreached politically, as the Iraqi armed forces and allied militias have in recent days seized Kirkuk Governorate from Kurdish control. But was it legal overreach?
Continue reading >>21 October 2017
Schoolyard Bullies
On rights and rightists and other matters of constitutional concern.
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Playing the Referendum Game in Northern Italy
Three weeks after Catalonia, two of Italy’s wealthiest regions are going to the polls over similar issues related to autonomy. On Sunday, the northern regions of Lombardy and Veneto will vote on a one-question query on whether to demand greater autonomy from Rome. Despite their apparent simplicity, both questions are formulated in such a way as to be misleading. Few months before the national election, the referendum may be considered as a test for Northern League, or even a rehearsal in view of a political campaign based on the promise of a greater return on taxes.
Continue reading >>20 October 2017
A Plea for Dialogue: An Open Letter on Catalonia from constitutional & international law scholars
The Center for Constitutional Transitions, in partnership with the Edinburgh Center for Constitutional Law, has released an open letter on the constitutional crisis in Catalonia, “A Call for Dialogue”.
Continue reading >>16 October 2017
The Polish Crisis as a European Crisis: A Letter to Mr Jean-Claude Juncker
Poland is facing a heavy constitutional crisis. Instead of another legal analysis, this is a letter to Jean-Claude Juncker to complain about European inaction about it. The comparison to Hungary makes clear that this is not a national, but indeed a European crisis.
Continue reading >>14 October 2017
Constitutional Courts in Decline
On losing confidence, gaining independence and other constitutional ups and downs.
Continue reading >>13 October 2017
Academic Freedom in an Illiberal Democracy: From Rule of Law through Rule by Law to Rule by Men in Hungary
October 11, 2017, was supposed to be the day when the deadline for meeting the requirements of the notorious "Lex CEU" would expire. Two days afterwards, however, the Hungarian government announces to extend the deadline by a year – out of the blue. And that is not the only interesting thing that happened today.
Continue reading >>12 October 2017
Catalonia and Spain: A View from the Future Past
I am not suggesting Spain and Catalonia are headed for the same result as Yugoslavia and its republics. The conditions necessary for such a confrontation are simply not present. At the same time, the similarities do suggest danger of further escalation, with the possibility of unrest that should be taken seriously.
Continue reading >>09 October 2017
Can Brexit be stopped under EU Law?
Ominous clouds are gathering and the terrain underfoot increasingly resembles a quagmire on the Brexiteers ‘sunlit uplands’. It is therefore unsurprising that the chatter about revoking the Art. 50 notification to withdraw from the EU – itself waxing and waning since the referendum vote – has become louder in recent days; spurred on by a freedom of information request seeking the government’s legal advice on the question.
Continue reading >>07 October 2017
Independence as an Assertion
On Catalonia and… No. It's basically all about Catalonia.
Continue reading >>The Spanish Constitutional Crisis: Law, Legitimacy and Popular Sovereignty in Question
The Spanish constitutional crisis is escalating, and it has now – finally – found broader attention, thanks to the referendum on 1 October and the violence of the Spanish police trying to prevent it from being held. Still, much confusion reigns on how to approach the crisis, apart from the obvious condemnation of the human rights violations during the referendum and in the weeks leading up to it. Having been a close observer of the unfolding crisis for the last decade, here some attempts at clarification.
Continue reading >>Catalan secessionism faces the European Union
Catalan secessionists have constructed a hypothetical place for an independent […]
Continue reading >>06 October 2017
Homage to Catalonia: How to Lift the Gridlock of Constitutional Crisis in Spain
83 years after the first proclamation of a Catalan State, Catalonia seems once again to be on the verge of unilaterally declaring its independence, giving cause to a grave constitutional crisis in Spain. Although, until now, the intransigence of both sides has led to this gridlock, there is always space for a compromise that could de-escalate the crisis. However, such compromise should be characterised by a number of principles that could help the two sides present the future agreement as a win-win situation.
Continue reading >>30 September 2017
Where is the Pulse of Europe when it’s needed?
On rebuilding Europe and the resounding silence of the German election results in this and other matters constitutional.
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29 September 2017
President Duda is Destroying the Rule of Law instead of Fixing it
Were the president of any country to propose acts of law that remove almost half of the members of its supreme court, interrupt the constitutional term of office of the chairperson of such court, give himself the right to appoint a new chairperson of the court, and finally, interrupt the constitutionally defined term of office of a judicial council responsible for appointing judges, the consequences of such manifestly unconstitutional solutions would be massive public opposition and accusations of a coup d’état. And yet in Poland, where this is exactly what is happening, the President’s proposals are met with understanding. Why? Because they are perceived as better than the even more unconstitutional proposals put forward earlier by the ruling party, Law and Justice.
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28 September 2017
Understanding the Politics of Resentment
Transitioning from „resentment” as an emotion of rejection and critique of the unsatisfactory liberal status quo to the more formalised and institutionalised „politics of resentment” is crucial in our understanding of the ascent of illiberal narratives in Europe. It gives us a chance of harnessing resentment in more conceptual terms and schemes.
Continue reading >>On Legal Aspects of the Independence Referendum of Iraqi Kurdistan
In the referendum held on 25 September 2017, the voters of the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq (KRG) went to the polls to decide whether they wanted an independent state. In this independence referendum, the voters were asked the following question: “Do you want the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) and Kurdistani territories that are outside KRI to become an independent state?” With a turnout around 72 %, more than 90% of the voters voted for independence. This note aims to provide a brief analysis on the legal nature of this referendum. For this purpose, I will first define the concept of the independence referendum in general and locate the Kurdish referendum within this concept. Then I will analyze the decision of the KRG to hold the independence referendum from both aspects of constitutional and international laws.
Continue reading >>27 September 2017
The Catalunya Conundrum, Part 3: Protecting the Constitution by Violating the Constitution
Lacking legitimacy in Catalonia because of the absence of solutions to Catalan democratic claims within the Spanish legal framework, the position of Spanish institutions is badly weakened. Therefore, they do not to want to take the risk of creating even more political unrest in Catalonia with public and explicit debates on the suspension of autonomy or on the necessity of limiting fundamental rights. Instead, Spanish government is pushing other institutions, such as the Constitutional Court, prosecutors, police and judges, as well as their own executive powers, beyond their ordinary limits.
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The Catalunya Conundrum, Part 2: A Full-Blown Constitutional Crisis for Spain
In Part 1, we have explained the rigidity of the constitutional doctrine of our Constitutional Court on the matter of regional independence movements. There are some evident conclusions that swiftly appear – most of all that the only legal way for a hypothetical majority of Catalan citizens to express their wish to secede or at least to consult with the population on the issue, would presuppose a constitutional reform. This is a tremendously complicated matter in itself, though.
Continue reading >>26 September 2017
The Catalunya Conundrum, Part 1: How Could Things Come to Such a Pass?
In a three-piece series of blog posts, I will focus on three issues: the different attempts made in recent years by Catalan secessionists parties trying to find a lawful way to ask the population about the independence of Catalonia and Spanish legal system’s responses blocking them; how this gridlock has led to a constitutional crisis in Spain and what could be possible solutions; and finally why concerns about the Spanish authorities’ reaction may be well founded, thus creating a potential conflict at the European level.
Continue reading >>Rethinking Turkish Secularism: Towards “Unofficial” Islamic Constitutionalism?
There are both domestic and foreign concerns that Turkey is a theocracy in the making or some “attenuated” version thereof. While most of these concerns are full of extravagant exaggerations, often suggesting Iran as an example Turkey is allegedly headed towards, there is a certain element of truth embedded in these concerns.
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23 September 2017
The Party of the Extreme Normal
On normalitarians in the Bundestag and a number of other more or less worrisome matters constitutional.
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17 September 2017
The Catalan Self-Determination Referendum Act: A New Legal Order in Europe
The Catalan Parliament is taking the secession process to the next level. By illegitimately passing two Acts that constitute a Catalan proto-constitution, a constitutional coup d'état and a new legal order are on their way.
Continue reading >>16 September 2017
Macron or Juncker
On polarity, voting and whirling about in Angela Merkel's kettle of pragmatism.
Continue reading >>12 September 2017
Is the European Parliament Missing its Constitutional Moment?
Over the years, step by step, the European Parliament has won a share of real constitutional power. At times, Parliament has had a decisive influence on the constitutive development of the European Union. At other times, MEPs have found it just as difficult as the European Council has done to make constitutional sense of a Union which is an uneasy compromise between federal and confederal elements. If EU governance is congenitally weak it may be because its institutions are unable to manage the dichotomy between supranational and intergovernmental. Today, circumstances have thrown the European Parliament a golden opportunity to take a major step in the federal direction – but it looks as though MEPs are going to retreat again.
Continue reading >>10 September 2017
Reconciling Religion: Lessons Learned from the Triple Talaq Case for Comparative Constitutional Governance
The recent case of Shayara Bano v Union of India heard before the Supreme Court of India provide helpful guidance for how a secular democratic regime with a multiplicity of religious, ethnic, and cultural communities can manage constitutional governance with an increasing number of seemingly irreconcilable tensions. Pluralist societies such as Canada and the United States grapple with a variety of delicate balancing acts: in such instance, the need to reconcile accommodation for religious and cultural minorities with the protection of gender rights on the other.
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09 September 2017
Walking out on us
On Hungary, Catalonia and other domestic or international matters of discontent
Continue reading >>The EU and the Catalan Crisis
The events of the past week in Catalunya (and of the weeks that will follow) are very serious and worrying. Catalunya is a region of a Member State of the EU that has begun a unilateral process of independence, disregarding the Constitution, its Statute of Autonomy and the opposition of half of the Catalan population. It’s a remarkable challenge for Spanish democracy. It’s a challenge for the EU as well.
Continue reading >>08 September 2017
Hungarian Constitutional Identity and the ECJ Decision on Refugee Quota
The outcome of the lawsuit launched by the Hungarian Government against the EU Council’s decision on compulsory relocation of asylum seekers before the European Court of Justice (ECJ) took no-one by surprise, neither in Budapest nor elsewhere. Some may have hoped that the complaint would succeed legally, but nevertheless it has always been primarily a part of a well-devised political strategy based on the idea of national identity as a concept of constitutional and EU law.
Continue reading >>07 September 2017
The EU as the Appropriate Locus of Power for Tackling Crises: Interpretation of Article 78(3) TFEU in the case Slovakia and Hungary v Council
The CJEU’s judgment in Slovakia and Hungary v Council of 6 September 2017 raises important instutional questions. As the Court implicitly recognises the EU as the appropriate forum for taking effective action to address the emergency situation created by a sudden inflow of third country nationals, it adopts its tendency towards purposive and effectiveness-oriented jurisprudence to asylum law.
Continue reading >>30 August 2017
One Law, Two Justices
Poland’s rule of law crisis stems from the conviction that respect for institutions and the requirement to observe procedures are for the weak. The greatest risk arising from the crisis is that the recent disregard for both institutions and procedures will become a norm for future governments, whatever their political orientation.
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28 August 2017
Privacy and the Indian Supreme Court
The Indian Supreme Court’s landmark ruling on the "Aadhar" biometric identification scheme is an important step to prepare India for the digital age and offers fresh impulses for a public debate on the legal contours of privacy.
Continue reading >>25 August 2017
The Retro Style in Liberal Politics: A Review of Mark Lilla’s ,The Once and Future Liberal: After Identity Politics’
Columbia University’s Mark Lilla is an erudite and engaging historian of ideas, concentrating on political thought from the 18th century to the 20th. In his latest book "The Once and Future Liberal", Lilla attacks the current style of liberal politics, exemplified by professors, intellectuals and activists in social movements, as contemptuous of real-world electoral politics and of ordinary Americans.
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24 August 2017
How not to Divorce Muslim Women in India
The Supreme Court of India has declared the Muslim practice of men divorcing their wife by repeating the word "talaq" three times unconstitutional.
Continue reading >>Dispute Resolution after Brexit
When setting out her priorities for the Brexit negotiations in a speech at Lancaster House in January, Theresa May promised to ‘bring an end to the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice in Britain.’ This forcefully formulated ‘red line’ turned into a headache for the British negotiators as it was both somewhat misconceived – the ECJ’s preliminary reference procedure hardly results in jurisdiction ‘in Britain’ – and overly categorical ignoring both the likely content of the UK-EU withdrawal agreement and the shape of the future UK-EU relationship envisaged by her own government as a ‘new, deep and special partnership.’ Today’s paper on ‘enforcement and dispute resolution’ should therefore be welcomed as injecting a portion of realism and pragmatism in the debate over the ECJ.
Continue reading >>Defenceless Formalists: on Abuse of Law and the Weakness of the Polish Judiciary
Poland’s constitutional crisis is caused by the power of those who attack the rule of law, but also by the weakness of those who defend it. This weakness derives from courts taking a traditional formalist approach, excluding purposive and functional argumentation and leaving themselves prone to attack by the abuse of power through the other branches of government.
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23 August 2017
A Stress Test for Europe’s Judiciaries
The rule of law, judicial independence and separation of powers are values guaranteed in constitutions of member states of the Council of Europe. Nevertheless, in recent years, a number of challenges to these accepted values have emerged in different countries all over Europe. Events in countries like Hungary, Ukraine, Slovakia and Turkey should be mentioned in this context. Poland’s reforms of its judiciary (some of them still in draft stage) are the latest and gravest example of this European crisis. While such threats to judicial independence in individual states are a fundamental problem for European co-operation based on shared values of democracy, the rule of law and human rights, European states should not wait for remedies to be found on the European level. Rather, European states should learn from the challenges in Poland and other countries to critically review the constitutional and legal framework of their own national judiciaries. To facilitate this process, we suggest to stress test Europe's judiciaries.
Continue reading >>21 August 2017
Venezuela: Lessons of a Crisis Written on the Wall
The current crisis in Venezuela is the culmination of a process that has been going on for a long time. For the past 18 years, Venezuela has been accumulating all the ingredients – in its society, the State, the economy and democracy– to create a perfect storm.
Continue reading >>16 August 2017
Summer of Love: Karlsruhe Refers the QE Case to Luxembourg
It seems that the BVerfG has learned a lesson. Yesterday’s referral about the the European Central Bank’s policy of Quantitative Easing (QE) sets a completely different tone. It reads like a modest and balanced plea for judicial dialogue, rather than an indictment. Fifty years after the original event, a new Summer of Love seems to thrive between the highest judicial bodies. It shows no traces of the aplomb with which Karlsruhe presented its stance to Luxembourg three years ago.
Continue reading >>Reviewing the recent Ban on Ritual Slaughter in Flanders
Flanders has adopted a ban of religious slaughter without stunning, following the Walloon region that had done the same earlier this year. In analysing the Flemish decree, three critical remarks need to be made in putting the new law into the right legal perspective.
Continue reading >>14 August 2017
Linking Efficiency with Fundamental Rights in the Dublin System: the Case of Mengesteab
The recent CJEU decision "Mengesteab" has two significant consequences for Member States. First, applicants have a right to challenge the procedural steps by which Member States arrive at decisions regarding responsibility for protection applications to insure their fidelity to the rules prescribed in the Dublin Regulation. Second, the duty of Member States to begin assessing which state holds this responsibility engages as soon as the competent authority identified pursuant to article 35(1) of the regulation becomes aware of a request for international protection.
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02 August 2017
The Opinion of Advocate General Bot in Taricco II: Seven “Deadly” Sins and a Modest Proposal
The wind of populism is blowing across Europe and courts (including constitutional and supreme courts) are not immune therefrom. Within this context, the enforcement of the constitutional identity clause to contrast the application and, sometimes, the primacy of EU law would be a powder keg waiting to be lit. In the latest act in the Taricco saga, Advocate General Bot in his opinion in Taricco II does nothing to defuse it – on the contrary.
Continue reading >>31 July 2017
A 50/50 Ball: The East versus the EU in the Refugee Relocation Game
Last week, Advocate General Yves Bot dismissed the claims of Hungary and Slovakia against the EU refugee relocation scheme. The Commission has launched an infringement procedure against the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland for not fulfilling their quota. The East/West divide in the matter of refugee relocation could be seen as evidence that the former communist countries are culturally backwards, liberally underdeveloped, and have low tolerance levels in regards to cultural and religious diversity. Yet there is no empirical research that shows that the East is more racist and xenophobic than the West. What else could explain this dangerous phenomenon?
Continue reading >>29 July 2017
Beyond Dublin
On balls, fields, books and Möbius strips of constitutional and non-constitutional nature.
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28 July 2017
Passenger Name Records – from Canada back to the EU
Passenger name records have been a highly sensitive topic of EU legislation for years. The new opinion 1/15 of the Court of Justice needs to be read against this political background. The opinion will have major repercussions both for the relations of the EU with partner countries and the development of the EU’s own counterterrorism or internal security policy.
Continue reading >>27 July 2017
Literature as Human Dignity: The Constitutional Court’s Misguided Ban of the Novel Esra
Maxim Biller’s novel Esra ends with the line: “The cave […]
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26 July 2017
Data Protection, Data Transfers, and International Agreements: the CJEU’s Opinion 1/15
On 26 July the EU Court of Justice (CJEU) issued Opinion 1/15, which is its most significant ruling on the international dimensions of data protection law since its 2015 judgment in the Schrems case. In Opinion 1/15, the Grand Chamber of the Court found that the draft agreement between the EU and Canada for the transfer of passenger name record (PNR) data may not be concluded in its current form, since several of its provisions are incompatible with EU fundamental rights law. As the Court’s first ruling on the compatibility of a draft international agreement with the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, the judgment has important implications for many areas of EU law.
Continue reading >>Is Poland’s President Duda on the Road to Damascus?
Does President Duda’s recent vetoes signal a more permanent change in his fidelities to his political stable and to the Constitution? An opportunity to witness the depth of his conversion arises soon. The untimely death of Professor Morawski, one of the anti-judges appointed to the Constitutional Tribunal (CT) by Duda in December 2015, has created a vacancy in the CT which must be filled soon. The big question is with whom.
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22 July 2017
Not to play along
On Poland, Spain and others crises constitutional, and how to deal with them.
Continue reading >>20 July 2017
Why Do We Need International Legal Standards for Constitutional Referendums?
Important substantive and institutional guarantees ensure the democratic quality of the general elections. In the case of a referendum these substantive and procedural guarantees are almost completely missing. Only international soft law deals with the question of the democratic quality of the referendum. Recent experience with Turkey, Hungary and other places show that this needs to change.
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19 July 2017
Who’s next? On the Future of the Rule of Law in Poland, and why President Duda will not save it
With the latest draft laws about the judiciary, the Law and Justice party (PiS) has crossed yet another line. President Duda’s announcement of a veto appears on first sight to present an obstacle to PiS’ march towards completely unrestricted, unitary state power. In this post, I will examine first what effects the PiS drafts will have on the independence of the judiciary by the hands of PiS and then, whether or not President Duda’s so-called veto holds what it seems to promise.
Continue reading >>Farewell to the Separation of Powers – On the Judicial Purge and the Capture in the Heart of Europe
After the cautious and carefully prepared dismantling of the Polish Constitutional Court, the Supreme Court’s independence was now swept away in the twinkling of an eye. Late at night on Wednesday, July 12, 2017, a draft law virtually constituting an overnight demolition of the Supreme Court was proposed. This amendment heralds the death knell for the rule of law in Poland.
Continue reading >>18 July 2017
The Catalan Self-Determination Referendum Draft Bill: A New Form of Transitional Constitutional Regime
The draft of the Catalan Self-Determination Referendum Act is a disturbing piece of legislation. It announces a constitutional coup d'état of unprecedented dimensions within the European Union.
Continue reading >>Human Rights Under Pressure: International Law in Times of Crisis
A panel discussion event by MPIL, streamed live on Verfassungsblog.
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16 July 2017
For Central Europe’s Illiberal Democracies, the Worst is yet to Come
Next week the Polish parliament will most likely pass a bill sponsored by the ruling Law and Justice party, introducing a total overhaul of the country’s judicial system. The tenures of all judges sitting on the Supreme Court, Poland’s highest judicial instance, will be immediately expired, while their successors will be installed by the justice minister. In other words, the members of the last judicial body standing in the way of Law and Justice eradicating tripartite division of powers and court independence will now be appointed by a politically tainted minister.
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15 July 2017
Polish Courts are Our Courts
On Erdogan, Böhmermann, Kaczynski and other ticklish constitutional business.
Continue reading >>14 July 2017
The Global South in Comparative Constitutional Law
What is the role of journals in the North – and concretely this one, run so far almost entirely by Germans? How is a sensible contextualization and reappraisal of its role possible? Who is really asking the questions, framing debates, having conversations? What is the role of printed journals in times of internet, blogs and open access, challenging traditional systems of knowledge distribution? What is the role for South-South scholarly exchanges and cooperation?
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13 July 2017
Statement by the former presidents of the Constitutional Tribunal: Andrzej Rzepliński, Marek Safjan, Jerzy Stępień, Bohdan Zdziennicki and Andrzej Zoll
Last November, the former presidents of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal issued a joint statement to protest against the subjugation of the Tribunal. Now, as the PiS government is about to effectively bring the entire judiciary under their control, they speak up again.
Continue reading >>Family Life Temporarily not Available – Bilateral Limits on Family Unity within the Dublin-System
Germany and Greece bilaterally agreed upon slowing down the family reunification procedures of asylum seekers under the Dublin III Regulation. Now, many doubts and questions surround the exact terms and conditions of the agreement. Who bears the responsibility of delayed transfers? And what can be done to prevent families from being separated longer than legally permitted?
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11 July 2017
Marriage Equality and the German Federal Constitutional Court: the Time for Comparative Law
The enactment of marriage equality in Germany two weeks ago has sparked a constitutional debate that is taking place in Verfassungsblog like in many other media. There will probably be constitutional challenges to the introduction of marriage for same-sex couples in German law at the level of ordinary laws and without amendment of the German Basic Law, because many believe that a constitutional amendment would have been required. Hence, as it very often happens in Germany, the Federal Constitutional Court will very likely have to decide on the question. However, in the international scene of constitutional jurisdictions it will not need to break any ice.
Continue reading >>08 July 2017
The Non-Arsonist’s Guide to Constitutionalism
On headscarves, marriage vows, burning Mazdas and other combustible matters constitutional.
Continue reading >>07 July 2017
Lex CEU: On the Commission’s Refusal to Disclose its Letter of Formal Notice in the Name of Mutual Trust
This post will offer a brief account of my unsuccessful attempts to gain access to the Commission’s letter of formal notice addressed to Hungary on 26 April 2017, that is, the letter adopted by the Commission in response to the adoption by the Hungarian authorities of what has become known as the Lex CEU. Before offering a critical assessment of the Commission’s reasoning, a brief account of the relevant context will be offered. This post will end with some general remarks on the EU’s repeated failed attempts to prevent illiberal not to say authoritarian regimes from consolidating within the EU.
Continue reading >>01 July 2017
Merkel’s Conscience
On conscientious objection as a method of constitutional interpretation and other ways to have the cake and eat it.
Continue reading >>30 June 2017
Twenty Years ‘One Country, Two Systems’ in Hong Kong: A Reason to Celebrate?
The 1st July 2017 marks the 20th anniversary of the British-Chinese handover of Hong Kong. Recent developments in Hong Kong illustrate that despite the anniversary, the current state of affairs of ‘one country, two systems’ does not give much reason to celebrate.
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28 June 2017
Normality and Exception: The Advocate General’s Opinion in A.S. and Jafari
On 8 June 2017, Advocate General Eleanor Sharpston delivered her Opinion in a case that goes to the core of what (infamously) came to be known as ‘refugee crisis’. On a broader, more systemic, level, the Opinion could be read as a history of the present bringing to the fore issues of geographical hierarchies and injustice and solidarity inscribed into the structure of EU law.
Continue reading >>One year after the Brexit Referendum: More, Fewer or No Referendums in Europe?
One year after Brexit, the issue of referendums seems to be everywhere: Their desirability cannot be described with a clear ‘yes’ or ‘no’. There is simply more than one valid constitutional perspective in evaluating the case for or against referendums.
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An Early Deal-Breaker? EU Citizens’ Rights in the UK after Brexit, and the Future Role of the European Court of Justice
The UK has finally made an offer to allow some EU citizens to retain some rights in the UK after Brexit. There are two sets of issues that arise: the substantive rights that will need to be agreed to, and the enforcement of these rights. The UK government confirmed that the arrangements on offer will be enshrined and enforceable in UK law, that commitments in the Withdrawal Agreement will have the status of international law, but that the CJEU will have no jurisdiction in the United Kingdom. Despite this, there remains much uncertainty.
Continue reading >>24 June 2017
A Great Laugh
On pomp and circumstance and other edifying matters constitutional.
Continue reading >>23 June 2017
How to Demolish an Independent Judiciary with the Help of a Constitutional Court
On 20 June, the Polish Constitutional Tribunal, with three anti-judges among its members, decided that certain provisions of the Act on the National Council of the Judiciary of Poland were unconstitutional. By doing so, the Tribunal unanimously conceded to the motion of the Minister of Justice, who had questioned those provisions in the course of work on reform of the National Council of the Judiciary. The reason why the current Polish Government unexpectedly suspended the process of usurping control of the national judicial system in order to enlist the help of the constitutional court can be understood with the help of a metaphor.
Continue reading >>19 June 2017
How dangerous is Emmanuel Macron – really?
To what extent does Emmanuel Macron represent a risk for civil liberties in France? Against this background of looming one-party hegemony and executive overreach, especially in security matters, the Conseil constitutionnel, the French Constitutional Council, found it wise to remind the government of the limits of its police powers.
Continue reading >>17 June 2017
What Constitutions Endure
On stress tests, emolument and other matters of high constitutional training effect.
Continue reading >>More Emolument Trouble For President Trump?
Emoluments is the word of the hour again in the United States. The past week saw the filing of two new lawsuits alleging that President Trump has violated one or more of the Constitution’s emoluments clauses by accepting payments and other benefits from foreign and domestic governments. What’s significant about the new suits is who the plaintiffs are. One is brought by the state of Maryland and Washington, D.C., the other by 196 members of Congress, all Democrats. Are these the plaintiffs who can get a court to rule, for the first time ever, on what “emolument” means as used in the Constitution?
Continue reading >>10 June 2017
Pushing Borders
On emergencies, Faustian pacts and other diabolical or divine matters constitutional.
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First Thoughts on the UK General Election Result 2017
The Faustian pact by the UK Tory Party with the Northern Irish DUP will bring all the messy and ugly history of Northern Irish sectarianism back into mainstream of our politics. My recipe for the Tory party to save itself from the damnation of Faust is for it to remove Theresa May "with all deliberate speed" and replace her as leader with Ruth Davidson, the leader of the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party.
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04 June 2017
From legal to political constitutionalism?
While the developments in Poland and in Hungary clearly have to do with a move away from legal constitutionalism, I am not so sure about their moving towards a form of political constitutionalism, as prof. Adam Czarnota suggests. In my view, a key dimension of political constitutionalism is the observation that specific constitutional norms and rights are ultimately ‘essentially contestable’ as reasonable disagreement is an intrinsic part of democracy. Therefore, the understanding and interpretation of such norms and rights ought to remain part of an on-going political debate, rather than being one-sidedly interpreted by the judiciary. Such an open and inclusionary political debate ought to take place within the limits of the constitution, as a basic framework for resolving disagreements. And it ought to be grounded in the ideas of audi alteram partem and the equal weight of different views in the debate.
Continue reading >>On the Separation of Powers and Judicial Self-Defence at times of unconstitutional capture
"It is the institutions that help us preserve decency. They need our help as well. Do not speak of “our institutions” unless you make them yours by acting on their behalf. Institutions do not protect themselves. They fall one after the other unless each is defended from the beginning. So choose an institution you care about - a court, a newspaper, a law, a labor union - and take its side."
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03 June 2017
A state of constitutional necessity versus standard legal reasoning
N.W. Barber and A. Vermeule, in their seminal paper, differentiate between three types of cases in which the exceptional role of courts can come to light. I will be interested only in the third type of cases, which has been defined by Barber and Vermeule as follows: ‘There are some cases in which the health of the constitutional order requires the judge to act not merely beyond the law, as it were, but actually contrary to the law.’
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A Critical Response
Let me begin by quoting Abraham Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address, in which he stated that a “democratic government should be government of the people, by the people and for the people”. As you know the current government in Poland does not enjoy the support of the political and economic establishment or academic professors but it is supported by the majority of ordinary people.
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The Constitutional Tribunal
In the present constitutional crisis, my position is that we have to criticise the changes made by the ruling party to the Constitutional Tribunal but not because they undermine rule of law in Poland and are radical. In my opinion the changes are not radical at all. We do not see changes in the “grammar” of law but we observe changes of elites with preservation of the same institutional setting. Only the aesthetic dimension of exercise of power by the government has changed. The rhetoric indeed has rapidly changed but all mechanisms remain the same. In such a situation, the “self-defence” of the institutions including constitutional tribunal in Poland is a part of the political spectacle, part of the drama by which mobilised citizens are manipulated for political gain.
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Self-defence of public institutions in the Polish constitutional crisis
Nicholas Barber’s paper “Self-Defence for Institutions” provides a useful tool for analysing the complex relationship between the branches of government, in particular between the most dangerous and the least dangerous ones: the legislative and the judicial. This paper sets out to elaborate the theoretical tool proposed by Barber and to show that the elaborated tool has a better explanatory value than the original when applied to real-world circumstances. The real-world case examined in this paper is the constitutional crisis that Poland has undergone for the last 18 months.
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The Hand on the Faucet
On drying out the bad guys and other liquid or solid matters constitutional.
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02 June 2017
Ukraine’s Ban on Russian Social Media: On The Edge Between National Security and Freedom of Expression
Can Ukraine's ban of Russian social media be legally justified? While the international community mostly condemns the ban, a closer look at the European Convention of Human Rights reveals that the matter is not so easy.
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01 June 2017
Triple Talaq before the Indian Supreme Court
The Supreme Court of India has to decide a case that has captured India’s political, constitutional and social imagination – a challenge to the constitutional validity of triple talaq, a practice that allows a Muslim man to divorce his wife unilaterally simply by uttering the word “talaq” thrice.
Continue reading >>The Constitutional Referendum in Turkey: A far Stretch from Right to Free Elections to Referenda?
The Constitutional referendum in Turkey left many voters uncertain about the actual outcome: Unstamped ballots were registered as valid and an appeal against that procedure did not show any satisfying results. Will an appeal in front of the ECtHR show more favourable results?
Continue reading >>31 May 2017
Mixity after Opinion 2/15: Judicial Confusion over Shared Competences
In its momentous opinion about the Singapore free trade agreement, the ECJ seemed to have eliminated the option of ‘facultative’ EU-only agreements which do not embrace ISDS. It seems to me that this overlooks an important novelty of Opinion 2/15, which gave explicit judicial blessing to the option of ‘facultative’ EU-only agreements, although the Court hides the innovation behind an inconsistent use of the notion of ‘shared’ powers.
Continue reading >>27 May 2017
Red Card for the Red Card
On referees, judges and other partial and impartial matters constitutional
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25 May 2017
Abusive comparativism: “Pseudo-comparativist” political discourse as a means to legitimizing constitutional change in Turkey
The constitutional amendment process has arguably weakened Turkey’s already-fragile constitutionalist system. This is well known. What is less known and pretty much overlooked is that comparativism and specifically comparative constitutionalism has suffered at the hands of Turkish political elites during the legal and political discussions that preceded the referendum.
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24 May 2017
Judicial Trust as a Zero-Sum Game in Turbulent Times
The current European Rule of Law crisis has resulted in a situation of distrust between national and European institutions, which has led to the necessity to reflect about the relevance of trust and its implications for the creation and sustainability of a European legal area. In this regard, Prof. von Bogdandy has recently stressed in this blog the importance of trust as a crucial element for promoting cooperation in multi-level systems, like the EU, where non-strict hierarchical relationships between national and EU institutions are articulated. In this post, I argue about the importance of trust among judges in the European legal system based on recent empirical findings.
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23 May 2017
The Singapore Opinion or the End of Mixity as We Know It
Last week on Tuesday, with its decision in Opinion 2/15, on the Union’s competence to conclude ‘new generation’ EU trade and investment agreements, the Court dropped a bombshell. The Court’s ruling is set to significantly simplify the EU’s international economic relations with third countries. If the Commission, the Council and the member states had demanded clarity as to which institutions may legitimately pursue the Union’s external action objectives in its commercial relations: clarity is what they earned. The decision indeed has the potential to greatly facilitate an ‘EU-only’ signing and conclusion of future EU trade agreements. At the same time, as we argue below, the Court’s reasoning entails a number of contradicting elements that may add confusion over the legal parameters of post-Lisbon EU external relations conduct.
Continue reading >>22 May 2017
Afghanistan’s Constitution between Sharia Law and International Human Rights
Afghanistan’s 2004 constitution is a compromise between liberal internationalists, local clerics and warlords. Apostasy cases are the constitution’s litmus test.
Continue reading >>20 May 2017
To Make a Commitment
On same-sex marriage, legislative dawdling and other matters of constitutional joy and dismay.
Continue reading >>18 May 2017
No Consensus – but Hope at Villa Vigoni
The Colloquium on the judgment of the Italian Constitutional Court […]
Continue reading >>17 May 2017
The Singapore Silver Bullet
Is the CJEU's Opinion on the Singapore free trade agreement a boost for Brexit? After reading the Opinion my feeling is exactly the opposite. The Court has made a clever juggling exercise with Christmas presents for everybody. But in fact, the Court has saved the best Christmas present for itself. And there are hardly any gifts for Britain. In fact, the Opinion contains a paragraph that could blow up the entire Brexit process.
Continue reading >>16 May 2017
A Principle of Direct Effect: The Eurasian Economic Union’s Court pushes for more Integration
In a reply to a Belarusian request, the Court of the Eurasian Economic Union decided in one of the most important cases of its history. It formulated the ‘direct effect’ principle in order to coordinate between EAEU law and the domestic legal orders of the EAEU Member States.
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15 May 2017
Suggesting Solutions: Do the Right Thing
This short presentation distils the conclusions of the panel regarding […]
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Suggesting Solutions: A European Way?
The conveners asked the third panel of the conference to […]
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Suggesting Solutions: What about Concessions to be Made by Both Sides?
In the following I will briefly give you an overview […]
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Suggesting Solutions: Providing Compensation to the Victims as a Moral and Legal Duty
The first panel dealt intensively with the question as to […]
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13 May 2017
Why the Announced Constitutional Referendum in Poland is not a Constitutional Referendum after all
The President of Poland has announced that a constitutional referendum will be held in 2018. This is surprising for at least two reasons.
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Because they say so!
On courts, dogmatists and other matters of constitutional contestation.
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12 May 2017
A clever and dangerous move – or: a Roman Court goes Lutheran
2 ½ years after it was rendered, Sentenza 238/14 of […]
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After Sentenza 238: A Plea for Legal Peace
1. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS This post summarizes some of the key […]
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Judgment 238/2014 and the importance of a constructive dialogue
I will focus here on two facets of Judgment 238/2014 […]
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11 May 2017
Italian Concerns after Sentenza 238/2014
Judicial practice may be a means to overcome the opposition […]
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Italian concerns after sentenza 238/2014: possible reactions, possible solutions
Introduction 1. International legal thinking has long been dominated by […]
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German concerns after Sentenza 238/2014: Possible reactions – possible solutions
Jurisdictional Immunities, or: A Formally Strong German Position On the […]
Continue reading >>Introduction: In search for conciliation
Sentenza 238/2014 of the Italian Constitutional Court created a legal […]
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10 May 2017
Trump and the FBI: Four very quick questions and answers from SANFORD LEVINSON
US President Donald Trump, to the bewildered horror of many, has dismissed FBI director James Comey in the middle of an investigation about his aides' ties to Russia. Some even call this situation a constitutional crisis. We have shot Constitutional Law professor Sandy Levinson four very quick questions and received four equally short answers.
Continue reading >>09 May 2017
Brexit Lawsuits, But Not As You Know Them
Calling in the lawyers is becoming a frequent response to the challenges of Brexit. While court actions on matters of constitutional law are well known, there is another, less publicised, avenue of legal resistance. The consequence: the Brexit bill is about to become a lot bigger.
Continue reading >>07 May 2017
My President, too
On presidents, populists, courts and other constitutional causes for joy and celebration.
Continue reading >>04 May 2017
Populist Constitutionalism
Populist engagement with constitution-making and constitutional reform forms a distinctive, […]
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Judges Speaking for the People: Judicial Populism beyond Judicial Decisions
We typically think of courts as victims or targets of […]
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03 May 2017
Working Well Is The Best Strategy: Judges under Populism
Introduction: foes of all stripes Let’s start with this truism—no […]
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In Defense of Judicial Populism: Lessons from Colombia
In 2005, the Colombian Constitutional Court upheld an amendment allowing […]
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02 May 2017
Populism and the Turkish Constitutional Court: the Game Broker, the Populist and the Popular
Populist strategies have for some time been an integral part […]
Continue reading >>30 April 2017
Populism and Judicial Backlash in the United States and Europe
Common criticisms of judicial activism stretch from the somewhat outdated […]
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29 April 2017
Much Ado About Nothing? Legal and Political Schooling for the Hungarian Government
After his infamous law against the Central European University, the EU Commission has announced a treaty infringement procedure against Hungary. That will probably be of limited help against the systemic threat to the rule of law in Viktor Orbán's state. Politically more effective might be the pressure exerted by the European People's Party.
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Europe is not a Story
On Orbán, on Europe and on other fictional and factual matters constitutional.
Continue reading >>Safeguarding Democratic Institutions
A discussion of courts and populism begs for definitional boundaries. […]
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28 April 2017
Trapped in the Age of Trump: the American Supreme Court and 21st Century Populism
The American Supreme Court is currently ill-equipped to confront populism. […]
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27 April 2017
Courts in a Populist World
“I did not come to in order to be loved […]
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Pakistan’s Reluctant Constitutionalism
On 20 April 2017, the Supreme Court of Pakistan ruled in one of the greatest cases in its turbulent history: the impeachment of the prime minister for involvements in shady financial dealings that bubbled up after the Panama Papers. Nothing happened; the court only showed Nawaz Sharif the yellow card. But while Pakistan narrowly missed her constitutional moment by a single judge’s vote, the court’s ruling displayed tremendous democratic maturity.
Continue reading >>26 April 2017
Populist Constitutionalism and the Democratic Minimum Core
Democratic “populism” is on the rise worldwide. In the last […]
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25 April 2017
Populism and the Courts
The antagonism of populist governments to apex courts is a […]
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24 April 2017
The Spanish Constitutional Court on the Path of Self-Destruction
Recently, the Spanish Constitutional Court has published one more decision in application of the new reform of the Law on Constitutional Court which increased its powers for the execution of its own decisions. It is clear that Catalonian sovereignist politicians are acting irresponsibly and provoking the Spanish powers. The only good way to answer to this challenge is a balanced and neutral response of the Constitutional Court every time they adopt an illegal act. Instead, the Court assumed a political role. He tries to stop even any talk about independence. By doing so, it fails to respect its own role as keeper of a Constitutional framework where very diverse ideologies can be discussed.
Continue reading >>23 April 2017
Populist Constitutions – A Contradiction in Terms?
The meaning of “populism” is deeply contested. It is striking, […]
Continue reading >>22 April 2017
The Feedback Loop of Power
On Germans being German, ending the disgrace of child marriage and other scandalous matters constitutional.
Continue reading >>How Old is 14 Really? On Child Marriage and Case-by-Case Justice
A bizarrely archaic hiccup for old-school historicists, curiously ambivalent and legally intriguing to others, child marriages currently enjoy an unforeseen centrality in Germany’s public life. Europe today is hard pressed to look beyond its shores for instructive twenty-first century survival scripts. India’s past offers some lessons on child marriages for the current German predicament.
Continue reading >>Introduction: Constitutional Courts and Populism
This mini-symposium is a joint project between the editors of […]
Continue reading >>21 April 2017
How Could the ECJ Escape from the Taricco Quagmire?
The Taricco saga shows how difficult has become the coexistence between the doctrines that have been developed so far by the ECJ on one side and the national Constitutional or Supreme Courts on the other side. The ECJ and the Constitutional Courts, in all their isolated splendour (or splendid isolation), preferred so far to follow parallel lines, whose meeting could only take place ad infinitum. However, if the parallelism collapses, the two lines are doomed to crash.
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19 April 2017
Of course you can still turn back! On the revocability of the Article 50 notification and post-truth politics
The British Prime Minister Theresa May has announced yesterday the intention to call a ‘snap’ general election to be held on the 8th of June 2017. This announcement, which has caught literally everyone off-guard, makes some strategic sense if read together with another contention stressed by Prime Minister May: that there is no turning back from Brexit. Which is untrue, both from the legal and political point of view. To put it shortly, the PM is lying.
Continue reading >>‘Girls belong in school, and not in front of the altar’: Is the German Bill on child marriages violating international law?
As much as international law categorizes child marriage as harmful practice due to its potential wide ranging negative effects on education, health, increased risk of violence and sexually transmitted diseases, and poverty, the regulation of already existing marriages should not aim to be aligned with the age of marriage. Already existing child marriages have to be treated differently, as they already created a lived reality for the partners and cannot just be reversed, as this might end up in unwanted legal and practical consequences for the child. Therefore, with regards to already existing marriages, it is a misconception that the only possible way to end child marriage is to actually ‘end’ child marriage.
Continue reading >>18 April 2017
Should we fear a Frexit?
What would a ‘Frexit’ look like? Would Le Pen have to go through a referendum? And if so, would it be binding or advisory? Would the hypothetical President encounter the same difficulties as the British Prime Minister did with the Miller case? Would the French legal system allow for the Courts to have such a crucial role?
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17 April 2017
Gibraltar and the “Brexit” – New Scenarios within a Historic Dispute. A Proposal.
The "Brexit" draws its consequences also on the legal status of Gibraltar within the EU. This leads to new perspectives on a historic dispute between British, Spanish and Gibraltan sovereignty interests. What could be the solution?
Continue reading >>13 April 2017
Stopping forced sterilisation is not enough – the limitations of the recent ECHR judgement on trans rights
The recent ruling of the European Court of Human Rights in A.P., Garçon and Nicot v. France constitutes an important decision for trans rights in many ways. The ECtHR determined that France’s requirement of sterilisation, applying to persons wishing to legally change their names and gender on their birth certificate to reflect their gender identity, is a violation of the right to privacy under Article 8 of the European Convention of Human Rights.
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10 April 2017
The Holy Word does not come strictly in Italian – Another Islamophobic Law stopped in Northern Italy
The saga continues: again have regions in Italy governed by the right-wing party Lega Nord tried to use an administrative law to restrict the building of new mosques in the regions. This time, Veneto came up with something new: they made it mandatory to speak only Italian in religious buildings. But the Constitutional Court took a clear stance, for religious freedom and for the importance of language as a cultural good.
Continue reading >>08 April 2017
Dreaming of the User Republic
On hate speech, civic duplicity and other dubious matters constitutional.
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06 April 2017
Judicial Review of the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy: Lessons from the Rosneft case
On 28 March 2017, the Grand Chamber of the EU Court of Justice (CJEU) decided in a preliminary ruling that the restrictive measures adopted by the Council against Russian undertakings, including oil company Rosneft, are valid. The judgment is of constitutional significance. It clarifies the scope of the CJEU’s jurisdiction with respect to acts adopted in the sphere of the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). In particular, it reveals that the EU system of judicial protection fully applies in relation to restrictive measures against natural and legal persons (so-called ‘targeted sanctions’).
Continue reading >>05 April 2017
The Return of the Sovereign: A Look at the Rule of Law in Hungary – and in Europe
The Hungarian law makers have enacted a law that will make the operation of foreign-funded universities all but impossible, and aim to do the same to foreign-funded NGOs. These measures fail to meet even the most basic features of how legal rules are envisioned in a rule of law framework. The carefully crafted new Hungarian laws use the cloak of national security to stab the rule of law, as understood in Europe, in the heart.
Continue reading >>More Is Less: Multiple Citizenship, Political Participation, and Mr Erdogan
I must differ with my colleague, Peter Spiro, and those who consider dual citizenship unproblematic or even progressive and a facilitator of immigrant integration. The devaluation of citizenship that widespread dual citizenship both reflects and worsens is in fact bad for those who need democracy and seek social equality. It is also another moment in which political power has yielded to market power. At the same time, making dual citizenship illegal, or even discouraging it, is a pointless effort since even after the current nationalist-populist wave passes, human mobility is highly likely to remain at high levels.
Continue reading >>04 April 2017
“A Roguish and Unpopular President is potentially an Occasion for the Judiciary to Shine”
Will Democrats be able to block Neil Gorsuch's confirmation as Supreme Court Justice, and how will it affect the Court if they won't? Mattias Kumm on the latest developments in the nomination process and the judiciary's role in holding the Trump administration in check.
Continue reading >>02 April 2017
Germany and the Erdogan Referendum: the Case for External Voting and Dual Citizenship
Almost a million and a half Turkish citizens resident in Germany are eligible to cast absentee ballots in a Turkish referendum to scrap its parliamentary system. The run-up to the referendum had German authorities obstructing pro-Erdogan rallies, to which Erdogan himself responded with charges that the German government was engaging in “Nazi practices.” The episode marks perhaps the most prominent and controversial example of external political campaigning since such activity has become normalized among states.
Continue reading >>01 April 2017
The Outside Within
On Hungary's Soros obsession, diaspora voting rights and other reflexive matters constitutional.
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31 March 2017
Legally sophisticated authoritarians: the Hungarian Lex CEU
Contemporary authoritarian leaders understand that in a globalized world the more brutal forms of intimidation are best replaced with more subtle forms of coercion. Therefore, they work in a more ambiguous spectrum that exists between democracy and authoritarianism, and from a distance, many of them look almost democratic. They take advantage of formalistic legal arguments against their enemies. Similarly, the new draft law of the Hungarian government also uses legal tricks to force the Central European University to cease operation in Budapest.
Continue reading >>The Great Repeal Bill and the Charter of Fundamental Rights – not a promising start
On the day Brexit happens EU Law will be incorporated into the UK legal system, including the entirety of the Court of Justice’s case-law. This is a huge digestion of rules and judicial rulings, unprecedented in the way and speed in which it will take place. However, there is a piece of EU Law that will not be incorporated into UK Law. This is no ordinary or irrelevant piece. It is the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. It is another revealing sign of the impact that Brexit will have in the UK and, above all, for UK citizens and their rights.
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30 March 2017
The Taming of Control – the Great Repeal Bill
Brexit is underway. For voters who wanted the UK to remain in the EU, the risk was how much would change after the UK leaves. For those who wanted the UK to leave the EU, the hope was that, indeed, much would change. Both sets of voters may be surprised at the efforts being placed on seeking continuity in governance. For Remain voters, while this may afford some comfort, it will simply reinforce the view that the better way of keeping things the same was for the UK to remain a Member State of the EU. For Leave voters, the outcome may be more ambiguous.
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28 March 2017
The Polish Judiciary Reform: Problematic under European standards and a Challenge for Germany
The latest efforts of the Polish government to reform the judiciary have met with fierce criticism both nationally and internationally. A new legislation concerning the National Council for the Judiciary has recently been introduced to the Polish Parliament and awaits deliberation. The approach the Polish government has chosen is indeed problematic in the light of European standards for Councils for the Judiciary – but so is the German model of selecting judges, which the Polish governments explicitly refers to as a point of reference for their reform.
Continue reading >>27 March 2017
Damaging the Legitimacy of the Spanish Constitutional Court
The Spanish legislative burdens the Constitutional Court with the task to prevent Catalonia from pursuing independence. To use the Constitutional Court as the main barricade against any attempt at starting the independence process does tremendous damage to the Court itself as it undermines its perception as neutral arbiter and, thereby, its legitimation.
Continue reading >>26 March 2017
European parliamentary sovereignty on the shoulders of national parliamentary sovereignties: A Reply to Sébastien Platon
We are really grateful that the Verfassungsblog has been one of the very first forums engaging the discussion on the "Treaty on the democratization of the governance of the euro area" (T-Dem). While the proposal has emerged in the framework of the current French presidential campaign, and is now widely debated in this context, it has been primarily thought of as a contribution to the ongoing transnational conversation over the future of the European Union. As authors of the proposal, we first wish to thank our colleague Sébastien Platon for launching an interesting discussion about the T-Dem.
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25 March 2017
Charging Bullies
On bullies, brown bears and other furry and fuzzy matters constitutional.
Continue reading >>24 March 2017
After Article 50 and Before Withdrawal: Does Constitutional Theory Require a General Election in the United Kingdom Before Brexit?
On March 29th, Theresa May will notify the EU Council of the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the EU. This is the result of the Brexit referendum which, for the first time in the United Kingdom’s constitutional history, has opened up a powerful new source of popular sovereignty as a social fact. It is necessary for the constitutional integrity of the United Kingdom that this new stream of popular social legitimacy is realigned with the existing stream of Parliamentary Sovereignty. The most effective and desirable way in which to achieve this would be for a General Election to take place.
Continue reading >>21 March 2017
Protection with Hesitation: on the recent CJEU Decisions on Religious Headscarves at Work
The CJEU's Achbita and Bougnaoui decisions on workplace bans of Islamic headscarves are disappointing as they are not providing enough guidance to the national courts concerning the criteria that they need to take into consideration in their attempts to find a balance between the rights in conflict. The judgments do not provide any criteria for the admissibility of dress codes other than that they should be neutral and objectively justified. Even those terms though are not analysed by the court in a sufficient manner.
Continue reading >>20 March 2017
Climate Change protection goes local – remarks on the Vienna Airport Case
Climate Change was brought before the Austrian Federal Administrative Court in the beginning of 2017. The judgement concerning the construction and operation of a third runway acknowledges the current development in the UNFCCC process and, as such, is of special importance and without precedence: According to the Court, the fight against Climate Change and its consequences for Austria overrides the public interest in the expansion of the Vienna Airport.
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19 March 2017
New Forces for the Greek State: Comments on Comments
The pointed commentary published on Verfassungsblog over the last week—coming from different perspectives and informed from different experiences—shows the potential of such debates. In the case of Greece, they are an important addition to a discourse focusing too much on austerity or debt sustainability.
Continue reading >>18 March 2017
Majority is a Legal Concept
On Dutch populist unpopularity, on the absurdities of autocracy and on other matters constitutional.
Continue reading >>17 March 2017
The CJEU’s headscarf decisions: Melloni behind the veil?
On 14 March 2017, the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice (CJEU) handed down two landmark judgments on the Islamic headscarf at work. The twin decisions, Achbita and Bougnaoui, were eagerly awaited, not only because of the importance and delicacy of the legal issues the cases raised, but also because the Advocates General had reached different conclusions on those issues in their Opinions.
Continue reading >>Sententia non existens – the future of jurisprudence of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal?
One of the latest topics in the debate on the future of constitutional control in Poland concerns the possibility and the need of common court judges to directly apply the Constitution. This possibility has already existed in theory – according to the Article 8 para 2 of the Constitution of Poland, the provisions of the Constitution shall apply directly, unless the Constitution provides otherwise. However, in practice, until now in case when the conformity of the normative act with the Constitution was questioned in particular case, the court has always referred the question of law the Constitutional Tribunal. The need to come back to the discussion on direct applicability of the Constitution stems from the questionable legality of some Constitutional Tribunal rulings in connection with the incorrect appointment of three so-called “quasi-judges” in December 2015.
Continue reading >>14 March 2017
Impeaching Remnants of the Authoritarian Past: A Constitutional Moment in South Korea
Last Friday, effective March 10 at exactly 11:21 a.m., the sitting President Park Geun-hye was removed from her office by a unanimous decision of the South Korean Constitutional Court. With public life coming to a standstill as eyes focused on TV and internet live broadcasting, the acting Chief Justice delivered the court decision. The conclusion of the constitutional impeachment procedure marked the climax of a transformative ongoing constitutional moment in South Korea.
Continue reading >>13 March 2017
Once More unto the Breach? An Independent Scotland, Europe, and the Law
Today, Scottish First Minister Nicola Sturgeon has announced that she would ask the Scottish Parliament to allow her to agree with the UK Government on another independence referendum. The Scottish people should be given a right to decide – once the terms of Brexit are known – whether to stick with the UK and leave the EU or pursue the route of independence and stay within ‘Europe’. This blog post will briefly outline some of the legal obstacles on the way, both internal and external.
Continue reading >>Democratizing the Euro Area without the European Parliament: Benoît Hamon’s “T-Dem”
On the 10th March, the official candidate of the Socialist Party for the French presidential elections, Benoît Hamon, outlined his programme for the European Union. This programme, whilst being against austerity and in favour of more flexibility as regards EU requirements in terms of public budgets and public debts, comes with a treaty proposal, the draft treaty on the democratization of the governance of the euro area (dubbed « T-Dem »). This treaty, which was prepared by the candidate together with the superstar economist Thomas Piketty (who has joined his team) is supposed to bring more democracy to the governance of the Euro area. However noble (and necessary) this ambitious idea might seem, the way this draft treaty has been engineered raises not only political but also legal questions.
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The CJEU on Humanitarian Visa: Discovering ‘Un-Chartered’ Waters of EU Law
Limiting the scope of EU law vis-à-vis national legislative measures is one thing but creating un-Chartered territory in EU law is another. It is understandable why the Court would want to stay away from the currently toxic migration politics. But it is worrying that it is willing to further limit the scope of the Charter when it might be needed the most.
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State Reform in Greece: Legal and Practical Considerations
For the Greek drama to be resolved on a long-term basis, the shift from the exclusive focus on finances to institutional arrangements is long overdue. Armin von Bogdandy and Michael Ioannidis convincingly set out the proposal’s significant advantages. At the same time, however, its implementation might raise a host of both legal and practical considerations.
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12 March 2017
Against Renationalization
Von Bogdandy and Ioannidis’ implicit suggestion that the question of legitimacy in institution-builing could be bypassed by making use of the Greek diaspora is not really convincing. Sergio Dellavalles's response to the proposal made by v.Bogdandy/Ioannidis.
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The Asymmetric Bet of Europe
One of the options in Jean-Claude Juncker's White Paper on the Future of Europe is an asymmetric Europe. While some comparative lawyers still treat asymmetry as an exception in the life of federal polities, actually this concept has progressively acquired a key role in the history of federalism. In other words, today asymmetry is the rule rather than the exception in this field.
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11 March 2017
Smuggler’s Paradise
On the “no” to humanitarian visas from the EU, on gag orders for Turkish government members, and on the newest idea to save Greece from itself.
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10 March 2017
All we need is Trust: Conditions are not a Means of Punishment
Armin von Bogdandy’s and Michael Ioannidis’ proposals are highly welcome, as are any proposals to strengthen the Greek State as a strong partner in the EU. No doubt, there will be no fourth rescue package, so we better try something else.
Continue reading >>The Strain of the New Forces
Greece has a problem with its institutions, a fact admitted even by the government of that country. The prospect of bankruptcy and collapse of the European order represents a good justification for the proposal made by v. Bogdandy and Ioannidis.
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Using the Greek Diaspora as a Remedy. A Comment
The Greek diaspora as such does not have a superior ethos compared with Greeks at home. Frank Schorkopf responds to the proposal on institution-building in Greece made by Arnim v. Bogdandy and Michael Ioannidis.
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Institution-Building in Greece. On the Risk of “Double Loyalty”
There are certain risks that could delegitimise and further weaken the Greek political, bureaucratic and judiciary institutions. Luca De Lucia's respond to Armin von Bogdandy and Michael Ioannidis' proposal for a new approach to institution-building in Greece.
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09 March 2017
Rule of Law in Times of the Populist Surge. Comments on Armin von Bogdandy and Michael Ioannidis
As populism rises and crises of the rule of law emerge, we have to think out of the box. Pál Sonnevend's reply to v. Bogdandy and M. Ioannidis focusses on the democratic environment and guarantees of the rule of law in Greece.
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The Greek Diaspora and the Reform of the Greek State
For decades, a significant number of Greek public servants owed their position to patronage, nepotism, party support, or fraud. Angelos Chaniotis responds to Armin von Bogdandy and Michael Ioannidis' suggestion to institution-building in Greece.
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State building in Greece
Even though Greece avoided imminent collapse and civil unrest in 2015, the reform process has not reached the threshold of irreversibility. Response by Achilles Skordas to the suggestions made by v. Bogdandy and Ioannidis.
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Formal and Informal Elements of Institution-Building. A Comment on Armin von Bogdandy and Michael Ioannidis
The fact that Greece seems to be in trouble again should be considered an opportunity! Response by András Jakab to v. Bogdandy/Ioannidis' suggestion to use the Greek diaspora as a tool for a new approach to institution building.
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New Forces for Greek State Reform
Current attempts to solve the crisis in Greece aim at economic solutions. With a new bailout programme being stalled and the next tranche once more postponed, the search is on for new solutions off the beaten paths.
Continue reading >>08 March 2017
South Africa’s Withdrawal from the ICC: The High Court Judgment and its Limits
Domestic legal challenges to the South Africa government’s decision to withdraw from the ICC are underway, and while the first instalment has a distinctly Brexit flavor, it also foreshadows more substantive constitutional arguments to come.
Continue reading >>An Eye for an Eye: Law as an Instrument of Revenge in Poland
You question our judges, we question yours: This tit-for-tat strategy has recently been redeployed by the Polish governing party PiS and now jeopardizes the Supreme Court. The message is clear: whoever wishes to use their legal powers against the government can be sure the government will strike back.
Continue reading >>04 March 2017
Geert-Victor LePynski, coming to your town too
On EU member states' brazenness and subservience, on the constitutional plans of Le Pen and Wilders and why they matter for all European citizens.
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03 March 2017
Poland and the European Commission, Part III: Requiem for the Rule of Law
On 20 February 2017, the Polish government has replied to the European Commission’s rule of law findings. That reply is so clearly absurd, rude and full of ‘alternative facts’ that the case to trigger the sanction mechanism in Art 7 TEU promptly is more compelling than ever. It is time for Member State governments to get their act together and make explicit their disapproval of a government that finds it acceptable not only to violate its national Constitution and EU values in plain sight but also to bully and disrespect EU representatives such as Frans Timmermans and Donald Tusk.
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02 March 2017
Wilders vs. the Dutch Constitution: Constitutional Protection against Discriminatory Policies
Geert Wilders' Freedom Party stands a fair chance of becoming the largest party after the elections next week. His political programme is blurry at best, but parts of it - such as a ban of the Quran - are clearly unconstitutional. Will the constitutional system in the Netherlands be robust enough to withstand this challenge?
Continue reading >>Marine Le Pen: a Constitutional Program Threatening the French Constitutional Regime
The recent publication of Marine Le Pen’s presidential program has been followed by many comments from the media, specialists and policy makers analysing her economic, social or security propositions. But one particular point has been missed: the different constitutional amendments she intends to achieve. With this constitutional program, her goal is to deeply reform the organization of the French state and its institutions. It is an unnamed constitutional revolution since Ms. Le Pen’s objective is to strike down French liberal democracy in order to in store an almost absolutist presidential regime.
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28 February 2017
Limiting the Constitutional Space of Scotland and Northern Ireland
Scotland might soon be having a second independence referendum, and Ireland is pushing for Northern Ireland rejoining the EU after Brexit. Why does the noble idea of a differentiated Brexit, that could absorb some of the tensions created by UK’s future withdrawal from the EU, seem to lose traction even within the political elites of Scotland and Northern Ireland? One possible answer might be that the UK political and constitutional framework does not provide for a supportive environment. In fact, the judgment of the Supreme Court in Miller points to the limits of the UK political and constitutional order to accommodate the demands of the devolved nations.
Continue reading >>27 February 2017
Stateless persons’ entitlement to citizenship – and Denmark’s call for dilution of state obligations in this regard
The UN statelessness convention obliges member states to grant citizenship to persons born on their soil who would otherwise be stateless. Denmark, with very little success so far, is pushing for a renegotiation of that obligation, allegedly for security reasons. What is behind this effort? Could maybe the Danish initiative prove even beneficial by laying the ground for more international cooperation on citizenship law matters?
Continue reading >>25 February 2017
Constitutional Courts – imagine them gone
On frightened German judges, distressed Polish judges and other newsworthy matters constitutional.
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23 February 2017
An Explicit Constitutional Change by Means of an Ordinary Statute? On a Bill Concerning the Reform of the National Council of the Judiciary in Poland
Towards the end of January 2017, the Polish Ministry of Justice introduced a bill reforming the current legal status of the National Council of the Judiciary. If passed as proposed, the bill would seriously undermine the independence of the judiciary in Poland.
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20 February 2017
In Judges We Trust? A long overdue Paradigm Shift within the Polish Judiciary (Part II)
After the main fundamental problems of the judiciary in Poland have been identified, the search for possible remedies is now on. Polish judges need to do some soul-searching and re-thinking of their role.
Continue reading >>In Judges We Trust? A long overdue Paradigm Shift within the Polish Judiciary (Part I)
The Polish Judiciary is under duress, no question. However, it is not only the pending Supreme Court decision that may determine their fate. Polish judges need a new approach to judicial interpretation and the role of judges as a whole.
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19 February 2017
The Proposed Amendment of the Comitology Regulation – A Constitutional Perspective
On Valentine’s day, the European Commission proposed “four targeted amendments” to the Comitology Regulation. In this blogpost it will be argued that while the proposal contains interesting elements, it is largely flawed from an institutional and constitutional point of view.
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18 February 2017
No More Blame Game: Back to the Future of Comitology
Political responsibility of Member States for sensitive EU executive action will be hard to get. But it is worth trying.
Continue reading >>… yet there is method in’t
On Trump's state of mind, on Poland's latest twist in the Constitutional Tribunal drama, and on other crazy matters constitutional.
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17 February 2017
The EU (Notification of Withdrawal) Bill: Bargaining Chips on the Commons Table
EU citizens living and working in the UK will, according to the House of Commons, not be ensured a right of residency after Brexit, as the government wishes to use them as bargaining chips with Brussels - a move both strategically misguided and morally indefensible. Now, all eyes are on the House of Lords.
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15 February 2017
Living Democracy in Romania: From Protest to Referendum ?
What happened in Romania in the aftermath of the so called “Second Black Tuesday”? People were demonstrating on the street, Romanian authorities spoke up, the Constitutional Court came to rule twice, ultimately a popular referendum on anti-corruption measures is being discussed. Could this be a strong sign for the rule of law against the backdrop of corruption?
Continue reading >>14 February 2017
A Polish Marbury v. Madison?
Has the new President of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal been lawfully appointed? This question is at the core of the latest act of the ongoing judicial drama in Poland. The Warsaw Court of Appeals has now referred this question to the Polish Supreme Court. Civil courts are called upon to at least partially fill the gap left by the subjugated Constitutional Tribunal in safeguarding the rule of law in Poland.
Continue reading >>13 February 2017
Presidentialism à la Turka or what? The (missing) logic behind the constitutional amendments
Erdoğan’s efforts to inscribe his understanding of presidential domination into the Turkish constitution should not be mistaken for a systematic turn towards a presidential model of government. The inbuilt inconsistencies of the reform may well develop some serious unintended side effects causing political deadlock and institutional breakdown in the long run.
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11 February 2017
Destitution or Constitution
On Trump and the Courts, on the importance of constitutional review and on other constitutional issues arising on the way into or out of authoritarianism.
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08 February 2017
Trumps Supreme-Court-Nominierung im Zeichen der „Checks and Balances“
US-Präsident Trump hat Neil M. Gorsuch als Richter am Supreme Court nominiert. Was hat es mit dieser Personalie auf sich? Und wie wirkt sie sich auf traditionelle Kräftegleichgewicht im obersten Gericht der Vereinigten Staaten aus?
Continue reading >>07 February 2017
“Unrichtiges Recht” in Slovakia? The Radbruch Formula and Positive Law from the Nineties
While the Slovak Parliament might not be the most obvious place to look for a (modest) rerun of the classic legal dilemma about unjust laws, constitutional enthusiasts might want to tune in for once, as the National Council (the official name of the assembly), was in recent weeks the site of a reinvigorated effort to invalidate amnesties granted in the late 1990s by the once aspiring authoritarian Vladimír Mečiar. The government has not yet reached a consensus but the impending vote holds more promise than the previous seven attempts.
Continue reading >>“Trump’s statements express the same kind of populist opposition to constitutional court judges we have seen elsewhere”
Harvard professor Mark Tushnet on the Trump administration's attacks against the judiciary and whether or not the rule of law is under threat from the new US President.
Continue reading >>06 February 2017
The ‘Elegant Way’ of the Constitution
The Miller judgment will be famous for its affirmation of the rule of law as against an unaccountable and overreaching executive. But it should also be remembered for marking the recognition by the UK courts of the systematic nature of the British constitution.
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05 February 2017
Marine Le Pen’s Constitutional Programme on the European Union: Use, Misuse and Abuse of Referenda
Marine Le Pen, the far-right candidate for President of France, was asked in an interview about her constitutional programme should she be elected in May. Her answer can be summarised in one word: referenda. One of them would be, of course, about “Frexit”, the other would include a vast set of amendments to the French Constitution and would take place just after the legislative elections. That, however, would not most likely not be the end of it.
Continue reading >>04 February 2017
Trump, Taricco, Turks and Tusk
Once again, constitutional orders all over the world are tested to the limit of their endurance…
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Trump’s Muslim Ban and its Constitutional Limits
The dramatic executive orders of the newly inaugurated President of the United States, Donald Trump, including, most infamously, his executive order excluding Syrian refugees from entry into the United States, and popularly known as the “Muslim ban,” has raised not only hackles among many outside observers, but also questions about the legality of these orders. The short answer is that some of the matters set out in his executive orders, including those affecting refugees, are almost certainly legal, while other aspects of those orders raise significant issues under the United States constitution.
Continue reading >>03 February 2017
The Miller decision: Legal constitutionalism ends not with a bang, but a whimper
Miller was essentially a case which was argued before, and decided by, the court on the basis of the English Imperial constitutional tradition forged in the Victorian age. This judgment has made the political constitution of the devolved United Kingdom as a whole more unstable, more brittle, more fragile and more likely to break-up precisely because it denies the devolved nations’ institutions any legal right to participate in the Brexit process.
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02 February 2017
Geschlossenheit in welchem Sinne? Europäische Verfassungsfragen beim Treffen in Malta
Beim Gipfel von Malta will die EU in punkto Migrationspolitik Geschlossenheit demonstrieren - auch gegenüber US-Präsident Trump. Die USA schultern aber den Löwenanteil der Kosten für das UN-Flüchtlingshilfswerk und für das Resettlement von Flüchtlingen. Beides unterstreicht, dass es nicht ausreichend ist, die USA an den Pranger zu stellen. Europa als ein Verbund vieler der wohlhabendsten Staaten der Welt trifft eine moralische Pflicht, gerade in so einer Situation die Idee des Flüchtlingsschutzes als einer minimalen weltbürgerlichen Solidarität aufrechtzuerhalten. Aber auch schon die von Ratspräsident Tusk betonte „Wahrung des internationalen Rechts“ macht Europa Vorgaben, was die Grenzsicherung angeht.
Continue reading >>An Instruction Manual to Stop a Judicial Rebellion (before it is too late, of course)
2016 was not a good year for the EU. Among many other things, one of the EU’s proudest achievements, its judiciary, has shown the first signs of worrying instability: In Germany, Denmark and Italy, high-level courts have openly and harshly declared their dissatisfaction with rulings by the European Court of Justice. I would not say that these are nationalist overreactions. These are worrying (and I would add justified) signs of something going wrong.
Continue reading >>What is the Situation of Constitutional Jurisdiction in Europe? Worrying News from Spain
Although the situation in Poland is unique, the speed at which the Polish Constitutional Court has been subjugated should make the rest of us think about the regulations concerning our Constitutional jurisdictions and about the behaviour of other political actors with respect to them. Recent developments in Spain have led me to these reflections, and I would like to describe them briefly here to sound the alarm about what happens in other European countries more discretely than in Poland, but also very disturbingly.
Continue reading >>01 February 2017
Sanctuary Cities and the Trump Administration
The current clash between the Trump administration and the so-called “sanctuary cities” on immigration is not qualitatively new. There have been other attempts by the local level in the United States to position itself as an alternative political force vis-à-vis the federal government. Due to the political style of the new administration and all the drama attached to it, the conflict may, however, reach new simmering heights. It may also be more dangerous for the social cohesion of the United States as a political entity.
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‘We Don’t Need No Constitution’ – On a Sad EU Membership Anniversary in Romania
These are troubled constitutional times in Romania. The newly elected government led by the corruption-ridden PSD party is pushing for legislative changes to make corruption offences virtually unpunishable by means of dubious Emergency Ordinances. A pending appeal before the Constitutional Court seeks to have legal provisions which prohibit persons with criminal convictions to occupy public positions in the Government declared unconstitutional. These attempts are met with resistance by the President who calls for an anti-corruption referendum.
Continue reading >>31 January 2017
“A Terrible Signal that International Law can be Flaunted without Consequence”
If refugees are detained or turned away for reasons of religion or country of origin, that is a case of discrimination clearly prohibited by international refugee law. In theory any other state party to the Refugee Protocol can take the US to the International Court of Justice. Will Chancellor Merkel or perhaps Canadian Prime Minister Trudeau – each of whom has spoken up for refugees in the current context – have the courage to make that referral?
Continue reading >>The Italian Constitutional Court in re Taricco: “Gauweiler in the Roman Campagna”
The Italian Constitutional Court’s Tarrico judgement is worded in apparently much milder terms than the BVerfG’s preliminary reference in Gauweiler. The content of the ICC’s decision, though, seems loaded with much more dynamite. In Gauweiler, the CJEU was called to interpret an act of another EU institution. In Taricco, the CJEU is called to reinterpret its own decision, after the ICC essentially asked “please, say it again?”
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New Constitutional Amendment Proposal in Turkey: A Threat to Pluralistic Democracy!
Turkey will hold a referendum on a fundamental constitutional reform, probably in April. The designed political regime is neither parliamentarism nor presidentialism. Although the government calls the new political regime as a “Turkish type of presidentialism” with a populist discourse; in reality, the new regime will bring a kind of “delegative democracy”, which is seen usually in the South American, sub-Saharan African and in central Asian countries.
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30 January 2017
Legal Disintegration? The Ruling of the Danish Supreme Court in AJOS
On December 6, 2016, the Supreme Court of Denmark (SCDK) ruled in the Ajos case. The ruling will be read, remembered and taught as an example of defiance of clear guidelines from the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) by the highest court in Denmark. EU law is an exterior phenomenon but part and parcel of Danish law. It follows that switching it off, as in Ajos, necessarily entails applying one law by breaking another. That is not a viable path for any legal system taking supranational obligations seriously.
Continue reading >>Stable Majorities in Italy: an Interview with FRANCESCO CLEMENTI
Last week, the Italian Constitutional Court has declared the electoral law reform constitutional in most respects. Francesco Clementi explains why it will still be extremely difficult to form stable majorities in both chambers of Parliament.
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President Trump and the Foreign Emoluments Clause
The election of Donald Trump to the American presidency has, among other things, brought newfound attention to one of the sleepier provisions of the U.S. Constitution. The foreign emoluments clause provides that “no person holding any office of profit or trust under [the United States], shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state.” Within 72 hours of his inauguration, the nonprofit government ethics group CREW has filed a constitutional complaint against President Trump in federal court. The President shot back the same day, calling the suit meritless. Does CREW have a case?
Continue reading >>28 January 2017
The Taricco Decision: A Last Attempt to Avoid a Clash between EU Law and the Italian Constitution
Is Italy obliged by EU law to pursue criminal acts longer than provided by Italian law? This question might cause a fundamental clash between the Italian Constitutional Court and the European Court of Justice. Unlike the CJEU, the Italian Constitutional Court interprets a retroactive suspension of the limitation period as a matter of principle of legality, and thereby as a matter of a core principle of Italian constitutional law. By referring the case to the CJEU, the Italian Constitutional Court gives the European Court a chance to revisit its jurisdiction while avoiding the identity language of the German Constitutional Court - good news for cooperative constitutionalism in Europe.
Continue reading >>Shaking off Constitutional Constraints
Is the seminal Miller decision by the UK Supreme Court good news for British constitutionalism or bad? What does the equally momentous Yukos decision by the Russian Constitutional Court teach us about the state of constitionalism in Russia? And what will become of the rule of law and the balance of powers in Turkey when President Erdogan gets his way with the Turkish constitution?
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The Final Trick? Separation of Powers, Checks and Balances, and the Recomposition of the Turkish State
The Turkish parliament has recently passed constitutional amendments that will, pending the public referendum in spring 2017, set aside decades of parliamentary system tradition. Presumably aimed to repair the dysfunctions of the current regime and to respond to the need of a “stronger Turkey”, the proposed draft does not only eradicate the principle of separation of powers but rebuilds the state according to the interests of ruling groups, without much consideration being paid to the overall integrity of the system and long term implications.
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27 January 2017
The Turkish Constitutional Court under the Amended Turkish Constitution
In March 2016, the Turkish Constitutional Court (TCC) ruled that the rights of the Turkish journalists Can Dündar and Erdem Gül had been violated, leading to their release from prison after three months. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan responded by criticizing the TCC sharply, questioning its existence and legitimacy. This had not been the first time over the last years, that the Court had been attacked. The constitutional amendments, that will be put to referendum in April 2017, seemed to be a golden opportunity to change the composition and cut back the broad competences of the TCC. Did the AKP-led Parliamentary Constitutional Committee seize this opportunity?
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26 January 2017
Money Makes the Court Go Round: The Russian Constitutional Court’s Yukos Judgment
On 19 December 2017 the Russian Constitutional Court (RCC) ruled that payment of just satisfaction in the Yukos case was contrary to the Russian Constitution. It is the first time the apex court of a Council of Europe member state concluded that it should not pay just satisfaction. This blog post provides the background of the case, sums up the reasoning of the RCC and assesses the implications of its judgment of 19 December 2017.
Continue reading >>25 January 2017
Same-sex marriage before the courts and before the people: the story of a tumultuous year for LGBT rights in Romania
This article will briefly recount a particularly agitated year for LGBT rights in Romania, marked by a highly contentious campaign to amend the constitutional definition of marriage through a referendum, as well as the first referral to the Court of Justice of the European Union by the Constitutional Court, in a freedom of movement case involving a married mixed nationality same-sex couple.
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Sailing uncharted waters – for how long? On transitional post-Brexit trade arrangements
Given the short timeframe for negotiating an exit agreement, the UK and the EU-27 may not be able to agree on new terms for their future trade relations before the UK’s formal exit from the EU takes effect. Consequently, many experts are pushing for a transitional arrangement.
Continue reading >>24 January 2017
Brexit in the Supreme Court: An Opportunity Missed?
For all that this case has been written-up in the media as a ‘defeat’ for the government, this was a case in which the Supreme Court passed up a significant opportunity to compensate for the UK’s newly imbalanced constitutional framework.
Continue reading >>The Supreme Court in Miller – some early comments
The UK Supreme Court’s decision in the Miller appeal was probably greeted with a sigh of relief in 10 Downing Street. Sure, the Government will now need to seek parliamentary approval for triggering Article 50 TEU and starting the formal process of withdrawing from the EU, but the much greater political danger of having to also seek the consent of the devolved parliaments of Scotland, Northern Ireland, and Wales, has not materialised. What follows are a few brief comments on the Supreme Court’s reasoning and an assessment of its implications for the future.
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21 January 2017
Scarves, Slaves and the Nearly Headless NPD
On an incompletely decapitated Neonazi party and other topical matters constitutional.
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19 January 2017
The Incompatibility of the Definition of Torture in Greece with International Law
In Greek criminal law, torture is defined primarily as the “planned” (μεθοδευμένη) infliction by a state official on a person of severe physical, and other similar forms of, pain. Under the established Greek case law and doctrine in order for the infliction of pain to be considered as “planned” it must be repeated and have a certain duration. This definition raises serious issues of compatibility with international human rights law.
Continue reading >>Sklavenhalter auf Europa-Urlaub: Nicht unser Problem?
Am Dienstag, überlagert vom NPD-Urteil, kam eine Kammerentscheidung des EGMR in Straßburg, die mehr Aufmerksamkeit verdient hätte. Es geht darin um eine Familie aus Dubai, die drei filipinische Frauen wie Haussklavinnen hielt.
Continue reading >>Is there Hope for the Right to Hope?
The European Court of Human Rights has overturned its former position that convicts sentenced to life in prison enjoy a "right to hope" to be eventually released. Arguably, in this case we have an instance of interpretation of evolution which lowers rather than heightens human rights protection. In the current climate when there is a growing political appetite to curtail human rights, a Court interpretation towards change in this direction without good reasons may create a dangerous precedent for further reduction of basic human rights guarantees.
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14 January 2017
Strangers, Adversaries, Enemies
On party bans, on constitutional courts as tools and objects of political pressure, and on the various ways Muslim dress codes for girls and women further the evolution of constitutional law in Europe.
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13 January 2017
How to Kill an Idea: An American’s Observations on the NPD Party-Ban Proceedings
Next Tuesday, the German Federal Constitutional Court will announce its decision on the federal states’ application seeking to ban the National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD). In times of a far-right surge all over Europe, the procedure offers ample opportunity to reflect on a constitutional democracy's right to take repressive measures against odious ideas.
Continue reading >>The Ljubljana Initiative for Re-Launching the European Integration
It is a sign of unconventional times when earnest people wish you a less exciting year 2017 compared to the one that has just, luckily, passed. Starting a new year, a less exciting one then, is an opportunity for reckoning about the past and for charting the plans for the future. For those who care about the project of European integration, these are no easy moments. By looking back we are reminded about the chain of crises that has been strangling the Union. By looking forward we cannot help ourselves but to wring hands at what is yet to follow. It is high time that this self-destructive European (indeed Western) narrative and, unfortunately, praxis were put to a halt. It is high time to present a positive alternative to the present status quo and to the populist decay. It is high time to re-launch the process of European integration.
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12 January 2017
Constitutional Review as an Indispensable Element of the Rule of Law? Poland as the Divided State between Political and Legal Constitutionalism
The power of constitutional courts appears to be a political matter which depends on the political majority and public support notwithstanding their desirability in certain political contexts, in particular in countries with relatively young democratic traditions and authoritarian pasts. This might not be the best news for modern constitutionalism but one we need to be aware of, in particular in times of the recent re-rise of populist movements, illiberal disenchantment, and anti-establishment rhetoric – not only in Poland.
Continue reading >>11 January 2017
Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal under PiS control descends into legal chaos
Immediately after the governing Law and Justice party in Poland established its control over the Constitutional Tribunal, the court has plunged into a whole number of legal imbroglios undermining its authority and calling into question the legality of its verdicts. The new President's nomination is contested even by a supposed ally, and the remaining "old" judges seem to have adopted a strategy of passive resistance. This is probably what Law and Justice wanted to achieve: it is much easier to govern without a strong constitutional court.
Continue reading >>10 January 2017
The Hungarian Constitutional Court and Constitutional Identity
Ever since the 2010 parliamentary elections Hungary has set off on the journey to became an ‘illiberal’ member state of the EU, which does not comply with the shared values of rule of law and democracy, the ‘basic structure’ of Europe. The new government of Viktor Orbán from the very beginning has justified the non-compliance by referring to national sovereignty, and lately to the country’s constitutional identity guaranteed in Article 4 (2) TEU. This constitutional battle started with the invalid anti-migrant referendum, was followed by the failed constitutional amendment, and concluded in early December last year by a decision of the Constitutional Court, in which the packed body in a binding constitutional interpretation rubber-stamped the constitutional identity defense of the Orbán government.
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07 January 2017
Us and Them
On racial profiling, on what is part of Europe and what is not, and on apes in cages.
Continue reading >>06 January 2017
Poland and the European Commission, Part II: Hearing the Siren Song of the Rule of Law
As Poland has careened away from the rule of law, the European Commission has struggled to work out its response. Given Europe’s multiple crises at the moment, the internal affairs of a rogue government or two may seem less critical to Europe’s well being than crises that affect multiple states at the same time, like the refugee crisis, the Euro-crisis or the fallout from Brexit. But the proliferation of governments inside the EU that no longer share basic European values undermines the reason for existence of the EU in the first place.
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04 January 2017
Is Article 50 Reversible? On Politics Beyond Legal Doctrine
Can the United Kingdom, once it has declared its withdrawal from the EU, revoke this decision later on? This question is at the core of the ongoing case before the UK Supreme Court on Art. 50 TEU. I argue that revocability fits neatly in the letter and spirit of article 50 because of formal and substantive reasons. I further content that the Supreme Court decision may create a bifurcation in which interpretation of a key TEU provision may become purely an issue of domestic law. However, I further content that actors' political decisions have progressively framed a situation in which revocability does not seem politically possible.
Continue reading >>03 January 2017
Living under the unconstitutional capture and hoping for the constitutional recapture
After the unconstitutional capture of the Constitutional Tribunal in Poland, ordinary courts will have to step in to provide constitutional review. Polish judges are faced with the most fundamental challenge since 1989. Are they ready to be constitutional judges in times of constitutional emergency?
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Poland and the European Commission, Part I: A Dialogue of the Deaf?
On 21 December 2016, the European Commission adopted an additional Recommendation regarding the rule of law in Poland. Rather than starting the Article 7 sanctioning process, the Commission merely reiterated its old demands, added some new concerns and again held out the threat of Article 7 while apparently moving no closer to actually starting a sanctioning process. It is not that the Commission was unaware of what was happening in Poland. In December, the Commission stood by and watched the Polish government capture the Constitutional Tribunal. The new Recommendation indicates that the Commission simply chose not to act to head off the final stages of the Tribunal’s demise.
Continue reading >>30 December 2016
Turkey’s draft constitutional amendments: harking back to 1876?
In the last month of 2016, Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the fourth biggest party, the National Movement Party (MHP) unveiled a controversial new draft constitution which aims at a total system change. Initially, the most striking changes include the strengthening of the presidency with several new powers and no accountability to the judiciary. Furthermore, the way is cleared for Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to rule the country until 2029, and who knows – maybe even longer.
Continue reading >>Toward Hominid and Other Humanoid Rights: Are We Witnessing a Legal Revolution?
On 3 November 2016, an Argentinian judge granted habeas corpus relief to Cecilia, a person held captive in a small cage. Nothing out of the ordinary – except for the fact that Cecilia is not a battered woman or abused girl, but a chimpanzee kept at Mendoza zoo. This 1 % genetic difference turns this into a landmark judgment of potentially revolutionary proportions. For the first time in legal history, a court explicitly declared an animal other than human a legal person who possesses inherent fundamental rights. This judgment marks a radical breach with the deeply entrenched legal tradition of categorizing animals as rightless things (the person’s antithesis), and demonstrates that the previously impenetrable legal wall between humans and animals can be surmounted. The question seems no longer if, but when.
Continue reading >>22 December 2016
Cleaning up after 2016
The end of this year of 2016 draws close, and relief about that fact, ill-founded as it may be, is palpable wherever I go. It has been a rough ride for constitutionalists, and we all deserve some days of rest and peace, if we can afford it. Therefore, I will spare you with seasonal reviews and reflections on these almost consistently dreadful twelve months past and highlight only one fact hopefully suitable to lift your spirits a bit: Since Brexit, support for European integration has jumped by 5 percent throughout the EU and by 7 percent in the UK.
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From Greenland to Svalbard: Scotland’s quest for a differentiated Brexit
On 20 December 2016, the Scottish Government released its blueprint on how Scotland can remain in the European Single Market post-Brexit. From the governing SNP’s point of view, the paper can be seen as a compromise given that it does not advocate Scottish independence. Instead, it proposes that the best outcome for the UK as a whole is to remain in the European Economic Agreement following the ‘Norway model’. It recognises, however, that in the current political constellation this seems unlikely. So, it argues for the continued membership of Scotland in the European Single Market.
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21 December 2016
A Game of Values: Particular National Identities Awaken in Europe
The EU’s legitimacy is thin and this weakness is reflected in its impotence in the face of the drift towards authoritarianism in Central and Eastern Europe. It remains to be seen whether such an authoritarian turn as the Hungarian can happen in old democracies and if their institutions are strong enough to limit the effects of global processes which are shaping the national identities of societies and the impact of Member States on the shared EU framework.
Continue reading >>19 December 2016
Constitutional Capture in Poland 2016 and Beyond: What is Next?
2016 will go down in history as fundamental in the institutional history of Polish Constitutionalism. It began with an unprecedented attack on the Constitutional Tribunal, rule of law, checks and balances and judicial independence. It ends with full-blown constitutional crisis. The dramatic events in the Sejm and on the streets only corroborate that Poland is on the slippery slope towards autocracy.
Continue reading >>16 December 2016
Towards a Solution for the Ratification Conundrum of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement?
The ratification process of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement has been stalled following "No" victory in the Dutch referendum of 6 April 2016. Yesterday, the EU heads of states have adopted a decision addressing the Dutch concerns. The option which is currently on the table is by far the easiest to solve the ratification conundrum while responding to the arguments of the ‘no-camp’ in the referendum campaign. Any alternatives, such as the inclusion of formal reservations or a procedure leading to a Dutch withdrawal from the agreement, entail the risk of long-term legal uncertainty which would only be detrimental for the EU, the Netherlands and Ukraine.
Continue reading >>Collective Expulsion and the Khlaifia Case: Two Steps Forward, One Step Back
The European Convention on Human Rights forbids member states to expulse foreign citizens collectively. Does this mean that they have to conduct individual interviews with refugees before they send them back? Last year, a chamber of the ECtHR, in a case concerning Tunisians landed in Lampedusa in 2011, had concluded that it does. Now, the Great Chamber has reviewed this decision, considerably narrowing the scope of the collective expulsion ban.
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15 December 2016
Nothing left to do but vote – The (almost) untold story of the Italian constitutional reform and the aftermath of the referendum
A cloud of uncertainty hovers over the future of Italian politics after the failure of the constitutional referendum. The degree of uncertainty is increased by the pending proceeding before the Constitutional Court where the electoral law adopted in 2015 (Italicum) has been challenged as unconstitutional.
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14 December 2016
The End of the Grand Coalition and the Significance of Stable Majorities in the European Parliament
A few years ago, the German Constitutional Court had to rule on the significance of stable majorities in the European Parliament. Such majorities were not terribly significant, was the conclusion reached by the Court – at least not important enough to justify a three percent threshold for elections to the EP, laid down in German federal law. Under the constitutional conditions of the moment, the Court explained, the formation of a stable majority was not needed in the EU ‘for electing and continuously supporting a government capable of acting’. These past few weeks, a crisis has been unfolding in Brussels and Strasbourg that may turn out to be an interesting test case for the German Court’s analysis.
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12 December 2016
Brexit and the Single Market: You say Article 50, we say Article 127?
Hard on the heels of the Article 50 case heard last week by the UK Supreme Court, comes the announcement of another challenge to the UK Government’s Brexit plans, this time based on Article 127 of the EEA agreement. Much like Article 50 TEU, that provision allows contracting parties to the EEA agreement to withdraw from it. The claimants in the Article 127 challenge contend that withdrawal from the EU under Article 50 will not lead to withdrawal from the EEA, given that with Article 127 the EEA agreement contains its own termination clause. Hence their argument goes that unless the Government also triggers Article 127, the UK will stay in the EEA even after Brexit; and that would mean that the UK would remain in the single market. Much like the Article 50 case, the impending court case therefore seeks a declaration by the High Court that the Government cannot trigger Article 127 without prior approval of Parliament. The claimants’ hope is that while Parliament may feel politically bound by the EU referendum result to allow the Government to leave the EU, it may not vote in favour of leaving the EEA, viz. the single market, as this was not a question on the ballot paper. It is the aim of this blogpost to identify the three main hurdles the claimants are likely to be facing and discuss whether these can be overcome.
Continue reading >>10 December 2016
Freedom of Assembly in Poland: Next in Line?
Public protest seems to be the best hope civil society now has in Poland against its increasingly authoritarian government. It would be only consequent that the the next obstacle to their power for the Law and Justice party to dismantle would be the right to freedom of assembly.
Continue reading >>Illegal Entry into the Federal Republic of Germany de lege lata et de lege ferenda – a Critical Interjection
Illegal entry into Germany has led to penal proceedings since the first influx of refugees in 2015. Police investigations are opened against anyone entering without a passport or valid entry documents. This means that refugees are liable to prosecution by entering Germany and filing a petition for asylum. The right of residence desperately needs to be reformed. De lege ferenda, it makes sense to eliminate the discriminating legal status provided under Art. 31 I GFK and “de-criminalize” affected refugees.
Continue reading >>09 December 2016
After the Italian Referendum
So much was at stake for Italy, its political class and its economy, and for the European Union (EU) and its member states in the country’s failed referendum on constitutional reform. In the EU, Germany is a particularly sensitive case. The relations between Germany and Italy are a focal point in Europe. They used to be in an asymmetric, albeit comforting, equilibrium.
Continue reading >>07 December 2016
Shared powers: the elephant in the room in the division of powers-debate
The saga surrounding the signing of the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) has again brought the issue of the division of foreign affairs powers between the EU and its Member States to the centre of attention of many an EU lawyer. How far do the EU’s exclusive powers to conduct a ‘common commercial policy’ reach? Do implied powers supplement the EU’s express exclusive powers in this area? Is it appropriate to apply a so-called ‘centre of gravity’ test when assessing the vires of a particular EU action on the international scene, or should a piecemeal approach be followed, whereby the inclusion of a single provision that reaches beyond the scope of the EU’s exclusive powers requires a proposed international agreement to be adopted as a ‘mixed’ agreement?
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06 December 2016
A Homeless Ghost? European Legal Integration in Search of a Polity
A member of the European Parliament recently compared the European Union to an Airbus on autopilot attempting to cross the Alps without taking off the ground. Be it the EU’s piecemeal approach to fixing its economic governance post-financial crisis or its inability to speak with one voice in matters of common concern from internal border management to external trade: there is a growing sense of urgency in reforming the EU legal architecture to steer European integration back on course. However, such functional necessities are unlikely to sway the peoples of Europe who – tired of the EU’s attempts at technocratic self-rule – increasingly retreat into the homeliness of their nation-states. From the early ‘no more’ war discourse to the ‘no choice’ rhetoric of late in governing a Union in crisis, European integration has often been presented as a political inevitability. Yet it appears that the most ambitious modern project of legal and political integration beyond the state has come to a halt – where from here?
Continue reading >>03 December 2016
Christmas Showdown in Poland
Something decidedly un-christmasy is going on right now in Poland. On Thursday, I have talked to a person close to the ongoing conflict about the Polish Constitutional Tribunal on the phone, and here is what I have learnt:
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02 December 2016
Italy before the Constitutional Referendum: “I do not see any Armageddon Scenario”
On Sunday, Italy will vote on the largest constitutional reform in recent history. Francesco Clementi, constitutional lawyer from the University of Perugia and one of the staunchest supporters of the reform, answers our questions about what will happen in case of a NO or a YES victory.
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After Fragmentation: The Constitution of a Core European Citizenry?
Core European Citizenship as an individual choice: Europeans who were granted the embryonic status of ‘EU citizenship’ with the Treaty of Maastricht, and who rely on this status and these rights for their pursuit of fulfilment throughout the European Union’s territory, should be given the choice to establish themselves in a real European constitutional polity.
Continue reading >>30 November 2016
Statement by the former presidents of the Constitutional Tribunal: Marek Safjan, Jerzy Stępień, Bohdan Zdziennicki and Andrzej Zoll
Four former presidents of the beleaguered Polish Constitutional Tribunal have issued a powerful statement calling on the legal community and the President to defend the Court and, indeed, the constitutional order of the Republic.
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28 November 2016
Blowin’ against the Wind: the Future of EU trade Policy
U.S. President-elect Trump has announced his intention to stop the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade agreement. In the EU too the wind seems to be blowing in a similar direction. There appears to be a widespread and growing anti-free-trade sentiment in some parts of the population. Should the EU, at this moment in time, continue to pursue a free trade agenda? If so, does the EU have the means to do that effectively?
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26 November 2016
On Dreams and Nightmares
As the "Eurocrat's Dream" has ended, what have we woken up to? Since the very noteworthy collection of essays under title "The End of the Eurocrat's Dream", edited by CHRISTIAN JOERGES, DAMIEN CHALMERS and MARCUS JACHTENFUCHS, has appeared this spring, the waking-life reality in Europe and beyond has taken on a decidedly nightmarish character.
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25 November 2016
How the UK passed the most invasive surveillance law in democratic history
You might not have noticed thanks to world events, but the UK parliament recently approved the government’s so-called Snooper’s Charter and it will soon become law. This nickname for the Investigatory Powers Bill is well earned. It represents a new level and nature of surveillance that goes beyond anything previously set out in law in a democratic society. It is not a modernisation of existing law, but something qualitatively different, something that intrudes upon every UK citizen’s life in a way that would even a decade ago have been inconceivable.
Continue reading >>23 November 2016
Catalonian Independentism, the Spanish Constitutional Court and the Perils of the Middle Way
The Spanish Law 15/2015 (Organic Law) was a key element of the last Government of Mariano Rajoy in his fight against Catalonian Independentism. It gives the Spanish Constitutional Court a new executive power to suspend temporally a democratic authority if it does not obey a Constitutional Court’s resolution. A recent decision of the Spanish Constitutional Court has validated the Bill on the idea that the Court must have special deference to the legislature whenever the judgment is on the statute that regulates the jurisdiction of Court. The Court solves the dispute without a deep discussion on the merits. Once again the Spanish Court leaves a feeling of intellectual fragility.
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Scotland, Catalonia and the Constitutional Taboo of Secession
The UK constitution does not allow Scotland to unilaterally secede in the case of Brexit - in that respect its situation is not unlike Catalonia's. Given the political nature of the UK uncodified constitution, it is almost unthinkable that a similar judicialisation of politics will occur in the UK as it did in Spain. However, unless Westminster takes seriously into account the demands of the devolved administrations in the Brexit negotiations, there is a real danger that a serious constitutional stalemate will occur.
Continue reading >>22 November 2016
South Africa and the ICC, or: Whose Rights Does the Constitution Protect?
When the South African government announced that it would withdraw from the International Criminal Court, a great number of commenters expressed shock and disappointment. Legal commentators have also weighed in, questioning the legality of withdrawing from the ICC (here) and a legal challenge on several terms seems inevitable. Here, I want to consider the possibility of challenging the withdrawal on the basis of the Bill of Rights.
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The End of the Eurocrats’ Dream
The premise of this timely and important book is that the Euro crisis has placed the EU in an existential predicament that cannot be resolved in the usual fashion of yet more of the same. Though there is surprisingly little by way of a sketch of what might have been the Eurocrats’ dream, the reader is left in no doubt that we are currently living through what might best be termed the Eurocrats’ nightmare – a form of governance that falls far short of the current challenges confronting the EU, and is indeed partly promotive of them.
Continue reading >>The End of the European Union as We Know It
The European Union is facing a political crisis unprecedented in its 59-year history. This club of democratic countries established primarily to promote peace and prosperity in post-war Europe is facing a nationalist and populist surge that threatens the democratic principles at the very heart of the EU. Capitalizing on the European sovereign debt crisis; backlash against refugees streaming in from the Middle East, Brexit and public angst over the growing terror threat, previously fringe political parties are growing with alarming speed.
Continue reading >>The Future of the EU between Independence and Interdependence
Almost all contributions to the collection ‘The End of Eurocrats’ Dream’ touch upon a tension that has been implicit in the integration process from the very start, but has only explicitly manifested itself during the Euro-crisis: the tension between independence and interdependence. This tension is also evident in the refugee crisis, and in (the aftermath of) Brexit: how can we at once accept Member State autonomy (in fiscal policy, border control or deciding on the conditions for EU membership) while at the same time sustaining collective commitments towards, say, a monetary union, Schengen or free movement?
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Governing at a distance: democratic responsibility and social solidarity in the Eurozone
As stated in its preface, this impressive collection of essays has the ambitious aim of launching a “fundamental debate” about European integration in the wake of the crisis and, in particular, the institutional reforms and policy choices made since 2008. The volume’s title already contains the basic diagnosis. European integration has fallen prey to a technocratic project - a dystopian dream which has corroded the EU’s constitutional integrity, its legitimation basis, its very point and purpose. This dream has to end, or better yet be brought to an end through an effective, if laborious, intellectual and political work. This is the basic message of the volume, shared by all its contributors.
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After the Eurocrats’ Dream, the Contingence of the History
The Eurocrats’ dream was the stealth Europe. The Monnet method of bureaucratic integration has been mechanical and furtive, dominated by necessity. The principal leaders of integration, on the right and the left, have been driven by a crude determinism that presumed that economic development would inevitably lead to desired institutional improvements. The hidden hand of functional imperatives has been more important than reflection and choices, as if integration could be carried out without the need to make express decisions of the kind that are contained in constitutional moments.
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What comes after ,Ever Closer Union’? From Teleology and the ‘Managerial Constitution’ to Democracy
The process of European integration was from the outset marked by an integrationist teleology as formally stated in the objective of “ever closer union among the peoples of Europe” in the preamble of the Treaty of Rome. The core message of The End of the Eurocrats’ Dream is that this integrationist teleology has come to an end.
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Putting Europe back on its feet – A timely wake-up call
Are „Eurocrats“ to blame for the bad shape of Europe? First of all, one has to ask whether „Eurocrat“ is a meaningful term at all. Obviously one can find lots of examples in the European law and politics that demonstrate a kind of hubris and at the same time a complete failure to accomplish the goals of the „European Project“ – one needs to mention only the grand „Lisbon“ prospect of technological modernisation.
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The End of the Eurocrats’ Dream in Endless Europe
One person’s dream is another person’s nightmare. This oneiric truth indicates the relative meaning of dreams, yet it also invites a wake-up call. The End of the Eurocrats’ Dream volume edited by Damian Chalmers, Markus Jachtenfuchs and Christian Joerges is such a wake-up call warning fellow academics, European politicians and the general public that what used to be presented by many advocates and agents of European integration as a wonderful dream is now often experienced as a nightmare with potentially disastrous effects for European and national politics in all countries of the EU.
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Reflections on the European Project: Some Thoughts on the Agenda
One ought to be cautious to take a broad spectrum so as to avoid the temptation of narrowing down concerns to a specific set of events such as Brexit or ‘a crisis’. The process of European integration is indeed so advanced that a narrow approach could result in a biased analysis. Meanwhile, one still needs to be precise and concrete so as to induce a constructive dialogue for change.
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Comment on “The End of the Eurocrats’ Dream”
While EU scholarship still tends to narrate the Union’s history as one of successful adaptation, and the ‘euro crisis’ as something like a rite of passage, here is a book in a different mould. Singularities and turning-points are the blocks it builds with, and the present moment marks a conclusion.
Continue reading >>21 November 2016
Mercan v. Turkey: Waiting for the Last Word of the Turkish Constitutional Court
For the time being, the fallout of the attempted coup d’ètat of July 15th 2016 in Turkey will not reach Strasbourg. Victims of alleged human rights violations first have to exhaust domestic remedies before they can apply to the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). This is the result of Mercan v. Turkey, the first of more than 3000 applications regarding alleged violations after the attempted coup and the declaration of a state of emergency. The Strasbourg court views the Turkish Constitutional Court (TCC) not as per se incapable of adjudicating in these cases in an effective way. If the TCC can live up to these expectations remains to be seen.
Continue reading >>19 November 2016
The Lure of the New Normal
No-one can remain in a constant state of exception, that would be a contradiction in terms. Any emergency that goes on for too long becomes somewhat normal over time. If things refuse to get less terrifying, all we can do is raise our level of terrification, isn't it? Donald Trump will let a White Supremacists' media darling shape his political strategies – but hey: he deserves a chance, right? Austria is weeks away from falling into the hands of the far-right populists, with other European countries lining up behind it – but please, let's not overreact, maybe we are all just out of touch with what ordinary people think and feel?
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15 November 2016
Who are Today’s Polish Traitors? Of Politics of Paranoia and Resentment and Missed Lessons from the Past
The governing right-wing party in Poland is quick to call opponents "traitors". A look into Polish history explains how this "culture of treason" as part of politics of memory and resentment came about.
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The EU and Poland: Giving up on the Rule of Law?
With an off-hand remark in a Belgian newspaper, President Juncker has called off the EU Commission's effort to pressure Poland into following the rule of law. If he went through with this, he would not only pull the rug from under his own First Vice President Timmermans and spare the national governments the necessity to live up to their responsibilities. The Commission President deciding that the slide of a member state into authoritarianism is not his business, with a Trump Presidency in the US coming, forgoes the European Union's claim to be capable of fulfilling its leadership role in the world.
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12 November 2016
Week #1 after Trump
I will not bore you with yet another account of how stunned I still am and how I shake in my booths now and so forth. We all do, I suppose. The world has changed over night, quite literally. And the world we woke up in on Wednesday morning appears to be a far less habitable place for liberal constitutionalists who believe that state and society should respect human dignity, protect the vulnerable, overcome discrimination and impose on their own power those legal restraints that empower them in the first place. How could this happen? What did we do wrong? What can we do now? Shall we stand our ground or adapt?
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11 November 2016
Religious Installations in French City Halls: A Christmas Crib Story
Christmas, in certain circumstances, has its place in the Republic. Judges have agreed in a plenary session reviewing two different Court of Appeal cases (courtyard of Melun’s town hall and hall of the departmental council of Vendée) that a Christmas crib in a public building doesn’t a priori represent a threat to secularism. In fact, the installation is legal, says the Conseil d’Etat, provided that particular circumstances give it « a cultural, artistic or festive character ». The decision is questionable for two main reasons: its foundation is doubtful, and its outcome unsatisfactory.
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National Constitutional Identity in the European Constitutional Project: A Recipe for Exposing Cover Ups and Masquerades
On November 8, 2016 the Hungarian Parliament did not adopt the Seventh Amendment of the Fundamental Law seeking to protect Hungarian constitutional identity in the face of European imposition. The Seventh Amendment was meant to cover up the minor scratch on the Government’s pride caused by lack of popular support for its relentless fight against the EU. Although the Amendment did not pass, supporters of European constitutional projects cannot afford to sit back and relax.
Continue reading >>10 November 2016
Thirteen Theses on Trump and Liberal Democracy
No one wants to go down in the history books like those fools who said in the 1930s, "well, Hitler isn't such a bad chap really..." Protecting our egos from the imagined judgment of prosperity, the cautious course is to predict the worst for the Trump Presidency, the very destruction of the American constitutional regime, the collapse of liberal democratic values. I however am willing to risk being proven a fool, so here goes...
Continue reading >>The Paradox of Liberal Constitutionalism: a Call for Communal Constitutionalism
We should be careful when we embrace the new transnational paradigm. If dialogue can take place, this must not forget that constitutionalism's soul must be looked for at the local level, not in the fluid transnational arena - beyond the seemingly neutral vocabulary of technocracy, and reaching out to a physical space where claims can be put forward, resources allocated, boundaries defined, and decisions contested, within touching distance.
Continue reading >>The Big Picture
In Europe, UK, and USA constitutional structures are proving unfit to respond to the challenges of the XXI century. Now is the time to ride on the constitutional moment for the all three of them.
Continue reading >>On the Slippery Slope to a ,People’s Court’
Writes Matej Avbelj in High time for popular constitutionalism!, ‘The majority in our societies seems to be increasingly disconnected with the liberal values that especially the legal academia, but also the ruling political class – at least on a declaratory level – have taken for granted…’ Living as I do in the country in which one sees an increasing distaste for the European Convention of Human Rights and regular media criticism of the ‘unelected judges’ in Strasbourg – and that despite the fact that the judges of the Court are, in fact, elected from a slate of three by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe – I cannot help wondering whether the disconnect is anything very new.
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A Crisis of Representation
The failure to offer a serious alternative to the current maladies of capitalism should not be construed as a constitutional crisis.
Continue reading >>09 November 2016
The Sleep of Reason Produces Monsters
Part of the malaise surrounding our contemporary world is a tendency to view constitutional politics, to borrow Goethe’s metaphor, as architecture rather than music; as fixed and immutable rather than a dynamic phenomenon which requires the ongoing assertion and reassertion of the key values and terms of engagement of our mutual interaction with each other and with authority. Six practical suggestions how to defend our constitutional values.
Continue reading >>High time for popular constitutionalism!
Not long ago the advent of illiberal democracy has been announced. It has been mocked, downplayed, but also seriously critically engaged with, including by the authors of this blog. However, since the idea has come from marginal countries in the European East, from Hungary, Poland, but also Slovenia and the likes, it has not been really perceived as an objective threat to the Western constitutional order. The election of Donald Trump, not for who he is, but what he has been standing for, must change this.
Continue reading >>08 November 2016
Miller, Brexit and the (maybe not to so evil) Court of Justice
As strange as this might sound, hardcore Brexiteers have now their closest and most reliable ally not at home. But in what they have considered to be, all these years, the evil, monstrous, devilish, undemocratic, unelected, corrupt and dictatorial Court of Justice of the European Union.
Continue reading >>The Article 50 Litigation and the Court of Justice: Why the Supreme Court must NOT refer
Is the UK Supreme Court in the current Brexit case obliged to refer to the Luxembourg Court? If that were the case, the conformity of any Member State’s EU exit with its own constitutional requirements would be open to review by the CJEU – and hence could no longer be qualified as an act of self-determination since a EU institution would have the final say on it.
Continue reading >>07 November 2016
Geert Wilders’ “Incitement to Discriminate” Trial
Months before the parliamentary elections in the Netherlands, the leader of the far-right Freedom Party and election favorite Geert Wilders finds himself before a criminal court. He is charged with insulting and inciting discrimination against residents of Moroccan descent by promising his supporters "fewer Moroccans" in 2014. Wilders and his defence seem to invoke the theory of the ‘marketplace of ideas’, which is a common line of thinking in United States First Amendment law. The principal standard for Dutch courts however, the European Convention of Human Rights, takes a somewhat different stance.
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06 November 2016
The Article 50 Litigation and the Court of Justice: Why the Supreme Court must refer
Article 50 TEU says that member states decide to withdraw from the Union "according to their own constitutional requirements". It is for the Luxembourg Court to clarify what this means. Thus, in the current case on Brexit the UK Supreme Court is obliged to refer to the European Court of Justice. One could argue that this should never have been made a Union problem. But it was, and, like it or not, that makes it the Court of Justice’s problem too.
Continue reading >>Who Speaks in the Name of the People?
The practice of using a referendum to justify the power of the executive has been used and abused throughout history. Napoleon who ruled like a plebiscitarian monarch can serve as the best counter example for contemporary liberal democratic regimes. All the institutions of the government, the executive, the parliament and the judiciary speak in the name of the people in our conception of the western democratic constitutionalism. It is only thanks to the checks and balances that the separation of powers provides in a conception of collaborative constitutionalism that we can avoid practices of misusing references to a supposed democratic legitimacy in view of derailing the operations of the government in a direction that is entirely out of control of democracy itself.
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Brexit, Democracy and the Rule of Law
The decision of the High Court in London this week was a ruling not on whether Brexit should happen, but on how it can happen lawfully. There is nothing at all in the court’s judgment to block the will of the people, to reverse the result of the referendum, or to get in the way of Brexit. Nor is there anything inappropriate in turning to the courts to determine how Brexit can proceed in accordance with the rule of law. That said, as a lawyer I think the court’s ruling is wrong.
Continue reading >>05 November 2016
CETA, Trump and “Enemies of the People”
What a week… On Thursday, the High Court of Justice […]
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04 November 2016
Enemies of the People?
"Enemies of the People": that is, according to the Daily Mail, what the High Court judges are. Joseph Stalin would have been wildly amused by this way of putting things… Leaving aside such 30s reminiscences, it seems to me too simple to reduce this phenomenon solely to the disgracefulness of the British boulevard press and Tory backbenchers. There is something more fundamental going on. Not only in the United Kingdom. But in the entire Western democratic constitutional space.
Continue reading >>03 November 2016
The High Court’s Judgment in Miller and Others – four brief remarks
Today’s decision by the High Court of England and Wales that the UK Government did not have the power under the Royal Prerogative to initiate the process of withdrawing from the EU laid down in Article 50 TEU came as a surprise to many. Four brief remarks on what the decision might entail politically.
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The High Court’s Brexit Decision: A Lesson in Constitutional Law for the UK Government
In today's Brexit decision, the High Court has delivered a tutorial on the UK constitution, exemplary in its clarity and reasoning. Its key finding: the government cannot take away rights that citizens enjoy in the EU and would be lost on withdrawal without involving Parliament. In failing to understand the constitution of its own country, the government was taught an embarrassing lesson today.
Continue reading >>Is the US Constitution to blame for the Rise of Donald Trump? An Interview with SANFORD LEVINSON
"My view is that things will get worse before they get worse. Assuming Clinton wins, there will be tremendous relief and elation on November 9th. If the Republicans keep the House, on November 10th there will be the realization that this election is the most important election in our lifetimes only because of the rejection of Donald Trump. He is a real menace, of course. But in terms of an election that really breaks the logjam, no: It will be more of the same. More of this sick feeling that the national government is really incapable of responding to challenges except if Presidents can push the envelope of executive power, which will just fuel the rage of the opposition party."
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02 November 2016
Why all Member States should clarify their Constitutional Requirements for Withdrawing from the EU
The UK’s ‘chaotic Brexit’ may perhaps be the inevitable result of being the first state to even contemplate withdrawal from the European Union. Regardless, the other Member States can now look to this uncertainty as something to avoid. By contrast to the United Kingdom’s current situation, they should look to the clarity of procedure for legitimate secession in Canada and seek to provide a similarly exhaustive statement of how the ‘constitutional requirements’ of Article 50 would be fulfilled in their own constitutional orders.
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31 October 2016
Systemic Threat to the Rule of Law in Poland: What should the Commission do next?
Considering the overwhelming evidence of a deliberate governmental strategy of systematically undermining all checks and balances in Poland as well the uncooperative behaviour of Polish authorities, the Commission has been left with no other choice but to trigger the Article 7 mechanism. Even if there is no realistic chance of seeing the Council adopting sanctions against Poland, this step would finally oblige national governments, meeting in the Council, to face up to their own responsibilities.
Continue reading >>26 October 2016
French Constitutional Council Strikes Down “Blank Check” Provision in the 2015 Intelligence Act
Can intelligence agencies and their practice of secret state surveillance be reconciled with the rule of law? Is the unprecedented global debate on surveillance opened by the Snowden disclosures in 2013 bringing intelligence work closer to democratic standards? Last week, the French Constitutional Council indirectly dealt with these pressing questions by striking down a blank-check provision in the 2015 Intelligence Act, excluding “measures taken by public authorities to ensure, for the sole purpose of defending national interests, the surveillance and the control of Hertzian transmissions" from safeguards like the authorisation of the Prime Minister and the ex-ante opinion of an oversight commission.
Continue reading >>24 October 2016
European vetocracy? How to overcome the Wallonian CETA problem
Democracy is not the issue here. Rather, the CETA/Wallonia issue is a vivid demonstration of overfederalization that leaves not only Belgium but the entire European Union unable to act. As an ultima ratio, one option remains: Why not simply close the agreement without Belgium?
Continue reading >>Can Poland be Sanctioned by the EU? Not Unless Hungary is Sanctioned Too
Hungary has announced to block any Article 7 sanctions that the EU might propose against Poland. Why should Poland back down when nothing will come of standing up to the EU? Given Polish intransigence, the Commission may be tempted to stall for time or to retreat, which would be disastrous for the rule of law in the European Union. But the power to levy Article 7 sanctions can be restored. The Commission should do now what it should have done long ago. It should begin by triggering Article 7 (1) not only against Poland, but against Hungary as well.
Continue reading >>22 October 2016
Why the Brexit debate might mark the end of Britain’s unwritten constitution
The current debate in the UK about Parliament's right to vote on the Art. 50 decision suggests that not only the Brexit decision may become subject to revision, but the uncodified constitution may become subject to scrutiny as well. So far, the absence of a written constitution was generally viewed as a sign of “stability of the British polity.” However, the Brexit contestations may change that, and, on the long run, the status of an ‘unwritten’ or ‘uncodified constitution’ may well come to an end. The present constitutional turn in British politics suggests that the long period of stability of the British polity is challenged, just as the Brexit campaign promised the contrary.
Continue reading >>21 October 2016
EU Judge Dehousse’s Farewell Address, with a short introduction by Professors Alemanno & Pech
Readers of this blog will find here the English translation of Judge Franklin Dehousse’s farewell address, which he had hoped to give on the occasion of his departure from the EU General Court last month. In an apparent break with tradition, no public ceremony was organised for the departing EU judges, and an internal meeting was arranged instead. While regrettable, this is perhaps not surprising. Indeed, Judge Dehousse has been among one of the most outspoken critics of the controversial reform of the EU’s court system.
Continue reading >>17 October 2016
Is the EU Commission’s Rule of Law Fight about Poland already lost?
In ten days, the deadline set by the EU Commission to Poland in the current stand-off about the Polish constitutional crisis will expire. A lot is at stake for both sides. In Warsaw few expect that the Commission will still be able to keep the ruling party from having it their way.
Continue reading >>11 October 2016
“The National Council of the Judiciary is under attack in different ways”
While the crisis about the Polish Constitutional Tribunal remains unresolved, ordinary judges in Poland and the constitutional body responsible to safeguard their independence increasingly find themselves in the crosshairs of the vindictive governing party PiS as well. An interview with Waldemar Żurek, spokesman of the National Council of the Judiciary of Poland.
Continue reading >>07 October 2016
Brexit – a Tragic Continuity of Europe’s Daily Operation
The British vote to leave the European Union came as a surprise and a shock. It has been understood as an aberration, as a triumph of populism and nationalism, in conflict with the ethos of the Union. But Brexit should not be understood as a mere aberration, but instead as one position on continuum of exhausted thinking about EU and (transnational) law in general.
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06 October 2016
Can private undertakings hide behind “religious neutrality”?
Is the pursuit of religious neutrality an acceptable aim for public and private organisations alike, on the basis of which they may prohibit their employees from wearing religious signs or apparel whilst at work? In two pending cases before the CJEU, the Advocates General seem to arrive at opposite conclusions on this point. To solve this puzzle, I think it is crucial to see that there are two radically different reasons why a private-sector company may wish to adopt an identity of religious neutrality, which reflect two distinct types of interest a company may have in religious neutrality: a business interest and an interest as a member of society.
Continue reading >>04 October 2016
The Invalid Anti-Migrant Referendum in Hungary
After an unprecedented and partially illegal attempt to bring Hungarian voters in line against the EU refugee quota, the referendum launched by the government is invalid, as only around 40 percent turned out to vote. This was an own goal made by the Orbán government, which after overthrowing its predecessor as a result of a popular referendum made it more difficult to initiate a valid referendum.
Continue reading >>03 October 2016
Theresa May’s Great Repeal Bill – a Scottish own goal?
Theresa May’s announcement of a Great Repeal Bill on Sunday has the hallmarks of a stroke of genius: It creates some momentum in the internal Brexit debate without substantively changing anything, it appeases the die-heart Brexiteers in her party, and it may kill off legal challenges pending in the courts of England and Northern Ireland demanding that Parliament be involved before Article 50 TEU is triggered. The Great Reform Bill however raises interesting constitutional questions with regard to the devolved nations of the UK, and in particular Scotland. Has Theresa May scored an own goal by allowing the Scots to block her first big step towards Brexit? Or is this part of an even more cunning plan to delay having to trigger Article 50 TEU for a very long time?
Continue reading >>02 October 2016
A really, really bad month for refugees
Reflecting on her party’s recent electoral losses, German Chancellor Angela Merkel conceded that voter anxiety about her decision to allow hundreds of thousands of refugees to enter her country was largely to blame. “If I could, I would turn back time by many, many years to better prepare myself and the whole German government for the situation that reached us unprepared in late summer 2015,” she said. Sadly, September’s refugee summits have done nothing to prepare us for the next refugee exodus.
Continue reading >>30 September 2016
Triggering Art. 50 TEU: Interpreting the UK’s ‘own constitutional requirements’
Can the British government initiate the process of leaving the European Union without consulting Parliament? On September 28th the government released its legal position that the only constitutional way to give effect to the Brexit referendum result is through the exercise of the executive power. Some of the government's arguments appear to be on shaky grounds. The mere fact that the process has been caught up in legal wrangling before it has even begun shows that there is still a long, long road ahead before any sense of stability will return to British (constitutional) politics as well as the relationship between the UK and the EU in whatever form that may eventually take.
Continue reading >>21 September 2016
ESM and Protection of Fundamental Rights: Towards the End of Impunity?
The CJEU has sent a strong signal to EU institutions: whether they act in the framework of EU law or at its margins, under the screen of international agreements, the Commission and the ECB should duly take fundamental rights into account, and be ready to be held liable if they fail to do so.
Continue reading >>CJEU Opens Door to Legal Challenges to Euro Rescue Measures in Key Decision
The Ledra Advertising decision by the European Court of Justice breaks down the barrier between European institutions and international-treaty based structures that have sprang up to deal with the needs of euro-area crisis response. This opens the door to legal challenges to the bailout programmes of the EFSF/ESM offering an avenue to a plethora of claimants to unpick the questionable legal underpinnings of conditionality and austerity policies.
Continue reading >>14 September 2016
Fighting Judicial Corruption with Constitutional Measures: the Albanian Case
No state can thrive with corrupt political and legal elites. But if lawmakers and judges are corrupt themselves, fighting corruption with legal means is all but impossible. As a step towards membership in the European Union, Albania has embedded a comprehensive reform of its anti-corruption law directly into its constitution.
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06 September 2016
E-Government upside down
The story of Joshua Bowden's legal chatbots that help people fight unjustified parking tickets and eviction orders challenges common assumptions about eGovernment: Automation can actually help to further the rule of law culture and to make the administration more humane.
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03 September 2016
Constitutional justice in Handcuffs? Gloves are off in the Polish Constitutional Conflict
A high-ranking PiS politician has announced that those Constitutional Tribunal judges who will not bend to the will of the PiS majority will be removed from office. This marks a new step of escalation in the ongoing constitutional crisis in Poland.
Continue reading >>25 August 2016
Polish Constitutional Tribunal goes down with dignity
On 11 of August 2016 the Polish Constitutional Tribunal (“Tribunal”) decided case K 39/16 in which it disqualified, for the second time in the span of 5 months, court-packing provisions contained in the Law of 22 July, 2016 on the Constitutional Tribunal. Separation of powers, judicial independence and effective functioning of the constitutional court were again the keywords that informed the analysis. After this most recent case the clock is ticking on the Tribunal and this time the self-defense by way of courageous judicial pronouncements might not be enough to survive.
Continue reading >>24 August 2016
The TTIP Negotiations Innovations: On Legal Reasons for Cheer
After 36 months of talks, the developments in the EU’s proposals for TTIP are far from perfect or complete. However, they demonstrate a huge faith in the EU’s power to institutionally nudge global trade - and render it more legitimate and accountable, as a good global governance actor should. They arguably do provide important reasons for cheer about the evolution of global trade through law.
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19 August 2016
Islam on the Beach – The Burkini Ban in France
In 1964, a young woman wearing a monokini played table tennis on the Croisette, the famous road along the shore in the city of Cannes. She was sentenced for outraging public decency. Half a century later, the mayor of Cannes just banned on his beaches the burkini, a full-body swimsuit weared by some Muslim women. Some other coastal cities followed, one administrative tribunal confirmed, and a new controversy around the keyword “laïcité” was born. It seems to me that the burkini-ban is a legal error and a political mistake.
Continue reading >>11 August 2016
Italian Constitutional Referendum: Voting for Structural Reform or Constitutional Transformation?
As the distance between political elites and the population in Europe increases, Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi's plans of constitutional reform further impoverish political representation in Italy – both with respect to input and output of the process. That is why the opponents of the reform are gaining ever more traction among Italian voters and could in the end prevail.
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29 July 2016
INIS Free? Towards a Scots-Irish Union
A post Brexit union of Ireland, Northern Ireland and Scotland would be one way of achieving what the majority of the electors of Northern Ireland and Scotland who voted in the Brexit referendum sought to achieve, namely to remain within the EU and retain their EU citizenship. Historically, there is considerable precedent for such a Scotch-Irish Union.
Continue reading >>27 July 2016
“Vote Yes for a Safe Italy” or “Vote No to Defend the Constitution”: Italian Constitutional Politics between Majoritarianism and Civil Resistance
In the run-up to the constitutional referendum in October, the Italian government meets considerable resistance towards its plans for a comprehensive reform of the Constitution of 1948. Both Prime Minister Matteo Renzi and Constitutional Reform Minister Maria Elena Boschi regularly sustain that in case of a ‘No’ vote, chaos will rule. Public debate seems trapped in a Manichean game between yes-proponents that accuse the opposition of conservatism, and no-proponents that accuse the government of authoritarian leanings.
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26 July 2016
The Principle of Non-Refoulement as a Constitutional Right of Asylum Seekers in Turkey
Refugee migration has always been a phenomenon for many countries in the modern age and Turkey is no exception. Since the 20th Century Turkey hosted hundreds of thousands of asylum seekers and refugees from different countries.
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BrEXIT AND BreUK-UP
How to balance the aim of the UK to leave the European Union with the complex independence and border issues this would cause in Scotland and Northern Ireland? One possible scenario could be for Scotland to broker a five-year EFTA-EEA "naughty step" membership for the United Kingdom, at the end of which Scotland could itself become an independent EFTA-EEA member state and thus be well positioned to re-enter the European Union.
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25 July 2016
Statutory tinkering: on the Senate’s changes to the Law on the Polish Constitutional Tribunal
The infamous law on the Polish Constitutional Tribunal of July 7th has met with an outcry of criticism among constitutional scholars. Last week, the upper chamber of the Polish Parliament, the Senate, has introduced a number of changes to meet some of the concerns. On the whole the effort amounts to little more than statutory tinkering, though. The effect, the emasculation of constitutional control in Poland, remains unchanged.
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22 July 2016
10 (pro-EU) reasons to be cheerful after Brexit
As the dust continues to swirl around the momentous Brexit referendum result a month ago (and doesn’t show any signs of settling anytime soon) I suspect many EU sympathisers will be somewhere in the middle of the various stages of the Kübler-Ross Grief cycle: denial, anger, bargaining, depression, acceptance. So, somewhat incongruosly, are the ‘leavers’. Whereas there are almost as many emotions being experienced on all sides as there are potential options on what will happen next both in terms of the UK’s future relationship with the EU as well as the future of the EU itself, in this post I want to set out a number of (pro-EU) reasons – some obvious, some optimistic, others wildly speculative – to be cheerful amidst the uncertainty created by the Brexit vote.
Continue reading >>20 July 2016
AG Saugmandsgaard Øe on Mass Data Retention: No Clear Victory for Privacy Rights
The opinion of the CJEU Attorney General on mass data retention has been long awaited by anyone interested in privacy rights, and more generally the relationship between states and their citizens during this period of an extended “war on terror”. While some civil rights groups have already claimed victory, on closer look the opinion of the AG is not an unmitigated success for privacy activists: It gives considerable discretion to member states to enact data retention provisions providing they meet the Digital Rights Ireland standard.
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19 July 2016
Can Greece lawfully extradite the eight Turkish soldiers to Turkey?
Turkey demands the extradition of eight Turkish soldiers who fled to Greece on Saturday 16 July after Friday’s failed coup, using an army helicopter. The key question is whether they would face a ‘real risk’ of ill-treatment contrary to Art. 3 ECHR. I tentatively conclude that such real risk is made out.
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Weimar Turkey?
The current configuration of power in Turkey is a direct product of a deep-seated legacy of authoritarian politics, both military and “civilian”. Far from marking a rupture with the past, recent events can only be understood against the background of this tradition.
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15 July 2016
“What is Going on in Poland is an Attack against Democracy”
"A constitutional coup d'état": Wojciech Sadurski, one of Poland's foremost jurisprudence scholars, dissects the strategy of the Polish government to disembowel the Polish Constitutional Tribunal.
Continue reading >>14 July 2016
After Brexit: Time for a further Decoupling of European and National Citizenship?
According to the President of the European Council, Donald Tusk, the issue of Scotland’s EU membership after Brexit is ‘a matter for the UK’. That statement is simply false: the future EU citizenship of UK nationals is not a domestic matter but an issue – perhaps the issue – for the Union as a whole to determine.
Continue reading >>13 July 2016
Like a Bargaining Chip: Enduring the Unsettled Status of EU Nationals Living in the UK
Yesterday, the UK Government has issued a statement to reassure EU nationals living in the UK as to their post-referendum status. While hundreds of EU nationals channel their relief through social media in welcoming the news and British businesses praise the Government for giving them the reassurance needed, to a more expert eye things seem much less reassuring.
Continue reading >>12 July 2016
Between the Scylla of Terrorism and the Charybdis of the Police State: on the new French Anti-Terrorist Legislation
One month ago, France has enacted a new anti-terror law to end the state of emergency that had been in place since the terror attacks of Nov 15 2015. The basic purpose of the law is quite clearly to empower the executive (police and prosecution services) with investigative tools formerly reserved to the judiciary. Whether such a transfer of powers is justified or not, the fact is that the “country of human rights” actually now has today the most authoritarian anti-terrorist legislation in the European Union.
Continue reading >>09 July 2016
Farewell to the Polish Constitutional Court
The Law of July, 7th 2016 on the Polish Constitutional Court leaves no doubts that the parliamentary majority lead by Law and Justice party (PiS) is not holding back and is determined to see its plan through to make sure that Court is finally tamed and incapacitated. The Law signals the death knell for the Court. The institution once recognized as powerful, efficient and independent from whatever powers that be is left at the mercy of the politicians, and unable to effectively wield its power of judicial review. Most importantly, the Law will make it impossible for the Court to provide an effective check on the excesses of parliamentary majority.
Continue reading >>07 July 2016
Passing Laws without a Vote: the French Labour Reform and Art. 49-3 of the Constitution
The French government has brought a hugely controversial piece of legislation through parliament without debate and without a vote. That move is seen as democratically dubious by many. But it is certainly constitutional under the stability-oriented French Constitution of 1958.
Continue reading >>06 July 2016
Calling Europe into Question: the British and the Greek referenda
On this day last year, Greeks woke up facing a referendum result that very few had expected. Almost a year later, on the 24th of June 2016, British and other Europeans woke up overwhelmingly surprised by the ‘Leave’ vote. Despite their significant differences, the Greek and the British referenda have some important things in common. Reading them together might have something to teach us about referenda on the EU—especially now that more people seem to be asking for one in their own country.
Continue reading >>Brexit and Art. 50: the Key lies in Luxembourg
A large British law firm has announced legal steps to ensure that the Art. 50 TEU procedure leading to EUV will be triggered by the British parliament. This might lead to a referral to the European Court of Justice.
Continue reading >>05 July 2016
Political Reductionism at its Best: the EU Institutions’ Response to the Brexit Referendum
In their reaction to the Brexit referendum, some EU institutions have shown a troubling understanding of law – law as the mere crystallisation of power relationships, norms as just technicalities, annoying obstacles standing between the political actors and their legitimate goals. This is profoundly wrong and dangerous.
Continue reading >>04 July 2016
Everything you need to know about Article 50 (but were afraid to ask)
After the Brexit referendum, the new prime minister cannot dodge the fact that Article 50 is the only legal way for the UK to secede and that he or she, therefore, has a duty to pull the trigger. Not to deploy Article 50 would result in an even more disorderly situation than we have now. Article 50 it is. And if it were done, it were best done quickly.
Continue reading >>01 July 2016
A Lame Duck for a Member State? Thoughts on the UK’s Position in the EU after the Brexit Vote
Despite the fact that nothing has technically speaking happened in legal terms, the UK’s journey out of the European Union has already commenced and is starting to have tangible legal consequences.
Continue reading >>30 June 2016
Conditionality through the lens of the CJEU: a “blurry” view
From the very beginning of the Eurozone crisis, conditionality progressively entered into the vocabulary and the normative sphere of the EU economic governance. At the time of the first assistance package to Greece, conditionality was just an emergency tool set in the bilateral Loan Agreements, signed by Greece and other Members States. However, after the establishment of emergency funds like the European Financial Stabilisation Mechanism (EFSM) and the European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF), and especially after the creation of a permanent institution, a sort of “European mirror image of the IMF” – the ESM – conditionality has become a sort of leitmotiv of the European response to the economic crisis or, even, a necessary requirement according to the ECJ.
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In the shadow of sovereign debt conditionality: the rise of spending conditionality in the EU
For the last seven years, sovereign debt conditionality dominated the European public discourse. Courts called to adjudicate heavy conditions impeaching on constitutional core of EU nations. National parliaments vocally debating the democratic legitimacy of austerity measures. Executives busy implementing generous reform packages. Scholars actively commenting on the constitutional implications of crisis-driven conditionalities.
Continue reading >>A Citizens’ Attempt to Solve the Polish Constitutional Crisis
Polish civil society groups have drafted a bill regarding the Act on the Constitutional Tribunal, expecting that the governing party PiS does not intend to legally solve the severe constitutional crisis it has created. We document the speech the representative of these groups, Jaroslaw Marciniak, gave in the Sejm on June 9th 2016.
Continue reading >>Populists chairing the European Commission and Parliament
No, the title of this post does not refer to a dystopia to come after the next European elections in 2019. It refers to the two presidents of today – Jean-Claude Juncker and Martin Schulz. Now why can they be seen as populists in some plausible way? In my view, this is because of the way in which they see politics and the role of the “people” in it.
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29 June 2016
Sovereign and misinformed: Brexit as an exercise in democracy?
Rather than criticising the Brexit referendum as a decision-making tool because ‘the people’ don’t have the necessary expertise to take decisions of this magnitude, we should question the conditions in which many UK voters were called to express their opinion. They, like many all over the world, have seen the progressive hollowing-out of those basic rights that make voting the expression of the right to individual and collective self-rule in the first place.
Continue reading >>28 June 2016
England’s Difficulty; Scotland’s Opportunity
Rather than arguing over when and how Article 50 TEU might be activated and by whom, or whether the two year clock ticking for exit can be stopped once started, we need as responsible citizens in a democracy to face up in good faith to what many of us regard as an appalling result, and coalesce around pressing for the quickest possible conclusion of the least worst option which still respects the actual referendum result.
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Chronos and Kairos of Constitutionalism – The Polish case
Τοῖς πᾶσι χρόνος καὶ καιρὸς τῷ παντὶ πράγματι ὑπὸ τὸν οὐρανόν. This Septuagint translation of a verse from the book of Ecclesiastes points to a fundamental distinction regarding the transience – the distinction between chronos (time) and kairos (a right moment). Time is everlasting and consists of singular kairoi. Kairos, being its constitutive part, should not defy the structure of time. This distinction bares on the way in which we should understand any change of a constitution that claims to belong to free and equal citizens.
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The constitutional framework of power distribution within the Eurasian integration process: bellum omnium contra omnes
After the fall of the Soviet Union, many post-Soviet countries pursued integration among themselves, leading to various regional arrangements. Those had little success for an array of reasons stemming from considerable differences among the many integrating states. Eventually, an understanding came along, that in order to make things work, a change in approach is needed. Among others, such a change would require an efficient legal framework and stronger regional institutions capable of upholding it. These features were played with on the way to the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), which was obviously inspired by certain narratives about the EU integration process, and eventually launched in 2015.
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United no more: Constitutional Headaches ahead for the United Kingdom
Those who voted Brexit are now celebrating and singing ‘Rule Britannia’ in the streets. They are still dreaming. When they will wake up, they will have to face the facts: there is no Empire, and Brexit will not solve their economic problems. Immigrants will not be deported, and if foreigners decide to leave, this will not solve their problems either. One day, they will wake up to discover that the Kingdom is dis-United.
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27 June 2016
A Disunited Kingdom: two Nations in, two Nations out
The United Kingdom is not a centralised state. It is a ‘family of nations’. There is a strong case for arguing that the referendum carries only if a majority of voters in all four nations respectively give their backing. England and Wales voted to leave, but Scotland and Northern Ireland voted to remain. Recognising that split is not a matter of shifting the goalposts after the fact. It is about respecting an established, indeed a compelling constitutional order.
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26 June 2016
A European Future for Scotland?
The fact that Scotland voted with 62% for the UK to remain a member of the EU whereas the majority of the overall UK electorate opted to leave the EU, raises important political and legal questions. Scotland’s First Minister Nicola Sturgeon has announced that a second referendum on Scottish independence is on the table. What are the options for a continued EU membership of an independent Scotland?
Continue reading >>Five Questions on Brexit to LAURENT PECH
Middlesex Law Professor Laurent Pech on the limits if not perils of direct democracy when citizens to are asked to decide complex policy choices in the absence of a clear understanding of the available options and potential consequences of their vote.
Continue reading >>25 June 2016
Five Questions on Brexit to NTINA TZOUVALA
Young international law scholar Ntina Tzouvala on the difference between the "will of the people" and a manouevre of the political elite, and on the danger for Europe to carry around a constitutional corpse.
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Five Questions on Brexit to KENNETH ARMSTRONG
... and five very succinct answers by Cambridge EU law professor Kenneth Armstrong,
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24 June 2016
Five Questions on Brexit to JO SHAW
Edinburgh EU citizenship law expert Jo Shaw's answers to my set of questions on the occasion of the Brexit referendum.
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Five Questions on Brexit to GERTRUDE LÜBBE-WOLFF
Former Constitutional Court Judge Gertrude Lübbe-Wolff on why she deeply regrets to see the British go, on the reversibility of the Brexit decision, and on an independent Scotland's prospects to continued EU membership.
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Brexit and the Argentinisation of British citizenship: Taking care not to overstay your 90 days in Rome, Amsterdam or Paris
What are the likely consequences of Brexit for the status and rights of British citizenship? Is it possible to mitigate the overwhelming negative consequences of the UK’s withdrawal from the EU on the plane of the rights enjoyed by the citizens of the UK? The Brexit referendum result will most likely mark one of the most radical losses in the value of a particular nationality in recent history.
Continue reading >>22 June 2016
The EU General Data Protection Regulation: Powerful Tool for Data Subjects?
Two months ago, the European Parliament and the Council have enacted the European General Data Protection Regulation as the result of a 4 years running legislative procedure. For a long time, it was uncertain whether the regulation could be passed at all: Not only has there been considerable opposition by EU Member States, but there have also been about 4.000 amendments by Parliament, accompanied by an enormous engagement of lobby groups.
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The Hungarian Constitutional Court’s case with the ECHR: an ambivalent relationship
Hungary was the first country in the post-Soviet bloc that joined the Council of Europe and ratified the European Convention on Human Rights and this remains a matter of national pride. While the Convention is perceived as a yardstick in human rights protection that may not be circumvented, still lively debate surrounds the authority of the case-law of European Court of Human Rights. The recent constitutional reform has left the status of the Convention largely untouched. The Convention still enjoys a supra-legislative rank: it is subordinated to the Fundamental Law but is superior to all other pieces of legislation.
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Time to Overcome TTIP’s Many Informational Asymmetries
As calls for a political check of the TTIP mandate multiply, time has come to pinpoint where the problem in the on-going negotiations lies.
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Transformation of EU Constitutionalism
The EU constitutionalism has been transformed. For the worse. The causes for that are well known. They are the sum of consecutive, unresolved financial, economic, political, humanitarian and security crises. This post is not interested into causal relationship between the crises. It centers instead on their aggregate negative outcome and the possible way ahead. It asks what exactly the EU constitutionalism, as a dominant narrative of European integration, has (d)evolved into and what can be done to fix its fissures?
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21 June 2016
The referendum of the UK’s EU membership: No legal salve for its disenfranchised non-resident citizens
On Thursday 23rd June 2016, pursuant to the European Union Referendum Act 2015, a UK-wide referendum will be held on the question: ‘should the UK remain a member of the EU or leave the EU’. Hitherto, much of the referendum debate has concerned immigration (to the UK) by EU citizens, exercising their mobility rights, with rather unsavoury rhetoric concerning deportation of criminals and ‘warnings’ about future arrivals from candidate accession states. Alongside immigration, leading campaigners have argued that the referendum is, at heart, a about questions of sovereignty and democracy.
Continue reading >>Brexit, Identity, and the Rise of the Euro-Celts
EU law not only protect fundamental rights and freedoms, but also the national identities of the Member States. Perhaps for “Little England”, that is not enough. But after Brexit, who would protect the national identities of the other nations of the UK?
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20 June 2016
Brexit and Citizenship
What are the likely consequences of Brexit for the status and rights of British citizenship? Can the fact that every British national is an EU citizen mitigate the possible negative consequences of the UK’s withdrawal from the EU on the plane of the rights enjoyed by the citizens of the UK? These questions are not purely hypothetical, as the referendum on June 23 can potentially mark one of the most radical losses in the value of a particular nationality in recent history.
Continue reading >>19 June 2016
ICON*S 2016 Conference, Session 3: “Judicial Interview and Dialogue”, with KOEN LENAERTS, GUIDO RAIMONDI, GRÁINNE DE BÚRCA and JOSEPH H.H. WEILER
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ICON*S 2016 Conference: The “Public Law Scholarship – Publishing as and for Others” Panel
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ICON*S 2016 Conference, Session 2: “Inequalities” with SUSANNE BAER, CATHARINE MACKINNON and PRATAP BHANU MEHTA
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17 June 2016
ICON*S Conference, Session 2: “Migration and Movement”, with PHILIPPE SANDS, ALEXANDER ALEINIKOFF, and AYELET SHACHAR
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ICON*S Conference, Session 1: Opening Remarks and Keynote Speech by FRANÇOISE TULKENS
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16 June 2016
Britain’s Neverendum on Europe
The UK Prime Minister has told us that the June 23rd vote will settle ‘once and for all’ Britain’s vexed relationship with Europe. I wouldn’t count on it. The current marathon is only beginning. The upcoming referendum has all the hallmarks of a ‘neverendum’: a campaign that tries to resolve an issue yet only succeeds in polarizing opinion yet further, guaranteeing its presence on the political agenda for years, if not decades, to come.
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ICON*S Conference 2016 in Berlin: Livestream on Verfassungsblog
Starting tomorrow, Berlin will abound with constitutionalists from all over the world for three days. The ICON*S conference, now in its third year and already established as one of the focus points of academic constitutionalist debate, will be hosted by Humboldt University this year. It is our honor to broadcast several of the highlights of this conference, including a panel in which Verfassungsblog itself will participate.
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The Brexit Vote: The Wrong Question for Britain and Europe
Referendums are supposed to provide decisive interventions in the affairs of state. Yet the referendum theory is in fact deeply flawed. European ‘membership’ for a country of Britain’s size, influence and location should be less a matter of ‘yes or no’ than one of ‘more or less’. The reduction of a complex and graduated choice to a basic dichotomy simply does not reflect the position or serve the interests of the vast majority who will be affected by the outcome. What is more, and worse, the crude logic of either-or plebiscitary politics threatens to become a self-fulfilling prophecy.
Continue reading >>13 June 2016
A Tale of Two Exits: Scotland and Brexit
The EU referendum has become is a form of displacement activity, a chance for the English voters to affirm their Englishness. If England votes for Brexit and Scotland to stay in the EU, the question will be whether the other EU Member States would accept Scotland – perhaps in a confederation with Northern Ireland – as a new or continuing EU Member State or even as the continuing UK.
Continue reading >>The European Union and the Erosion of State Capacity
The broad assumption in Europe is that member states of the European Union inherently have the capacity to implement EU legislation. This proceeds from the general understanding of Weber’s definition of the modern state as having a monopoly of legal violence within its territory. To this can be added the capacity of the state to “read” the population, to know through censuses, registers data bases who the inhabitants of the state are and, for that matter, where they are; the ability to impose taxes; and the capacity to sustain the uniform distribution of authority.
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Jurisdiction, legislation, and creative interpretations in the Opinion of AG Wathelet in C-72/15 Rosneft
The frequent legal challenges to the European Union’s economic sanctions regimes have resulted in several judgments chiseling out key issues of EU law. Case C-72/15 Rosneft, which will be decided in the coming months, provides the European Court of Justice (ECJ) yet another opportunity to do so. In particular, the Rosneft case invites the ECJ to clarify its jurisdiction and power of judicial review over decisions taken by the Council under the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) – in the context of a reference for preliminary ruling.
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12 June 2016
Polish Judiciary and Constitutional Fidelity: beyond the institutional “Great Yes”?
The Polish Supreme Court and the Polish Supreme Administrative Court both have published resolutions to back the Constitutional Court in its conflict with the ruling PiS majority in Parliament. The statements from Poland's highest courts and the societal mobilization are first symptoms of a constitutional fidelity in the making.
Continue reading >>11 June 2016
An Ideal, not a Place: A Euro-Critic’s Case for the UK Remaining in the EU
The entire Brexit debate has been sadly misdirected as each side seeks to assert its own ‘statistical truth’. By contrast, no attention is paid to visions of how the global world, the EU and the UK within it, might be ordered for the good.
Continue reading >>10 June 2016
The Pechstein case: Transnational constitutionalism in inaction at the Bundesgerichtshof
How independent is the Court of Arbitration for Sport, or the international sport governing bodies (SGB) in general? This question was at the heart of the Pechstein case before the German Federal Court (BGH). The BGH considers that the CAS is a true arbitral tribunal in the sense of German civil procedural law and that it is not structurally imbalanced in favour of the SGBs. In this blog post, I will aim at critically unpacking and deconstructing the four arguments the decision is based on, one by one.
Continue reading >>09 June 2016
The Judicial Battle over Mutual Trust in the EU: Recent Cracks in the Façade
In a little-noticed decision in April, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) significantly revised its approach to the doctrine of mutual trust among the member states. Even though the decision was issued only as an interpretation of the European Arrest Warrant, it will have profound consequences for the Area of Freedom Security and Justice more generally, including ongoing controversies concerning refugees.
Continue reading >>19 May 2016
“De-constitutionalism” in Turkey?
Can “de-” be a modifier to describe the constitutionalism in a country? "De-constitutionalism" is what Prof. Kemal Gözler, a constitutional law scholar, has termed the current state of constitutionalism in Turkey. His argument is that constitutional bad faith practices employed by the constitutional institutions (mainly the executive, but also the judiciary) lead one to hold the view that there is no more a (valid) constitution in Turkey. Whatever it is termed, one thing is certain: that Turkey is undergoing a constitutional deadlock or crisis, and its indicators can be observed on many occasions.
Continue reading >>03 May 2016
Tax Transparency: too little, too late
As far as individuals are concerned, international problems can be tackled through increased tax cooperation and transparency. As to corporations, on the other hand, taxing multinational groups at arm’s length together with an increase of tax cooperation would not solve the problems of global tax law. In this case, the problem lies in the structural principles behind international taxation of multinational groups and, therefore, a reaction based only on tax transparency is clearly insufficient.
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02 May 2016
Leaked Transparency and Whistleblowers
The ability of organisational insiders to speak up and disclose information in the public interest is at the core democratic values. It seems paradoxical then to punish and prosecute those who actively practice them. The time is ripe to establish a legal framework with clear requirements for protected disclosure that affords a wide protection to individuals who expose wrongdoing in the public interest.
Continue reading >>27 April 2016
Tax Evasion and Human Rights
The United Nations Covenant should be interpreted to prohibit state mandated bank secrecy, which facilitates tax evasion by wealthy residents of the developing world. In other words, bank secrecy laws of Lichtenstein, Panama, and Switzerland, for example, violate internationally recognized human rights.
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26 April 2016
Why Transparency Alone Will Not Suffice To Fight Tax Evasion
I am skeptical about the effectiveness of a shift towards more transparency. I do not believe that this could help overcoming the growing gap between legality and legitimacy in international tax law. Especially, I do not see how the gap can be reduced by making taxpayer information public. Or better, I do not believe this is the right path that States should pursue.
Continue reading >>Privacy and Tax Evading
Privacy, at least with respect to taxes, is the shield of the villains. The legal or constitutional issue should not focus on preventing the flow of information but rather on the way the informed uses the information.
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25 April 2016
Panama Lessons: Less Privacy, More Tax Justice
Information is the new currency of international tax policy. Countries have successfully developed techniques and strategies to enhance the flow of tax-relevant information across borders. This shift requires adaptations with respect not just to human rights but to democracy: Lawyers should reconsider the traditional core of parliamentary power to tax. Democratic assent to the imposition of taxes needs to be informed consent. As long as lawmakers cannot assess the economic impact of existing and new tax rules in a global environment, lawmaking is a blind flight.
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24 April 2016
Is the European Central Bank Becoming a Central Bank for the People of Europe?
In February 2016, while David Cameron and the other EU-leaders were busy negotiating the terms of Britain’s membership of the Union, the European Central Bank (ECB) did something curious. It changed its self-description on its website from: the ECB “is the central bank for Europe's single currency, the euro” to: the ECB “is the central bank for the euro area” and “of the 19 European Union countries which have adopted the euro.” The ECB, it seems, confines itself no longer to being the central bank of a free floating currency, defying and denying national specificities and territorial borders. Furthermore, its governmental activities are no longer limited to governing the currency: it claims to govern for the euro area as a central bank of the 19 euro countries.
Continue reading >>21 April 2016
Dilma Rousseff and the Impeachment Process: Questions of Power and Influence
Dilma Rousseff, the President of Brazil, is about to be forced out of office soon. Any impeachment process is, first and foremost, political, dealing with questions of power and influence. To be sure, political reforms such as the introduction of measures to significantly reduce the number of parties in Congress are urgently needed. Unfortunately, there is no immediate remedy to this significant deficiency in sight. And yet, it is clear that any governing coalition to function in Brazil’s political system requires a president extremely skilled in engaging with the legislative, creating deals, forging alliances and making compromises. Dilma Rousseff is facing the end of her political career because she has utterly failed in this respect.
Continue reading >>06 April 2016
Iceland’s Citizen Constitution: the Window Remains Wide Open
Iceland is, once again, in political turmoil after the Panama Papers revelations. This might revitalize a project which had fascinated constitutionalists from all over the world before it seemingly was derailed by the political establishment - a new constitution written by the citizens of Iceland themselves.
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04 April 2016
The Panama Papers: What Should Be Done?
If the U.S., the European Union, and Japan were to agree to impose a tax on income flows to tax havens, the tax-evasion problem would largely be solved without the need for cooperation from the havens. Using a 30 percent tax will do the trick. What prevents this obvious solution from happening is that the U.S. is willing to aid and abet tax evasion by Europeans, while the EU is willing to aid and abet tax evasion by Americans. This reflects the political power of the rich on both sides of the Atlantic.
Continue reading >>The Panama Papers: Six Preliminary Observations
The Panama papers is a treasure trove of information on the activities and clientele of a large, but not atypical, legal firm operating in an offshore financial centre or the tax haven of Panama. It follows a series of spectacular leaks by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists that included the Lichtenstein leak, HSBC, the Lux-leaks and now the Panama papers. What have we learned from this latest leak so far?
Continue reading >>02 April 2016
Freedom of Religion vs Islamophobia: Lombardy’s “Anti-Mosque Law” is Unconstitutional
While islamophobia is on the rise after the carnages of Paris and Bruxelles, recent developments in Italy may foster the confidence in the freedom of religion of European Muslims. In a ground-breaking decision, the Italian Constitutional Court has nullified a regional “anti-mosques law” enacted by the Lombardy Region one year ago, discriminating the Muslim community of this rich and populated area of Northern Italy.
Continue reading >>31 March 2016
How to protect European Values in the Polish Constitutional Crisis
Does the Polish development concern us — the European citizens and the European institutions we have set up? There is a functional and a normative argument to state that it does. The normative argument is that the European Union organizes a community of states that profess allegiance to a set of fundamental values—among others, democracy, the rule of law, and human rights. The functional reason is that the European legal space presupposes mutual trust. European law operates on the presumption that all institutions are law-abiding. Otherwise, the legal edifice crumbles.
Continue reading >>30 March 2016
Paradoxes of Constitutionalisation: Lessons from Poland
This comment aims to explain a number of paradoxes of constitutionalization on the example of the current constitutional crisis in Poland. It attempts to demonstrate that this crisis is not only political in its nature, but structural as it results from the inherent tension between the concept of rule of law, democracy and human rights. It is also argued that the success of constitutionalization as a global project depends on strong social endorsement of constitutional institutions and practices, including judicial review.
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29 March 2016
“Emergency Constitutional Review”: thinking the unthinkable? A Letter from America
With the constitution and the rule of law in Poland under systemic attack and the Constitutional Court weakened by the refusal of the government to publish its decisions, ordinary judges should step in and, if need be, declare unconstitutional laws inapplicable by themselves. An example for this sort of emergency constitutional review has already been set by the Polish Supreme Court in a decision of March 17th.
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17 March 2016
Hungary’s Struggle: In a Permanent State of Exception
The Hungarian government has called for a referendum on EU relocation quota plan and declared a “nationwide migrant crisis”. The justification given by the government for these measures was the “massive immigration” which “endangers the jobs of Hungarians and redraws Hungary’s cultural and religious identity”. The argument went that, due to a “migrant crisis” the Hungarian government needed a greater room for maneuvre, not limited by constitutional constraints, in order to manage the crisis. This argument presupposes that, as a result of the migrant crisis, Hungary has ended up in a state of exception, when constitutional guarantees have to be limited or suspended; essential powers have to be concentrated in the hands of the prime minister, until the crisis is overcome.
Continue reading >>The Power of the Rule of Law: The Polish Constitutional Tribunal’s Forceful Reaction
On 9th March ‒ just two days before the Venice Commission adopted its opinion on the same matter ‒ the Polish Constitutional Tribunal announced its judgment on the statute of 22nd December 2015 amending the Act on the Constitutional Tribunal. This legislative move resembled nothing less than a constitutional coup d’etat against the Polish judiciary and the constitutional state. Fortunately this assault encountered a forceful reaction of its designated target, the Tribunal itself. With the probably most important and in its substance most extraordinary ruling since its establishment thirty years ago the Court asserts itself as the guardian of the Polish constitution. The Court’s reasoning – widely applauded by legal scholars and practitioners – evidences one central point: The Tribunal proved to be a strong opponent within the power play of Kaczyński and its arsenal of puppets holding key public offices.
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15 March 2016
Rule of law in Greece buckles under institutionalised ill-treatment by law enforcement agents
Rampant police violence, institutionalized racism and a "culture of impunity": The Council of Europe Anti-Torture Committee's latest report on Greece reveals once again a shocking lack of respect for human rights and the rule of law in the Greek law enforcement system.
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14 March 2016
Poland, Hungary and Europe: Pre-Article 7 Hopes and Concerns
The European Commission’s opening of a rule of law dialogue with Poland in the new pre-Article 7 format developed last year is an important test of European constitutionalism both on the EU and on the Member State level. The mechanism is meant to address systemic violations of the rule of law in several steps, in the format of a structured dialogue. The new procedure does not preclude or prevent the launching of an infringement procedure by the Commission. The probe into Poland’s measures against the Constitutional Tribunal and its new media regulation is expected to test the viability of an EU constitutional enforcement mechanism against a Member State.
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How to Protect European Values: Assessing European Responses to Recent Reforms in Poland
The European Commission announced its decision to further investigate whether the recent reforms of Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal and Public Service Broadcasters are consistent with the rule of law, a common value of the EU. At the same time the Council of Europe´s Venice Commission investigates the reforms at the request of the Foreign Minister of Poland. Are the new mechanism and the evaluation by an expert body fit to protect European constitutional values? A conference organized by the Max Planck Society and Verfassungsblog searches for answers.
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12 March 2016
Taking refugee rights seriously: A reply to Professor Hailbronner
Reactions to the proposed “refugee swap” between the EU and Turkey have been predictably absolutist. On the one hand, most advocates have opposed the draft arrangement, asserting some combination of the right of refugees to be protected where they choose and/or that a protection swap would clearly breach the ECHR’s prohibition of “collective expulsion” of aliens. On the other hand, Professor Hailbronner argues against any right of refugees to make their own decisions about how to access protection, believes that refugees may be penalized if arriving in the EU “without the necessary documents,” suggests that it does not matter that Turkey is not relevantly a party to the Refugee Convention, and confidently asserts that there is no basis to see the prohibition of “collective expulsion” as engaged here. As usual, the truth is somewhere in the middle.
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The Law of Majorities: A Rejoinder
This has been an instructive discussion that has shed light on some of the most pressing issues of our time. Overall, there is an agreement on the existence of the social entity of the “majority group,” although less on the criteria to identify a majority. Some interesting disagreements are found on the empirical question – whether the majority culture is indeed “needy” (how much, in which field, etc.) – and on the normative question: whether a culturally needy majority should be granted a right to defend its constitutional identity in the immigration context.
Continue reading >>11 March 2016
The Polish Constitutional Crisis and “Politics of Paranoia”
Thanks to the growing interest in the “Polish case”, Europe should now have a clear legal understanding of what is going on in Poland and of the motives of the government: the systemic repudiation of some of the fundamental principles of Polish constitutional order, rule of law, legality, separation of powers, independence of the judiciary, supremacy of the Constitution and the monopoly of constitutional review.
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Legal Requirements for the EU-Turkey Refugee Agreement: A Reply to J. Hathaway
There are many open questions and objections against the EU-Turkey deal on an agreement whose details are yet to be negotiated to manage the Syrian refugee crisis. In particular on the reciprocity part: could the agreement as an easily available tool by Turkey to blackmail visa liberalization and progress in the EU Accession negotiations? How will the EU make sure the proper treatment of all returnees? How is the resettlement of refugees from Syria to the EU (and to Germany) going to take place? James Hathaway on this blog has listed three legal requirements for the agreement to be legal. In my view none of these are likely to block an agreement.
Continue reading >>10 March 2016
The Pechstein case: Transnational constitutionalism in action at the Bundesgerichtshof
Constitutional review is not anymore exclusively located where we would traditionally expect it: in national constitutional courts. Functional equivalents to constitutional review play out in various courts as a new legal game of power and counter-power shapes up for the global age. Sport, broadly speaking, is a fruitful field to study the transnationalization of law. I propose to put on constitutional lenses to analyse the current case pitching speed skater Claudia Pechstein against the International Skating Union (ISU) in front of the Bundesgerichtshof.
Continue reading >>09 March 2016
Why the EU-Turkey Deal is Legal and a Step in the Right Direction
Pro-refugee NGOs were quick to castigate the EU-Turkey refugee deal for falling foul of the EU’s on legal standards and for being an anti-humanitarian solution, in particular insofar as forced returns to Turkey are concerned. Academics also present a critical outlook reiterating the legal criticism or criticising the EU for burden-shifting. The critique highlights a number of valid concerns, but these caveats do not unmake the legal and conceptual value of the approach pursued by the EU: mass-influx scenarios require international cooperation.
Continue reading >>Three legal requirements for the EU-Turkey deal: An interview with JAMES HATHAWAY
"The right to decide where to seek recognition of refugee status does not entail the right to choose where international refugee protection is to be enjoyed": One of the foremost experts in international refugee law, James C. Hathaway (Michigan), gives some preliminary indications on the legality of the emerging EU-Turkey agreement on Syrian refugee resettlement.
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08 March 2016
Sovereignty Safeguards in the UK-EU Settlement
The U.K.-EU settlement, despite being legally binding and only amendable with the U.K.’s consent, does little to reaffirm British sovereignty. It is primarily a set of restatements and interpretations of existing EU law with new proposals primarily in the area of social policy.
Continue reading >>07 March 2016
Poland and Europe: live on Verfassungsblog
How to deal with Poland? On Friday, the Council of Europe's Venice Commission will decide on its opinion of the Polish government's recent attempt to clip the wings of the Constitutional Tribunal – a hugely controversial issue not just in Poland. On Monday, the Venice Commission's rapporteur Christoph Grabenwarter will be our guest at a roundtable discussion hosted by the Max Planck Society in coooperation with Verfassungsblog.
Continue reading >>Anticipatory minority rights for majorities turning into minorities
Concerns about national, cultural and demographic preservation have become increasingly salient in the age of migrations and globalisation. Liav Orgad fittingly points to recent political reactions to the influx of refugees in Europe and to broader trends towards relinking citizenship and migration policies with concerns about national identity and cultural integration. He is right to complain about the reluctance among political theorists to engage systematically with these developments. I fully agree with Orgad that ignoring these issues is both “theoretically wrong” and “politically unwise”. However, I disagree that majorities have special majority rights that can be defended on the same normative basis as minority rights. I argue that if a current majority group is worried about its rights, it should genuinely support minority rights in anticipation of its future minority status.
Continue reading >>01 March 2016
A Global Solution to a Global Refugee Crisis
The UN’s Refugee Convention is increasingly marginal to the way in which refugee protection happens around the world. I believe that this is a bad thing—both for refugees and for states. If implemented as intended, the Convention points the way to a truly global solution to the refugee crisis.
Continue reading >>29 February 2016
Immigration, Majority Rights, and Welfare State Solidarity
Liav Orgad’s new book, The Cultural Defense of Nations, could hardly have appeared at a more opportune moment. It represents a systematic effort to grapple with the core issues of national identity so much on the agenda of both the classical and new lands of immigration. It seeks to do so within the framework of liberal political and social theory while turning our sympathies toward majority cultures facing the “threat” of lost identity and dominance, a loss being brought about by both immigration and the multiculturalist policies of the past generation.
Continue reading >>28 February 2016
EU Law and Politics: the Rule of Law Framework
A voice from within Hungary's ruling party: György Schöpflin, Fidesz MEP and former politics professor from UCL, on the EU Commission's rule of law Framework, its activation against Poland and its use as a legal and a political tool.
Continue reading >>24 February 2016
The immigration flow’s liability
There is little doubt that the contemporary rise of populist forms of politics, especially those of the right, have targeted immigration as a key issue – and, more generally, political parties of left and right have responded to, and often stoked, perceived public concerns (however ill-founded) concerning immigration through efforts designed to highlight and demarcate the privileges of citizenship. In his timely response to this phenomenon, Liav Orgad aims to offer an account of majority rights that is, he thinks, missing from contemporary political theory and that can differentiate justifiable and unjustifiable ways in which the majority culture can defend its dominant standing and, hence, the rights it should (and should not) possess.
Continue reading >>Cultural majorities, constitutional essentials, and cosmopolitan citizenship
Liav Orgad’s idea of a two-stage process of the regulation of immigration and access to citizenship in The Cultural Defense of Nations appears sensible and on first sight largely agreeable. But a more careful positioning of the argument regarding democratic theory and sociological understandings of nationalism brings out aspects that problematize some of its key assumptions and that reveal a risk of counter-productivity. In this, the argument might be less original than claimed and the specific version of a liberal theory of cultural defense less fit for socio-culturally complex democratic societies, in particular within the European context. I will briefly touch upon three dimensions that seem to me problematic: the notions of majority culture and cultural defense; the notion of constitutional identity as used in the book; and the problem of constitutional populism.
Continue reading >>23 February 2016
Does the majority have a right to have rights? On the Cultural Defence of Nations
Over the last several decades, a burgeoning literature on minority rights and minority accommodation has emerged. The rights of the ‘majority’ – everyone else – have garnered little interest because scholars have assumed that they will take care of themselves. In this excellent book, Liav Orgad argues that large-scale immigration to Europe and North America has rendered this assumption false. Immigration, above all to North America, is of course not new, but the overall numbers today are greater than in the past, and it is occurring in a new context of globalization, transnationalism (migrants live half their lives or more in their home countries), and radically new technology (which allows one to live in a Twitter/Facebook-/YouTube world entirely in one’s home country language).
Continue reading >>22 February 2016
The prince of Denmark facing mass immigration – from Germany.
How would Denmark react to a wave of mass immigration from Germany, numbering hundreds of thousands or millions of people? The question is, needles to say, purely hypothetical, but it is nevertheless, in my view, highly pertinent in the context of discussing the issues raised in Liav Orgad’s important book, The Cultural Defense of Nations. These questions are at the very heart of Europe’s present concerns and dilemmas, which makes the book’s highly original, learned and well-argued contribution to the debate all the more valuable.
Continue reading >>19 February 2016
Linguistic Defense and Offense
When I first wrote about linguistic self-defense (discussed in Liav Orgad’s book pp. 198-200) I had a conception of languages in danger, The most visible potential victim were the French in Quebec. But with the help of Charles de Gaulle, the Quebecois have held on well to their culture (majority at home, minority at large, but supported by a large nation in Europe). One form of linguistic self-defense I proposed at the time was insisting on speaking your language in commercial transactions. For the sake of profit, store keepers would play along. Also, public advertising is a critical mode of making a language seem like the background state of normalcy. The key case in Quebec, as I recall, was called Chaussures Brown Shoes. That was the way they wanted their sign to read. The Anglophones objected and lost.
Continue reading >>18 February 2016
Human Dignity and Constitutional Identity: The Solange-III-Decision of the German Constitutional Court
As long as the German constitution is in force, the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany intends to enforce the right to human dignity, law of the European Union not withstanding. It is going to enforce that right not only against conflicting Union law if necessary, but also parallel to its European protections. That is the central message of the court's historic decision of January 26th, 2016, in its second European arrest warrant case.
Continue reading >>Why majority cultural preferences should shape, but not determine, immigration policy
Liav Orgad writes convincingly that the issue of cultural rights for majorities has been thrust into view by immigration. No longer can a white French or German person think of her ethnic identity and national identity as one and the same. In the introduction to Rethinking Ethnicity: majority groups and dominant minorities (2004), and again in Political Demography (2012), I argue that migration and differential ethnic birth rates are driving a wedge between the ethnic majority and ‘its’ nation-state.
Continue reading >>17 February 2016
Hitting where it hurts the most: Hungary’s legal challenge against the EU’s refugee quota system
Following the drama and confusion on the South-Eastern borders of the EU in the hot summer of 2015, the EU and the Member States adopted a Council Decision which introduced a quota system for the distribution and settlement of asylum seekers and migrants. Its aim was to establish a regime for the fair sharing of burdens among the Member States. This quota system was opposed and subsequently challenged before the EU Court of Justice by Hungary, one of the worst affected EU Member States, by which it affirmed its position as a Member State which regards the Union primarily as an arena for vindicating its national interests, and which is not hesitant to prioritise its own interests, mainly in areas which fall within competences retained by the Member States, over those of other Member States and of the Union.
Continue reading >>Majorities Need No Rights: A Commentary on Liav Orgad`s “The Law of Majorities”
Liav Orgad (2015) has written an admirably sensitive and learned book about besieged “majorities” in a world of global mobility and flux, especially that consisting of or conditioned by people moving across borders. It opens up an entirely new, dearly needed conversation on whether we need the concept of “majority”, which hitherto has remained legally and normatively uncharted. But is there really a case for a “liberal theory of majority rights”, analogous to a liberal theory of minority rights, both wishing to protect “personal identity and personal autonomy” (lead text, in the following “lt”)? Orgad has the right instinct that the care of the majority should not be left to the populist right but taken serious by liberals and the political mainstream. But the notion of a “distinctive cultural majority” (lt), which he presents as “the inevitable outcome of multiculturalism”, rests on an unreconstructed notion of multiculturalism; and at close inspection, much as the case for liberal minority rights, the case for distinct majority rights dissolves into a case for universal individual rights that liberal state constitutions already provide.
Continue reading >>16 February 2016
The Law of Majorities
Are Poland and Hungary justified, under international law or EU law, in restricting migration to defend their “Christian heritage”? How about the so-called “European way of life” or their “constitutional identity”? More generally, can a liberal democracy restrict immigration and/or access to citizenship in order to protect the "majority culture” and still remain liberal? Cultural defense policies are mushrooming in Europe, as refugees and migrants from Africa, Central Asia and the Middle East many of them Muslims keep coming to our shores in unprecedented numbers. Can the “cultural defense” of majorities be reconciled with liberal values and, if so, how?
Continue reading >>15 February 2016
Filling the Vacancy left by Scalia: The Democratic Virtues of Delay
If Republicans delayed the procedure or refused to vote on any nominee Obama puts forward, would they violate their constitutional responsibilities, as Democrats insist? In the end I don´t think so. On the contrary: I will argue that there are good grounds of constitutional principle that make delaying the appointment an attractive proposition.
Continue reading >>12 February 2016
On the new Legal Settlement of the UK with the EU
In this brief comment I discuss some of the legal questions that arise out of the proposals for a new settlement between the UK and the EU.[1] As I will show, the precise nature of the draft agreement is unclear. This legal instrument raises difficult issues of both EU and public international law and could potentially cause serious uncertainty or even a constitutional crisis. Press reports have missed this legal complexity. Ministerial statements have been silent about it.
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10 February 2016
What will happen if the Dutch vote ‘No’ in the Referendum on the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement?
On 6 April 2016, a referendum on the approval of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement will be held in the Netherlands. This is the direct result of a new law that gives citizens the right to initiate a so-called ‘corrective’ referendum to refute decisions taken at the political level. If the "No" camp prevails, as polls suggest it will, that would not be a victory for democracy as proclaimed by the Dutch initiators of the referendum but rather the opposite. Allowing a relatively small part of the population in a relatively small member state to block the entry into force of an agreement which is approved by the national parliaments of 29 countries and the European Parliament would be very cynical. It would also undermine the consistency and legitimacy of the EU’s external action taking into account that other, largely comparable agreements would remain unaffected.
Continue reading >>09 February 2016
Why Tusk’s Proposal is not so Bad
Should the other EU member states rebuff the UK’s reform demands and seize the opportunity to amend the Constitutional treaties instead? Unlike Federico Fabbrini, who in his post of the 3rd of February proposed they should, I will argue that European integration doesn’t follow a linear path, and it may therefore be necessary to give in to some requests. This would not lead to EU disintegration.
Continue reading >>03 February 2016
President Tusk’s Proposal for a New Settlement for the UK in the EU: Fueling – not Taming – EU Disintegration
The European Union is at the crossroad. On 17 February […]
Continue reading >>28 January 2016
“2004 EU Accession” as a Founding Moment? Of lost opportunities, alienating constitutionalism and vigilant courts
Much as the liberal elites in Poland are appalled by the ruthlessness of the attack on the Constitutional Court and the Polish rule of law, they are the ones to be blamed for the civic passivity that continues to define post-transition societies in general. The truly reformative potential of 1989, and then 2004, was lost when elites neglected the importance of connecting with the “real” people beyond the magic of the big-bang moments of 1989 and 2004. This "alienating constitutionalism" is one of the dark sides of 2004 Founding Moment, one that nobody really saw coming at the time of the EU Accession. Should the citizenry start embracing and defending the Court as "my own", the truly powerful legacy of the 2004 Founding Moment would be discovered.
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27 January 2016
Awakenings: the “Identity Control” decision by the German Constitutional Court
The GCC has applied, for the first time, its “identity control” to a case fully covered by EU Law. In the end, it quashes the decision of the instance court but it states that EU and German law are perfectly in line with the solution it comes to. What is all the fuss about? Why has the GCC made an “identity control” when the Framework Decision solves the case anyway in the same terms? It seems as if the GCC is sending a message to Luxembourg. It is a harmless judgment on the facts, but a very important one on the symbolic side.
Continue reading >>26 January 2016
David Cameron’s EU reform claims: If not ‘ever closer union’, what?
UK Prime Minister David Cameron claims that the reforms he seeks for Britain will be good for the European Union as a whole. That proposition deserves examination. Here we focus on only one, but the most totemic of his demands – namely that the UK wins a ‘formal, legally-binding and irreversible’ exemption from the EU’s historic mission of ‘ever closer union of the peoples of Europe’. Jobs and immigration might stir the masses in the referendum campaign, but it is the issue of ‘ever closer union’ that divides most sharply the sovereignists from the federalists and could, if mishandled, do severe collateral damage to the rest of the EU.
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25 January 2016
The Commission vs Poland: The Sovereign State Is Winning 1-0
Studying Soviet legal theory is probably one of the most tedious activities imaginable, but it can teach us a great deal, sadly, about the contemporary reality in some of the Member States of the EU: a reality captured by Uładzisłaŭ Belavusaŭ’s catchy phrase ‘Belarusization’ of the EU with enviable precision. Not a single person familiar with the basics of the principle of the Rule of Law could possibly be in doubt that what is going on in Poland now is a partly Soviet-style dismantlement of the Western values of democracy and the Rule of Law. By having started its famed Pre-Article 7 Procedure against Poland the Commission made four drastic mistakes and did not move any closer to stopping Polish backsliding.
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24 January 2016
A New Page in Protecting European Constitutional Values: How to best use the new EU Rule of Law Framework vis-a-vis Poland
The application of the EU Commission's Rule of Law Framework in the current Polish case is a step in the right direction. It seems a good instance to develop the Framework as an EU mechanism to protect European constitutional values in a European legal space which is rife with constitutional crises, but short of instruments to address them. Its pertinence appears even more clearly in comparison to the Council's (in)activity under its own rule-of-law mechanism, hastily put forward after the Commission’s Framework. The activation of the Framework has shown its potential to mobilize European public opinion and orient public discourses to the current condition of EU values.
Continue reading >>01 January 2016
Polish Constitutional crisis goes to Europe – or does it?
The latest move by the Polish government in its attempt to disembowel the Constitutional Court looks, on first sight, like a conciliatory gesture: The Minister of Foreign Affairs has submitted two proposals amending the Act on the Constitutional Court to examination by the Venice Commission, the expert body on constitutional issues of the Council of Europe. Does this turn to Europe signal a change of heart in the revolutionary zeal on the part of the Polish government? Not so fast. On closer inspection, the request appears conspicuously ambiguous. The motion does not even specify in sufficient detail what text(s) the Venice Commission is to provide its opinion on.
Continue reading >>23 December 2015
Chess-boxing around the Rule of Law: Polish Constitutionalism at Trial
In the conflict between the Polish government and the constitutional court, we are watching a sort of chess-boxing, a hybrid game consisting of rounds in chess and boxing, where the parties attempt to outsmart the opponent and if this doesn’t help, they simply punch. Contravention of the division of powers and disregard for the idea of limited government has repeatedly been perpetrated by the ruling party Law & Justice and “their” President Duda. It remains to be seen if the attempts made are understood by the perpetrators as a tool to facilitate party’s short-term objectives or as an ultimate goal to redesign Poland’s institutional order.
Continue reading >>18 December 2015
“Court-packing” in Warsaw: The Plot Thickens
The wheels of Polish constitutional upheaval keep rolling relentlessly and in one direction – to the full dismantling and paralyzing the Constitutional Court and all it stands for. However, it is not just the tempo itself of the legislative process that is out of ordinary, but the ruthlessness with which the new majority carries out its plan. A new chapter in obliterating the Court was added on 15th of December, 2015 when the majority came forward with a draft of the amendments to the Law on the Constitutional Court.
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L’état d’urgence in the wake of the Paris attacks and its judicial aftermath
With the shock of the Paris attacks still fresh, further images started to flood the media in their immediate aftermath: Soldiers were not only seen boarding Rafale fighter jets but also patrolling the streets in France and Belgium, police raids were and are still conducted day and night throughout France, numerous arrests were made and even more people set under house arrest. Those internal executive measures in France are based on the déclaration de l’état d’urgence (in parts already discussed here). Now that the situation slightly calmed down, but with the state of emergency still enacted, the first administrative court decisions on those measures are in, deeming the police behavior just on all points.
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11 December 2015
“We are not in a Seminar”: Some Thoughts on the Legislative’s and Executive’s Prerogative in Determining International Law
"We are not in a seminar but in parliament": With these words the German Minister of Foreign Affairs has tried to brush aside international law arguments against the deployment of German soldiers within the fight against ISIS. To put these propositions in a nutshell: France feels that it has been attacked and this is sufficient for invoking self-defense. In any case it does not matter what international law precisely says. Both of these suggestions are more than dubious.
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10 December 2015
Bruised, but not dead (yet): The Polish Constitutional Court has spoken
The current attack on the Polish Constitutional Court is unprecedented in scope, cold efficiency and intensity. It aims to paralyze and incapacitate the Court. Polish democracy is faced today with a crisis that has more to do with the lack of constitutional culture rather than deficiencies of the constitutional text. Europe will have its hands full with Poland in the days to come. Unfortunately, so far it has not shown much teeth in response to the constitutional shenanigans playing out in Poland. This must change or Warsaw will become another Budapest with Europe idly watching.
Continue reading >>09 December 2015
A Facelift for Verfassungsblog
Today, we proudly present the newly designed Verfassungsblog. We made a big effort to make the blog easier to navigate, to improve readability and accessibility of postings, to offer some new functions such as an Events calender, and generally to provide a fresh, modern experience for users of the blog. A big, warm thank you goes out to the WZB Berlin Social Science Center, particularly its Center for Global Constitutionalism, which generously supported us to make this relaunch possible.
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04 December 2015
Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal under Siege
A constitutional crisis? A coup d’état? Whatever it is Poland is going through right now, the constitutional situation is far from normal. After a fierce political brawl about the election of five new judges to the Constitutional Tribunal, that same Tribunal declared yesterday the legal basis upon which two of them were elected unconstitutional.
Continue reading >>01 December 2015
Why the British demands on national parliaments must be resisted
Six years ago today, the Treaty of Lisbon came into force, introducing an early warning system for national parliaments concerned with the principle of subsidiarity. UK Prime Minister David Cameron has called for more incisive rights of national parliaments to block EU legislation. The UK government, which normally preens itself on its flexibility and pragmatism, is trying to impose a one-size-fits-all approach on national parliaments, ignoring their very different mandates, powers, practices, timetables and levels of political interest and staff support. The fact is that waving subsidiarity cards is the least important EU function of national parliaments.
Continue reading >>The Unconstitutional Holiday: Bosnian Constitutional Court annuls Serb Republic Day
Can a national holiday celebrated by a federal sub-entity be in violation of constitutional principles? In a system as fragmented as Bosnia-Herzegovina, apparently it can – according to a recent judgment by the Bosnian Constitutional Court which puts its own acceptance among Bosnian Serbs at risk. The decision, as heart-wrenchingly Bosnian as it may be, raises issues that concern all multicultural societies.
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30 November 2015
While in the USA money talks loud politically, in Brazil it must shut up
Brazil used to occupy global headlines with a virtuous cycle of a struggle against inequality combined with the eradication of extreme poverty and the establishment of a vast middle class. In doing so, the country personified the South American dream, namely material prosperity allied with social progress. Nonetheless, a couple of months ago, things changed dramatically. An endless economic crisis boosted by an unprecedented operation run by the Federal Police saw to it that numerous CEOs of multi-billion dollar companies were incarcerated. The common factor of these events: campaign donations. Propelled by this atmosphere, the Brazilian Supreme Court has handed down two recent decisions that impose a drastic end to a complex set of inconvenient relations maintained between the public and the private sector.
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27 November 2015
A New Revolution? The Recent Governmental Crisis in Romania
As of November 2015, Romania faces its most important social, political and constitutional crisis in the last quarter-century. If the 1989 Revolution signified a break with a totalitarian communist regime, the widespread street protests of 2015, which led to the fall of the Government, gave a new message: global dissatisfaction towards the whole political class and institutions marked by serious inefficiency and corruption. The Government's resignation led to an important constitutional crisis: one year before general elections, the country needed a new Government, but there was no clear political majority in Parliament to form one. In these circumstances, the President of Romania, Klaus Iohannis, has tried a new approach, calling on social movements and appointing a non-political "techocratic" government. Time will tell if the decisions taken were right for Romanian democracy.
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24 November 2015
Der Dschungel von Calais, der Conseil d’Etat und die Menschenwürde
Der Staat Frankreich muss das Flüchtlingscamp von Calais mit Trinkwasser und Toiletten versorgen. Das hat der Conseil d'Etat festgestellt: Als Garant des Verfassungsprinzip der Menschenwürde müsse der Staat dafür sorgen, dass niemand in unmenschlichen Bedingungen leben muss. Eine Entscheidung, die auch außerhalb Frankreichs Beachtung verdient.
Continue reading >>23 November 2015
Midnight Judges: Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal Caught Between Political Fronts
Many Eastern European states have seen their once glorious constitutional courts politically delegitimized in recent years. Now, Poland might join them. Hasty attempts by the outgoing majority to fill the benches of the court with judges of their choosing, and constitutionally dubious attempts by the new majority to thwart those attempts and to tamper with constitutional procedural law, threaten to inflict fatal damage to the Polish Constitutional Tribunal and its integrity.
Continue reading >>20 November 2015
The Conservatives’ 2015 Fiscal Charter: A Wanting Desire for Constitutional Change
The UK Conservatives’ "Charter for Budget Responsibility" has, with the aid of a number of Labour MPs, passed the House of Commons. The charter's intention is that of committing the current and future Governments into running a permanent budget surplus – a sinister attempt to bind future governments as regards fiscal policy. Its inconsistency with the opposition against the EU Fiscal Compact in 2011/12 exposes, though, how much the Conservative's desire to constitutionalize fiscal surplus policy in the UK is wanting.
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The Conservatives’ 2015 Fiscal Charter: A Wanting Desire for Constitutional Change
The UK Conservatives’ "Charter for Budget Responsibility" has, with the aid of a number of Labour MPs, passed the House of Commons. The charter's intention is that of committing the current and future Governments into running a permanent budget surplus – a sinister attempt to bind future governments as regards fiscal policy. Its inconsistency with the opposition against the EU Fiscal Compact in 2011/12 exposes, though, how much the Conservative's desire to constitutionalize fiscal surplus policy in the UK is wanting.
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18 November 2015
Awakening dormant law – or the invocation of the European mutual assistance clause after the Paris attacks
After the terrorist attacks of November 13th, France has invoked the mutual assistance clause in the European Treaty. What does this clause actually imply? The short answer to this question is that nobody precisely knows. The statement made by the French Defence Minister on 17 November qualified the invocation of Article 42(7) TEU as a mainly political act – implying that it is symbolic in nature. This, however, is not the whole story. France is requesting her European neighbours to stand united against external security threats – not only by declaratory statements, but by concrete military commitments. This demand, in turn, will impact on the future course of European security and defence, a policy which France has always been keen to enhance.
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How to make the Brexit deal formal, legally-binding and irreversible
Whatever one thinks (and one does) about the British renegotiation of its terms of EU membership, one can only marvel at the prime minister’s bravado when he insists on the changes being ‘formal, legally-binding and irreversible’. Nobody expected David Cameron to be so categorical when he embarked on his long-anticipated speech and ‘Dear Donald’ letter, eventually delivered on 10 November. Surely somebody warned him that to demand something so trenchant would pose huge legal problems?
Continue reading >>The Teething of EU’s Mutual Defence Clause
France was the first member state to call for mutual assistance under Article 42(7) of the Lisbon treaty. The move came as a surprise. Most of the discussions in previous days were focused on the possibility to use the much heftier Article 5 defence clause of NATO. Compared to the tangible military assistance that NATO partners can offer, Europe’s obligation to assist has so far been seen as toothless and symbolic. While the EU’s mutual defence clause is still limited in its effect, its use is a timely reminder that there is strong interest within the EU to work closer together on defence.
Continue reading >>17 November 2015
Europe Does Need a Constitution. But Of What Kind?
Matej Avbelj’s contribution ‘Now Europe Needs a Constitution’ is surely right in its diagnosis that constitutionalism must play a role in the re-generation of the EU. The gulf between the EU’s leaders and its population, and between distinct groups of EU states, is wider than it has ever been. If constitutionalism is an act of ‘putting things in common’ in a spirit of open dialogue, of deciding on the crucial question about the type of society we want to live in, such a discussion about Europe’s future is sorely needed. The key question, however, is not whether Europe needs a Constitution but what kind of Constitution the EU should build. Many commentators suggest that the lesson to be learned from the failed constitutional project in the early 2000s is that it was too ambitious: too laden with constitutional symbolism and state-paradigms. Perhaps, we argue, the failed constitutional project was not ambitious enough: it made no attempt to break with the models of the previous EU Treaties and in doing so, to capture the political imagination of Europe’s citizenry.
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13 November 2015
David Cameron is not a visionary, he is an illusionist
The UK Prime Minister proclaims EU reforms. But the reform steps he demands address none of the actual problems of the EU. Neither on the sovereign debt crisis nor on the refugee and migration crisis any proposals or solutions from Cameron are forthcoming. Instead, he focuses on comparatively insignificant issues that affect the UK. This explains the largely ‘open-minded’ response by most European leaders after the speech.
Continue reading >>12 November 2015
Aufruf für eine menschliche Flüchtlingspolitik
Diesen Aufruf, von über 200 Kulturschaffenden und anderen bereits unterschrieben, will ich den Leserinnen und Lesern des Verfassungsblogs nicht vorenthalten. Konstitutionalist_innen sind noch zu dünn gesät auf der Unterschriftenliste. Wer auf den Link oben klickt, kommt auf das Formular zum Unterschreiben. Bitte in großer Zahl davon Gebrauch machen und an alle potenziell Interessierten weiterleiten! Wir wollen doch mal sehen, ob wir hier nicht genügend zivilgesellschaftlichen Druck zustande bekommen, um etwas zu verändern.
Continue reading >>11 November 2015
Dieudonné before the Strasbourg Court: Negationism isn’t freedom of expression
Satire is protected by the right to freedom of expression. Holocaust denial is not. This is the bottom line of yesterday’s decision by the European Court of Human Rights in the case of the French comedian Dieudonné M’Bala M’Bala, notorious for his frequent run-ins with French courts for antisemitic speech, defamation, or advocation of terrorism, and also known for his political involvement with right-wing extremists.
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29 October 2015
Öffentlichkeit hat ein Recht, Gerichtsurteile zu lesen
Die Presse hat grundsätzlich ein Recht, Urteilsgründe anonymisiert, aber vollständig einsehen zu dürfen. Mit diesem Kammerbeschluss stärkt das Bundesverfassungsgericht die Pressefreiheit und den Grundsatz der Öffentlichkeit des Gerichtsverfahrens.
Continue reading >>27 October 2015
Portugal auf dem Weg in die Verfassungskrise?
Portugals Präsident Cavaco Silva verweigert der linken Mehrheit im Parlament den Auftrag zur Regierungsbildung. Ist das ein Verfassungsbruch? Wohl nicht, wenngleich die vermutliche Strategie dahinter verfassungspolitisch zu größter Sorge Anlass gibt.
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16 October 2015
What Schrems, Delvigne and Celaj tell us about the state of fundamental rights in the EU
The overall message looks puzzling. First, privacy is a super-fundamental right that reigns supreme above all other rights after the Court’s decision in Schrems. Second, national electoral rules governing the right to vote in elections to the European Parliament come under the scope of application of the Charter, but Member States can restrict such a right as long they do so in a proportionate way, says the Court in Delvigne. And third, illegal immigrants who have already been ordered to abandon the territory of the EU can be subject to criminal prosecution if they ever return, according to the Court in Celaj. In sum, Privacy is a super-fundamental right. The right to vote is quite super, but not as much. The rights to liberty and free movement are not super at all, at least when they concern third country nationals. Is this the kind of case-law one would expect from a fundamental rights court? Does this make any sense at all? Maybe it does.
Continue reading >>The Force awakens – The Schrems case from a German perspective
Just like Star Wars, the "Solange" saga about German constitutional order’s approach to fundamental rights protection in the context of European integration appeared as a story told and settled. But now there are rumours that in Germany Solange Episode III is in the making, with a release date around 2016. The ECJ’s Schrems decision will bring some turmoil to the Solange Episode III production in Germany.
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12 October 2015
The Schrems Judgement: New Challenges for European and international companies
In Schrems the CJEU has declared the Safe-Harbor-Decision of the European Commission invalid whilst strengthening the EU fundamental rights. The Court has done so with astonishing clarity. Although the matter is about Facebook Ireland’s transfer of data to servers of Facebook, Inc. in the U.S., it, ironically, will not be Facebook but companies of the European “old economy” that will have to face severe consequences in the aftermath of this landmark judgement. In many cases of every day data processing in the business world, the consent of data subjects will be impossible to obtain. It is at the same time nearly impossible to prevent data to be transferred outside the EU. Hence, a vast number of data processing operations which were lawful before Schrems are now illegal.
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11 October 2015
Could the Schrems decision trigger a regulatory “race to the top”?
By and large the possibility of challenging mass surveillance worldwide can be strengthened by two factors. Perhaps counter-intuitively, the first should be the support of the business community. The second is democracy.
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09 October 2015
Negotiating the Data Protection Thicket: Life in the Aftermath of Schrems
The Schrems judgment of the ECJ has implications for the viability of the commercial practices of Internet giants (and minions), for the legality of state surveillance practices and for the future sustainability of an Internet that is global rather than parochial. It is thus not surprising that the Court of Justice of the EU delivered its judgment only one week after the Opinion of the Advocate General and that this judgment has attracted so much academic and media attention, including through the existing commentary on this blog. In adding to this commentary, I shall not rehash the well-versed facts but shall focus on three points which I found striking.
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Safeguarding European Fundamental Rights or Creating a Patchwork of National Data Protection?
On Tuesday, the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice of the European Union declared the Commission’s US Safe Harbour Decision invalid. The Court’s ruling in Case C-362/14 of the Austrian Internet activist Maximillian Schrems v the Irish Data Protection Commissioner is a milestone in the protection of European fundamental rights, but it also preserves space for different national supervisory standards and national discretion on whether data may actually be transferred. Is the ruling opening the way for a patchwork of national data protection? How does this ruling influence the TTIP negotiations?
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08 October 2015
The Sinking of the Safe Harbor
The judgment of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) in Schrems v. Data Protection Commissioner (Case C-362/14) is a landmark in EU data protection law, but one about which I have serious misgivings. While I share the Court’s concern regarding the surveillance practices of the US government (and other governments for that matter) and some of its criticisms of the EU-US Safe Harbor Arrangement, I take exception to its lack of interest in the practical effects of the judgment and the global context in which EU law must operate.
Continue reading >>07 October 2015
The Essence of Privacy, and Varying Degrees of Intrusion
What is remarkable in the CJEU's Schrems decision is that a) the Court actually identified the intrusion in question as falling under the notion of the essence of privacy – something the European Court of Human Rights has never done under the privacy provision of ECHR Article 8, and b) the identification of an intrusion as compromising the essence of privacy meant that there was no need for a proportionality assessment under Article 52 (1.2) of the Charter. For these reasons, the Max Schrems judgment is a pathbreaking development, a major contribution to the understanding of the structure and legal effect of fundamental rights under the Charter.
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Schrems v. Commissioner: A Biblical Parable of Judicial Power
We might celebrate the Court’s decision in Case C-362/14 as an improbable victory of good (data-privacy) over evil (consumer and intelligence data abuses). But I want to offer some words of caution about god-like judicial power.
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03 July 2015
Looking for the ‘Justice’ in EU civil and private law?
It is great to see this debate on the EU justice deficit. To me this debate goes to the fundamental issue of legitimacy, with which the EU continues to grapple. However I have one regret, which relates to the lack of attention devoted to the European Union's justice deficit in the area of civil and private law. All of us enter into private law obligations throughout our lives, making small contracts, buying property, inheriting property, being involved in an accident; the list is endless. The justice or injustice consequences of these civil law interactions, in terms of the way in which these obligations operate, are construed and adjudicated upon which can dramatically impact individuals and society.
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27 June 2015
A few more thoughts on equality and solidarity
Although discussions on justice in Europe are not new, ’justice […]
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24 June 2015
Justice Deficit or Justice Deficient?
A legal order centered on the market, far from being vacant from a justice perspective, embodies a particular theory of justice: one that valorizes voluntary economic exchange for its conduciveness to peace, prosperity, and freedom. Whether commerce is, indeed, conducive to all of these things is another question.
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22 June 2015
The Empire of Principle
The idea of Constitutionalism beyond the state perfectly matches the essentially non-political, economic arrangement that has clothed itself in political discourses of human rights, rule of law and democracy. The forms and procedures put forward by Kumm et.al. conceal the initial lack of substance and proximity with the life of Europeans and their daily dealings and the relations which the framework they were designed to merely formalize. The Union postulates the a-priori conditions of unity which do not dynamically (organically) emerge from within the heat of political life - unity appears as extraneous layers superimposed on the disarray of European communities. What remains, within the framework the European Union, is an expression without anything to express, devoid if not of meaning then of a connection to the sources of meaningfulness.
Continue reading >>19 June 2015
The EU’s limited justice capacities
The starting premise behind Europe’s Justice Deficit? is that we have to associate justice not only with the state, but also with sub- and supra-state entities. Considering the depth and breadth of European integration, the EU cannot escape our scrutiny; the EU is, as the editors remark, ‘clearly at the very least a potential agent of (in)justice’. One cannot but wholeheartedly agree with this starting assumption, but we should also acknowledge that it leaves a very important question unanswered: does the EU possess the same capacities for delivering (in)justices as other entities, in particular the state? Can we simply apply our justice vocabulary to the EU without even the slightest modicum of translation that takes into account the context within which the EU is situated? While it is not denied that the EU has the ability to deliver justice, it is suggested that there are limits to the EU’s justice capacities.
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18 June 2015
When asking, ‘if there is justice deficit in Europe?’ we should query the power of Member States
As the winds of populism blow across Europe, from the Algarve to Lapland and from the Irish to the Aegean Sea, it might be tempting to dismiss the return to nativism as a temporary and transitory vehicle of popular protest. However, as UKIP, Golden Dawn, Jobbik, the Sweden Democrats, Podemos, Syriza, Vlams Belang and True Finns all secure seats in local, regional, national and supranational assemblies, the questions mount about differential impact of the Euro crisis on comparative attractiveness of these political forces to national electorate over the idea of a unified and indeed just Europe. With populist parties advocating extremely diverse political agendas, they all reach out to their voters hushing them away from the political forces who have dominated the political scene during the years of plenty before the Euro crisis.
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14 June 2015
European Justice for Migrants and Refugees
By enlisting transport companies in migration control, and denying visas to refugees, the EU is complicit in the grotesque scenes in the Mediterranean Sea: Those fleeing cannot board regular flights and ferries, for lack of visas and as carriers face sanctions if they allow them to board. We are willing to spend billions on rescue at sea, but not provide safe means of access to refugees. Those most in need, including those whose needs we would recognize by offering asylum, risk their lives to reach the relatively safety of the EU. Unjust? Unethical? Indecent? Cruel? All of these, surely.
Continue reading >>13 June 2015
Taking the European Court of Justice up on its Name
Recognising “justice” as inherently contestable, one might raise the more specific question what role the European Court of Justice has in (re)assuring justice in Europe, and whether the Court, insofar as it possesses a distinct role in that regard, succeeds in promoting justice. The avalanche of criticism at, amongst others, Laval, McCarthy, Dereci and, most recently, Dano, represents a deep belief that the European Court of Justice should not betray its name. In the knowledge that we fiercely disagree about what justice entails, however, it is not easy to substantiate the Court’s role and scope of responsibility.
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On Europe’s justice deficit, and how to reduce it
The main obstacle nowadays to communities that are perceived as such is the level of inequality that we have reached in our societies. Tony Judt, before he died, wrote that I cannot perceive someone as a member of my community if the distance of my income to his is too big. Taxation is what we need and what we can use. But this requires something beyond of what Europe can do.
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12 June 2015
Maybe we just don’t like the Justice we see…
If the economic advancement of the lender states is at least in part attributable to the access to the markets of the debtors, then the latter have a right to solidarity and political redistribution of economic benefits. Building solidarity – as a basis for political redistribution – in Europe from such premises would not be impossible: it is very much in contrast with the self-righteous attitude adopted by lender states today, and condoned by much of mainstream economic theory.
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The EU is no supranational ,Unrechtsstaat’!
Most of the short texts on the blurb praise the […]
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11 June 2015
The ‘Justice’ Potential of EU Constitutional Law
The term justice is far too abstract to provide meaningful guidance on how to resolve specific legal questions. Normative ideals of justice are usually conceptualised, in contemporary constitutional law, in terms of human rights and countervailing public policy objectives. While I am, by and large, happy with the constitutional infrastructure of the EU, my outlook on the judicial practices of European Court of Justice is less optimistic.
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The Unfair Eurozone
The Eurozone crisis has raised serious concerns about injustice in the distribution of resources, burdens and risks. The functioning of the Eurozone has had great unintended consequences. In the past five years five member states have needed assistance of one kind or another (Greece, Portugal, Ireland, Spain and Cyprus) and are going through painful adjustment. This shows that the problem is systemic, not particular to each one of them. The problems in the design of the Eurozone, which is not an ‘optimal currency union’ are well known.
Continue reading >>Justice in Europe
It is high time to think of Europe as committed to a just society. This requires a fully-fledged ethical vision for Europe. It should be asking for more than political justice, which simply asks EU political institutions to correct the injustice produced by the market.
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10 June 2015
Justice within and between Polities
My account on Europe's justice deficit will depart from a tension inherent to the project, and I will submit three groups of observations: The first one will deal with what we have experienced about the nature of “the economic”; with the use of this notion, I wish to insinuate an analogy to what we associate with “the social”; namely, the social embeddedness of the economy. The following observations are concerned with the distinction between justice within consolidated polities and justice between such polities. The third part of my story will ask, first, whether a synthesis of both concerns, i.e., of domestic and inter-European justice, is conceivable in principle - and then whether it is still available. After the crisis, this is the 1 million dollar question: How can the European project get back on track, regain legitimacy, rise from its ruins?
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How just is the EU, or: is there a ‘new’ European deficit?
Let us face it: the EU affects the lives of many people in ways they perceive as profoundly unjust. Lives are dramatically affected by the policies of austerity, widely understood to be EU-imposed. With the Court of Justice appearing to stand for its own authority and EU autonomy at any cost; with migrants attempting to reach fortress Europe and drowning en masse as the EU cuts back its rescue services; and with economic inequalities in the Member States reaching new heights, could it be that there is a justice deficit in Europe, exacerbated by the European Union? It has never been made abundantly clear whether the achievement of justice is among the EU’s objectives, thus leading to a sub-optimal legal-political reality. There is an urgent need to address the question of justice openly and without reservation, and not to permit nationalists and Eurosceptics to monopolize this debate.
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20 April 2015
Nudging as a Common Practice in International Aid
My small contributing message to this debate is that nudging plays an important role in aid politics. Substantially, there are parallel debates going on, and you might find some of the insights useful by means of transferral. As this is a new and explorative debate, there might still be space for some inspiration from related fields.
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19 April 2015
Take your 3D glasses off – How nudging provokes the way we imagine law
Nudging does polarize, but it also challenges the conventional way German legal scholars imagine the world of law. Even though it is good intuition to be afraid of a totalitarian government of economic rationality, it would be wrong to defend our current logic of judicial proportionality against the nudging approach. Instead, we should embrace democratically supervised economic expertise within our regulatory framework, without giving up on the possibility of radical love and revolution.
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18 April 2015
Why lawyers should deal with Nudges
Emanuel Towfigh and Christian Traxler have asked why the nudging debate has arrived so late in the German legal discourse. They argue that this is due to a mixture of reasons related to legal culture and legal education. I agree with their analysis. So let me address one question that both authors do not touch. Why should lawyers deal with the question of nudging? Wouldn’t this rather be a task for psychologists or behavioral economists? Prima facie, there seems to be a lot in favor of leaving the discussion on nudges to social scientists. A nudge seeks to alter people’s behavior without restraining choices. In order to influence people’s behavior, however, you have to analyze behavioral patterns, which is impossible without empirical methods.
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17 April 2015
Take your 3D glasses off – How nudging provokes the way we imagine law
Nudging does polarize, but it also challenges the conventional way German legal scholars imagine the world of law. Even though it is good intuition to be afraid of a totalitarian government of economic rationality, it would be wrong to defend our current logic of judicial proportionality against the nudging approach. Instead, we should embrace democratically supervised economic expertise within our regulatory framework, without giving up on the possibility of radical love and revolution.
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Path dependencies of nudging, and how to overcome them
In a thought-provoking comment on the legitimacy of nudging, Towfigh and Traxler rightly point out that nudges have many facets. As a result, their legitimacy has to be judged case by case. Responding partly to Towfigh and Traxler and partly to the broader issue of the legitimacy of nudging, I want to distinguish between two aspects that are raised in the comment: firstly, public and legal legitimacy and secondly, legitimacy among legal professionals.
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Nudging: Neither a Novelty, nor a Promising Lead – Unless in Context
If we take a look through the lens of administrative science we see two things: firstly, that the concept of nudging cannot rightfully claim to have any news value, and secondly, that it needs to be placed within the context of contemporary insights from the fields of controlling science and communication theory.
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A Design Perspective on Nudging
Although design thinking has become a buzzword in business and although human-centered design approaches are being explored in a range of public innovation labs concerned with developing and delivering citizen-centric policies and public services, nudging is rarely discussed for its design implications. What would such a discussion contribute and how may it help us focus on the potential benefits of a nudging approach? It would begin by questioning how nudging enhances or diminishes people’s abilities to take deliberate action or to make informed decisions.
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16 April 2015
Nudges polarize!
Die Vorstellung, dass Regierungen auf „Nudges“ zurückgreifen, um Entscheidungen der Bürger zu beeinflussen, polarisiert, vor allem unter Juristen. Die einen betrachten diesen verhaltenswissenschaftlichen Ansatz als faszinierenden und attraktiven Weg der Politikgestaltung. Die Aussicht auf billige und sich gleichsam selbständig vollziehende Regulierungsinstrumente klingt gerade in finanziell harten Zeiten verlockend und lässt diese „sanften“ Interventionen als bestechende Alternative zu konventionellen Regulierungsmechanismen erscheinen. Andere hingegen beschwören die Gefahr eines überfürsorglichen Staates herauf, der mit „Psycho-Tricks“ seine Bürger manipuliert. Verglichen mit traditionellen Politikinstrumenten wie etwa Steuern sind Nudges eher hintergründige Regierungsaktivitäten, die nur schwer durch demokratische Prozesse zu kontrollieren sind und damit leicht außer Kontrolle geraten können. Obwohl eine starke Polarisierung im politischen Diskurs heutzutage nicht unüblich ist, lohnt es sich, die Hintergründe dieser emotional und leidenschaftlich geführten Kontroverse in den Blick zu nehmen.
Continue reading >>23 March 2015
Plural Constitutionalism as Theory and Method: A Reply to Critics
I enjoyed the exchange on my article providing a qualified constitutional defense of Opinion 2/13. I will not delve into a point-by-point rebuttal of the critics here. Instead, I shall make three quick points and end with a methodological challenge in the interest of moving forward.
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17 March 2015
A European Network of Constitutional Law Blogs
When Hungary adopts an undemocratic constitution it is not just […]
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16 March 2015
It’s not about pluralism. It’s about power politics!
Opinion 2/13 is not about pluralism (and, indeed, not about the autonomy of Union law). It seeks to secure the ECJ’s last word in Convention matters. As such, it is an expression of power politics.
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15 March 2015
Searching for the Ariadne‘s thread – The Legal Complexities of “Grexit” and “Graccident”
It seems more and more likely that Greece will not be able or willing to fulfill the reform demands by the Eurogroup, condition for the payment of available funds under the prolonged financial assistance programme, not to mention an additional programme. The immediate consequence seems obvious: Greece would, deliberately or not, have to leave the Euro. But that is tremendously problematic, legally. Should grexit or graccident still occur – the regulatory power of monetary law is sometimes limited – this would produce an aftermath of legal proceedings and generate legal uncertainty for years to come, at least in Greece.
Continue reading >>The Autonomy Paradox
Daniel Halberstam’s “constitutional defense” of Opinion 2/13 is certainly thought-provoking, but it ultimately fails to convince. By taking on the seemingly impossible task of defending the indefensible, Daniel allows us to see more clearly what’s really wrong with the Court’s view. However, he mischaracterizes the Court’s many critics by alleging that “they rushed to embrace Strasbourg while forgetting about the constitutional dimension of EU governance along the way”. Criticism of Opinion 2/13 is grounded in more than amnesia about the distinctive character of EU constitutionalism. Rather, the true problem is precisely the Court’s interpretation of the EU’s constitutional order: it ignores the fact that accession is a constitutional requirement and engages in cherry-picking when it comes to the relationship between EU law and international law. To move accession forward, we need to unpack what I call the “autonomy paradox.”
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14 March 2015
It’s a stupid autonomy…
Risking further escalation of the rhetorical contest over a more catchy title, I would like to comment on Daniel Halberstam’s analysis of the ECJ’s Opinion 1/13 from a wider perspective. I would like to try to challenge the starting assumption which Daniel (and in fact also the commentators who were critical of the Opinion) makes – that the EU has a federal constitutional order, whose autonomy deserves the protection required by the ECJ. It is also because that no matter how much I find Daniel’s technical legal analysis insightful, I do not think the core issue concerns the doctrinal level.
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13 March 2015
EU Accession to the ECHR: What to Do Next
The Opinion is the latest manifestation of the historic tension in post-war Europe between federal and international law. This is important unfinished business. Nobody can be complacent about the opening up of a gap between the human rights regime of the Council of Europe and the fundamental rights regime of the European Union. A fall-out between the ECtHR at Strasbourg and the CJEU at Luxembourg is a bad thing for European rights protection.
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Opinion 2/13 and the ‘elephant in the room’: A response to Daniel Halberstam
Halberstam is right to highlight the CJEU’s focus on autonomy. But in so doing so we are missing something far more important. Human rights are here the elephant in the room. Accession to a human rights treaty should not be primarily about the autonomy of the EU legal order. It should be primarily about how best to protect human rights.
Continue reading >>Still a flawed decision
Nobody can tell whether the Court wanted to say “no unless” or simply “no”. The path to accession is very obscure after Opinion 2/13 – so much so that it is unclear if any accession agreement at all would withstand the Court’s scrutiny next time.
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12 March 2015
It’s about Human Rights, Stupid!
Prof. Halberstam’s assessment of the Opinion 2/13 is based on the premise that the EU’s constitutional order is, as he put it, a “deep federal-type structure”. This federalist approach to Opinion 2/13 (and the autonomy of EU law) appears to be influenced by US constitutional experience and thinking. It neglects some important features of Europe's multi-layered human rights protection system as well as the EU's own constitutional order.
Continue reading >>Autonomy now?! A brief response to Daniel Halberstam
I read Daniel Halberstam’s eloquent and erudite defence of Opinion 2/13 with great interest and I agree that (some of) the Court’s arguments can be rationally explained. What struck me about his piece, however, is that while it is centred on the concept of autonomy, he doesn’t seem to regard it necessary to provide us with a definition of it. In order to mount an effective defence of the Court’s position, it would have surely been a good starting point to defend the Court’s conception of autonomy as expressed in the Opinion.
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A Constitutional Defense of CJEU Opinion 2/13 on EU Accession to the ECHR (and the way forward)
The Court of Justice of the European Union has arrived! Gone are the days of hagiography, when in the eyes of the academy the Court could do no wrong. The judicial darling, if there is one today, is Strasbourg not Luxembourg. Only hours after Opinion 2/13 struck down the Draft Agreement on EU Accession to the European Convention on Human Rights, scholars condemned the opinion as “exceptionally poor.” Critical voices mounted ever since, leading to nothing short of widespread “outrage.” I disagree with the critics. In my legal analysis and constitutional reconstruction the Court’s concerns are mostly warranted. I also identify the changes that must be – and reasonably can be – made to move accession forward. Finally, and in a twist of irony, I show that one of the Court’s greatest concerns – mutual trust – goes to the very survival of the Union and demands not an exemption, but full accession.
Continue reading >>30 January 2015
At a crossroads: Russia and the ECHR in the aftermath of Markin
As part of Verfassungsblog’s topical focus on the prevailing tensions between international and national constitutional law, we go east and take a look at Russia and its unsteady relationship with the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR) – particularly the lately arisen tensions between the Russian Constitutional Court (CCR) and Strasbourg in the wake of the ECtHR’s decision in the Markin case. First, and in a more general manner, we briefly review the theories conceptualizing the relationship between domestic and international law, which traditionally go by the names of monism and dualism. In doing so, we do not miss the point that, as national constitutional practice in a variety of member states of the ECHR shows, conceptual clarity in terms of commitment to one or the other grand theory is often blurred, if not contradicted (I.). Clearly, Russia is no exception (II.). The Markin case marks a turning point in the relationship between the CCR and the ECtHR as Strasbourg, for the first time, overruled a decision of the CCR, which spurred a heated constitutional debate. The repercussions are yet to be seen (III.).
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24 January 2015
A Tale of Two States: Rule of Law in the Age of Terrorism
As a reaction to the recent terrorist attacks in France, several EU member states as well as the EU itself have announced significant anti-terrorism measures. To fear, which is the first result of terrorism, the state has to respond with the wisdom of a legislator, which should not act under the pressure of understandable emotional feelings. The State of Terror wants to spread chilling fear and make people feel alone and without protection by the State of Law. The State of Law should respond by educating its community to the values of legality, tolerance and solidarity. Its duty, in times of fear, is an ethical rather than a police one; it has to make the people leave their isolation and facilitate their social and political inclusion. This action requires concrete actions by political decision-makers.
Continue reading >>14 January 2015
Panel 7: General Remarks and Concluding Discussion
Photos and a video of the discussion.
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Panel 6: Educating Citizens – the Choice for Paternalism
Photos and a video of the discussion.
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Panel 5: Autonomy vs. Technocracy – Libertarian Paternalism revisited
Photos and a video of the discussion.
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Panel 4: Regulatory Democracy, Embedded Individualism
Photos and a video of the discussion.
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13 January 2015
Panel 3: Choice and Regulation in Financial Markets
Photos and a video of the discussion.
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Panel 2: Choice as Experience – Case Studies
Photos and a video of the discussion.
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Panel 1: Risk, Choice and Autonomy – Behavioral Economics and Choice Architectures
Photos and a video of the discussion.
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Choice Architecture in Democracies: Welcome
Welcome remarks by Mark Speich (Vodafone Stiftung Deutschland) and Christoph Möllers (HU Berlin, Verfassungsblog).
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Key Note Lecture: The Ethics of Choice Architecture
Cass Sunstein's key note lecture in the BBAW Leibniz Hall, Berlin 2015 Jan 12th.
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12 January 2015
Nudge and the European Union
Europe has largely been absent from the US-dominated debate surrounding the introduction of nudge-type interventions in policy-making. As the EU and its Member States are exploring the possibility of embracing nudging, it appears desirable to reframe such a debate so as to adapt it to the legal and political realities of the European Union.
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09 January 2015
Nudging and Uncertainty (Abstract)
In three respects, behaviorally informed governance faces much deeper uncertainty […]
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08 January 2015
Bounded Rationality and the Concept of Materiality in Securities Regulation – How rational is the “reasonable investor”? (Abstract)
The concept of materiality – in the EU known as […]
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Getting nudges right – interests, norms and the legitimacy of choice architecture
While the general approach of choice architecture of altering the […]
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Nudging as a Matter of Politics
Nudging is about effective solutions for social problems and a parallel case to other regulatory approaches. It fits into the tradition of rational policy-making. It requires a political decision on whether or not nudging should be chosen as an instrument to remedy the social costs entailed with risky behavior. And from a legal point of view it has to be reviewed whether the measure chosen is not a disproportionate loss of freedom for the individual. This requires balancing the interests. As nudging is a matter of politics we have to discuss it in the political arena.
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Information and Paternalism
Disclosure mandates are often considered to be the least paternalistic of all regulatory techniques. Indeed, information provision is believed to enhance both autonomy and efficiency by facilitating more informed decisionmaking. According to this traditional approach, disclosure regulation – a key instrument in the Nudge toolbox – is beyond reproach. Legitimacy concerns might be raised with respect to other Nudge-type interventions (specifically, the setting of default rules), but not disclosure. I propose a two-pronged challenge to this conventional wisdom.
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07 January 2015
Constitutional Limits to Paternalistic Nudging in Germany
Nudges with paternalistic aims pose special legal problems in liberal States. Surprisingly, the discussion on regulation-by-nudging has not focused on the constitutional limits to nudging. Although the property rights of firms potentially infringed by nudging measures are dealt with in the literature and by (international) courts (e.g. the tobacco cases), the potential infringement of the rights of those being nudged is neglected. But judges may at one point be confronted with a nudge regulation challenged by the individuals being nudged; and even before reaching a court, the legality of nudging should be scrutinised by legislators. I explore the legal limits of paternalistic nudging under the German Constitution, especially the right to freedom of action and self-determination under Art. 2 (1) German Basic Law.
Continue reading >>Educating Citizens: The Choice for Paternalism
Liberal political philosophy has two alternative options in principle: It can either stick to its original theorems such as the harm principle or the separation of law and morals and from here try to prove large parts of present social and political reality as wrong, illegitimate, dangerous etc. The other option is trying to adjust the original theorems to the apparent needs of modern societies, which is what I would prefer in the long run.
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On the justification and possibilities of soft paternalism
Three theses on the justification and moral problems of soft paternalism.
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06 January 2015
Soft state influence on family life – Irrelevant for the parents` fundamental rights?
The German basic law’s concept of constitutional liberties is difficult to reconcile with an idea of citizens who need to be told by the state what is better for them. Insofar as nudges and incentives affect fundamental rights, the government has to invoke public interests and cannot justify its measures on grounds of the assumed interests of the addressees.
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Nudging and human dignity
Cass Sunstein’s "Why Nudge?" presents a proposal for nudging as an alternative to traditional regulatory mandates and economic incentive-based regulation. I shall suggest that nudging creates considerable tensions with thick conceptions of human dignity.
Continue reading >>05 January 2015
Why not Nudge?
Now as ever, I agree with Cass Sunstein’s views on many matters. I above all agree that nudging is compatible with any defensible liberal idea of autonomy, and especially with the undeniable claim that nudges can often enhance autonomy in the empire of caveat emptor. Indeed, my concern is that libertarian paternalism is too libertarian, not too paternalistic.
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Constitutional limits to health-related nudging – a matter of balancing
Politically as well as from the point of view of constitutional law, I see neither good reasons to generally reject health-related nudging towards less self-damaging behavior, nor good reasons to issue a general clearance certificate on the grounds that nudging always leaves the addressee “at liberty”. The state is not prohibited from taking sides in matters of public health – neither generally, nor specifically insofar as self-damaging behavior of accountable persons is concerned. However, claiming that people who are just being nudged remain free to resist the nudge falls far short of the constitutional law problems that nudges can raise.
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The Ethics of Nudging
The last decade has seen a rapid growth of interest in choice-preserving, low-cost regulatory tools, sometimes termed "nudges." Especially in light of that interest, it is important to obtain an understanding of the nature and weight of the ethical concerns.
Continue reading >>04 January 2015
The Missing Link: Direct Effect, CETA/TIIP and Investor-State-Dispute Settlement
International treaties have rarely received more attention than the proposed free trade deals with the US and Canada. But in the CETA Draft Agreement, which the Commission regards as a template for free trade negotiations with the United States, we come across a final provision of seemingly minor relevance on ‘private rights’, which rejects the applicability of the agreement en passant. This reaffirms that the implications of the free trade deals would be less dramatic than some suggest.
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26 December 2014
CJEU Opinion 2/13 – Three Mitigating Circumstances
The academic response to CJEU Opinion 2/13 on EU accession to the European Convention on Human Rights can be characterised as a combination of shock, disbelief and protest. Indeed, the Opinion looks like total overkill, as the grounds for rejecting the draft accession agreement are so many and so diverse that they unavoidably give the impression of being primarily based on a defensive and territorial attitude of protecting the exclusive and superior nature of the CJEU’s own jurisdiction. That said, the critical discussion on Opinion 2/13 should include a search for rational explanations as to why the CJEU’s opinion is negative, even if in the extreme. What follows is a short reflection on three factors towards that kind of an approach, without any intention to defend the Opinion itself.
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24 December 2014
Opinion 2/13 on EU accession to the ECHR: a Christmas bombshell from the European Court of Justice
On 18 December 2014, the ECJ delivered its long awaited Opinion 2/13 on the compatibility with EU law of the draft agreement for EU accession to the ECHR. The ECJ concluded, to the great surprise of many, that the accession agreement is not compatible with EU law. Indeed it found so many obstacles with the agreement that it has now rendered accession very difficult, if not impossible.
Continue reading >>23 December 2014
Thou shalt have no other courts before me
Opinion 2/13 has already spurred outrage throughout the blogosphere. I concur with the statements published on this site: none of the Court’s arguments is compelling, some can be attributed to its exaggerated cautiousness, some, however, are utterly ill-founded. My contribution will focus on the ECJ’s statements under the caption ‘The specific characteristics and the autonomy of EU law’ (starting at marginal number 179) which I consider to be those with the most glaring blunders and misapprehensions.
Continue reading >>Let Not Triepel Triumph – How To Make the Best Out of Sentenza No. 238 of the Italian Constitutional Court for a Global Legal Order
The Italian Constiutional Court’s decision no. 238 of 22 Oct. 2014 (unofficial […]
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Acceding to the ECHR notwithstanding the Court of Justice Opinion 2/13
The Court’s Opinion on the accession of the EU to the European Convention on Human Rights may have shattered expectations. The revised accession agreement that was renegotiated by the EU and its Member States with the State Parties to the ECHR, after an initial rejection in the Council by the UK and France, has been dodged by the Court. Tobias Lock in his very fast and intelligent comment answered that question by stating that ‘[i]t is clear that the drafters of the DAA will have to return to the negotiating table’. I respectfully disagree.
Continue reading >>17 December 2014
The UK’s Potential Withdrawal from the European Convention on Human Rights – Just a Flash in the Pan or a Real Threat?
The ruling Conservative party of Prime Minister David Cameron published […]
Continue reading >>16 December 2014
The Backlash against International Courts
International courts seem to be living in hard times. The […]
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15 December 2014
Is there an Ethics of Nudging?
Is nudging – the act of pushing someone in a certain direction in his or her own interest – not just a matter of "could" but of "should"? Cass Sunstein, one of the protagonists of the nudging debate, spoke last week at a conference held by the Federal Department of Justice. The question of the legitimacy of nudging hardly mattered at that conference, though – a question that will be hopefully addressed more comprehensively at the Verfassungsblog Nudging conference in January.
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Damage-assessment on the building of international law after the Italian Constitutional Court’s decision no. 238 of 2014: no structural damage, just wear and tear.
This symposium invites reflections on the intercourse between national courts […]
Continue reading >>11 December 2014
No custom restricting state immunity for grave breaches ‒ well why not?
In a recent judgement (discussed here and here), the Italian […]
Continue reading >>08 December 2014
Of global cities and Gallic villages: tensions between constitutional and international law
The judgment by the Italian Constitutional Court of 22 October […]
Continue reading >>12 November 2014
EU Free Movement as a Legal Construction – not as Social Imagination
Monetary union demonstrates that some EU projects are realised without preparation for all eventualities. In the case of the euro, the financial crisis revealed lacunae in the field of economic and budgetary supervision, which the euro countries had to bridge through the introduction of new instruments. In the case of Union citizenship the legal gaps are less dramatic, but nonetheless visible – in particular with regard to access to social benefits for persons who do not work. It was these uncertainties that the European Court of Justice (ECJ) had to confront in the Dano judgment of last Tuesday. It opts for a surprisingly conventional solution, which abandons earlier attempts to conceive of Union citizenship as a projection sphere for political visions of a good life and just society.
Continue reading >>05 November 2014
Bicameralism and Political Legitimacy
To constitute a democratic order based on freedom and equality, the political system of a society needs to reflect its complexity. Processes of collective decision-making need to allow for the political expression of societal differentiation and diversity. Bicameralism is a crucial mechanism in this regard. Most basically, bicameralism means a diversification of political institutions. It establishes yet another layer of structural complexity within the legislative branch and the actual law-making procedure. It diffuses and decentres legislative power. Bicameral decision-making tends to articulate conflict rather than consensus. It allows for expressing certain aspects of political pluralism and disagreement. Although or maybe because bicameralism aims for legislation to be grounded in a more inclusive, comprehensive political consensus, bicameral decision-making tends to articulate conflict rather than accord. It therefore is of some intrinsic value and justification in societies that are internally heterogeneous and organized in politically self-governing sub-entities.
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03 November 2014
The Italian reform of bicameralism: is the time ripe?
Italy's unique "perfect bicameralism" has often been criticized for its inefficiency. The latest attempt to reform it, brought forward by Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, is still debated in parliament. The destiny of the Italian bicameralism and the resolution of the Italian oxymoron lies on the thin line of the agreement between the main political forces, which seems quite frail and uncertain at the moment.
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28 October 2014
Bicameralism: an antipodean perspective
As outposts of the British Empire, the various state parliaments of Australia, and New Zealand as a whole, inherited the Westminster system of government with an elected lower house, in which government is formed, and an unelected house of review. In little under two hundred years, these parliaments have undergone a range of reforms, including democratisation of their upper houses. Two jurisdictions, however, took bolder steps: the Australian state of Queensland, and New Zealand, both demolished their upper houses entirely – with mixed results, at best.
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23 October 2014
The Belgian Senate: little damage, little use
The Belgian Senate has just emerged from a major State reform which has significantly reduced its competences. The absence of a federal political culture and the presence of a very strong party system make it hard for the Second Chamber to find a proper role in the political system of Belgium.
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22 October 2014
Two Faces of German Bicameralism
In times of small coalitions the face of bicameralism in Germany oftentimes expresses conflict and stalemate. On the other hand, there is the very different face of bicameralism in times of grand coalitions. These two alternating faces of German bicameralism result from a particular historical decision on constitutional design.
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16 October 2014
Ireland’s Senate: An Introduction
When the current Government proposed its abolition in a referendum in 2013, perhaps the most notable feature of the debate was the consensus on all sides that there is little, if any, justification for the retention of the Seanad in its current form. In a result that contradicted pre-referendum opinion polls, voters rejected the proposed abolition. Given the widespread agreement during the campaign about the inadequacy of the current institution, attention naturally turned to the question of how the Seanad might be reformed.
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13 October 2014
The UK House of Lords
The UK does not have a supreme court with power to strike down laws that are contrary to the constitution, human rights and so on. Instead the system relies heavily on intra-parliamentary mechanisms, operating in the House of Lords. While the current unelected composition of the Lords is controversial and difficult to justify rationally, it is widely agreed across the political spectrum that the Chamber discharges its functions in legislative scrutiny and examination of public polices well.
Continue reading >>12 October 2014
The Canadian Senate and the (Im)Possibilities of Reform
The framers of Canada’s Constitution had a vision for the Senate as a complementary, deliberative body bringing regional perspectives to national issues and genuine powers of oversight and sober second thought. It is widely agreed, though, that the Senate’s constitutional configuration stains Canada’s public institutions. The Senate needs change, but the impulse to reform is stifled by the reluctance of officials to open the constitutional amending formula.
Continue reading >>Bicameralism and its Discontents
Parliamentary second chambers are a common, yet peculiar feature of constitutions worldwide. Their diversity of design and the assorted roles they play in majoritarian democracies are reason enough for a comparative analysis, but there is more: Bicameralism – and its discontents – is in the air. Countries within and outside of Europe have recently made attempts to reform or abolish their respective upper houses. We have asked distinguished scholars from all of these nations to provide us with accounts of the debates in their countries.
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17 September 2014
Scotland and the EU: Eleventh hour thoughts on a contested subject
Is the ‘spectre of disintegration’ haunting Europe? Joseph Weiler fears that it is, and that, were an independent Scotland to be admitted as an EU state, this would lead to a domino effect whereby others would demand independence within the EU – testimony of an atavistic, retrogressive mentality, and adverse to the EU’s raison d’etre. This is a strongly put view, and not all will agree with it. Nonetheless, most of the papers in this highly stimulating symposium address, albeit in very different ways, the concern that lies at the base of Weiler’s argument – namely, the character of the EU, the nature of its values, its very reason for being. They also address the more workaday, but nonetheless critical, legal and practical issues that an independent Scotland’s membership pose.
Continue reading >>15 September 2014
Scotland and the EU: Comment by CHRISTOPHE HILLION
Like many participants in this stimulating symposium, I am in agreement with several of Sionaidh Douglas-Scott’s contentions. But like some others, I am less persuaded by one of her conclusions: namely, that a treaty revision based on Article 48 TEU would suffice to codify an independent Scotland’s membership in the EU. While admittedly unprecedented, such a situation could not in itself warrant a complete disregard of EU membership rules, eg Article 49 TEU. As part of ‘the particular constitution and rules of the EU’, they should instead be applied, given their specific function in the treaties, albeit in a ‘pragmatic and purposive fashion’ in consideration of the existing and future ties between Scotland and the EU.
Continue reading >>12 September 2014
Scotland and the EU: Comment by CARLOS CLOSA
No one disagrees that an independent Scotland qualifies for EU membership and that it would no doubt become an EU member state. Why then is there so much normative argument around “seamless transition”? It may or may not happen and, should it come it pass, I believe that it may be a good thing, albeit that I fail to see a “normative” case which supports it. Why should third parties guarantee to a self-determining self that its constitutive decision will be costless regardless of any other consideration? This would deprive citizenship of an essential responsibility for decisions taken which I consider indispensable to democracy.
Continue reading >>11 September 2014
Scotland and the EU: Comment by NEIL WALKER
The presence of the EU both offers a spur to new projects of national sovereignty but also, and in my view more emphatically, it supplies a set of considerations which makes the project of new statehood less pressing, less consequential, and provided we can trust in continuing UK membership of a continuing EU (both of which statuses, of course, need careful attention) less relevant and ultimately unnecessary.
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10 September 2014
Scotland and the EU: Comment by STEPHEN TIERNEY
I agree with Sionaidh that the accession of an independent Scotland to the European Union is not in any serious doubt. I develop this point in a paper written with Katie Boyle here. In this blog I argue that although accession will no doubt take time, there is unlikely to be any period within which Scotland is effectively cast out of the EU. More speculatively I would like to ask whether there might in fact a duty on the part of the EU to negotiate Scotland’s membership, and whether the Secession Reference to the Supreme Court of Canada may provide an interesting analogy supportive of this argument.
Continue reading >>Scotland in the EU: Comment by DIMITRY KOCHENOV
the Union cannot be possibly expected to throw its weight behind ensuring that there is no choice for the nations seeking independence within Europe – it is not the Union’s realm. The contrary would amount to turning the EU into an instrument of blackmail of the emerging states by the existing state entities which is radically deprived of any purpose and is in strong contradiction with the values of democracy and the rule of law which the Union espouses.
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Scotland and the EU: Comment by BRUNO DE WITTE
Whereas the Article 48 route has major advantages over the Article 49 route, and would be feasible – in my view at least – as a matter of legal principle, it would create many complications all the same, both for the Scots and for the rest of Europe.
Continue reading >>09 September 2014
Scotland and the EU: Comment by MICHAEL KEATING
To suggest that a nation that has followed the Scottish route should not be allowed into the European family while others with more dubious pedigrees are, would violate basic democratic principles. Effectively, Scotland would be expelled from the union for exercising a widely-recognized democratic right.
Continue reading >>Scotland and the EU: Comment by KALYPSO NICOLAIDIS
With the Treaty of Lisbon, the EU formalised and entrenched a right of exit (article 50) which is at the heart of its nature as a polity: the peoples of Europe have come together and will remain together by choice, not under duress. In the same way as the exit clause proclaims loudly and clearly that EU member states and their citizens remain in the EU by choice, leaving the EU should be a collective choice too. It should not be a choice inferred from another choice, that of one part of a country to leave the whole.
Continue reading >>Scotland and the EU: Comment by PIET EECKHOUT
Constitutional, doctrinal and practical reasons why the EU has to negotiate after a Yes referendum.
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08 September 2014
Scotland and the EU: Comment by JO MURKENS
Sionaidh Douglas-Scott’s reliance on Article 48 is far from persuasive on technical legal grounds (is it the correct legal basis to accommodate a new Member State?) as well as for strategic reasons (the negotiation process may well be dominated by the UK’s negotiating team pursuing its own agenda). But even if an independent Scotland’s continued membership in the EU were ‘smooth and straightforward’, Douglas-Scott provides no answer to the question as to what kind of member an independent Scotland would be.
Continue reading >>Scotland and the EU: a Comment by JOSEPH H.H. WEILER
It would be hugely ironic if the prospect of Membership in the Union ended up providing an incentive for an ethos of political disintegration. In seeking separation Scotland would be betraying the very ideals of solidarity and human integration for which Europe stands.
Continue reading >>Why the EU should welcome an independent Scotland
The comments below focus on the importance of an EU perspective on an independent Scotland’s EU membership, highlighting the EU as a distinctive, sui generis and new type of legal organisation. They argue that a strong case can be made for Scotland’s continued EU membership on the basis of EU law itself.
Continue reading >>05 September 2014
Will an independent Scotland stay in the EU?
In less than two weeks we will know whether or not Scotland will remain part of the UK. In the polls, the No camp still leads, but just by a slight and shrinking margin. It might actually happen what has never happened before: One EU member state becomes two. Or, will they?
Continue reading >>27 August 2014
“Nudging” arrives in Germany
Obama did it, Cameron too, and now Germany seems determined […]
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30 July 2014
Five Years of Verfassungsblogging
Five years ago this blog first saw the light of day.
Continue reading >>30 June 2014
A Double Plea for International Opening and More Strongly Interlinked Multidisciplinarity
The German Council of Sciences and Humanities calls for an […]
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A Commentary on Commentaries: The Wissenschaftsrat on Legal Commentaries and Beyond
‘In the beginning was the word, the commentary followed swiftly…’ This wisecrack applies to many academic disciplines and it certainly applies to German legal academia. There are great many commentaries. As the Wissenschaftsrat very closely observed the practices of German legal academia, it also inquired into the genre of commentaries. What was there to say?
Continue reading >>16 June 2014
Farewell, Verfassungsblog
Today marks the end of my time as academic coordinator […]
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29 May 2014
The Solitude of European Law Made in Germany
European law scholars abroad rarely take notice of contributions in German. But German law scholars also tend to ignore debates in English. This disconnect hampers the effectiveness of both domestic and transnational discussions about the benefits and pitfalls of European Union law. Participants in these debates should reflect about linguistic choices and their implications for our legal culture(s).
Continue reading >>08 May 2014
„A Critical View on Investment Protection in TTIP“ – or not?
This article is available only in German.
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06 May 2014
A (hopefully) clearer layout for Verfassungsblog
Every website needs an overhaul from time to time. So […]
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04 May 2014
Fünf Fragen zur Europawahl und zum “Spitzenkandidaten”-Prozess: Antworten von MATEJ AVBELJ
Ein Blick aus Slowenien: Matej Avbelj über den "Spitzenkandidatur"-Prozess und die Legitimation der künftigen EU-Kommission.
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Five Questions on the EP Elections and the “Spitzenkandidat” Process: Answers by MATEJ AVBELJ
A view from Slovenia: Matej Avbelj on the "Spitzenkandidat" process and its possible implications for the legitimacy of the EU commission.
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30 April 2014
Fünf Fragen zur Europawahl und zum “Spitzenkandidaten”-Prozess: Antworten von PASQUALE PASQUINO
Fünf sehr kurze Antworten des New Yorker Verfassungstheoretikers Pasquale Pasquino auf unsere fünf Fragen zum Vorhaben der europäischen Parteien, Spitzenkandidaten für das Amt des Kommissionspräsidenten zu nominieren.Five very brief answers by Pasquale Pasquino, political scientist from New York, to our five questions on the "Spitzenkandidat" process.
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Five Questions on the EP elections and the “Spitzenkandidat” process: Answers by PASQUALE PASQUINO
Five very brief answers by Pasquale Pasquino, political scientist from New York, to our five questions on the "Spitzenkandidat" process.
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29 April 2014
Five Questions on the EP Elections and the “Spitzenkandidat” Process: Answers by MARCO DANI
For the upcoming European elections, most European parties have nominated candidates for President of the EU Commission. In the Brussels jargon, this issue is called the „Spitzenkandidat process“. How German is this idea? Can it bestow more democratic legitimacy on the European law-making process? How will it affect the power balance in the EU with respect to the member states? We have asked these and other questions to a number of experts. The first to answer was Marco Dani from University of Trento.
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Fünf Fragen zur Europawahl und zum “Spitzenkandidaten”-Prozess: Antworten von MARCO DANI
Für die kommenden Europawahlen haben die meisten Parteien europäische Spitzenkandidaten nominiert, die im Fall ihres Wahlsiegs EU-Kommissionspräsident werden sollen. Wie deutsch ist diese Idee? Kann sie der europäischen Gesetzgebung mehr demokratische Legitimation verleihen? Wird sie die Machtbalance in der EU in Bezug auf die Mitgliedstaaten verändern? Diese und andere Fragen haben wir einer Reihe von Experten gestellt. Marco Dani von der Universität Trient war der erste, der geantwortet hat.
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27 April 2014
“The Principle of Public Trial belongs to a Democratic Justice”
This article is availble only in German.
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22 April 2014
Limiting Arbitration – Protecting Democracy?
This article is available only in German.
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17 April 2014
Investor-state dispute settlement – Pulling the chain tighter
Since the 1970s, almost any bilateral and regional investment treaty has provided for investor-state dispute settlement (“ISDS”). Based on these agreements, foreign investors can commence international arbitration against their host states, claiming administrative, regulatory, or judicial measures are in violation of substantive investment protection standards. At a global level rising numbers of investor-state disputes and newly signed investment agreements suggest the continuous importance and attractiveness of this dispute settlement mechanism. Yet, we also see contestations. A few countries did not renew or even terminated existing investment instruments. Others have withdrawn from the ICSID-Convention. What does this mean for the European Union? Simply carrying on appears no sustainable option anymore. Since the 1970s, almost any bilateral and regional investment treaty has provided for investor-state dispute settlement (“ISDS”). Based on these agreements, foreign investors can commence international arbitration against their host states, claiming administrative, regulatory, or judicial measures are in violation of substantive investment protection standards. At a global level rising numbers of investor-state disputes and newly signed investment agreements suggest the continuous importance and attractiveness of this dispute settlement mechanism. Yet, we also see contestations. A few countries did not renew or even terminated existing investment instruments. Others have withdrawn from the ICSID-Convention. What does this mean for the European Union? Simply carrying on appears no sustainable option anymore.
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16 April 2014
The TTIP Negotiating Position of the EU Commission – a Convincing Reform Approach with some Weak Details
This article is available only in German.
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14 April 2014
The Animal Turn – what is it and why now?
After the linguistic turn and the iconic turn, we have been witnessing an animal turn in the social sciences and the humanities. What do we mean by animal turn? We mean an increasing scholarly interest in animals, in the relationships between humans and other animals, and in the role and status of animals in (human) society. The animal turn is an academic focus on animals in new terms and under new premises.After the linguistic turn and the iconic turn, we have been witnessing an animal turn in the social sciences and the humanities. What do we mean by animal turn? We mean an increasing scholarly interest in animals, in the relationships between humans and other animals, and in the role and status of animals in (human) society. The animal turn is an academic focus on animals in new terms and under new premises.
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The Animal Turn – what is it and why now?
After the linguistic turn and the iconic turn, we have been witnessing an animal turn in the social sciences and the humanities. What do we mean by animal turn? We mean an increasing scholarly interest in animals, in the relationships between humans and other animals, and in the role and status of animals in (human) society. The animal turn is an academic focus on animals in new terms and under new premises.After the linguistic turn and the iconic turn, we have been witnessing an animal turn in the social sciences and the humanities. What do we mean by animal turn? We mean an increasing scholarly interest in animals, in the relationships between humans and other animals, and in the role and status of animals in (human) society. The animal turn is an academic focus on animals in new terms and under new premises.
Continue reading >>12 April 2014
“The Eurozone Crisis”: Reply by the Authors
Our book on Eurozone Crisis has been reviewed and commented […]
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In Defence of “Good Intergovernmentalism”
Kaarlo Tuori’s and Klaus Tuori’s account of the the Eurozone […]
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EU Law Scholarship in Crisis: A Quest for Consistent Theory and Workable Doctrine
The spectacular events that shook the European Economic and Monetary […]
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EU Law Scholarship in Crisis: A Quest for Consistent Theory and Workable Doctrine
The spectacular events that shook the European Economic and Monetary […]
Continue reading >>The Eurozone Crisis: Some reflections on economic sustainability and the issue of legitimacy
The Eurozone Crisis: A Constitutional Analysis by Kaarlo and Klaus […]
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The Eurozone Crisis: Some reflections on economic sustainability and the issue of legitimacy
The Eurozone Crisis: A Constitutional Analysis by Kaarlo and Klaus […]
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Where the Law Ends
“Die Wirtschaft ist das Schicksal” (the economy is our destiny) […]
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Where the Law Ends
“Die Wirtschaft ist das Schicksal” (the economy is our destiny) […]
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“The Eurozone Crisis”: Introduction by the Authors
Our book on the Eurozone crisis is built on two […]
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“The Eurozone Crisis”: Introduction by the Authors
Our book on the Eurozone crisis is built on two […]
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“The Eurozone Crisis” – A Book Debate
Kaarlo Tuori, Klaus Tuori. The Eurozone Crisis. A Constitutional Analysis. […]
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“The Eurozone Crisis” – A Book Debate
Kaarlo Tuori, Klaus Tuori. The Eurozone Crisis. A Constitutional Analysis. […]
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28 February 2014
Translating Ideas
Picking up some of the threads of the current debate […]
Continue reading >>26 February 2014
Poor Prospects for Internationalization: Germans and Americans in Law Faculties Jenseits des Atlantiks
Introduction For all the noise it makes about internationalizing German […]
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25 February 2014
Wissenschaftsrat in Wonderland
Had the German Wissenschaftsrat hired an advertising agency to extol […]
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24 February 2014
Expanding the Legal Curriculum: Rethinking the Teaching of Law
What is striking to an outsider about the focus of […]
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23 February 2014
Courage to be wrong, or education to get it right? A response to Michaela Hailbronner
Michaela Hailbronner makes important arguments in her informed and carefully […]
Continue reading >>22 February 2014
On the courage to be wrong
The debate on the Wissenschaftsrat-Report has quickly turned into one […]
Continue reading >>Free Trade in Legal Scholarship?
I want to decline Rob Howse’s invitation to talk about […]
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21 February 2014
Beyond curricular design: why internationalisation matters in legal education
A few years ago, a New York Times editorial declared: […]
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20 February 2014
Residual Anxieties – A Reply to Ralf Michaels
Ralf Michaels describes me as having “taken offense” to his […]
Continue reading >>Culture, Institutions, and Comparison of Legal Education and Scholarship—A Response to Rob Howse
In a post on verfassungsblog.de I compare two reports on […]
Continue reading >>A Comment on the Use of Foreign Professors in the German Council of Science and Humanities Report
The main issue I wish to focus on in this […]
Continue reading >>19 February 2014
Will Germany always really best the US (and the world) in doctrinal legal scholarship?
Germany's Science Council (Wissenschaftsrat) has issued a report on the state of legal scholarship in the country. At first glance it is fairly interesting as an overview of the strengths and weaknesses of the discipline. The report has attracted, however, a rather unusual response at Verfassungsblog from a professor at Duke, Ralf Michaels, who seems to hold to theories of cultural determinism in legal education. According to Michaels, "German doctrinal scholarship will always be superior to that of other countries,.." Always? I am not sure what to make of this.Germany's Science Council (Wissenschaftsrat) has issued a report on the state of legal scholarship in the country. At first glance it is fairly interesting as an overview of the strengths and weaknesses of the discipline. The report has attracted, however, a rather unusual response at Verfassungsblog from a professor at Duke, Ralf Michaels, who seems to hold to theories of cultural determinism in legal education. According to Michaels, "German doctrinal scholarship will always be superior to that of other countries,.." Always? I am not sure what to make of this.
Continue reading >>“Law as the Study of Norms” – Foundational Subjects and Interdisciplinarity in Germany and the United States
The German Council of Science and Humanities’ report on “Prospects […]
Continue reading >>18 February 2014
Prospects of Legal Scholarship: a symposium
this is Structural changes in the law present challenges to […]
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08 February 2014
A Spring in the Desert
Among domestic commentators, the initial response was amazement: the reference by the German Constitutional Court was perceived as a sensation and turning point. My reaction is more moderate. Judges in Karlsruhe recognise their limits and try to push the ECJ in their direction.
Continue reading >>18 December 2013
“We don’t export our law to other countries – that would be hubris”
Mr. Weissmann, you were the General Counsel of the Federal […]
Continue reading >>11 December 2013
Dismantle the University! The state of exception and neoliberal visions under Greek debt peonage
In the fall of 2013, Greek universities are on the verge of a terminal collapse. As the production of critical academic discourse and opposition to the neoliberal orthodoxies and the prevailing policies in Greece continues unabated, it is little wonder that a predominantly conservative, rightwing government would seize the opportunity of the debt crisis and the obligations to Greece’s lenders to give vent to its long-felt resentment and to teach the disobedient universities a disciplinary lesson.
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08 December 2013
How to turn Article 2 TEU into a down-to-Earth provision?
Coming from such an established voice advocating the protection of rule of law at the national level, Kim Scheppele’s proposal definitely enjoys sufficient legitimacy to be taken very seriously. In what follows, I look at the “problem” of democracy (1.), the “problem” with bundling infringements (2.), the problem of determining the meaning of “values” (3.), and the problem with penalties (4.). I conclude that two problems are fictitious but two others are real.
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06 December 2013
The Inherent Limits of Law – the Case of Slovenia
Can the values and objectives of the European Union really (or even at all) be systematically protected and ensured, not just on books but in practice, by legal means, and in particular by courts, let alone the supranational ones? I believe the answer is no.
Continue reading >>05 December 2013
Systemic infringement action: an effective solution or rather part of the problem?
Kim Lane Scheppele suggests a comprehensive, holistic approach to deal with prominent challenges to the basic principles of the European Union. I very much sympathize with this idea, but believe a purely legal approach in itself is not sufficient (and might even be counter-productive).
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28 November 2013
Systemic infringement action: mind the particulars – and go for the big picture
While I agree with Kim Scheppelle’s "systemic infringement action" proposal, I am not so sure that it can be accomplished under the existing legal authority. Or better put, the prevailing understanding of what EU Treaties allow the Commission to do requires a much deeper transformation of the Commission’s role than Scheppelle suggests.
Continue reading >>22 November 2013
EU Commission v. Hungary: The Case for the “Systemic Infringement Action”
What can the European Union – and in particular the European Commission – do about Member States that no longer reliably play by the most fundamental European rules? The question is now urgent because several Member States are already posing such challenges. Treaty reform could give the Commission new powers. But can the Commission act without waiting for the long and arduous process of treaty reform to provide new tools? Kim Lane Scheppele proposes a new approach, a simple extension of an existing mechanism: the infringement action.
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15 November 2013
Must Germany protect the refugee Edward Snowden?
Asyl für Edward Snowden in Deutschland? Der Bundesinnenminister hält es für ausgeschlossen. Doch ist es tatsächlich unmöglich, Snowden Schutz zu gewähren? Bei genauer Lektüre des Gesetzes muss die Antwort differenzierter ausfallen.
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04 November 2013
A whistle blowin’ in the wind? Why indifference towards mass surveillance will make a difference
“One of the most disturbing aspects of the public response to Edward Snowden’s revelations about the scale of governmental surveillance is how little public disquiet there appears to be about it.“ But why should we care when most likely the majority of us will never even notice that their data are being stored and can easily be accessed by State authorities? To put it simply: because it is against the law.
Continue reading >>31 October 2013
Bans of Political Parties and the Case of Golden Dawn’s Right Wing Extremism in Greece
Prosecution is pending in Greece against the Right Wing extremist party “Golden Dawn”. The accusations concern the criminal activity of the organization which is also a political party represented in Greek Parliament by 18 members. The accusation of having committed criminal acts is enough from the point of view of political liberalism for the criminal process to begin against them. Criminal prosecution for the accusation of acts and not only ideological discourse is justified and imposed under political liberalism since such acts directly harm others.
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“There is no explicit rule that prohibits espionage. But that doesn’t mean it’s allowed.”
Is it against international law to spy on mobile phone […]
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30 October 2013
“Some Amount of Hypocrisy in the German Alarm”
Russell Miller, a leading expert on German constitutional law in the USA, explains the American perspective on the NSA affair - why Americans don't see it as a legal problem or even as a problem at all, and why the German alarm one month after the Constitutional Court declared the surveillance of members of the Bundestag by the German internal intelligence service unconstitutional appears somewhat hypocritical to American eyes.
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29 October 2013
“Nine Eleven has caused a shift in the American legal awareness”
Dieter Grimm is in South Africa at the moment. We could send him a couple of questions, though: about the NSA affair and its consequences, the American understanding of constitutional protection and the many small steps we will have to take to achieve a global rule-based order.
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30 September 2013
Avoiding an Odyssey – The EU’s Accession to the ECHR
Since 4 July 2013 the draft agreement for the EU’s accession to the ECHR has been under scrutiny by the ECJ. In this context, Daniel Thym opened up a debate, concerning whether the EU’s accession to the ECHR might be a “Trojan Horse” within the walls of EU law endangering its primacy. Marten Breuer rejected this insinuation: There is no “Donum Danaorum”. While I share Breuer’s result wholeheartedly, my line of reasoning differs, at least partly.
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27 September 2013
Can the Election make the Law Unconstitutional?
If it were the case that last Sunday the five procent threshold had turned unconstitutional - what exactly has caused this unconstitutionality over night? Can an election make the electoral law unconstitutional? Sophie-Charlotte Lenski suggests to flexibilize the threshold: If the number of discounted votes exceeds a certain quorum the five percent threshold turns into a three percent threshold.
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In Praise of the Five-Percent Hurdle
The five percent hurdle is far from having lost its justification. It structures and channels the later parliamentary decision-making process. But that means that as a countermove the public discussion must be all the more free, open and varied in the pre-parliament space. The five-percent hurdle loses its democratic legitimacy if enjoined to also perform the role of thought-police of the public space.
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16 September 2013
No Donum Danaorum! A reply to Daniel Thym’s “A Trojan Horse?”
Does the draft agreement on the accession of the EU to the ECHR challenge the primacy of EU Law? Marten Breuer, unlike his colleague from Konstanz Daniel Thym, does not think so.
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11 September 2013
A Trojan Horse? Challenges to the Primacy of EU Law in the Draft Agreement on Accession to the ECHR
The negotiations for a draft agreement on the accession of the EU to the ECHR was quite successful – and yet the draft provokes a couple of questions, bringing us back to the original challenges to the primacy of Union law, which the CJEU has always been eager to deter. It might do so again: just before the summer recess, the European Commission referred the matter to the CJEU in Luxembourg, in Opinion 2/13 whether the Draft Accession Agreement falls foul of the EU Treaties.
Continue reading >>08 July 2013
Remembering Eric Stein
Today is the 100th birthday of Eric Stein (1913-2011), and […]
Continue reading >>05 July 2013
In Praise of the Tavares Report: Europe finally said No to Viktor Orbán
The Tavares Report, adopted by the European Parliament with a surprisingly large majority, provides a bill of particulars against the Hungarian government and lays out a strong program to guide European Union institutions in bringing Hungary back into the European fold. With the passage of this report, Europe has finally said no to Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his constitutional revolution.
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23 June 2013
The Idea of Democracy Protection in the EU Revisited
Im Umgang mit Mitgliedsstaaten, in denen Demokratie und Rechtsstaatlichkeit ins Rutschen kommen, zeigen sich EU-Kommission und EU-Parlament weniger hilflos und unentschlossen, als manche befürchtet hatten. Doch reicht solch punktueller Druck aus? Jan-Werner Müller berichtet über die jüngsten Entwicklungen in Brüssel und antwortet zum Abschluss des Verfassungsblogs-Symposiums "Ungarn - was tun?" auf die Kritiker seines Vorschlags, als unabhängige Instanz eine "Kopenhagen-Kommission" einzurichten.
Continue reading >>13 June 2013
The EU in its most serious crisis ever (and that’s not the Euro crisis)
Following the recent fascinating exchange in the ‘pages’ of the […]
Continue reading >>13 May 2013
The Crisis of Democracy in Hungary and Romania – Learning from Weimar?
Hungary’s political development under the Orbán government is by now […]
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12 May 2013
Discourse Theory and International Law: An Interview with Jürgen Habermas
AvB: Dear Professor Habermas, we have had four days of […]
Continue reading >>08 May 2013
The Hungarian Dilemma from a Pluralist Perspective
The constitutional and political developments in Hungary in the last […]
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08 April 2013
The Sense and Nonsense of a Copenhagen Commission
1. Failings The political actors themselves admit that it was […]
Continue reading >>07 April 2013
Opening the enforcement of EU fundamental values to European citizens
Over the last two years, the adoption, implementation and, more […]
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31 March 2013
“The Have-Nots Will Decide That It’s Not Worth Belonging”
Hamburg, March 23th, 2013. The opening of the „Internationale Bauausstellung“ […]
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27 March 2013
Supremacy of the EU Charter in National Courts in Purely Domestic Cases
The European Union is not just a community based on […]
Continue reading >>25 March 2013
The EU Is More Than A Constraint On Populist Democracy
Jan-Werner Müller’s eloquent proposal on what the EU should do […]
Continue reading >>22 March 2013
Less Constraint of Popular Democracy, More Empowerment of Citizens
While I share Müller’s concern about the situation in Hungary […]
Continue reading >>21 March 2013
“What” versus “Who”: Europe’s Rule of Law Agenda Revisited
As we all know, observance of the “Rule of Law” […]
Continue reading >>13 March 2013
Protecting Democracy and the Rule of Law inside the EU, or: Why Europe Needs a Copenhagen Commission
Could there be a dictatorship inside the European Union? If […]
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Hungary: Taking Action
The Hungarian Parliament has enacted a package of constitutional amendments […]
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13 February 2013
“The traditional one-size-fits-all approach to European integration is obsolete”
When you think of Europe ten years from now – […]
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25 January 2013
“Most People See That The UK Is A Lot Better Off Within The EU”
Do you think the EU and the United Kingdom will […]
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23 December 2012
Merry Christmas And See You Next Year!
We thank all readers for your attention in this eventful […]
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31 October 2012
Racial Profiling is unconstitutional
It can be debated, whether it merely constitutes an act […]
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30 September 2012
Why the Circumcision Judgment looks so weird to American Eyes
The Cologne Landgericht decision proclaiming religious circumcision to be a […]
Continue reading >>18 August 2012
Naked Law, Lost Traditions. A Comment on Reut Paz and Legal Pluralism
Some days ago, Reut Yael Paz published a critical comment […]
Continue reading >>24 July 2012
The Cologne Circumcision Judgment: A Blow Against Liberal Legal Pluralism
In his preface to Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the […]
Continue reading >>01 July 2012
German court rules child’s religious circumcision can be a criminal offence – Decision and Analysis in English
In these last few days, I have repeatedly been asked […]
Continue reading >>17 April 2012
Rescue Package for Fundamental Rights: Comments by MICHAELA HAILBRONNER
The Heidelberg proposal, with its suggestion of the adoption of […]
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03 April 2012
Rescue Package for Fundamental Rights: Further Comments by DANIEL HALBERSTAM
Peter Lindseth’s post directed at my own intervention on the […]
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22 March 2012
Rescue Package For Fundamental Rights: Comments by ANTJE WIENER
While “safety umbrella” (German: “Rettungsschirm”) is perhaps not the word […]
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01 March 2012
Rescue Package for Fundamental Rights: Comments by MATTIAS KUMM
Hungarian Premier Victor Orban and his ruling party Fidesz, after […]
Continue reading >>28 February 2012
Rescue Package for Fundamental Rights: Further Comments from PETER LINDSETH
It is a tribute to the thoughtfulness of the Heidelberg […]
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27 February 2012
Rescue Package for Fundamental Rights: Comments by RENATA UITZ
In order to full appreciate the Heidelberg proposal, I believe […]
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Rescue Package for Fundamental Rights: Comments by DIMITRY KOCHENOV
Armin von Bogdandy and his team have come up with […]
Continue reading >>24 February 2012
Rescue Package for Fundamental Rights: Comments by WOJCIECH SADURSKI
The Hungarian debacle is both a challenge and an opportunity […]
Continue reading >>23 February 2012
Rescue Package for Fundamental Rights: Comments by DANIEL THYM
The parallels between the emergency rescue operations for the Euro […]
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22 February 2012
Rescue Package for Fundamental Rights: Comments by DANIEL HALBERSTAM
I welcome the Heidelberg proposal! Several years ago – long […]
Continue reading >>18 February 2012
Rescue Package for Fundamental Rights: Comments by PETER LINDSETH
I’d like to thank Alexandra, Max, and Christoph for inviting […]
Continue reading >>15 February 2012
Rescue Package For Fundamental Rights: Comments by ANNA KATHARINA MANGOLD
In their post on Verfassungsblog, the Heidelberg research team around […]
Continue reading >>Rescue Package For Fundamental Rights: Comments by PÁL SONNEVEND
The European Union could not be imagined without respect for […]
Continue reading >>A Rescue Package for EU Fundamental Rights – Illustrated with Reference to the Example of Media Freedom
By ARMIN VON BOGDANDY, MATTHIAS KOTTMANN, CARLINO ANTPÖHLER, JOHANNA DICKSCHEN, […]
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A Rescue Package For Fundamental Rights: An Online Symposium on Verfassungsblog
The constitution of the European Union depends on the fundamental […]
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13 December 2011
Our new “Fiscal Union”: What Is It All About?
Last week’s EU summit has sent a shock wave through […]
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